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Vol.11. The Nootka. The Haida.{view image of page i} The North American Indian {view image of page ii} tEftd aetitfan i l imitft to Sibe 3unFtreXf Actt of tWhft tftM (i {view image of Frontispiece} A Nootka belle [photogravure plate] {view image of page iii} THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN BEING A SERIES OF VOLUMES PICTURING AND DESCRIBING THE INDIANS OF THE UNITED STATES, THE DOMINION OF CANADA, AND ALASKA WRITTEN, ILLUSTRATED, AND PUBLISHED BYEDWARD S. CURTIS EDITED BY FREDERICK WEBB HODGE FOREWORD BY THEODORE ROOSEVELT FIELD RESEARCH CONDUCTED UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF J. PIERPONT MORGAN IN TWENTY VOLUMES THIS, THE ELEVENTH VOLUME, PUBLISHED IN THE YEAR NINETEEN HUNDRED AND SIXTEEN {view image of page iv} 1estern UI1 MAY 15 1924 1 -V ) 7, I I COPYRIGHT 1916 BY EDWARD S. CURTIS THE -PLIMPTON -PRESS NORWOOD -MASS -U S *A {view image of page v} Contents of Volume Eleven PAGE ALPHABET USED IN RECORDING INDIAN TERMS. Vi ILLUSTRATIONS.......... vii INTRODUCTION....... xi THE NOOTKA..... 3 General Description.. 3 Warfare..... 53 Sociology.... 62 The Winter Ceremony. 68 Mythology..... 94 Origin of the Wolf Dance...94 The Fisherman and the Bear. 99 A Youth Obtains Whaling Power.... I03 The Supernatural Experiences of Yahlua.. Io4 The Whaler Who Killed His Brother.. I08 Why Wolves Do Not Eat the Stomach of a Deer IIo THE HAIDA........115 Mythology....... 48 The Transformer Myth.... 48 Daylight Allows Himself to Be Born... 55 Those Who Wore Dancing Hats in the Water in a Canoe..... 58 A Lazy Youth Who Obtained Supernatural Power........ 6 Little-Finger Supernatural Power... 162 The Youth Who Married a Goose... I68 Legendary Wars between the Western and the Southern Haida.... 172 {view image of page vi} vi CONTENTS APPENDIX TRIBAL SUMMARY The Nootka. Nootka Tribes Makah Names for Indian Tribes. Traditions of the Mooachaht. Origin of the Mooachaht Sept Legends of the tJmiktakuimfl'utha The Haida Haida Villages. Massett Names for Indian Tribes Dancing Song A Noble Family Song. VOCABULARIES Nootka Haida INDEX..... PAGE I77 177 I o I82 182 183 I83 i86 I88 I9I I9I I92 I97.... I197 204 213 Alphabet Used in Recording Indian Terms [The consonants are as in English except when otherwise noted] a as in father a as in cat a as in awl ai as in aisle e as in they as in net i as in machine I as in sit o as in old as in how u as in ruin i as in nut ii as in German Hiitte u as in push oi as in oil dh between d and t; a lingual r ih the sonant of h h always aspirated ha a surd hi fused h and 1 h as ch in German Bach k a non-aspirated k k explosive n nasal, as in French dans n as ng in sing p a non-aspirated p q as qu in quick sh as in shall fh as in thin th as in thee s as in hits t a non-aspirated t ih as z in azure a pause {view image of page vii} Illustrations A Nootka Belle frontispiece Village of Nootka facing page 4 Tsahwismia - Nootka 6 Boston Cove 8 The Lake at Nootka> 10 A Nootka 12 Village Scene - Neah Bay 14 Makah Basketry 16 On Clayoquot Sound 18 Ceremonial Preparation for Whaling 20 Whale Ceremonial 22 Whaling Floats 26 The Whaler's Wife 28 Fastening the Harpoon Point 30 A Woman of Hesquiat 34 A Partially Cut up Whale 36 A Clayoquot Maiden 38 Cooking Whale Blubber 40 Hesquiat Girl in Cedar-bark Costume 42 Hesquiat Profile 44 Suqitlaa 46 Suqitlaa - Profile 48 A Shaman or Medicine Woman 50 Costume of a Woman Shaman - Clayoquot 54 Shaman and Patient 56 Woman Shaman Looking for Clairvoyant Visions - Clayoquot 58 Old Houses - Neah Bay 60 Clayoquot Woman in Cedar-bark Hat 62 A Hesquiat Belle 64 {view image of page viii} A Sea-otter Hunter 68 Waiting for the Seal 70 Harpooning 72 Ready to Throw the Harpoon 74 Halibut Fishers - Neah Bay 76 Gathering Seaweed 78 Before the Storm - Makah 80 The Shores of Nootka 82 Quiet Waters 84 By the Sea - Nootka 86 Dancing Mask - Nootka 88 Ceremonial Costume of Hemlock Boughs 90 The Bear Costume - Nootka 94 A Clayoquot Woman 96 Gathering Seaweed 98 Sketch of an Indian Fish-trap 100 The Old Makah 102 A Makah Profile 104 A Makah Woman 106 The Makah 108 Nootka Man 110 A Woman of Nootka 112 A Haida of Kung 116 A Raven Totem at Yan 118 Totems at Yan 120 Totems at Kung 122 A Bear Totem at Bassett 124 Totem at Yan, Representing a Caucasian 126 Sepulture in a Post at Yan 128 A Decaying Houseframe - Haida 130 A Haida of Massett 132 Haida Canoes 134 Slate Carvings Representing a Haida Shaman 136 A Haida Shaman's Rattle 138 Shaman's Rattle - Haida 142 Chilkat Blanket, the Haida Ceremonial Robe 144 {view image of page ix} Ravan Chief of Skidgate - Haida 146 Stlina, of Massett - Haida 148 Hahlkaiyans, of Massett - Haida 150 Kitkun, of Massett - Haida 152 A Haida Girl 154 Koyans - Haida 156 Ihltawat, of Massett - Haida 158 Hayas, of Kayung - Haida 160 A Woman of Massett - Haida 162 A Woman of Kiusta - Haida 164 Haida Slate Pipe 166 Phlotogravures by John Andrew U Son, Boston {view image of page x} {view image of page xi} Introduction AN important part of the present volume concerns the natives of the Nootka region. Now but a sleepy Indian village with a handful of mongrel inhabitants, where the silence is scarcely broken except by the croak of a raven, Nootka was once the bestknown port on the western shores of America. Its ownership was a mooted question with several important governments, and there was grave danger of the Nootka controversy dragging all the civilized nations into a conflict that would have changed the map, as well as the history, of the world. Had that war occurred, the United States would probably never have gained territory beyond the original colonies, and England, if successful, would have secured the greater part of both Americas. On August 7, I774, Juan Perez, a Spanish explorer, discovered a small harbor on this wooded shore and named it San Lorenzo bay. Later it became San Lorenzo de Nootka. Perez however did not land. The English Captain Cook visited the west coast of Vancouver island in 1778 and landed at Nootka on March 27 of that year. He was unaware that he was on an island; in fact, Vancouver island was not known to be insular until so reported in 1787 by McKay, who had been left there to trade with the natives. Lieutenant John Meares, flying the British flag- when it best served his purpose - sailed from Bengal in 1786 with two ships, the Nootka and the Sea Otter, his mission being to buy furs. He visited the coast of Alaska, and in the following year sailed from China in the Felice Adventurer and the Iphigenia Nubiana with half a hundred Chinese ship carpenters. Arriving at Nootka in May, I788, he at once secured from the Indian chief a plot of ground and began to build a small trading ship, at the same time constructing a house to serve as a home for the Chinese carpenters and as a workshop. By these activities Meares established himself in history. His craft was the first ship built on the Pacific coast north of California, and his workshop and handful of land {view image of page xii} xii INTRODUCTION purchased at the cost of two pistols proved England's strongest claim against Spain. History gives no account of the Chinese carpenters ever having left that region, and there is little doubt that they married Indian women and by this admixture of Oriental blood did much to encourage the novice of today in his belief that these Indians were late comers from Asia. On September 17, 1788, the United States flag first appeared at Nootka, Captain Robert Gray arriving in the Lady Washington of Boston; for by this time the fame of the northwest coast as a furproducing country had spread to the far corners of the earth, and in I789 ships of many nations began to arrive. Russia occupied and began to fortify, and on May 6 Estevan Jose Martinez took possession for Spain. The English ship Iphigenia was already there, and the Spanish and English commanders fell into a heated discussion as to the ownership of the territory. With his superior forces Martinez seized the Iphigenia for trespassing on Spanish territory, but soon released her. In July, however, he seized the Argonaut and the Princess Royal and sent them to Mexico as prizes. Out of this seizure grew the controversy between England and Spain. England, ablaze with the war spirit, assembled an unprecedented fleet for what promised to be a war for world supremacy. Spain relied on France, but expected help from Russia, Austria, and Denmark. England meant to incite insurrection in all Spanish colonies of South America, to draw upon the forces of the Netherlands and Prussia, and, at the end of the war, to form a second empire, including the greater part of South America, the West Indies, and all North America exclusive of our original colonies and the small Russian territory in the extreme north. Both contestants sought the support of the United States. Through months of diplomatic negotiations it became more and more apparent that Spain, lacking war funds, would eventually concede the demands of England, and in 1795 was signed the Nootka treaty, establishing England's title to the country, and on March 23 the Spanish flag came down. Nootka traditions today tell how the men in "steel shirts" wept as their flag fluttered to earth. Truly there was more cause for tears than they realized, for with the hauling down of the Spanish flag at that isolated point passed the ascendancy of Spanish colonization. One who is sufficiently industrious can today unearth in the jungle of brush and weeds fragments of bricks from Spanish kilns; and the parade ground cleared of the heavy forest by Spanish soldiers is now used by Indian boys in the American game of baseball. {view image of page xiii} INTRODUCTION Xiii In the following pages Nootka words not specifically excepted are in the Clayoquot dialect, except those occurring in the description of the winter ceremony, which are in Mooachaht. The notes on Makah customs were recorded by Mr. Edmund Schwinke. In the preparation of this volume I have had the increasingly valuable assistance and collaboration of Mr. W. E. Myers. EDWARD S. CURTIS. {view image of page xiv} {view image of page 1} The Nootka {view image of page 2} I {view image of page 3} THE NOOTKA General Description T HE Nootka1 tribes, composing one branch of the great Wakashan 2 linguistic stock, of which the Kwakiutl are the other, inhabit the west coast of Vancouver island from Cape Cook to Port San Juan, and, in the United States, the territory about Cape Flattery from Hoko creek to Flattery rocks. The Cape Flattery people are the Makah, a name applied to them by their Salish neighbors. The Nootka of Vancouver island embrace a considerable number of tribes inhabiting favorable portions of the shores of the intricate fiords that cut deep into the island. Among the better known of these tribes are the Nitinat, Clayoquot, and Kyuquot. In the north they are neighbors of the distantly related, and formerly hostile, tribes of Quatsino sound; southward at the foot of Vancouver island are Salish tribes, and across the Strait of Juan de Fuca the once powerful Clallam; while on the northeast coast of the island are numerous Kwakiutl tribes, separated from the Nootka by a difficult chain of mountains, but possessing here and there a favorable crossing. Indeed there was considerable intercourse between the tribes on Nootka sound and the Nimkish of the northeast coast. The first white men in this region of whom we have record were 1 The word Nootka was applied by the members of Captain Cook's expedition to the people and the village at the south end of Nootka island. The people were the Mooachaht and the village Yuquot, and the name Nootka, which means "to move in a circle," was evidently adopted through misunderstanding. It is frequently used to designate the local group, the Mooachaht, but this volume will reserve it for the collective term embracing all the tribes of the western Wakashan branch. Sproat, in Scenes and Studies of Savage Life, suggested the use of the term Aht (an unhappy spelling of the suffix atha which appears in all tribal names) to designate these tribes, but the word has never been widely adopted. 2 "Were I to affix a name to the people of Nootka, as a distinct nation, I would call them WYakashians; from the word wakash, which was very frequently in their mouths. It seemed to express applause, approbation and friendship. For when they appeared to be satisfied, or well pleased with any thing they saw, or any incident that happened, they would, with one voice, call out wakash! wakash!" (Cook, A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, etc., London, 1784, II, 337.) {view image of page 4} 4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the command of Juan Perez, who sailed from Mexico in June, I774, reached latitude fifty-five, and on his return southward put into what is now Friendly cove at the entrance to Nootka sound, the home of the Mooachaht. In the following year two Spanish vessels under Heceta and Quadra sailed along the coast, and in 1778 Captain James Cook explored the northwest coast of America and spent a month at Nootka. Another Spanish expedition, in I779, explored as far north as Prince William sound, latitude sixty-one. Then followed a period of inactivity until 1785, when James Hanna, an English fur-trader, visited Nootka. Other traders, at first Englishmen and later Americans, quickly invaded this rich field, among them John Meares, a retired lieutenant of the British navy, who has left an account of his voyages. Meares first visited Nootka in 1786, and two years later returned, built a house, and left a portion of his party to construct a vessel while he himself proceeded southward to trade. In the following year his company sent two vessels to establish a permanent post at Nootka, but in the meantime the Viceroy of Mexico had commissioned Estevan Martinez to take formal possession of the place. Martinez had erected a small post before the arrival of the Englishmen. There was a clash of authority, the Spaniard seized the two trading vessels and carried them and their crews to Mexico. After nine months of correspondence between Mexico and Madrid, the prisoners were released with refitted ships and full pay. The incident gave rise to a protracted diplomatic struggle which in 1795 resulted in the formal cession of the country to Great Britain. To these explorers and traders the Indians almost without exception extended a friendly welcome as the bearers of highly prized instruments and ornaments. The reception accorded Meares on the occasion of his visit to Friendly cove is thus described: "On the I6th [of May, 1788], a number of war canoes entered the cove, with Maquilla and Callicum; they moved with great parade round the ship, singing at the same time a song of a pleasing though sonorous melody: - there were twelve of these canoes, each of which contained about eighteen men, the greater part of whom were cloathed in dresses of the most beautiful skins of the sea otter, which covered them from their necks to their ancles. Their hair was powdered with the white down of birds, and their faces bedaubed with red and black ochre, in the form of a shark's jaw, and a kind of spiral line, which rendered their appearance extremely savage. In most of these boats there were eight rowers on a side, and a single man sat in the bow. The chief occupied a place in the middle, and {view image of facing page 4} Village of Nootka [photogravure plate] {view image of page 5} THE NOOTKA 5 was also distinguished by an high cap, pointed at the crown, and ornamented at top with a small tuft of feathers. "We listened to their song with an equal degree of surprise and pleasure. It was, indeed, impossible for any ear susceptible of delight from musical sounds, or any mind that was not insensible to the power of melody, to remain unmoved by this solemn, unexpected concert. The chorus was in unison, and strictly correct as to time and tone; nor did a dissonant note escape them. Sometimes they would make a sudden transition from the high to the low tones, with such melancholy turns in their variations, that we could not reconcile to ourselves the manner in which they acquired or contrived this more than untaught melody of nature. -There was also something for the eye as well as the ear; and the action which accompanied their voices, added very much to the impression which the chaunting made upon us all. Every one beat time with undeviating regularity, against the gunwale of the boat, with their paddles; and at the end of every verse or stanza, they pointed with extended arms to the North and the South, gradually sinking their voices in such a solemn manner, as to produce an effect not often attained by the orchestras in our quarter of the globe." 1 The Makah, however, consistently with their later reputation for exceptional surliness, made an attack on a boat of the Meares expedition. "About five o'clock [June 29, 1788] we hove to off a small island, situated about two miles from the Southern land, that formed the entrance of this strait [of Juan de Fuca], near which we saw a very remarkable rock, that wore the form of an obelisk, and stood at some distance from the island. "In a very short time we were surrounded by canoes filled with people of a much more savage appearance than any we had hitherto seen. They were principally cloathed in sea otter skins, and had their faces grimly bedaubed with oil and black and red ochre. Their canoes were large, and held from twenty to thirty men, who were armed with bows, and arrows barbed with bone, that was ragged at the points, and with large spears pointed with muscle-shell. "We now made sail to close in with this island, when we again hove to about two miles from the shore. The island itself appeared to be a barren rock, almost inaccessible, and of no great extent; but the surface of it, as far as we could see, was covered with inhabitants, who were gazing at the ship. We could by no means reconcile the wild and uncultivated appearance of the place, with such a flourishing state of population. [The Makah were congregated on Tatoosh island for the fishing season.] "The chief of this spot, whose name is Tatootche, did us the 1 Meares, Voyages Made in the Years 1788 and I789, from China to the North West Coast of America, etc., London, I790, pages 112-113. {view image of page 6} 6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN favour of a visit, and so surly and forbidding a character we had not yet seen. His face had no variety of colour on it, like the rest of the people, but was entirely black, and covered with a glittering sand [mica], which added to the savage fierceness of his appearance. He informed us that the power of Wicananish [the Clayoquot chief] ended here, and that we were now within the limits of his government, which extended a considerable way to the Southward. - On receiving this information, we made him a small present, but he did not make us the least return, nor could he be persuaded to let his people trade with us. We had, indeed, already received some account of this chief from Wicananish, who advised us to be on our guard against him and his people, as a subtle and barbarous nation.. "A great crowd of canoes came off to the boat, filled with armed people, who behaved in a very disorderly manner; several of whom jumped into the boat, and took some trifling articles away by force, and then triumphed in their theft. Our people were highly enraged at this conduct, and fully disposed to retaliate;- but the prudence of the officer kept them quiet, who, being fearful of some unpleasant event, had no sooner made the necessary examination, than he returned on board." 1 First Officer Duffin was sent in the long-boat to explore the strait eastward, and not far from Cape Flattery he had an encounter with the Indians. "At two P.M. [July 17, 1788] came to in a small cove in three and three quarters fathoms, close to the rocks.... The people here all claim Tatootche for their chief. They appeared, to us, to be a bold, daring set of fellows; but not being near any of their villages, I was under no apprehensions. At seven A.M. came alongside the boat several canoes, with a great number of men in each. Several of the people attempted to come into the boat; I, at the same time, desiring them to keep out, not permitting any of them to come in; neither did any of the people in the boat say, or offer to do any thing to them. One of the canoes put off a little from the boat; when one of the savages in her took up a spear pointed with muscle-shell, and fixed it to a staff with a cord made fast to it, at the same time putting himself in a posture of throwing it, and signifying, by his gestures, that he would kill me: I, at that time, took no notice of him, not thinking him serious. Upon inspecting, however, their canoes, I found them all armed with spears, bludgeons, and bows and arrows; I also perceived a number of armed people amongst the trees on shore, opposite the boat: I then found they meant to take the boat; upon which, I ordered the people to get their arms ready, and be on their guard, and narrowly to watch the motions of the man with the spear, and if he attempted to heave 1 Meares, op. cit., 153-I55. {view image of facing page 6} Tsahwismia - Nootka [photogravure plate] {view image of page 7} THE NOOTKA 7 it, to shoot him. The words were scarce uttered, when I saw the spear just coming out of his hand at Robert Davidson, quartermaster and cockswain; on which I ordered them to fire, - which one person did, and killed the man with the spear on the spot, the ball going through his head. The rest of the people jumped overboard, and all the other canoes paddled away. We instantly had a shower of arrows poured on us from the shore; upon which a constant fire was kept on them, but with no effect, they sheltering themselves behind large trees. I was wounded in the head with an arrow immediately as the man fell. We weighed anchor, and pulled out with two oars, keeping the rest of the people at the arms. We found the shore on both sides lined with people, armed with spears, stones, &c. so that it appeared plainly their intent was to take the boat. A great quantity of arrows and stones came into the boat, but fortunately none were wounded mortally. Peter Salatrass, an Italian, had an arrow sticking in his leg all the time till we got clear of them, not being able to pull it out without laying open the leg, the arrow being bearded, and with two prongs; I was obliged to cut his leg open to get it out, as it had penetrated three inches. The Chinaman was also wounded in the side, and another seaman received an arrow near his heart. As soon as we got clear of them, we made sail, and turned out of the bay." 1 In I803 the crew of the ship Boston, at anchor a few miles north of Friendly cove, Nootka island, were surprised and murdered, the vessel was plundered and later by accident burned, and the two survivors were enslaved by the Mooachaht chief. One of these, John Jewitt, has left a highly interesting account of their two years' captivity.2 As the cause of the attack Jewitt mentions an insulting epithet and angry gesture employed by Captain Salter when the chief brought back a new fowling-piece with a broken lock. Native tradition, silent as to this incident, lays the blame on sailors of previous ships, who beat the men and ravished the women of the village. Probably both factors were present: the spirit of these mistreated savages was ready to burst into flame, and the insult to the proud, sensitive chief supplied the necessary spark. The following native account of the affair tallies closely with Jewitt's narrative in such points as are common to both, and furnishes besides some interesting sidelights not found in the sailor's story. A ship came in at Yuquot [Friendly cove] and stole a man, Mfiqatuhl, from his canoe and sailed away with him. Later two ships anchored in the cove to buy furs and oil, and one day some 1 Meares, op. cit., Appendix, No. IV. 2 The Captive of Nootka, or the Adventures of 7ohn R. Jewitt, Philadelphia, 1841. (There are various editions of this work from I815 to I869.) {view image of page 8} 8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of the sailors drove the men from the houses and mistreated the women. With all this ill treatment Tsahwasip 1 became very angry. He assembled all his fighting men in a secret place, told them he had decided to kill the crews of the two ships, and commanded them to osum ch [bathe ceremonially]. They began to do so, but before they had finished, the ships sailed. Not long after this another ship anchored outside the cove, sent Muiqatuhl ashore in a boat, and sailed away. Muiqatuhl declared that he had a message from the white men: they were coming back to destroy the people, for what reason he did not know. So the warriors continued to osumich. Then came the Boston, and anchored a few miles north of the cove. A man went out to her with Mfiqatuhl, who pointed to the cannon and told his companion what it was for. He went aboard, and soon returned, saying to his companion that he had asked a sailor why they had come, and the sailor had replied, "To destroy you." [Evidently Mfiqatuhl was playing for revenge!] When they reported this to the chief, all the warriors assembled in his house, and he said: "The best way is to have a dance. I will dance haiitlik [a pageant in which the canoes of the maskers follow one another in a sinuous line]." All the warriors made preparations, and each concealed his weapon under his left arm beneath the blanket. Tsahwasip told them that when they were near the ship, all the canoes except his own would go up to her, and the men would board her. While his paddlers propelled his canoe around the ship, the white men would be so engaged in looking at him that they would pay little or no attention to the others. [Wonderful combination of vanity and prudence!] So the twenty canoes put out, but when they reached the ship at Auqsha, nearly all the crew were below. So the men, including the chief, went aboard. But Tsahwasip wished to get them on deck, not caring to risk his men by going below, and he said to one of the sailors: "We are going to dance. Will you watch us?" But only a few came up while he danced. Then it happened that a man came in a canoe with three spring salmon, and the cook saw them and asked where he had caught them. Tsahwasip quickly ordered the man to say that he had gotten them at Yuquot, and the cook reported to the captain. Then Tsahwasip proposed that some of his men go with the sailors to show them where to fish and to help with the nets. So ten men in two boats set off, accompanied by some of the chief's fighting men. In the cove the nets were put 1 Also called Yihlua and Muqinna (a Kwakiutl name meaning "moon"). He was chief of the Yihluashtakimhlt'1tha, the sept which at that time inhabited Yuquot during the spring and early summer. The records of the traders and explorers of that period call him Maquinna or Maquilla, but the natives seem always to use the ceremonial name Tsahwasip. See page 69. * In this cove the ship Boston swung at anchor when the Indians made their attack. {view image of facing page 8} Boston Cove [photogravure plate] {view image of page 9} THE NOOTKA 9 out, and the warriors arranged themselves so that there was a sailor between each two of them. At a signal, while the sailors were in the water up to their armpits, the warriors drew their knives and clubs and killed them all. Then they went back to the ship and reported to the captain that his men were so enjoying their fishing that they would not return until evening. At the lake back of the village a woman, Hapiyauiksa, was washing clothes for one of the white men.' As she worked, he tried to seduce her, but she told him to wait. When she heard certain sounds that to her ears indicated the beginning of the attack, she yielded to his wishes, and afterward, as he was dressing, she struck him on the head with a club. She cut off the head, took it to the beach, embarked with it in a canoe, and proceeded to the ship, singing a war-song. By this time the fight at the ship was on. As she came up, a sailor jumped overboard and fell near her. She killed him and beheaded him. When the canoes returned from the fishing Tsahwasip again proposed that the sailors come up and watch his dance. This time seven came up, and Tsahwasip began to dance. At a signal his men fell upon the sailors and killed them, and then went below to kill the rest. A man was just about to kill Chfiwin ["John" Jewitt], when Tsahwasip saw the fight and stopped his man. When all the others were killed, they took the boats and some plunder and returned to the village. In the night a woman went aboard with a firebrand to steal. As she went below she heard a sudden exclamation, and fled. She reported to the chief, who made his new slave examine the row of heads to see who was missing. Chwmin looked at them carefully, and then declared that the missing one was his father, and he begged Tsahwasip to spare him, saying that if the man were killed he would kill himself. So Tsahwasip promised to spare the man. Then Tomesun ["Thompson"] was brought from the ship, which was afterward beached at the cove in front of the place now occupied by the mission. Later a warrior who had killed two of the sailors constantly beheld their faces before him. He asked Tomesun if he had any medicine to cure this disease, and the white man said he had. He took a rod and beat the man until he cried out for mercy, and then said: "Now you are cured. This will drive the two white men away from you." At Clayoquot sound a similar tragedy occurred in I8II when the Tonquin, a ship of the Pacific Fur Company (the Astor enterprise), after a partially successful attack by the Indians, was blown up by a member of the crew. All perished. 1 According to Jewitt the steward had been put ashore by the fishermen to wash the captain's clothes. {view image of page 10} IO THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The physical characteristics of the Nootka cannot be better described than in the words of Cook, or perhaps we should say of the ethnologist who accompanied him. "The persons of the natives are, in general, under the common stature; but not slender in proportion, being commonly pretty full or plump, though not muscular. Neither doth the soft fleshiness seem ever to swell into corpulence; and many of the older people are rather spare, or lean. The visage of most of them is round and full; and sometimes, also, broad, with large prominent cheeks; and, above these, the face is frequently much depressed, or seems fallen in quite across between the temples; the nose also flattening at its base, with pretty wide nostrils, and a rounded point. The forehead rather low; the eyes small, black, and rather languishing than sparkling; the mouth round, with large round thickish lips; the teeth tolerably equal and well set, but not remarkably white. They have either no beards at all, which was most commonly the case, or a small thin one upon the point of the chin; which does not arise from any natural defect of hair on that part, but from plucking it out more or less; for some of them, and particularly the old men, have not only considerable beards all over the chin, but whiskers, or mustachios; both on the upper lip, and running from thence toward the lower jaw obliquely downward. Their eye-brows are also scanty, and always narrow... The neck is short; the arms and body have no particular mark of beauty or elegance in their formation, but are rather clumsy; and the limbs, in all, are very small in proportion to the other parts, and crooked, or ill made, with large feet badly shaped, and projecting ankles. This last defect seems, in a great measure, to arise from their sitting so much on their hams or knees, both in their canoes and houses. "Their colour we could never positively determine, as their bodies were encrusted with paint and dirt; though, in particular cases, when these were well rubbed off, the whiteness of the skin appeared almost to equal that of Europeans; though rather of that pale effete cast which distinguishes those of our Southern nations. Their children, whose skins had never been stained with paint, also equalled ours in whiteness... Upon the whole, a very remarkable sameness seems to characterize the countenances of the whole nation; a dull phlegmatic want of expression, with very little variation, being strongly marked in all of them. "The women are nearly of the same size, colour, and form, with the men; from whom it is not easy to distinguish them, as they possess no natural delicacies sufficient to render their persons agreeable; and hardly any one was seen, even amongst those who were in the prime of life, who had the least pretensions to be called handsome." 1 1 Cook, op. cit., II, 301 et seq. {view image of facing page 10} The lake at Nootka [photogravure plate] {view image of page 11} THE NOOTKA II As to their mentality, it is sufficient to say that it ranks no higher than their physical attractiveness. They believe, of course, that the earth is flat, but have never speculated as to its extent or the shape of its boundaries. The celestial orbs are thought to pass over and under the earth, but as to the nature of these bodies the Nootka possess no opinion. The tides have so important a bearing on their daily existence that their recurrence is accurately anticipated, but the Nootka mind is a blank when asked to explain the phenomenon. For all that, it must not be inferred that the Nootka is an utter savage; he possesses a relatively abundant mythology, and in the product of his hands he stands high among the natives of northern America. In their clothing and ornaments the Nootka were like the Kwakiutl, the men wearing a cedar-bark or fur robe pinned together at the right side, and the women a bark apron and a robe. Common people used a hat of red-cedar bark, and the nobility a spruce-root hat; and a bark cape protected the upper part of the body from rain. Ornaments for men and women of high rank were abalone-shell nose-rings, and dentalium shells suspended from the ears (or from the braided hair of women). Women also used bracelets woven from the long, white fibres of bracken roots, and tight anklets of deerskin, which were intended to keep the ankles slender. Makah girls had straight lines tattooed along the calves, forearms, and hands, but the men limited this ornamentation to their forearms. The Clayoquot usually tattooed a ring around the ankles of female children by stitching a fish-line through the skin and drawing after it a nettle-fibre blackened with elderberry-wood charcoal. Their men did not tattoo. Ears were pierced by means of an eagle wing-bone sharpened like a harness-maker's punch, so that it actually cut out a disc of cartilage. The infant's ear was pressed down on a block of wood, and the man whose profession this was struck the punch a sharp blow. Only one hole was made in each ear at the first piercing, but in later life others were added. Sometimes the holes were a quarter of an inch in diameter. Chiefs wore abalone-shell pendants in the lowest hole, and feathers of the eagle, owl, or hawk in the others. This of course was only for special occasions. At such times common men placed in each hole a small plug of syringa wood with streamers of yellow-cedar bark fastened to the ends, and in the nasal septum a thin, four-inch sliver. Men permitted the hair to hang loosely, or twisted it into a knot at the crown of the head, sometimes intertwining cedar-bark or {view image of page 12} 12 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN fragrant grass. Women parted their hair in the middle and arranged it in two braids, which hung down the back. The heads of all infants were flattened by compression. The primitive Nootka houses were irregularly placed, end to end and facing the water. The roof sloped slightly, usually from the front. Generally there were five posts at the front and five at the back, hewed to one by two feet and set with the narrower edge toward the beach. The tops were hollowed out to receive the two twelve-inch lintels, on which, connecting each pair of posts, was placed a rafter tapering from one foot at the front to six inches at the rear, and tied down with cedar withes. A series of poles crossing the rafters supported the flat roof-boards. Wall-boards were horizontal. Cook and Meares give interesting descriptions of native houses and settlements. Of the village Yuquot, at the entrance to Nootka sound, Captain Cook says: "The village at the entrance of the Sound stands on the side of a rising ground, which has a pretty steep ascent from the beach to the verge of the wood, in which space it is situated. "The houses are disposed in three ranges or rows, rising gradually behind each other; the largest being that in front, and the others less; besides a few straggling, or single ones, at each end. These ranges are interrupted or disjoined at irregular distances, by narrow paths, or lanes, that pass upward; but those which run in the direction of the houses, between the rows, are much broader. Though there be some appearance of regularity in this disposition, there is none in the single houses; for each of the divisions, made by the paths, may be considered either as one house, or as many; there being no regular or complete separation, either without or within, to distinguish them by. They are built of very long and broad planks, resting upon the edges of each other, fastened or tied by withes of pine bark, here and there; and have only slender posts, or rather poles, at considerable distances, on the outside, to which they also are tied; but within are some larger poles placed aslant. The height of the sides and ends of these habitations, is seven or eight feet; but the back part is a little higher, by which means the planks, that compose the roof, slant forward, and are laid on loose, so as to be moved about; either to be put close, to exclude the rain, or, in fair weather, to be separated, to let in the light, and carry out the smoke. They are, however, upon the whole, miserable dwellings, and constructed with little care or ingenuity. For, though the side-planks be made to fit pretty closely in some places, in others they are quite open; and there are no regular doors into them; the only way of entrance being either by a hole, where the {view image of facing page 12} A Nootka [photogravure plate] {view image of page 13} THE NOOTKA 13 unequal length of the planks has accidentally left an opening; or, in some cases, the planks are made to pass a little beyond each other, or overlap, about two feet asunder; and the entrance is in this space. There are also holes, or windows, in the sides of the houses to look out at; but without any regularity of shape or disposition; and these have bits of mat hung before them, to prevent the rain getting in. "On the inside, one may frequently see from one end to the other of these ranges of building without interruption. For though, in general, there be the rudiments, or rather vestiges, of separations on each side, for the accommodation of different families, they are such as do not intercept the sight; and often consist of no more than pieces of plank, running from the side toward the middle of the house; so that, if they were complete, the whole might be compared to a long stable, with a double range of stalls, and a broad passage in the middle. Close to the sides, in each of these parts, is a little bench of boards, raised five or six inches higher than the rest of the floor, and covered with mats, on which the family sit and sleep. These benches are commonly seven or eight feet long, and four or five broad. In the middle of the floor, between them, is the fire-place, which has neither hearth nor chimney. In one house, which was in the end of a middle range, almost quite separated from the rest by a high close partition, and the most regular, as to design, of any that I saw, there were four of these benches; each of which held a single family, at a corner, but without any separation by boards; and the middle part of the house appeared common to them all. "Their furniture consists chiefly of a great number of chests and boxes of all sizes, which are generally piled upon each other, close to the sides or ends of the house; and contain their spare garments, skins, masks, and other things which they set a value upon. Some of these are double, or one covers the other as a lid; others have a lid fastened with thongs; and some of the very large ones have a square hole, or scuttle, cut in the upper part; by which the things are put in and taken out. They are often painted black, studded with the teeth of different animals, or carved with a kind of freezework, and figures of birds or animals, as decorations. Their other domestic utensils are mostly square and oblong pails or buckets to hold water and other things; round wooden cups and bowls; and small shallow wooden troughs, about two feet long, out of which they eat their food; and baskets of twigs, bags of matting, &c. Their fishing implements, and other things also, lie or hang up in different parts of the house, but without the least order; so that the whole is a complete scene of confusion; and the only places that do not partake of this confusion are the sleeping-benches, that have nothing on them but the mats; which are also cleaner, or of a finer sort, than those they commonly have to sit on in their boats. "The nastiness and stench of their houses are, however, at least {view image of page 14} 14 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN equal to the confusion. For, as they dry their fish within doors, they also gut them there, which, with their bones and fragments thrown down at meals, and the addition of other sorts of filth, lie everywhere in heaps, and are, I believe, never carried away, till it becomes troublesome, from their size, to walk over them. In a word, their houses are as filthy as hog-sties; every thing in and about them stinking of fish, train-oil, and smoke. "But, amidst all the filth and confusion that are found in the houses, many of them are decorated with images. These are nothing more than the trunks of very large trees, four or five feet high, set up singly, or by pairs, at the upper end of the apartment, with the front carved into a human face; the arms and hands cut out upon the sides, and variously painted; so that the whole is a truly monstrous figure. The general name of these images is Klumma [tlamma, a house-post]; and the names of two particular ones, which stood abreast of each other, three or four feet asunder, in one of the houses, were Natchkoa and Matseeta.... A mat, by way of curtain, for the most part hung before them, which the natives were not willing, at all times, to remove; and when they did unveil them, they seemed to speak of them in a very mysterious manner." 1 A much more pretentious dwelling in the Clayoquot village is described by Meares. "On entering the house, we were absolutely astonished at the vast area it enclosed. It contained a large square, boarded up close on all sides to the height of twenty feet, with planks of an uncommon breadth and length. Three enormous trees, rudely carved and painted, formed the rafters, which were supported at the ends and in the middle by gigantic images, carved out of huge blocks of timber. The same kind of broad planks covered the whole to keep out the rain; but they were so placed as to be removed at pleasure, either to receive the air and light, or let out the smoke. In the middle of this spacious room were several fires, and beside them large wooden vessels filled with fish soup. Large slices of whale's flesh lay in a state of preparation to be put in similar machines filled with water, into which the women, with a kind of tongs, conveyed hot stones from very fierce fires, in order to make it boil:heaps of fish were strewed about, and in this central part of the place, which might very properly be called the kitchen, stood large seal-skins filled with oil, from whence the guests were served with that delicious beverage. "The trees that supported the roof were of a size which would render the mast of a first-rate man of war diminutive, on a comparison with them; indeed our curiosity as well as our astonishment was on its utmost stretch, when we considered the strength that must be necessary to raise these enormous beams to their 1 Cook, op. cit., II, 313 et seq. {view image of facing page 14} Village scene : Neah Bay [photogravure plate] {view image of page 15} THE NOOTKA i5 present elevation; and how such strength could be found by a people wholly unacquainted with mechanic powers. The door by which we entered this extraordinary fabric, was the mouth of one of these huge images, which, large as it may be supposed, was not disproportioned to the other features of this monstrous visage. We ascended by a few steps on the outside, and after passing this extraordinary kind of portal, descended down the chin into the house, where we found new matter for astonishment in the number of men, women, and children, who composed the family of the chief; which consisted of at least eight hundred persons. [Evidently the entire population had assembled in the chief's house.] These were divided into groupes, according to their respective offices, which had their distinct places assigned them. The whole of the building was surrounded by a bench, about two feet from the ground, on which the various inhabitants sat, eat, and slept. The chief appeared at the upper end of the room, surrounded by natives of rank, on a small raised platform, round which were placed several large chests, over which hung bladders of oil, large slices of whale's flesh, and proportionable gobbets of blubber. Festoons of human sculls, arranged with some attention to uniformity, were disposed in almost every part where they could be placed, and were considered as a very splendid decoration of the royal appartment. "When we appeared, the guests had made a considerable advance in their banquet. Before each person was placed a large slice of boiled whale, which, with small wooden dishes, filled with oil and fish soup, and a large muscle-shell, by way of spoon, composed the economy of the table. The servants were busily employed in preparing to replenish the several dishes as they were emptied, and the women in picking and opening the bark of a tree which served the purpose of towels." 1 The average dimensions of houses about the middle of the nineteenth century were sixty feet in frontage, thirty in depth, fifteen in height at the front and ten at the back. The principal industries were woodworking, basketry, hunting, fishing, gathering vegetal products, and the preparation of these vegetal and animal foods for consumption. The implements employed in these occupations and the products yielded by them were practically identical with those of the Kwakiutl.2 "Their great dexterity in works of wood, may, in some measure, be ascribed to the assistance they receive from iron tools. For, as far as we know, they use no other; at least, we saw only one chissel of bone. And though, originally, their tools must have been of different materials, it is not improbable that many of their im1 Meares, op. cit., 138 et seq. 2 See Volume X, and Vocabulary in the present volume. {view image of page 16} i6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN provements have been made since they acquired a knowledge of that metal, which is now universally used in their various wooden works. The chissel and the knife, are the only forms, as far as we saw, that iron assumes amongst them." The highly important whaling industry however does not belong to the Kwakiutl, and deserves a detailed account. A feat so remarkable as the killing of a whale with the means possessed by primitive men is inexplicable to the Indian except on the ground that the hunter has the active assistance of a supernatural being. Therefore the whaler and his wife observe a long and exacting course of purification, which includes sexual continence and morning and evening baths at frequent intervals from October until the end of the whaling season, which begins in May and ends about the last of June. Prayers and numerous songs form a part of every whaler's ritual. The secrets of the profession are handed down from father to son. As soon as the boy is old enough to comprehend such matters and to remember his father's words, he is permitted to accompany the whaling crew on short expeditions. Now also begins his instruction concerning the most propitious spots for ceremonial bathing- places in lakes and rivers considered most dangerous. At the age of perhaps twelve he is taken at night and shown how to bathe and to rub his body with hemlock sprigs so as to remove the human taint and render the body acceptable to the whale spirit which is being supplicated. Thereafter he bathes alone at intervals, while his instruction in prayers and songs continues until the father deems it proper to retire in the young man's favor. The most successful whalers are those who, even though they inherited the profession, have found an object which represents the supernatural whale. This object is either a double-headed, black worm eleven inches long and an inch and a half thick, or a certain species of crab. Seeing either of these creatures, a man must throw his spear at it. If it be the worm, he takes it up and preserves it as a charm; if the crab, he removes the right claw and the breast of the shell. The whaling harpoon consists of a very heavy yew shaft fourteen feet long and a large mussel-shell blade bound with whalesinew and spruce-gum to a barbed socket of bone or elk-horn. A four-fathom line, one inch thick, of plaited whale-sinew wound with nettle-fibre is attached to the socket and passes along the 1 Cook, op. cit., II, 329-330. {view image of facing page 16} Makah basketry [photogravure plate] {view image of page 17} THE NOOTKA 17 shaft through several easily broken rings of thread. Then follow an eight-fathom length of plaited cedar withes an inch and a quarter thick, a twenty-fathom length three-quarters of an inch thick, and a thirty-fathom length half an inch thick. At the end of the sinew line is a hair-seal skin float, another is tied to the next section of rope, and a third at the end of the line. A whaling expedition consists of several canoes of medium size manned by crews of eight - harpooner, steersman, and six paddlers. The harpooner is the supposed possessor of supernatural assistance, but the others practise continence and purification by bathing for a short time immediately before the opening of the season. Generally the whalers embark only when a whale has been heard or seen from shore. If there is but one whale, the canoes race for the prize, but if there are more they direct their attention to separate whales, unless one of them be particularly large. If a father and son are in separate canoes, they generally make for the same whale, the father showing the young man every possible favor. Several canoes in pursuit of a single whale, when they near their prey, approach it in single file, in order to minimize the possibility of disturbing the creature. Whales usually rise two to four times in rapid succession, going eight to twelve fathoms each time. Knowing this, the men can guess with fair accuracy where the cetacean will next appear, and paddling with all their strength while the whale is spouting, they manage to approach so closely that it can be seen beneath the water. All except the leading canoe now hold back, so as not to alarm the whale, and the others paddle swiftly to a position very close to the right of the spouting whale's tail. Just as the animal sinks beneath the surface, and its tail is powerless to damage the craft, the harpooner gives a powerful lunge with his weapon and implants the blade in its side. The whale plunges down, but reappears within fifteen minutes. The captain now grasps the float at the end of the line and calls on the other canoes for help, promising certain portions to those who succeed in planting their harpoons. The fact that the medley of shouts and splashing of paddles and thrashing of the wounded whale completely drown his voice matters not, for there are rigidly observed rules concerning the apportionment of certain parts of the carcass to the harpooners according to the order in which they implant their weapons. The first harpoon is the only one with three floats, the other spearsmen using lines with one each and VOL. XI-2 {view image of page 18} I18 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN reserving their own lines with three floats for the possibility of encountering another whale. When the wounded whale becomes quiescent, the canoemen paddle up closer and throw into his head small harpoons with small floats of hair-seal skin on two feet of sinew line, in order to buoy up the head and render towing easier. The whale being almost exhausted, they come alongside and hurl into his body harpoons without lines or floats, recovering the shaft by means of a short line; and when the animal ceases to struggle, the first crew draws in its line, leaving only the length of sinew line and its float attached to the harpoon blade. Then one of them dives and cuts a hole through the lower lip and ties in it the eight-fathom length of line. The other end is passed through a hole cut in the upper lip and is made fast to the canoe, and thus with the assistance of the other canoes the prey is towed ashore, the crews joining in the towing songs. Below is a Makah towing song. My name will be high! Moderato Ae-S X ip33 -r- - r I- _The prize is beached in front of the house of the successful whaler, who now marks out the portion for each man of the participating crews. His own share is a wide section of the back next the fin, which he gives away or sells, not daring to eat of it himself, lest he have difficulty in killing more whales. Each man cuts off his own share. The whale most commonly taken was the gray whale (Rhachianectes glaucus), a species that attains a length of thirty-five to forty-four feet. The following account of the origin and practice of whaling was obtained from a Clayoquot whaler by George Hunt, the halfblood authority on Kwakiutl life, and except for grammatical correction and occasional abbreviation it is left as he recorded it. While {view image of facing page 18} On Clayoquot Sound [photogravure plate] {view image of page 19} THE NOOTKA I9 partially legendary, the narration presents a correct picture of the customs attendant on the pursuit of the whale. Once there lived at the place which is named Yahksis [Iyakhasis]1 many people of the Kelsemaht [Kihlftumautha] tribe, and in this village they had two chiefs. The first one's name was Tsaftotatlme, and his rival, the other chief, was Tseihsot; and he was a hair-seal spearer, and also the other chief was a hair-seal spearer. One day in a feast that was given by Tseihsot, for he gave a feast of one hundred hair-seals, Tsaftotatlme felt that he was badly beaten, and after the feast he went to his house, and as he was downcast he went into his bedroom, and lay down to sleep. And while he was sleeping, he dreamed that a man came to him, a kindly-faced man, and spoke very kindly to Tsatfotatlme, and said, "My friend, if you will tell me what makes you feel so sad, I will tell you something that will make you happy." And Tsaftotatlme told the stranger how his enemy Tseihsot had given a feast of one hundred hair-seals, and he said, "I do not know how I can get that many hair-seals to give a feast of that kind to my people, and now all of my rival's people are laughing at me; for I am badly beaten by Tseihsot." Then the stranger said: "Now, my friend Tsaftotatlme, you and Tseihsot are hair-seal spearers. But now I will tell you something that will make you spear something greater than hair-seals; and that will be the large fish, the whale, which never yet has been killed by any in the world. But you must wash yourself in the lake for four days, to have yourself as clean as you can, and then I will come to tell you what kind of bushes you have to rub on your body while you are washing yourself. This is to purify yourself in the water. After you have done this for four days I will show you the whale that you will spear," said the stranger as he disappeared. And then Tsaftotatlme woke from his sleep, and found that it was late in the night. He said to himself, "Now I will go up the river this very night to wash myself clean, as I am told by my stranger friend." As he said this he put on his black-bear skin robe and went out through the back door. He walked toward a small stream and followed it up to a small lake, and there he sat down and threw off his bear-skin blanket. Then he broke off some hemlock sprigs one span in length and tied them together in four bunches. There were four pieces in each bunch. He put them down at the water's edge, then he walked into the water and sat down to soak his skin well. Then he heard a voice speaking to him, and it said: "My friend Tsaftotatlme, if you want to get what I promised you, put your head under the water four times, and stay under as long as you can. And after you have done that four times, then take one of the bunches of hemlock and 1 Yaksis village, on Vargas island opposite Clayoquot, is still inhabited. {view image of page 20} 20 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN rub it all over your body on the left side, and after you have all the dirt rubbed off, and the leaves rubbed off the bunch of hemlock, put it down on the ground close to the others that you have not yet used, and take up a new bunch; then walk out in the water, and sit down until it comes up around your neck, and then stand up. Then rub the second bunch on your right side, until you have rubbed all the dirt off your body and the leaves off the hemlock, and go ashore and put down on the ground the worn-out bunch and take up the third bunch." And now Tsafiotatlme went into the water and sat down in it as he did before, and rubbed his left side until the blood came out on the skin; and when the blood came freely, he waded ashore and put the bunch of leafless hemlock on the ground. When he had used three bunches and went into the water with the fourth, he was told by his friend the stranger to take a long dive, and to stay down as long as his breath could stand it. "And as soon as you come up, blow a mouthful of water outward to the lake, and try to make it sound like the whale when he comes up to spout. Take your mouthful of water four times, and blow it out four times, and after you have done this, rub the fourth bunch of hemlock on your right side. Then you may hear a sound like a whale blowing in the lake; and if you do hear it, do not you turn your face to see it, for you must go on washing twice a day for four days. Then I will come and tell you what to do on the fourth evening." Then he heard no more from his friend the stranger. But he tried to remember everything that was told him, and he obeyed in everything. Now he got up early every morning, and the first thing he always did was to break off the hemlock sprigs, and tie them together, four of them in a bunch, with a split spruce-root. Then he went into the water and did as he was told to do. And he stayed there four days under a large cedar that stood beside the lake, and on the evening of the fourth day, when he went into the water and took his first long dive, he stayed under until the blood came out of his ears and eyes, and his breath nearly ended. And as soon as he came up he began to rub the bunch of hemlock on his left side, until all the leaves were rubbed off, and as he went out of the water to put down the leafless bunch he heard a whale spouting in the lake, and at the same time he heard his friend the stranger call out to him, saying, "Umik (for that will be your name hereafter), wash yourself as hard as you can, for your great whale is coming to be harpooned by you!" And he took up the second bunch and went into the water, and took a long dive, and as soon as he came up he began to rub his right side. When he saw all the leaves rubbed off he heard the whale spouting closer to him, and at the same time he heard his friend the stranger call out: " Umik, my friend, I am the Wolf, who has one heart with the whale of the lake! Now wash yourself well, for the whale is coming to you!" Then Umik grasped the third bunch, and from where he {view image of facing page 20} Ceremonial preparation for whaling [photogravure plate] {view image of page 21} THE NOOTKA 21 stood on the water's edge he took another long dive, and came up. Then he rubbed his left side, and this time he tore his skin and reddened the water where he stood; and after he had finished he went ashore to put the bloody bunch of leafless hemlock on the ground. Then he heard the spouting whale coming close to where he was standing, and at the same time he heard his friend the Wolf call out, "Umik, wash yourself well this time, for after washing off the fourth time, the whale will come to you!" Then with the fourth bunch of hemlock sprigs he took a long dive, and stayed under the water until he vomited blood, and as soon as he came up he rubbed the right side of his body until the blood came out of his skin. And before he finished rubbing, he heard the great whale of the lake spouting close behind him, for he was facing the shore. Then he heard his friend the Wolf speak to him, saying, "Put your right hand back." And as he did this, a harpoon was put into his hand, and on its end there were a blade and a long line. His Wolf friend commanded him to turn and face the lake, and to get ready to harpoon the great whale of the lake. He turned and saw the great whale come up spouting close to him, and the Wolf cried out: "Wae! Umik, now Umik, spear at him! Now, Umik, let the whale go down!" Three times he made as if to throw the harpoon, and then when the whale came up the fourth time, he hurled his harpoon. The whale disappeared, and Umik thought he had missed. But the unseen Wolf said: "Pull in your harpoon line, for you have done well! You have killed your first whale!" Umik drew in the line, and on his harpoon-blade he saw a small whale, as small as a slug, or four finger-breadths long, and the Wolf told him to take good care of it, and put it in the cleft of a large cedar for four days. "And after you have done this, go home and prepare a large canoe. And you shall have seven men for your crew, and when all is ready, you will take the whale you have hidden in the cedar and put it in the bow of your whaling canoe, in front of you. Then go out in the channel, and there you shall see the whale of the sea, and he will come up to you. Do not fear him, do not be afraid to harpoon him, for he is yours already. But here is one thing: you must not kill more than one every four days; for if you do, something very bad will come to you. If you should harpoon a whale on the third day, that one would kill you and your crew. So keep every word I have told you. Now I will leave you., I am Wolf, the good friend of hunters and harpooners." Umik placed the small whale in the cleft of a cedar, and with it the harpoon and the line. He tied hemlock sprigs among the hair at the back of his head, and went home late in the evening. Instead of showing himself to his father, he went into his bedroom and lay down to rest. But he did not sleep, and as soon as it was light he went up the small stream and washed himself as before {view image of page 22} 22 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN with hemlock. By the time he reached the village all the people were sitting outside their houses. Some of them that saw him said: "Oh, here comes Tsdftotatlme! He looks as if he had been to 6osimtch [bathe ceremonially]!" His rival laughed and said, "My friend Tsaftotatlme looks as if he has been to 6siimtch to be a shaman." But Tsaf`otatlme, whose name now was Umik, did not notice him, for he was already a shaman. He went into his father's house and told him to call in all his people. His father was happy to see his son safely home, and he called all his people. And Umik told him to pick out seven strong men; and to provide a large new canoe, and a new paddle for each man. So his father selected the seven good, strong men, and one of them had a large new canoe, and each of them had a new paddle. And Umik said that he wished to start away in three days; but not one of the people asked what they were to do, or where they were to go. Secretly he told his father to have the seven men go to the stream to wash themselves with hemlock twice a day. Then all the people went out of the house, and then the seven men laid the canoe on two logs, one under the bow and one under the stern. They split a roof-board into thin strips, and tied them into a long bunch for a torch, and with it they burned off the roughness of the bottom of the canoe. Then they turned it over, rubbed off the charred wood with an old mat, and then turned her upright again, and it was ready to be launched. Afterward all the seven went up the stream and washed with hemlock, and stayed there until they were called by Umik on the third morning, just before daylight. Then they carried the great canoe to the water and embarked, carrying their new paddles in their hands. All this time Umik was in the woods just behind the houses, and after the crew had taken their seats and waited for a while, he came down out of the woods and stepped into the whaling canoe and took his seat in the bow. On his forehead he had tied hemlock twigs, and he wore a bear-skin robe. He told his crew which way to go, and they paddled off to where he had left his harpoon and the small whale, and there he went into the woods. Still the paddlers did not know what they were going to do; for none of them asked Umik, and he spoke little, being a very quiet man. In a short time he came out of the woods carrying a whaling harpoon staff and a coil of cedar-withe rope and something wrapped in a small packet of cedar-bark. He put the harpoon and the rope in the bow, and yet he held the packet in his hand. Then he stepped in and placed it in the bow in front of him. Afterward he fixed his harpoon-blade on the staff, and placed two bands of bark thread so as to hold the line along the staff when the harpoon was used. He laid his harpoon on the prow, with the point projecting forward, and then he told his men, "Now I am ready to spear a whale when he comes." At once the men saw a great whale approaching them, and he spouted four times before disappearing. In a short time he came up nearer, and spouted four times, then {view image of facing page 22} Whale ceremonial [photogravure plate] {view image of page 23} THE NOOTKA 23 disappeared. But Imik told his men not to paddle, and very soon the whale came up and spouted four times very slowly and disappeared the third time. Now Umik told his men to hold their paddles ready while he stood in the bow with his harpoon. Very soon the great whale came up near them, and he let the great whale spout three times, and at the fourth time, when he was alongside the bow, Umik harpooned him where he thought the heart was. The great whale dived, and Umik grasped the line and prayed, and said: "Whale, I have given you what you are wishing to getmy good harpoon. And now you have it. Please hold it with your strong hands, and do not let go. Whale, turn toward the fine beach of Yahksis, and you will be proud to see the young men come down on the fine sandy beach of my village at Yahksis to see you; and the young men will say to one another: 'What a great whale he is! What a fat whale he is! What a strong whale he is!' And you, whale, will be proud of all that you will hear them say of your greatness. Whale, do not turn outward, but hug the shore, and tow me to the beach of my village at Yahksis, for when you come ashore there, young men will cover your great body with bluebill duck feathers and with the down of the great eagle, the chief of all birds; for this is what you are wishing, and this is what you are trying to find from one end of the world to the other, every day you are travelling and spouting." And the great whale did turn toward the beach, and he died just before he came ashore in front of the village of the Kelsemaht. And as soon as the people saw the dead whale, they pushed their canoes into the water and went to tow him in. And Umik told his crew to let the people take the dead whale in tow. He cut out his harpoon-blade, and told his men to paddle back to where he had hidden the harpoon and the small whale and his harpoon line, which was only twelve fathoms in length. And when he came to the beach where the great cedar was standing, he carried his harpoon and line and the packet of cedar-bark to the tree, and hid them in the cleft. Then he returned to his canoe, and took his seat in the bow, and spoke to his crew, telling them to wash with hemlock every day before sunrise and after sunset. "For I am going to harpoon one whale every four days. So you are my crew. You will have to keep yourselves as clean as you can. And here is another thing you have to do: you must keep away from women in their courses. But it is best to keep away from them all, then no harm will befall us." Then they paddled homeward, and when they landed at the beach in front of their village, Umik's father came down to meet them. He carried in his hand a dish of cooked blubber, and told his son to eat it, with his crew of seven men; for as Umik was the first whale harpooner, he and his crew of seven should be the first to eat whale's blubber. Then they ate it all, for they were hungry, since they had not eaten food that day. And after they had finished, {view image of page 24} 24 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ltmik said to his father: "You had better tell all our people to meet at the side of the great whale I have killed, and I will give a whale feast. For I have a new name, a whale harpooner's name. My name is Umik, for hereafter I will be a whale harpooner." And his father was glad of all that Umik told him, and called the people down to the beach beside the dead whale, and put his son's rival at the head of the great whale. And then he announced that his son Umik was giving the feast, for that was his new name, Umik, and that he was willing to stand before his rival Tseihsot to see which would give the larger feast. "And now there is the first whale ever killed, and it is given in a feast by my son Umik. So take your knives and cut the blubber off the great whale," said he. And the people began to cut off the blubber, and in a short time they had the body stripped. And now all saw already that Tseihsot was a beaten man, for he said no word while the feasting was going on. But he was studying mischief, how he might bring trouble on Umik. On the fourth day lJmik harpooned a whale in the same way as the first one. It died in the same place, and he replaced his harpoon and line and the small whale in the cleft cedar. And this whale also was given in a feast. One day he took his old father on a whaling trip, and when they went ashore to get his harpoon and line, Umik told how he came to be a whaler, and also he showed the small whale of the lake. Then they went down to the canoe, and the men paddled out, and in a short time a large whale came toward them and was harpooned. And the whale ran toward the beach of the village and died in front of it, and all the people came out in their canoes to tow it in. And now this Tseihsot, his enemy, was among the crowd, and he paddled up to the whaling canoe and grasped its bow, and said, "My friend, Umik, you are doing a great thing, and you must be a proud man for beating me, and so I will kill you!" He drew a whale-bone club from under his robe, and he struck Umik on the head and killed him. And seeing him dead, Tseihsot went ashore. But the father of Umik went to the bow of the canoe and with his knife cut a slit in the neck just above the collarbone. He cut clear down to the lungs, and then he took the small whale out of the cedar-bark and tucked it into the hole and pushed it down to the lungs. And after he had finished, he said to the crew, "Let us hide my son, the great whaler, under the great cedar tree, where he always has been hiding his harpoon and line." But as to the small whale none of the seven men knew anything. So they paddled away from the village and hid the dead body and the harpoon and line under the great cedar. When they returned to the village, they invited the people to cut up the whale and feast. In this feast they broke up the whaling canoe and burned it in the feasting fire, and the father of Umik told his people that he was not ashamed of his son's death, for he had not been killed for being a bad man, but {view image of page 25} THE NOOTKA 25 because he had beaten the man who came to challenge him to a feasting contest. "And my son died a proud death," said he. Now Umik had a son, a small boy, but brave and very quiet in his ways. About twelve years from the time his father was killed, he went to wash in the same lake, for his grandfather repeated to him what Umik had told him at the hiding place before the last whaling trip. For it seems that Umik had told everything: how he had washed with hemlock sprigs, and how the unseen Wolf had instructed him. And that is how the young man learned his father's secrets. And now the very night the young man washed himself, he heard a voice say to him out of the brush: "I am your dead father's friend, and I helped him to be a great whale harpooner. I will help you in the same way, and I hope that you will be as strict as your father was, for he was Umik the good. And now I will give you a name: hereafter you will be Oyephl. Now you shall rub yourself with hemlock until the blood comes out of your skin. And after that you will get your father's body, that is, after you have washed your body twice daily for four days. Then you shall go to the tree where your father's body is hidden, and you shall bring him here beside this lake, and every time you wash to purify yourself, lay the body of your father on the ground close to the water and tie his hands together behind his head. Drive into the ground a stake the length of your height, and stand the body against it. Then after you have finished washing with the fourth bunch of hemlock, go to the dead body and pray your father to give you his whaling power. And after you have prayed to him, then put your head through his two hands, which are tied together behind his head, and you will have him on your back. Then walk into the lake, and you shall dive and stay under as long as your breath will allow, and when you come up you shall blow as a spouting whale, and be very quiet in your movements, and slow, so that when you harpoon a whale he shall go slowly as you do." And that was all that was said to him by the unseen Wolf. Then he thought, "When I have done all these things, how shall I know how the harpoon was made?" While he was talking to himself, he heard the unseen Wolf say, "You will find your father's harpoon and line hidden where his body is hidden. I will make it as good as new for your use," said he. Then all was still again, and Oyephl began to wash himself. After four days he went to get his father's body, and there he found a new harpoon and a new line, which he left under the cedar. But he took the body to the lake, and drove a stake into the ground, tied the two hands of his dead father, and leaned the body against the stake. And after he had rubbed himself with four bunches of hemlock, he put his head between the arms of the dead body and carried it, back to back, into the water. He dived and stayed under the water a long time, and when he came up, he took a mouthful of water and blew it {view image of page 26} 26 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN out. All this he did four times, and he came out and leaned the dead man against the stake. And he did this twice daily, in the morning and in the evening, for four days. On the fifth morning he went whaling with seven men to paddle the canoe, and he killed a whale in the same way his father had done. The people came to tow it ashore, and after the harpoon had been hidden in its place, his crew carried the great canoe out of the water with the young whaler standing in the bow. For they wished to show all the people that they were going to treat him as their head man, because the head chief did not go out to get food for his people. And the head chief did not like the way his people were treating the young whaler, and to show that he was displeased he did not attend the whale feast; for as soon as the tide went out far enough to leave the great whale high and dry, the young whaler sent four old men to invite the people. And when the head chief did not come, they sent the four old men three times to call him. But he told them that he would not come to the whale feast, saying, "I see that all you who were my people put yourselves under the young man because he killed a whale, and feeds you on the fat of it; so I will not go to this feast." And when the four old men told the feasters what was said by the head chief, all the men at the feast became angry and said: "We will let him stay in his house! We will take his power away and give it to our new chief." And then the young chief, the whaler, told them to cut off the whale's blubber as they used to do at his father's feast, for this whale was killed by his father's harpoon. Now the head chief was studying how to kill the whaler, and he asked one of his young men to keep a secret watch on Oyephl. So the spy kept a watch on him wherever he went in the night and in the day, and it was not long before the whaler was seen in the lake rubbing with hemlock, diving with the dead man on his back, and blowing water like a whale. The spy noted everything, and after the whaler had gone home, he also went home and told his chief what he had seen. And the old chief said: "There is one thing more for you to find out. Where does he hide his harpoon and line? Find these two things, or there might be more things that he has hidden in an unknown place." And the spy said that he thought it easy to find them, for the young whaler did not take care to see if there was any one hiding to watch his movements. He said: "And now I know that when he goes out whaling, he does not have a harpoon nor a line in his canoe. And I will try to find out what day he will go again to get a whale," said the spy to the old chief as he went out of the house. He saw some of the whaling crew getting their canoe ready, and so before daylight he went and sat down on the other side of the bay, where he knew the canoe would pass close in. At dawn he saw the crew embark and paddle toward him. A short distance beyond him the whaler landed, and soon returned with {view image of facing page 26} Whaling floats [photogravure plate] {view image of page 27} THE NOOTKA 27 the harpoon. While the whaler was killing his whale, the spy crept through the bushes to the landing place and found a plain trail to the great cedar tree. There he concealed himself and waited until the young whaler returned with his harpoon and line. And as soon as 6yephl had gone, the spy examined them, saying to himself: "The harpoon-blade is made of a large mussel-shell, and the socket is of bone or elk-horn, and there is much gum, and the stout piece of rope is made of twisted elk rawhide four fathoms long, and the harpoon shaft is of yew. It is all very simple. And I saw how the whaler washed himself in the lake, and carried the body of the dead man on his back, and dived four times with it. And now I will go and tell my chief what I have seen and found, and after that I will make a harpoon and a line for myself, and I will be a whaler," said he to himself. Then he went home under cover, coming out behind the village, and when he went into the old chief's house through the back door, he found it empty; for all were on the beach at the whale feast. And the spy went into his room and lay down, and fell asleep; for he had not had a good sleep since he had been set to watch the whaler. And as soon as the feasting ended, the old chief went home. This was the first time he had gone to the whale feast, for he thought it best to pretend good will to the whaler, so that he might have the young man killed without any one knowing of his part in it. When he came home and heard his spy snoring, he awakened the young man to ask what success he had had. The spy told him all, and then said: "Now, my chief, will you tell me now what you are going to do with the young whaler, now that you have found out all his secrets by my help?" And the old man answered, "I will go to the lake with you this evening; and when he comes, we will kill him," said he. They both went out of the bedroom, and they sat beside the fire, and the chief's wife fed them on whale meat and blubber. And after they had eaten enough they complained that they felt sick. This was to deceive the others in the house. So they went together through the back door and up the stream to the lake. And the chief had his whale-bone club under his sea-otter skin robe. And as soon as they came to the lake, they sat down close to where Oyeph- always sat before he washed himself. And the chief told his spy to go home, for he wanted to be alone there, and the young spy departed. So the chief waited near the dead man against the stake, and late in the evening he saw the whaler, with four bunches of hemlock sprigs, sit down at the side of the lake and throw off his bear-skin robe. Then the young man went into the water, and after he had used one bunch of the hemlock, he dived, and the old chief ran out in the water with the whale-bone club in his right hand. He stood close to the whaler, and as soon as the head came up out of the water, he struck it with his heavy club. So the old man killed him and dragged the body out of the water and hid it under a tree, and then he hid the body of Umik in a dry {view image of page 28} 28 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN place under another tree. When he went home, he told his spy to go early in the morning and hide the harpoon and line in some other place where no one would find them. At dawn the spy crept out through the back door, and he kept under cover in the woods as he went to where the harpoon and line were hidden, and he took them to a distant place at the left of the village, and hid them under a large cedar. And after he had finished his work, he went home. And now it was late in the night and everybody was asleep when he came in through the back door of the old chief's house. And he went into his bedroom without making any noise. And before daylight the old chief heard him snoring in his bedroom, and he went from his bedroom into the spy's room and awakened him, and he said: "I had a good dream tonight about the man whom I killed yesterday. In my dream he came and told me how I must pray to four Chiefs. One of them is Hawihilaetlumi ['moon chief']; the second one is HawihlfIowisumi ['south chief']; the third one is Hawihlsuisuimi ['sea chief']; and the fourth one is Hawiyuimui ['mountain chief']. To these four Chiefs I must pray ten times whenever I wash myself in the lake. He told me also the prayers. And these are the prayers: "'Moon Chief, listen to my prayer! To the high Chief I pray. Listen to me, what I ask you to give me. I want you to help me, Chief. I want you to give me a fine day, Chief.' "'To the South Chief! Do not let me speak falsely to you, when I speak to you, Chief, you, the seer of all secrets.' "'To you, Sea Chief! I want you to help me. Give your aid to me, truly to me.' "'Mountain Chief, I wish you to give me what I want. Listen to my wish; for I am obeyed by all the tribes, as I am a young man listened to by the young men, chief of all.' "These are the four prayers to the four great Chiefs, which I have to say ten times over at the morning washing and ten times in the evening, every time I wash myself at the lake," said the old chief to his spy. Now, according to the story, the dead whaler went to wash himself at the lake at the same time with the chief. For the old man, as soon as he took the bunch of hemlock, walked into the lake and sat down in the water to wet his skin all over, and stood up to rub his right side; then he heard the young whaler's spirit saying the same four prayers to the four great Chiefs; and the old man, repeating after him, by this means learned how to say them all. And then after four days' washing by the old man and the spirit of the dead whaler, every morning and late in the evening, the old man, sleeping in the night, had a dream of the dead whaler, who told him to go to the lake and wash again. And he said: "While you are washing, let seven men take a good-sized canoe and put her into the salt water; and they shall {view image of facing page 28} The whaler's wife [photogravure plate] {view image of page 29} THE NOOTKA 29 go into her and sit with their paddles in their hands, ready to paddle. And they shall wait for you to come out of the woods from the lake; but before you come out you shall have a crown of hemlock on your head, and after you have done this, then you come down to the beach to where your canoe is; then you get into it and take your seat in the bow, and let your men paddle to where my harpoon and line are hidden by your spy, the young man, whom you will take for one of your crew. Rise now, and get your men ready before daylight, for the whale will be waiting for you to harpoon him just after dawn," said the dead whaler to the chief. And the chief woke just after the middle of the night, and he went and picked out seven good, strong men, and told them what to do; and one of them was the spy. And some of his crew were those who had been with the dead whaler. In a short time all the men were ready, and each took a paddle, and they selected one of the best canoes in the village and launched it, and all sat down on the thwarts. But the old man told them to wait for him, and he went back into the woods to the lake. And there he rubbed himself again with hemlock, and he tied a bunch of hemlock crosswise on the back of his head, with a crown of the same leaves around his head; and then he went to the waiting canoe. He took his seat in the bow, and his men paddled away from the beach. The spy directed them to a certain place, and there he got the harpoon and line. So in the same way as Umik and Oyephl, the chief harpooned a whale. But the great whale went down, and the old man did not know what to say or do. And one of the crew, who had been whaling with Oyephl, said, "You had better pray to the whale, and tell him which way he must go!" But the chief replied that the spirit of the dead whaler had said nothing about that. "Well," said the paddler, "if you do not know the prayer, we shall be towed out to sea!" Then the old chief ordered him to say the prayer of the dead whaler, and the man repeated the prayer of 1Jmik to the harpooned whale. And the great whale turned slowly around toward the village, and as soon as it touched bottom it died; and the chief, instead of hiding his harpoon and line in the woods, sent a man to hang them in the house at the right side of the door. But he himself remained with his men in the canoe beside the dead whale, until the people came down and carried the canoe with its crew and set it on the two logs. Then the chief told his speaker to invite the people to cut the blubber from the whale and have a great feast. And very soon all the people came down, each with a knife, and they climbed upon the whale and cut the blubber off in large squares. The chief announced that his name was changed to Tsahwasip ["harpooner"], and then sent them home to cook and eat the blubber and flesh in their own houses. And he promised to give a whale feast every four days, and they rejoiced. And now the old man kept on washing himself in the morning {view image of page 30} 30 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN and in the evening, and one evening his spy asked to go the next morning to bathe with him. "For," said he, "I had a dream last night from the young whaler whom you killed. He told me to wash in the lake with you, and if I do not, something against our wish will befall us." And the old man consented. Now the spy had had no dream, but said this because he wanted to learn where Tsahwasip hid the whaler's body. At dawn they went to the lake, and after they had washed with four bunches of hemlock the chief prepared to return to the village, but the young man said: "No. According to what I saw the young whaler do, and according to my dream, we are not done." And the chief asked him what more there was, and the spy said, "Do you not take the dead body of Umik on your back, and dive into the lake four times?" And the old man replied, "No, I never was told in my dream about such a thing, and you did not tell anything about it." For he was growing angry. And the spy said, "Well, if you do not do it, something against our wish will happen when you are harpooning a whale; for all the power you have comes from that dead body." And then Tsaihwasip began to see that he was right, that the power must be carried by the dead body of the first man that ever harpooned and killed a whale. "Well," said he, "I will get it." He brought it soon from under a great cedar tree, and laid it on the ground. He asked if Oyephl dived with the body on his back, and the spy declared that he had seen the young whaler do it. "Well," said Tsahwasip, "if he carried this corpse on his back, and dived into the lake with it, so shall I do it also." This he said while he put his head between the two arms. With the corpse on his back he walked into the lake and dived, and stayed under as long as he could. The second time he remained down a little longer, but when he came up the spy said that Oyephl had remained under twice as long. "For," said he, "he used to stay under water until the blood came out of his ears and eyes and nose. But you come up in a very short time," said he. And the old man said: "I am only learning how to dive with the load I have on my back. Yet I will try to stay under as long as I can the next time." The third time he came up very slowly, and he asked if he had remained long enough. But the spy only laughed and said: "You are not diving to please me. It is to please the whale spirit, who is watching you, although you cannot see him. He is here watching all that is going on in this lake, and if you do not act in the right way to please him, he will bring some kind of trouble on you. And now these very words of the young man frightened Tsaihwasip, and he begged the spy to tell him what to do. "Well," said the young man, "if I were in your place, and this will be the fourth time you will dive, I would try to stay under the water as long as it is possible for a man to do." And the chief answered that he would do so. And he took a long breath and dived the fourth time, and {view image of facing page 30} Fastening the harpoon point [photogravure plate] {view image of page 31} THE NOOTKA 3I he stayed under so long that the spy thought he would not come up alive. But at last he came up with blood running from his ears and nose and eyes. And he said: "Tseitlas (for that was the spy's name), you are a great help to me! For by the young whaler whom I carry on my back I was taken to an unknown land, where all the spirits of the dead are, and they sang songs to me. These songs are used by them when their whale harpooner has killed a whale, and as soon as he kills the whale, then they sing these songs when they are towing it home. And also they told me to kill many hairseals and to take off the skins to make floats of them, fourteen in all. For they had them hanging up on beams of the dead men's houses, where I was taken to learn all the ways of their whalers. And now we shall go whaling in four days from this very day, for we have to learn to sing the towing songs, and I have to send the hair-seal spearers to get fourteen hair-seals, and to skin them and dry the skins," said he, as he came out of the water, and went to hide the dead body under the tree. Then the spy Tseitlas thought to himself: "I have found out where he has hidden the body, and since the old man has learned that there are towing songs belonging to the whaling, I will let him go on a little longer before I do what I am intending to do. And so I will go into the water with him and wash myself with hemlock, so as to cover what I intend to do against him," said he to himself, as he took off his bear-skin robe. And he went into the water, carrying the bunch of hemlock, and he did everything he saw the dead whaler do while he was washing in the same lake; and after he had finished with the four bunches of hemlock, he dived four times. Then the chief said to him, "You do not stay under the water as long as I did." And the young man answered: "No. If I were going out to harpoon a whale as you will do, I would stay under until the blood runs all over my body," said he as he came out of the water. And they put on their robes and went home; and the chief at once ordered his wife to clear the floor. "For," he said, "I will call all my people to hear what I have to say." And the woman began to clean the floor, while Tsa'hwasip sent his four speakers to invite the men. And as soon as all the men entered, the chief informed them that the spirits of the dead had told him to have the hair-seal spearers kill fourteen large seals, skin them, and make the skins into bags. And then he also told his crew to accompany him into the woods, and there to learn some new songs; and after he had finished speaking, all except his crew went out of the house. While the hair-seal spearers prepared their canoes and spears for the coming night, Tsahwasip went through the back door of his house with the spy Tseitlas and the rest of his whaling crew. They went far into the woods, so that the villagers should not hear them singing, and in a good place they sat down, and the chief said that he would first sing the songs that they should use while waiting in {view image of page 32} 32 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the canoe for him to come out of the woods. "For," said he, "there are four songs that you have to sing to the four great Chiefs, to make the whale willing to come to us to be harpooned by my hand and by their help; and you all have to sing these four songs over and over until I come." And he began to sing the first song to the Chief, the Moon Chief: "I was taken to the supernatural lake to wash myself in it, to make myself a whale harpooner." The second song was to the Mountain Chief: "The ten harpoons that you have in your charge, you, Mountain Chief, who keep me sleepless in the nights for eight moons, you, Mountain Chief, I wish to obtain from you." The third was to the Sea Chief: "I am going through a cave in the island, the road of the whale. I am going through a cave in the island, the road of the whale. I am going through a cave in the island, the road of the whale." And the fourth song was to the South Chief: "Go cautiously, for two things are there, and they are dangerous! Go as cautiously as you can. For they are taking care of the road that leads toward my house, which you wish to come into, to ask me for power to harpoon my whale, which is my fish." And after Tsahwasip had sung these songs four times, all his crew could repeat them without his help. And now he told them that there were still many songs that had been given to him by the spirits, which they sing as they tow a whale that they have harpooned in their lake, so as to make the dead whale's spirit feel proud to hear the crew singing happily and willing to let the dead body tow lightly behind the canoe. And the chief started to sing the first towing song of the four that he intended to teach them. And this is it: "It is good for you to go quickly toward your shore; it is good for you to go quickly toward your shore. It is good for you to go quickly toward your shore, so that the young men see you quickly, for they all wish to see you." The second song was this: "I kill and I stay with him in the river. I kill and I stay with him in the river. I kill and I stay with him in the river. I kill and I stay with him in the river." This was the third song: "It is good for you to go ashore on a good beach, for I am the only one in this whaling canoe, and one man beside me." The fourth towing song was this: "Raven, Mountain Chief, I am going home with my whale in tow, to pour the fat of it on my fire. Raven, Mountain Chief, I am going home with my whale in tow, to pour the fat of it on my fire." Tsahwasip told them that there were ninety-six towing songs yet to be learned. "But," he said, "we will go home now, and I {view image of page 33} THE NOOTKA 33 will sing them some other time." So they all went home late in the evening, and they found the hair-seal spearers returned from their night's hunting. And the chief selected fourteen of the largest seals and had them skinned. And he made the skins into air-tight bags with an outlet at the left flipper stopped by a wooden plug. Now when the floats were dry, Tsahwasip ordered his men to be ready before the next dawn. But he himself, instead of going to sleep, went through the back door to the lake, and remained there washing himself until he heard his crew singing in the canoe. And when he had heard the four songs, he put the hemlock crown on his head, and his bear-skin robe about his shoulders. Then he felt his way out of the woods, for it was still dark, and took his place in the bow. The crew paddled to the point where he had hidden his harpoon, and soon the old chief secured it. His men paddled outward to the lee of a small island, where before daylight they heard a whale spouting. The chief started to fix his harpoon-blade on the shaft. Then he looked back to see if his crew was ready, and discovered that Tseitlas, his spy, was absent. The others said that when they had called him he failed to answer, and they came away without him. Then the chief wanted to turn back, but his crew declared that he must throw his harpoon at the spouting whale; for the wise old man of the crew said, "If you do not harpoon the great whale which is calling us, you will never have a chance to harpoon another whale, and also we will never again come out whaling with you." Then Tsahwasip told them to paddle toward the whale, and he harpooned it. The great whale went down, and the float-tender had scarcely time to tie the floats to the line. The great whale went out to sea, and the chief ordered his crew to sing the four songs to the four Chiefs, and pray to the whale the four prayers. But the wise old man of the crew cautioned them to pray the four prayers first to the harpooned whale; but after they had prayed the four prayers, still the whale did not turn back, and Tsahwasip said that all the trouble was brought on by Tseitlas, his spy; for he said, "I wanted to go back for him, then we would have had no trouble." But the wise old man of the crew said, "If you had not wished to go back at the time we heard the whale spouting, we would have had no trouble; and also you told us to sing the towing songs and pray afterward, and that is why the whale is angry with us, for the mistake you made in telling us to sing first instead of to pray first." The whale went seaward for two days, and at last he turned and swam shoreward for two days; and when they were close to land, the old chief told the wise man of the crew to take the place in the bow and throw the second harpoon at the whale. So the man did this, and then threw the third harpoon, which killed the whale. They began to sing the towing songs as they took the whale in tow, for they killed the whale not far from the village. As they came in sight of the village, the chief stood up in the bow, singing the towVOL. XI-3 {view image of page 34} 34 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ing songs, and also his crew sitting on the thwarts sang as they paddled. And as soon as the whale was beached, Tsahwasip leaped out and waded ashore, with his harpoon on his right shoulder and his paddle in his left hand, and he went up the beach and into his house, and hung the harpoon on the two pegs beside the door. He sent his wife to cut off the dorsal fin of the whale with the adjacent skin. So she brought it to him, and he hung it over the fire to dry, and then she told him that his spy had disappeared the same day they had gone whaling and no one knew what had become of him. Then the old man said, "I thought he was going to do something against me, for the whale made trouble as soon as I harpooned it." He went out to the place where he had hidden the dead body. It was gone, and he was very sorry. He went home and lay down and slept, and he dreamed that his spy had the dead body on his back, washing in a small lake and getting ready to go whaling. He awoke, and said to himself: "I wish I had killed him as soon as he told me all the secrets of Oyephl. Then there would have been no trouble." He told his wife all about the dream, and she began to cry. The old man lay on his back and covered his face with his sea-otter skin, and there he lay all that day and all night. The next morning his wife called him. But he was dead, and his people said that he had died of a broken heart; and from that time the west coast people always try to keep the different kinds of washings for different huntings and for whaling and sealing, and even for gambling, secret from one another, as much as they can; for if ever they are caught washing with hemlock and have good luck out of the washing, they are sure to be killed by their enemies. At last it was found that Tseitlas had gone to the Ahousaht [Ahosuitha] with the body the of young whaler Oyephl, and that he had begun to go whaling there. And from there all the different tribes on the west coast learned how to kill whales by harpooning them. It was six years after the death of the old chief Tsahwasip before any one at Yahksis went out to harpoon a whale. Then the young chief who had taken the old man's place tried it, but the whale that he harpooned struck the canoe with his tail and killed the chief; and his people said that he had not observed all the rules of the first whaler's washing. So the people of Yahksis gave up whaling until not very long ago. Then they tried it again, and now they are doing well at it, these new whalers of this generation. They begin their washing in the month of October, and the whaler's wife has to get two dried corpses - a man and a woman - to be used in the washing. The whaler has to carry the dead man on his back when he dives four times, and his wife has to carry the dead woman on her back when she dives four times. And they have to,sleep in separate beds until the month of May. Then as soon as they see the new moon in the month of May, the whaling canoe is {view image of facing page 34} A woman of Hesquiat [photogravure plate] {view image of page 35} THE NOOTKA 35 put on two logs, one under the bow and one under the stern, to raise the bottom off the beach about one foot, so that it will dry. In the evening the crew char and scrape the bottom. All the while they are working on the canoe, the whaler and his wife are at the lake washing themselves. If it is a calm night, the crew carry the canoe down, with all the ropes, the two harpoon shafts, and all the fourteen floats. Then all take their seats in her and begin to sing the waiting songs, and as soon as the whaler hears them, he picks up his whaling harpoon, for he has to keep it at the lake, and he carries it on his shoulder as he comes out of the woods with his wife. She goes into the house and takes a mat of cedar-bark, a new one, and lies on her bed with the mat spread over her blankets. She has to lie and sleep as long as her husband is out whaling, and she must not move, nor eat any food, nor drink. As soon as the whaler sits down in the bow, the crew of seven dip their paddles and go seaward to a small island, and in smooth water on the lee shore they stop paddling and listen for a whale to spout. This is before daylight, and as soon as their watchman hears the sound, the whaler gets his harpoon ready and ties his long line to it; and the float-blower begins to blow three of the floats full of air. When all is ready, they wait for daylight, and as soon as they can see, they paddle to the whale. Now and then he blows, and seems to be waiting for the canoe to come alongside of him. Then the steersman brings the canoe with her bow alongside the whale's tail on the right side, and when the whaler thinks he can harpoon the whale through to the lungs, he makes a thrust while the whale is about three feet under the water, and that is why the harpooned whale never strikes a whaling canoe with his tail, unless the whaler harpoons it before his great body is covered over with water. Just as the thrust is made the float-keeper ties one of the floats about ten fathoms from the harpoon, and from there, if the whale does not take the line out too fast, he ties them on about two fathoms apart until he has tied on thirteen; for he keeps one to tie on the end of the whaling line. All this time the whaler is standing and singing the four songs to the four Chiefs, and his crew help him. The last two whales killed by the present whaler, TsafSotatlme [the informant], did not give any trouble, for they did not even take out all the line; because he killed the mother first, and after she was dead he harpooned the young one, which swam around his dead mother, and the line took a turn around the mother's tail. And after he killed them, the diver took a rope four fathoms long and a sharp knife, and dived under the jaw of the whale and cut a hole through the lip, and tied the end of the rope there. And the other end he brought up, and the others cut a hole through the upper lip of the whale and passed the rope through it, and hauled it taut, so that the lower jaw jammed tight against the upper. Then {view image of page 36} 36 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN they tied the rope, and the whaler gave his diver ten dollars for each whale. For as soon as a whale is dead, then his lower jaw drops and makes the towing very slow. Now they came homeward, and they had not used the second and the third harpoon. When they were near the village, the people heard the whalers singing the towing songs, and that showed them that they had killed a whale; and they put four canoes into the water, and nine men in each went to meet the whalers. As soon as they came up the whalers stopped and cut from the back of each whale's neck a piece of blubber one span long and a span and a half wide, and one of the four canoes paddled back to the village with them as fast as they could. And as soon as they came to the beach, one of the men took the blubber to the whaler's house and gave it to the whaler's wife, and she cut it into strips, which she put into a kettle on the fire, already boiling. In a few minutes she spread on the floor a small new mat, removed the kettle from the fire, and laid the cooked blubber on the mat. She kept one piece for herself, and the man carried the mat with the blubber on it to the canoe; and they paddled back and gave it to the whaler. He bit off the end of one strip and gave the rest of the strip to the float-tender; and so he gave a piece each to the rope-tender, to the diver, to the whale-spouting watcher, and to the steersman, while the four canoes took the two whales in tow. And after they had finished eating, they joined the four canoes and helped them tow the whales, all singing the one hundred towing songs until they came to the beach of the village. And as soon as the whale was aground the whaler's wife came out of her house, carrying in her left hand some eagle-down and in her right a horn rattle, and singing her secret bathing song, as she came down the beach running toward the whale. And she went into the whaling canoe and put some of the down on her husband's head, at the same time singing, and shaking her rattle. And after she had finished, they took her out to the dead whales, and she leaped upon the large one and put some down on the blowhole, and did the same to the other one. Then she stopped singing, and standing on the large whale's back she made a speech to the people, and this is what she said: "Now, you people of my husband, I have shown you all how I have been strong-hearted, not to do anything wrong in the eight moons that I was washing with hemlock sprigs with my husband, and how we have had separate beds. And these two whales I and my husband have killed through our uprightness. And I thank our Chiefs, Hawihlaetlumi, and Hawihltowisumi, and Hawihsuisuimi, and Hawiyumu, for listening to my prayers, and my husband's prayers, and for giving us power to kill these great whales." As she went into the canoe, the head chief took ten dollars out of his pocket and gave to the whaler, and said, "For this I want a {view image of facing page 36} A partially cut up whale [photogravure plate] {view image of page 37} THE NOOTKA 37 piece of blubber." And many of the people did likewise, but gave not so much as the head chief. And sometimes now the whaler gets as much as two hundred dollars from his people, and of that he pays the diver ten dollars and five to each of the others of his crew. And the whaler gets only the tail. The whaling canoe is thirty-one feet long and five feet beam, and the prow is short. From the harpooner's seat in the bow to the second seat is six feet, and to the third seat is four feet more, to the fourth seat is three feet more, and to the fifth is three and a half feet, and to the sixth is two and a half feet. In the six-foot space are kept the fourteen floats, and the man that blows them up stays there. In the four-foot space all the lines are kept, and the man who looks after them is there; and in the three-foot space is the watchman; and the diver sits next to the watchman. A prayer used by a certain Clayoquot whaler in his rite of purification is this: "Whale, I want you to come near me, so that I will get hold of your heart and deceive it, so that I will have strong legs and not be trembling and excited when the whale comes and I spear him. Whale, you must not run out to sea when I spear you. Whale, if I spear you, I want my spear to strike your heart. Harpoon, when I use you, I want you to go to the heart of the whale. Whale, when I spear at you and miss you, I want you to take hold of my spear with your hands. Whale, do not break my canoe, for I am going to do good to you. I am going to put eagle-down and cedar-bark on your back. Whale, if I use only one canoe to kill you, I want to kill you dead." While uttering the prayer, the whaler squats on a rock in the lake and rubs his hands. Then standing, he shakes a rattle, holding the left hand with palm perpendicular, fingers extended and thumb upright, in representation of a whale with its fin above water, and he sings: My supernatural power is in the house, hanging on a staff at the head of the bed. Moderato M-f M_ j f- 4 i I i. _ _. 6. - a _ J {view image of page 38} 38 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN A L. S3 8 w;~:~F F r r. r.= mr ar. ' L' I;; r ri i- r 9-, ^__.__ e __. __I |ebb: glonic: surf | rr~ f la ^^, * ^^ __ _____ __ ^ _ __ ^ __~ _ ~ There is an old saying that when the whale is weak and is going ashore, it likes to hear the whaler sing. During his purification, therefore, while his wife holds one end of a rope fastened about his waist, as if he were a harpooned whale, the whaler sings the song which later he will repeat for the harpooned whale. Then the woman begins to pray, holding the rope, and in the water the man walks around her with the slow, undulating movements of a whale, while she repeats over and over, "This is the way the whale will act!" The Makah whaler, after his ceremonial bath and rubbing with hemlock, comes out of the water and dons an elaborate head-dress. A bunch of split feathers is fastened at the back of the head-band, {view image of facing page 38} A Clayoquot maiden [photogravure plate] {view image of page 39} THE NOOTKA 39 and below it, reaching to the hips and supported by the headband, hangs a strip of woven cedar-bark, the broad strips vertical and the narrow ones horizontal. On this a number of hollow, blackened cedar images of the upper part of a whale, ten inches long and four wide, are fastened either horizontally in two tiers facing each other, or perpendicularly in rows of three. A cedar-bark belt holds the back-piece in at the waist. The top of the head-dress is a cap covered with split feathers, some of which project over the forehead. Feathers of the goose and the sea-gull are used, and to the quill of each is tied a red feather of a woodpecker. Two of these outfits were formerly kept in the family of every whaler, presumably for the use of father and son. With his head-dress adjusted, the whaler goes slowly into the woods, stooping, and with an undulating movement in imitation of a whale. He proceeds to one of the village cemeteries and moves four times around a coffin, then removes the head-dress and returns home. This rite is observed during the waxing of the moon, but during its waning the head-dress is not used. A human corpse was formerly used in preparation for whaling only as a last resort to change continued ill luck. The body must be that of a male not more than four days dead, and it is said that sometimes a small boy was killed for this purpose. Occasionally the whaler flayed the body after removing the forearms and the lower legs, cutting the skin down the median line from the forehead and along the inside of the legs. After being dried in the sun with as little handling as possible, the skin was hung over the back-piece of the whaler's head-dress. If the body was to be used, the forearms and lower legs were cut off, and the corpse was placed, face upward, on the devotee's back with the interposition of an inch-thick pad of rosebush shoots and nettles, the nettles touching the head-dress and the thorny shoots the corpse. A rope under the arms of the corpse passed over the whaler's shoulders and was fastened to his belt, and another encircled the waist of both. It is said that this method was used because a man once placed a corpse on his back with its face downward and its arms about his neck, and it took a deathgrip on his throat and killed him. After the capture of a whale, some of the crew cut off the captain's portion of blubber- a large strip from a point one fathom in front of the dorsal fin to four finger-breadths behind it and extending somewhat below the middle of the sides. This is hung near his bed. By sticking sea-gull feathers into the skin they produce {view image of page 40} 40 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN in the middle a figure representing the moon as it appears at the time, and around the edge four rows of stars. At the very edge is a row of goose- and gull-feathers, and at the top a row of gullfeathers. A wooden dish receives the dripping oil. The whaler now invites the old whalers of the village, who sit facing the piece of blubber while each sings his whaling song. On the fifth day the whaler hires two men to cut and prepare the blubber for a feast. Their faces are blackened with charcoal and lined with white stripes, and they wear belted capes of cedarbark covered with split feathers. When they have sliced and boiled the blubber, all the men are summoned to the feast. Neither the whaler nor his family eat. If not all is eaten, the visitors do not take portions home, as at an ordinary feast, but the two men who cooked it cast the remnants into the ocean in such a place that it will not drift ashore to be eaten by dogs. These village scavengers however are permitted to eat the remains of the carcass. The blubber is boiled in large chests by means of heated stones, and the oil is skimmed off and stored in a skin, to be eaten with dried fish, berries, and roots. Oil-bags are made of the stomachs and bladders of sea-lions and whales, and the stomachs of porpoises, hair-seals, small sharks, skates, and dogfish. The larger of these receptacles, especially hair-seal stomachs, are used for whale oil. The cooked blubber, as well as the flesh of the whale, is dried in sun and smoke. Whaling is nowadays rarely followed by any of the tribes, but, as noted above, the Clayoquot have recently killed whales in the primitive manner, and very recently the Makah have revived the practice. Among the Nootkan tribes a newly born child was bathed in warm water, anointed with dogfish oil, especially about the eyes, and wrapped in shredded cedar-bark. A piece of partially dried blubber was given it to suck until the mother's flow of milk was satisfactory, and the mother herself ate more than the usual quantity of blubber in order to enrich her milk. The infant was bathed daily, and on the fifth day, still wrapped in bark fibre, it was placed in the woven bark carrier with a pad of bark laced tightly over the forehead and other pads at the sides of the head to prevent the head from turning and from bulging out at the sides. As it grew older it was taken out of the carrier when not sleeping, and at the age of about eighteen months the carrier was dispensed with. The following is a Hesquiat mother's lullaby sung to her boy baby: {view image of facing page 40} Cooking whale blubber [photogravure plate] {view image of page 41} THE NOOTKA Who is that child passing, hair blown by the wind, fishing? Caught only one with your hook, you fish-line boy. Who is that child passing? Allegretto 41 =I I l W, I ' LG J F _IJ!;l; I~ > 3 3 r N11e FINE D.S. I ~ 3..4.L ~n,_~-' I I..I II.. ~, L;._.._ k I,. At a very early age a boy began to receive instruction from his grandfather in hunting, fishing, and rules of conduct under various circumstances. Girls were taught by their grandmothers. Children were allowed to do much as they pleased, and were seldom punished. The parents of twins or of a cripple were sent with their offspring into the woods, where they lived in a hut lined with blackened matting, spending day and evening in beating on a box-drum and in singing songs about the spring salmon and herring, with the expectation that in their sleep the spirits of these fish would appear and give them songs.' After four days they returned to their house. For a year they bathed in a pit instead of the sea or rivers, abstained from herring and salmon, and observed sexual continence. The reason for the taboo of herring and salmon was that they had sung to receive supernatural power from them, and to eat of their flesh would have made it impossible to receive that power. Either a twin or a deformed person is called ntumuksti (numuk, taboo; sti, 1 On the supposed relation of twins to fish among the Kwakiutl, see Volume X, page 92. {view image of page 42} 42 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN belly), regardless of age or sex, and the infant brother or sister of such a one is called nachfiksti (ndchii, fish-tail). With delicate euphemism the Nootka say that twins usually died young.; as a matter of fact their early demise was due to deliberate neglect, if to nothing worse. The first name is bestowed when the child begins to creep. A boy receives one of the unused inherited names of his father or paternal grandfather, and a girl one of her mother's or maternal grandmother's. The naming takes place at a feast to relatives and friends, and the father, or paternal grandfather, or a hired speaker, announces the name. A name may be changed at any time, but the change must be accompanied by a feast and the distribution of presents. A name must be changed, or at least replaced by another previously bestowed, when another possessor of the same name dies; for the utterance of the name would renew the grief of the bereaved relatives. A chief's daughter at the age of puberty was put in the position of honor at the rear of the living room, and a small wooden cell was built around her, lest her eyes be permanently weakened by the sight of fire. At such times common girls sat anywhere in the room and without protection from the eyes of visitors. Seated on the floor against the wall, with knees drawn well up under her chin and a cedar-bark robe draped about her, a well-born girl maintained her cramped position in spite of the utmost weariness. Her hair hung loosely behind, and on a string around her neck was a wooden comb which she frequently used. A sharp stick was employed in scratching. Morning and evening she received two pieces of dry fish half the size of the hand, and in the evening a clam-shell full of water. At the very beginning of her seclusion some women, usually ten, were called in, one of them being a song-maker. They sang much during the day and a part of the night, and slept in the house. Usually two small girls were the young woman's attendants. On the fifth morning the girl's hair was dressed, and to each of the two braids was tied a piece of woven cedar-bark with dentalium shells sewn on it. This ornament was six inches long and half as wide, and at the bottom was a fringe of cedar-bark with dentalium shells hanging from the ends. She then went with her mother or some old woman to a secret place and bathed in fresh water, wrapping her braids and ornaments and binding them on her head with a band. She rubbed her body with four bunches of hemlock until each was worn to shreds, and prayed for health, strength, and long {view image of facing page 42} Hesquiat girl in cedar-bark costume [photogravure plate] {view image of page 43} THE NOOTKA 43 life. Returning, she was dressed in a robe and a head-band at each side of which an eagle tail-feather was thrust upright. Then, attended by her father and three other men, she walked through the village, the chief bearing a large wooden bowl painted red, which after a while he threw among the crowd. The young man who secured it received a sea-otter skin and a dentalium shell. After the party returned to the house, the chief distributed presents. At intervals of four days the girl bathed and rubbed with hemlock four times, and for ten months she wore the dentalium ornaments on the hair-braids. There was nothing distinctive about Nootka mortuary customs. Even before death ensued, the relatives would gather in the house and wail, and not infrequently the dying person was dressed for burial in his best clothing. As soon as life appeared to be extinct, the body was wrapped in a good robe, placed in a sitting posture in a box, and blankets or robes were doubled and stuffed about it. The cover was lashed down and the coffin removed through an opening in the wall or through the roof: to carry it through the door would mean that the souls of other members of the household might follow this departing spirit. Tree-burial was the most common, but caves also were used; and the Makah sometimes deposited coffins in graves six feet deep, covering them with heavy stones in order to foil any whaler who might desire the corpse for his practices. When the eldest son of a chief died, a formal ceremony was observed. The corpse was laid on a mat where it could be seen to the best advantage, and on the following day the people were invited to view it. One of the chiefs made a speech, bidding the father and other relatives not to feel too sorrowful, because this was the will of Chabat, who ruled over all things. Then the chief's spokesman named ten men to prepare the body for burial, and they placed it in a coffin and carried it to the cemetery. A few wailing relatives accompanied them. They soon returned to the assembly, and the chief sang a mourning song and distributed the greater portion of his possessions. Not rarely a bereaved chief would send his warriors to make an attack on another tribe, and by killing some of them cause sorrow in the survivors and thus alleviate his own suffering. The execution of a slave sometimes followed the death of a great chief. When a hunter died, they erected at the grave a pole bearing a carved image of the animal he was most accustomed to hunt; or the image was set in a canoe placed near the coffin. Sometimes the {view image of page 44} 44 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN house in which a person of very high rank died was torn down, and the material was burned or erected in a new spot. The contents were given away, and contributions by the people provided the family with the necessaries of life. To demonstrate their grief, men and women cut the hair, wore old clothing, and ate little, and they walked with a staff, as if very weak. The more personal and less valuable possessions, such as a man's fish-hooks and a woman's sewing instruments, were either destroyed or thrown away in the vicinity of the coffin. If a man wished to take the spiritual counterpart of any articles with him, he so informed his family, and the objects were burned. A man's eldest son had the first right to select what he wanted for himself, and the other things he distributed as he saw fit. If there were no children, the wife kept the property, except the house, if he had owned one. In this case she moved out with all the personal property, and the people made a wild scramble for the material of which the house was built. If a canoe was found, it was generally broken in the melee. An unmarried man's property went to his parents, or to the family in which he lived. A childless woman's possessions were inherited by her sister, or by her nearest relative, the widower receiving only the bedding, If a woman had grown children, her property was divided among them, but for minor children it was held in trust by her parents or nearest relative. An unmarried woman's property was taken by her mother or other nearest relative. The world of spirits is believed to lie beneath the earth. When any one is dying, three or four spirits, his nearest relatives among the departed, come to escort his soul to the lower world. Together they walk to a river, which they cross in a canoe. On the other side the newcomer bathes in the stream and gains strength to walk without assistance. The food of spirits is principally spring salmon and charcoal. When on the earth a cooking vessel spills, it is thought to be at the wish of the spirits. Their dwellings are like the houses of this world, and each tribe lives directly beneath its earthly habitat. In the other world the individual lives on from the age at which his body died, and at a ripe old age the spirit expires. That wife who most loved a man and who bore him the most children is his wife in the other world, and spirit children are born there. The Clayoquot believe that the dead of noble rank live in hinaihil ("above"), while slaves and the ignoble abide in pinapuhla ("below"). This lower world is inhabited by chi'ha who in many petty {view image of facing page 44} Hesquiat profile [photogravure plate] {view image of page 45} THE NOOTKA 45 ways torment the human souls, such as by offering a newly arrived spirit food which proves to be a dish of flies. The deities of the Nootka tribes seem to be rather vaguely conceived. The Clayoquot pray to Nas ("day"), that is, the Sun; to Athaiyuihupuihl ("night luminary") or Hawihlaetlumi ("moon chief"), the husband of the Sun; to Hawihlsuisimi ("sea chief"); to Hawiyumui ("mountain chief"); to Hawih1flowisimi ("south chief"). All these are benevolent, protecting beings, but apparently without definite functions. Offerings are made to any one of the gods by burning feathers and whale oil beneath the enlarged smoke-hole, while the head of the household prays aloud and the others sit listening. Prayers are offered during the waxing of the moon, in order that the people may increase and be full of life like the growing moon; but when the luminary begins to wane, the prayers cease, for the people do not wish to die like the moon. Some pray also to Haihlupihawihl ("above chief"), a name which, according to an informant, was used long before the coming of white people; but as he is a comparatively young man and the influence of missionaries has long been exerted on the west coast, coming to them first through the medium of Indians of other tribes, no weight is to be given to his opinion. The Mooachaht apply the term qo6"i to the principal deity, who dwells in the sky, and to the head chief of the tribe.1 The supernatural beings which, according to Clayoquot belief, impart ability to hunt all kinds of animals are: Nanika ("grizzlybear woman"), who appears as a woman with a baby in a carrier; Yaai, who assumes the form of a man wearing a circlet of eaglefeathers; Haiitlik, an aquatic monster resembling an alligator; Sususghitlik (susa, to swim), a brown or black, squirrel-like, aquatic animal with two red stripes from the angles of its mouth to its tail; Aiaichkasitlik (aichshit, to rot), a minute, porpoise-like creature found in small ponds. When a devotee sees this last creature, he must not let his eyes leave it, or it will disappear; but keeping his gaze fixed on it he must find a stick and turn it over, when it will die. He then must cut it into four pieces, wrap them separately in moss, and conceal them in the woods. He must not let it touch his skin, lest his flesh rot. The power to heal or to cause sickness is generally inherited. 1 The word is used also in addressing a grandchild, and the natives therefore translate it "grandchild." Of course the process of transition has been in the opposite direction: the word is a term of reverence, equivalent to "lord," and as such came to be addressed to favorite grandchildren. {view image of page 46} 46 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN That son (or daughter) of a medicine-man (or medicine-woman) selected as his successor is sent at an early age into the woods to bathe and rub the body with hemlock or a certain kind of grass. The baths are taken frequently, sometimes four times a day and four times at night, and the youth may remain away from home for several days, wandering from place to place, bathing in every stream and lake and eating just enough roots and berries to sustain life. Prayers are addressed to the Sun, the Moon, and other deities. It is not expected that a spirit will be seen before the end of the first year. These habits, in a milder form, are continued even after the power has been obtained. The Makah address the supreme being as Chabat ("chief"), which title is given also to the Moon, the Sun, and to a water deity. The most frequently supplicated is Kliseikak (" day," an epithet of the sun). Prayers are offered by bathers, by those who believe themselves in danger, and, formerly, by warriors in preparation for an expedition. Whalers, and those who desire riches, pray at night in whispers. Osumlch is the Clayoquot term for the process of purifying the body by washing and rubbing with hemlock sprigs in order to obtain special ability from supernatural beings. As practised by the youth it is done in this manner: At the age of twelve to twenty, after instruction by his father in the purpose and the procedure of this rite, he goes at daylight into the woods to the side of a stream or lake and rubs himself violently with four bunches of hemlock. If he is seeking the power to take some water animal in the hunt, he goes into the water and imitates the actions of that animal. If he wishes to capture land animals, he stands at the edge of the water. If he is successful, a spirit (chi'ha) appears and speaks to him. If its form is human, he knows its real identity by something it wears. The devotee may continue his bathing for many days, returning each evening, or he may remain in the woods fasting for as long as four days and three nights. Having obtained the guardianship of some spirit, he reveals the fact to his parents and intimate friends, without telling in detail what the spirit did and said. From his subsequent success as a hunter, a shaman, or an accumulator of wealth, the people gradually become aware that he has had such an experience. Here is the experience by which Waali, a Makah of a former generation, professed to have secured shamanistic power. As a young man he prepared to become a whaler, bathing frequently and sometimes spending eight sleepless days and nights in the woods or on the beach. Though he went whaling many times, he was never {view image of facing page 46} Suqitlaa [photogravure plate] {view image of page 47} THE NOOTKA 47 successful because he did not observe strict continence. After three seasons of failure, on a very dark night in late spring, with his bearskin and a cape of cedar-bark he started for the promontory south of Ozette. The tide was at its lowest, and he went down to the water to bathe. He discerned a figure between himself and the ocean. He stopped, and watched closely to see if it moved. It seemed to be a man. He crept closer, and saw the man's left arm extended, and on his chest some shells which now and then he shook gently. Still closer Waali approached, and then lay down, to see the better. The figure moved slowly toward the bluff, emitting an occasional grunt. Waali knew' now that it had some power for him, and since its form was human, it would make him a medicine-man. He felt disappointed, for he wanted to be a whaler, but he thought it best to take what was offered. He tied the bear-skin about his waist and with arms extended followed the figure. The supernatural one was heading for a crevice in a rock. When it was nearly there, Waali made a spring at it, and immediately fell unconscious. In the trance he saw the figure plainly, and knew it to be the source of great power.... When he became conscious, he went into the woods, where he remained four days and four nights, eating fern-roots, and bathing often. Now and then his senses left him, and always, sitting or walking, he heard the gentle rattling of the shells on the breast of the supernatural one. After his return home he still had trances, at first twice a day, but gradually at longer and longer intervals until at last he was no more troubled by them. In later life Waali obtained shamanistic power from two other sources, and thus became a great medicine-man. Another Makah shaman professed that he had found his supernatural power in the form of a kelp-fish in a quiet pool. He placed a small stick between his teeth, and uttering a long-drawn wu...! slowly approached the fish. Before he reached it he fell unconscious, and the fish entered his body. When he recovered, he went home, and in the house he fell in a trance. He was put to bed, and the best medicine-man was summoned to ascertain the cause of the "death." The family wailed while the shaman made his examination; but when he learned that the youth had had an experience with a spirit he ordered them to cease crying, for their son had been very lucky. Then he turned again to his patient, brought him out of the trance, and said that on the morrow he would help the boy to "set the power in the right place," so that he would not "die" again. On the following evening he went about this work. First {view image of page 48} 48 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN he pretended to remove the fish, and to wash it in a pail of water. The spectators could see the tail of the fish, but its body was covered by the shaman's hands. After washing it he held it over the fire, and suddenly it disappeared. He grasped at the air, and they saw the fish again in his hands. He repeated the washing and drying, and then placed it in the boy's side near the heart. Daily for five days he repeated this procedure, in order to accustom the fish to the heat of the body. Meanwhile the boy was ill, because the fish could not bear the heat. He ate nothing and became very thin, but at the end of the treatment he felt stronger, began to eat, and improved rapidly. When he was entirely well he continued to travel in the woods and bathe, but not so much as before. Later he acquired another power, but being himself a medicine-man he did not this time need the help of another. Three kinds of shamanistic power were all that could be had by one person. Once upon a time a woman who already had the three took one from a medicine-man and put it in her body. It killed her. Apparently there was little, if any, difference between the powers conferred by different spirits upon Makah medicinemen; but the possessor of three powers was much stronger than a man who had one or two. In fact the possessor of only one had little ability. Among the Clayoquot the power of medicine-men comes from such beings as wolf, owl, raven, and squirrel. Medicine-men treated sickness by pretending to scoop out of the body with their hands, or suck out with their lips, a worm-like object which they declared to be the disease itself. This they would either lay on a black stone and cast into the fire, or explode on a hot ember, or ostensibly throw into the body of some other person, whom it would cause to fall sick. All this the shaman accompanied with his songs, and with weird sounds and gestures, while some of the spectators struck batons on long narrow boards. A healing song of a Hesquiat medicine-woman is this:' Allegretto grazioso Repeat this part 5 times 6th Strophe 1 The significant words are variously disguised forms of mzituwachsuhl, "to fly out of the body," the reference being to the sickness. {view image of facing page 48} Suqitlaa profile [photogravure plate] {view image of page 49} THE NOOTKA 49 If the shaman found his patient unconscious, he proceeded to recover the soul, which had prematurely journeyed to the lower world. The human spirit is said by some to resemble a screech-owl, by others a small man, and to dwell in the head. Whenever one is unconscious, even in sleep, the soul has absented itself, and its return brings a restoration of consciousness. Finding the soul of his patient absent, and believing it not too late to recover it, a shaman fixed his eyes on some certain spot of the floor, and slowly proceeded straight to it, shaking his rattle. He fell upon hands and knees, and then lay prone. His spirit apparently left his body, in order, as the shamans told the people, to search for the sick man's soul, visiting house after house in the land of the dead until it found the object of its search. If the patient was irrevocably dead, the door of the house in which his soul was found was locked, and the shaman's spirit returned alone. If however the absent soul was recovered, the shaman, when he became conscious, held a small image in his hands, and this he pretended to replace in the patient's head. In certain families were held the secrets of medicinal herbs. These remedies were sometimes used in connection with the shamanistic treatment, but the medicine-man himself did not administer them. Payment of the agreed amount was made after the course of treatment. A medicine-man was not held responsible for the death of his patient. Shamans were supposedly able to cause death. When a wealthy chief, in order to limit the expense, hired an inferior medicine-man, the slighted members of the profession resented it and tried to make his illness incurable. One of the talismans used for this purpose was a three-inch tip of deer-horn with one end carved into the likeness of a human face and the other tapering to a point, to which was tied a wing of finely split whale-sinew, hair, cherry-bark, and dried hide, to guide the "missile" in a straight course. Armed with this object, the medicine-man in the darkness of night crept noiselessly through the door of the intended victim's house, pointed the horn at the sick man, and released it. It was supposed to enter the man's body and cause his speedy death. This method was not effective against another shaman. To accomplish the death of a professional rival, a medicine-man opened a new coffin, took a portion of flesh, and went to some quiet place to try out the oil. This, which was held to be an infallible poison, he secretly spread on dried VOL. XI-4 {view image of page 50} 5o THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN halibut intended for his rival's meal. One poisoned by this oil did not die immediately, but gradually wasted away. Few of the Nootka games were purely and simply methods of gambling, for most of them involved some athletic exercise. For the game nunuehis (Clayoquot dialect) a pair of five-foot stakes were driven into a sandy slope with their tips crossing at an angle of about thirty degrees, and a shorter, perpendicular stake was set up, bisecting the base of the triangle formed by the ground and the two intersecting stakes. A similar wicket was made a hundred feet distant. Twenty men in two parties took their place somewhat beyond the middle of the range, and one by one each threw a small stone at the farther wicket, trying to send it between the upright and one of the slanting stakes. When all had thrown they determined by measurement which stone was nearest to one of the slanting stakes, and its owner was the winner, unless some one had cast his missile through the wicket. This was the best shot. The winner and his partners received the wagers from their opponents, and the stones were thrown at the other wicket. A similar game the Clayoquot called pi'yfs. Two stout stakes were set in the ground twenty feet apart, and ten men in two opposing parties stood together near one peg and tossed from the open palm, as our athletes "put the shot," a naturally shaped, flat, stone disc ten inches in diameter. The player whose stone rested nearest the stake won for his side. The game nutftuihl (Clayoquot dialect) was played on a level, sandy beach by two opposing lines of young men a hundred feet apart, each player armed with a four-foot throwing stick. A strong player hurled from his stick a cedar-withe hoop about twelve inches in diameter, and his opponents attempted to catch it on their sticks, only to throw it quickly back. The side first failing to catch the hoop lost a point. In playing dutuduth (Makah dialect) two rows of ten men stood thirty yards apart, and a player rolled toward the opposing line a braided cedar-bark hoop twelve inches in diameter and two in thickness. Each of them' released an arrow, and those who failed to pierce the bark of the hoop had to join the side that rolled it. Shinny was played with a ball of cartilage found in a whale's fin. In the tug-of-war the two leaders grasped a short stick and each of the other eighteen contestants clasped the waist of the man in front. Wrestling was practised in various forms: by the ordinary bodyholds; by grasping the hair and attempting to force one's opponent to his knees; by interlocked arms; by two men who lay on the backs of two others and attempted to dislodge each other with kicks. {view image of facing page 50} A shaman or medicine woman [photogravure plate] {view image of page 51} THE NOOTKA 5I Foot-races and canoe-races were of frequent occurrence. Young men engaged in sham battles, in which the contestants, with left arms tied to the body, hurled stones and sections of kelp. A few games involved only pure chance. Such was what the Makah call eis, the play of dice, in which women cast on a mat four beaver-teeth marked on one side, two with straight lines, two with circles. If all lay with the marked surface in sight, the player won two tally-sticks; if one of each kind was exposed, she received a single stick. The other possible combinations counted nothing. Twenty, thirty, or forty points decided a wager. Another game of chance was known to the Clayoquot as tahiahtiwa (ftaliahih, to roll). Ten small balls of yew, one having a distinguishing mark, were shaken in the hands of a player and thrown out at random one by one, while the players on the opposite side guessed whether or not the next would be the marked ball. Some of the guessing games involved the clash of wits, the one side attempting to read their opponents' thoughts, the other to maintain a noncommital or actually misleading expression. The well-known hand-gambling game was played between opposite rows of ten to twenty men. The chief of one party held a marked and an unmarked bit of wood or bone, and while his companions sang vigorously he rapidly threw his closed hands back and forth in opposite directions. His opponent then guessed at the position of the two bones, a mistake being penalized by one of the twenty-one tally-sticks going to the party that was having its inning, while success meant that the other would now have an inning. Quite like one of our games for children was that in which men and women sat in opposite rows with their blankets reversed so that the opening was at the back and the arms were covered. On one side a pebble was passed from hand to hand, and the other players, silently watching for a movement or expression of selfconsciousness, guessed which one held the pebble. The Nootka played the game which the Salish call lahazl, in which ten wooden discs were juggled about in two masses of shredded bark, and the other side guessed which bunch contained a certain disc. Battledore and shuttlecock was played by boys and girls. Another game of skill was what the Clayoquot call [ha/hayfhlmaki. A pierced bone from the fore flipper of a hair-seal was held on a stick with a curving point. With a quick flip the bone was tossed into the air, and as it turned and fell, the player caught it on the point {view image of page 52} 52 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of the stick. He continued until he missed, when the play passed to another contestant. The first to make twenty catches scored a point, and each of his partners received a wager from the others. A favorite evening pastime is the "good time" dance, ydtiydta, as the Clayoquot call it. This was entered into on the spur of the moment, a few of the best singers furnishing the music, and the dancers, men and women, performing singly as the fancy took them. A typical song is this of the Clayoquot: m F I r g - R T I E — a c II c i' L r I- n. X r r r -" y — --- —, ~ ~ -- ' --- 1- I I I v I ' 3:._ -— _ -.: J.., F~ X ~ '; e cJ I I I I I i l i - ~. - - -_ -_ Q ^________^____________ ^ ___________^_Now__ ^ {view image of page 53} THE NOOTKA 53 IJ -- ----- i ~ ~ ~ m"i -1- 1= --- -.1 Warfare The various groups of Nootka villages were mutually hostile. Permanent peace and friendship existed only within the limits of the dialectic unit, and not always then. Between these groups there were intervals of peace for purposes of trade, the news of the truce being spread by means of messengers sent among their nearest neighbors from the villages that desired to be visited by trading parties of other tribes. From these neighbors the report quickly flew to the most distant parts of the west coast. In the absence of such a truce any canoe passing the village of another tribe or encountered travelling was fair game for the fighting man who felt impelled to enhance his reputation by taking a head or capturing a slave. In spite of this condition there was considerable communication between the tribes; but travellers generally moved in large parties, unless they were under the protection of a man allied by birth to there tribe they were visiting. When the head chief, whether on his own initiative or at the request of a warrior desirous of gloy olr revenge, decided that an expedition should be launched against a certain tribe, he called his professional fighting men and revealed his purpose. They never refused. On the following day he had his speaker assemble the people and announce the plan. Any man without experience in fighting, but desirous of becoming a warrior, might make a speech declaring his intention to join the party. Then all the members of the expedition disappeared for ceremonial purification. Although, as a rule, he would not accompany them, the chief also bathed, praying that his men might be successful and that no one of them might be killed, and addressing such gods as Moon, Sun, and {view image of page 54} 54 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Mountain Chief. In very important cases they bathed morning and night during the waxing of ten moons, and of course they practised continence. The war-party travelled only at night. Near their destination they drew their canoes into the woods, purified themselves again, and rubbed their individual medicine on their bodies in order to make themselves invisible to the enemy. Meanwhile the scout canoe reconnoitred. After spending- perhaps two nights and two days in purification, they put their craft into the water and moved by night toward the village. They landed and crept cautiously toward the houses, holding hands in order that none might stumble and give the alarm. In groups of two or three they drew aside the mat doors and entered the houses that had been assigned to them. Crouching in the darkness the marauders waited until they heard the signal, usually a screech-owl's hoot, of the party that had farthest to go, or until a scream announced that some one had been aroused. Then they fell upon their-victims with spears, knives, and clubs, killing the men and capturing women and children. The entire population having been killed, captured, or scattered in flight, the invaders plundered the chests of food and clothing, fired the houses, and retreated to the canoes, which at the beginning of the attack had been brought into shallow water in front of the village. During the absence of the warriors their women spent much time in singing, and Clayoquot women, in order to ensure the return of their men, would take two or three hairs at the temple and draw them slowly between their fingers. As soon as the returning canoes were seen, all the villagers dressed and-marched to the beach, some striking batons on a sounding-board which they carried, and all singing. The severed heads of the enemy were set up on poles along the shore, or placed on prominent rocks, and the slaves were either claimed by the chief or left in the hands of their captors as a mark of his favor. Sanguinary quarrels between individuals or factions were not infrequent. Murder for a price was a recognized custom, whether with a weapon, or by poison in the food of a guest, or by the supposedly occult practices of sorcerers. Meares describes the departure and return of a war-party in August, 1788, in these words: "Previous to our departure, we confirmed our friendship with Maquilla and Callicum [chiefs of the Mooachaht], with the usual interchange of presents. These chiefs had been for some time pre {view image of facing page 54} Costume of a woman shaman - Clayoquot [photogravure plate] {view image of page 55} THE NOOTKA 55 paring for an hostile expedition against an enemy at a considerable distance to the Northward [probably either Quatsino or Kyuquot sound], and were now on the point of setting forward. Some of the nations in the vicinity of the Northern Archipelago [Queen Charlotte islands], had, it seems, invaded a village about twenty leagues to the Northward of King George's Sound [Nootka sound], under the jurisdiction, and which had been left to the particular government of his grandmother.1 "At this place the enemy had done considerable mischief,murdering some of the people, and carrying others into captivity. On the arrival of a messenger at Nootka [Yuquot, principal village of the Mooachaht, at Friendly cove, Nootka sound] with the news of these hostilities, the inhabitants became instantly inflamed with a most active impatience for revenge; and nothing was thought of amongst them, but the means of gratifying it. "We embraced this opportunity of binding the chiefs, if possible, unalterably to us, by furnishing them with some fire-arms and ammunition, which would give them a very decided advantage over their enemies. Indeed we felt it to be our interest that they should not be disturbed and interrupted by distant wars; and that, if necessity should compel them to battle, that they should return victorious. This unexpected acquisition of force animated them with new vigour; for they had already confessed that they were going to attack an enemy who was more powerful, numerous and savage than themselves. "We attempted to instill into their minds the humanity of war, and they had actually promised to punish the enemies they should take in battle with captivity, and not, as had been their general practice, with death. But it could not be supposed that the doctrines of our humane policy would be remembered by a savage nation burning with revenge, in the moment of battle; and we are sorry to add, that this expedition ended in a most shocking scene of blood and massacre. "The power that Maquilla carried with him on this occasion, was of a formidable nature. His war canoes contained each thirty young, athletic men, and there were twenty of these vessels, which had been drawn from the different villages under the subjection of Maquilla.- Comekela had the command of two boats:-They moved off from the shore in solemn order, singing their song of war. The chiefs were cloathed in sea-otter skins; and the whole army had their faces and bodies painted with red ochre, and sprinkled with a shining sand [mica], which, particularly when the sun shone on them, produced 1 The father of Muiqinna (Maquilla) had married the daughter of the head chief of the Ehatisaht. The aged woman who "ruled" the village occupied her place because she was the widow of the former chief, and not because she happened to be the grandmother of Muqinna, as Meares thought. It was only because there were no direct male heirs that she became the chief, and when she died, K6hlanna, a younger brother of Muqinna, succeeded her. {view image of page 56} 56 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN a fierce and terrible appearance. While the women encouraged the warriors, in the patriotic language of the Spartan dames, - to return victorious, or to return no more. "The battles, or rather the attacks of these savage tribes, are we believe inconceivably furious, and attended with the most shocking actions of barbarous ferocity. They do not carry on hostilities by regular conflicts; but their revenge is gratified, their sanguinary appetites quenched, or their laurels obtained by the operations of sudden enterprize and active strategem.. "On the 27th, while we were visiting the village, Maquilla and Callicum returned from their war expedition; and, on entering the Sound, the little army gave the shout of victory. They certainly had obtained some advantages, as they brought home in their canoes several baskets, which they would not open in our presence, and were suspected by us, as it afterwards proved, by the confession of Callicum, to contain the heads of enemies whom they had slain in battle, to the amount of thirty; but this victory was not purchased without some loss on the side of the powers of Nootka. "The chiefs now returned the arms they had received from us, but the ammunition was entirely expended:- we perceived, indeed, that the muskets had been fired several times; and Callicum assured us that they had taken ample vengeance for the hostilities exercised against them; and had, besides, made a great booty of sea-otter skins, in which they were all arrayed." The pettiness of most of this primitive warfare may be illustrated by the following history of the encounters between the Makah and the Quilliute. One summer a man at Warmhouse [a fishing village] invited the Quilliute, and only a few came. The following night some one killed three of them, a man and two women. When the other Quilliute learned of this, one of their young warriors led a party to Warmhouse and stabbed a chief in the back without killing him, and wounded another in the arm. In the ensuing struggle the Makah killed all the attacking party except one, who escaped by the help of certain Makah relatives. After hiding for some time in the woods, he went home along the beach and reported the news. The chief who was stabbed in the back subsequently died of the wound. The next summer when the Makah were fishing at Warmhouse, they decided to make war on the Quilliute, and sent to Tatoosh, the other summer village, for help. Twenty canoes with crews of eight men armed with muzzle-loading guns and bows set out. The party stopped at Ozette to make their final plans. One of the bravest 1 Meares, op. cit., I96-I97, 208-209. {view image of facing page 56} Shaman and patient [photogravure plate] {view image of page 57} THE NOOTKA 57 Ozette men wanted to.go directly to James island,' the refuge of the Quilliute, and as no other leader was willing to do so, he planned to go alone with his crew. Two of the chiefs said they would go up Quilliute river and watch for canoes, and the rest were to lie hidden near the island. They reached their destination at night, and the canoes took up their positions. Soon those on the river saw a man and a woman coming downstream in a canoe, and the man, catching sight of the war-canoes, leaped overboard and escaped. The woman was captured. Later the two canoes went down the river again, and passing the island after daylight were shot at without damage. The proposed attack on the island had not been made, and the Quilliute taunted them with their failure. They now paddled away to the north toward home, but half way to Ozette, out of sight of the Quilliute, they landed, and scouts sent back along the shore saw their enemies preparing to fish. The Makah paddled toward the island, close along the shore and in single file. They were not detected until they were quite near the island, and so they succeeded in intercepting the unarmed fishermen and killing several. The following summer the Makah heard that the Quilliute were coming for revenge, but it seemed that there was difficulty in organizing a party. Finally four brothers came overland and down Suez river. They stopped at Waatch creek. A man from Warmhouse, armed with a gun, happened along, and they gave chase, but he escaped across the creek. This man was Dahluka, and he was a noted runner. The four brothers went home, and nothing more happened that summer. A year later, in the autumn, the Ozette having returned to their home for the winter, a single Quilliute came to visit relatives. The chief immediately sent a messenger to invite the visitor to a feast, and hired a man to kill him. So the Quilliute was murdered. By this the Quilliute were greatly angered, and three years later Sitadu, a squat, vicious man, selected four companions and came to Ozette. They lay in wait south of the village, and before daybreak they saw a man pass them, looking for sea-food cast ashore. They did not molest him. It grew light, and another man passed, unarmed. They called to him, and he recognized Sitadu as a relative of his. Sitadu told him to sit down, and asked why and how the Quilliute man had been murdered three years previously. The man refused to speak of it, and asked to be released, as he was on his way to 1 See Volume IX, pages 143-I45, where the Quilliute account of this affair is recorded. {view image of page 58} 58 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN work at a canoe. When they still insisted, he said he would go back immediately to Ozette. He stood up, but the four men held him, and Sitadu, exasperated, exclaimed, "Are you going back at once?" With that he stabbed his relative four times, and the man fell to the ground. They killed him, and hid the body among the bushes. A woman approached, and two of them stabbed her to death and left the corpse on the beach. Soon they heard a man chopping wood, and creeping up slowly they saw the workman, and a little girl seated on a log and cleaning sea-weed. She saw the bushes move, and told the man, but he paid no attention. She sat there and watched for further signs. At this time a woman passed on down the beach. Then Sitadu shot the man in the thigh, and he fell between two logs. Another Quilliute sprang upon the log and shot him in the side, but the wound was shallow. They seized the girl, ran southward along the shore, and overtook the woman. She proved to be an aunt of Sitadu, and he reassured her and went on. They came to a large stump on the beach, and found the man who had first passed them early in the morning. He drew a knife, ready to fight. The others, recognizing him also as a relative of Sitadu, grounded their guns, but he was suspicious. They told him to go home, but he was afraid to turn his back and would not move until they went on. Meanwhile the woman had hurried to the village and told of the two men killed and the little girl taken. The first man killed had a kinsman among the Quilliute, and one of them was very angry because the relatives of Sitadu had been spared but his own killed. In the winter of the same year he asked his brother and two others to go with him to Ozette and remedy this inequality. When they reached the hiding place used by Sitadu, they waited to see if their man would come along the beach again. And early in the morning he came. One of them shot, and he ran toward the water, wounded. Another fired and killed him. A wood-chopper ran to the village and reported that he had heard shots. Meanwhile another Ozette came along the beach, and finding a gun-cover he looked carefully about and saw the tracks of four men hurrying southward. He knew they were made by Quilliute, and he quickly carried the news to the village. The warriors armed themselves and started out, and at the place where the shooting had occurred one of them saw a bit of rag fluttering in the breeze. Thus they found the dead man. They perceived the Quilliute, but soon abandoned the chase. Late in the fall of the following year, when there was snow on {view image of facing page 58} Woman shaman looking for clairvoyant visions - Clayoquot [photogravure plate] {view image of page 59} THE NOOTKA 59 the ground, four other Quilliute came north. They lay in wait near the village, and at dawn they killed two women without betraying their presence. Two old women gathering fuel near a brook saw a woman's foot projecting from behind a stump, and then, discovering the body, they turned and ran. Two of the Quilliute gave chase, and shot one of them dead and broke the arm of the other. They caught the wounded one but soon released her, and she ran to the village. Then the men rushed out, and while some recovered the bodies for burial, others followed the enemy. From the point the six pursuers saw four men on the long beach, and at the next point they overtook one of them. The other Quilliute had taken his gun and ammunition, but the Makah did not know this, and were afraid to follow when he plunged into the forest. At the third point they gave up the pursuit, the Quilliute having taken to the woods. Two years later a Quilliute came to Ozette to make peace. He had many relatives there, and having taken no part in the hostilities he was safe. He went to the home of his nearest relative and said that Sitadu was the only Quilliute who desired to continue the war, and declared that he would bring this man to Ozette and offer peace. The next day he returned home, and it was not long before he had persuaded Sitadu to accompany him and four others to Ozette. It was agreed that the messenger was to lodge with his relatives, and that Kliklihahlik ("face painted red") was to invite the others and kill Sitadu. So this man gave Sitadu a seat at the end of the row, where his wife was preparing the meal. His knife was hidden under his wife's dress, and he himself sat between her and the warrior. When they began to eat, he noticed that Sitadu had a knife partly concealed by his blanket, and he asked to see it, saying: "You ought to trust me. I would not carry a knife if I visited you." The other Quilliute had guns within reach. At the end of the meal the host gave Sitadu the usual bunch of shredded cedar-bark, and when his guest shut his eyes in wiping his face, he grasped him by the hair, drew his head back, and stabbed him in the neck with the man's own knife. The door opened and some villagers came in, and the Quilliute, with guns ready, backed to the wall. But the intermediary explained to the Makah that their last enemy had been killed, and that these others were friendly. So the Quilliute were permitted to return to their homes, and there they explained to the family of Sitadu that he had been killed in a melee from which they had luckily escaped. There was no further trouble between the two tribes. Village feuds could be as venomous and futile as some of these {view image of page 60} 6o THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN almost puerile wars. A Makah feud was carried on in the following manner: The daughter of the whaler Waali and a sister of the warrior Ka'ihid quarrelled, and such epithets were exchanged that the two men felt themselves involved. Ka'ihid threatened to stab Waali. There was much talk among the people, and some said that the two had agreed to fight it out on the beach. For four years nothing happened, but Kaghid nursed his wrath. One morning when as usual the men sat talking on the platform above the beach, the husband of Ka'hid's sister surreptitiously placed his foot on Waali's blanket. Kafhid went up the terrace, crept unseen toward the platform, rushed upon his enemy, and grasped his hair. The foot on his blanket prevented Waali from rising further than his hands and knees, and Kaihid struck a glancing blow at his waist. He released his hold, and Waali stood up almost unhurt. His sons rushed to his aid, but the crowd prevented further trouble, and the chief, who now appeared on the scene, commanded peace. For four days each constantly expected an attack, and other men stayed indoors as much as possible. The tension however was gradually relieved. Two years later Kafhid was heard to say that he would some day shoot his enemy, and the sons of Waali saw no way but to arrange a battle. At the end of the third year a date was fixed. Early in the morning Waali, his four sons, and two slaves painted their faces and bodies black, with black stripes on their legs, and each wound a blanket around the left arm, letting a portion of it hang. All had guns except one slave. They went to the shore, the eldest son leading, and stood in a line across the beach. After a while came Kafihid with four guns. His face was black and his body red. He was stripped except for a belt, which held two of the guns. He ran rapidly down the beach to a canoe and crouched behind it. A slave joined him, and a relative took a position behind a whale's shoulderblade. Waali's party advanced. Kaihid leaped upon the canoe and fired at the one nearest the water, and the bullet struck the sand. He ran to the other end of the canoe and shot at the next man, but without effect. Then he fired the other two guns at them, grasped the four weapons, and ran to his house, pursued by Waali and his men, who shot as they ran. At the door a bullet glanced from his gun-stock and struck his thigh, causing him to fall. Some one opened the door, and he staggered in. Meanwhile the two slaves had been exchanging arrows. Waali had not yet used the charge in his gun. He now went to the house {view image of facing page 60} Old houses : Neah Bay [photogravure plate] {view image of page 61} THE NOOTKA 6i and stood near the door with his back inadvertently against a loophole. Ka'hid, having reloaded his guns, perceived that some one was leaning against one of his loopholes, and thinking that it must be one of his enemies, he cocked a gun and pulled the trigger. It missed fire, and Waali, suddenly aware of his danger, ran away. That night no one stirred. The next day it was reported that Kaghid was suffering from his wound and was not expected to live long. A day later he sent a relative for a medicine-man to remove the bullet, and bribed him to report that he could not long survive. In fact the wound was only a trifle. In the afternoon the people heard a war-cry, and on rushing out they beheld Kaghid with a gun in each hand, and painted with white, red, and black stripes from head to foot like his guardian spirit. He walked up and down the beach, challenging his enemies, but no one appeared. At dusk he went to the house of Waali and shot into it, but struck no one. The sons of Waali felt that they had not enough guns, and before dawn the next day the family started for Quilliute, where they traded their sister for four guns. Then they returned, and none knew what they had done. In their absence however Kaihid had gone in a canoe to Baada to have his wound treated, and when he returned he did not propose a fight. He sickened, and a few years later in an epidemic of smallpox he killed himself with a knife. A Clayoquot war-song runs thus: I am not afraid, I am not afraid! If I take out a war-canoe, I am not afraid! Why are you afraid? I am not afraid! Slowly M. M. = 84. Repeat this part 6 times M. M. a. —..i A _. - _. b' 'J ' J... ' X. 1 ' p g. L.< -if f / > - 7th time II, [m.I......._LL-"]['r..1- J / —! '"'e4 IN m I.i -> '* L.." v ' *- {view image of page 62} 62 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Sociology The Nootkan tribes were formerly divided into local groups, or septs, but inasmuch as these were not exogamic they should not be regarded as true gentes. There was in fact no clan or gentile system on the west coast south of Quatsino sound. Traditions indicate that at the time when the Nootka came in contact with civilization the tribes of the present day were in process of formation by the coalescing of neighboring groups.1 There is little doubt that, except for the disturbing advent of the whites, northern influence would have completed the creation of the gentile system thus begun. The traditionists still retain the names of the septs and of their original seats, although all dividing lines within the tribe have been obliterated. In view of this lack of gentes, the paucity of carved posts is to be expected. Cook and Vancouver apparently saw nothing of this nature except a few interior house-posts.2 The present Clayoquot chief says that his great-grandfather erected a post bearing the figures of a whale, a sea-otter, and other animals which he had the "supernatural" power to capture, and this, the only carved post in the village, was bequeathed to his successor. Frequently he would set his eldest daughter on the top of it and give away property in her honor. It is specifically stated that the figures on the post had nothing whatever to do with its owner's vision experiences, except in so far as he obtained his hunting ability by ceremonial purification and supplication of the spirit animals. A few carved poles are now seen on the west coast, and it is perhaps significant that they are most numerous at the northern limit of Nootkan territory. Here, in the Kyuquot village Aktese [A'ktis], are about ten. Very old women who formerly lived in three of the six Kyuquot local groups were questioned on this subject. In one of the three there was no carved pole. In another was a pole carved in the likeness of a man, representing the chief who owned it, and having at the top the figure of an eagle, the chief's watchman. In the third village was a pole with a paddle crosswise at the top, in token of the chief's many potlatches to which all the surrounding people came with canoe and paddle. The chief of each 1 See Appendix, Traditions of the Mooachaht, pages 182-I86. 2 But Meares found a very large carved pole at the front of the Clayoquot chief's house, the entrance being through the mouth of one of the figures. See quotation previously cited, page 15. {view image of facing page 62} Clayoquot woman in cedar-bark hat [photogravure plate] {view image of page 63} THE NOOTKA 63 of these three villages had carved interior house-posts. As to the origin of these posts, the old women said that one chief received his from a Koskimo chief visiting in Kyuquot sound, and two others obtained theirs from other Kwakiutl chiefs. Repeated questions failed to reveal the existence of a single carved post obtained in vision, and the definite statement was made that all carved posts were obtained by marriage or by gift. Like the other tribes of the North Pacific coast, the Nootka recognized three classes of society: hereditary nobles, commoners, and slaves. The nobles, or chiefs, ruled with a high hand, and the common people were, in most instances, servile henchmen, grateful for the protection of their masters. Slaves were prisoners of war, or their children born in captivity. The authority of a head chief was, and is, considerable. In every matter affecting the tribe, and even in family and private affairs, his voice carries great weight. The following experience of Meares in Clayoquot sound reads like the doings of an absolute monarch. "Just as we were going to embark, there was a sudden and universal confusion throughout the village; a considerable number of canoes were instantly filled with armed men, and being launched in a moment, were paddled to the ship. At first we were apprehensive that some broil had taken place between the natives and the crew; but we were soon satisfied that a matter of political jealousy, respecting some of their neighbors, was the cause of this sudden commotion. Some strangers having ventured to visit the ship without the knowledge of Wicananish, the chief had ordered his people to fall upon the intruders, one of whom they had now seized and brought on shore. We are sorry to add, that this unfortunate man was immediately hurried into the woods, where we have every reason to apprehend that he was quickly murdered." It was customary for the head chief to summon the men of importance and inform them of his views on matters concerning the tribe, such as feasts, potlatches, ceremonies, war-parties, and seasonal migrations. He, or another, would then call for the opinion of some wise man, who never failed to agree perfectly. The council therefore was nothing more than a convenient means of disseminating news of the chief's decisions and plans. If the chief had power, he had also responsibilities. It was his duty to protect the weak, settle disputes, recover stolen goods (peaceably if possible, forcibly by his slaves if he must). He must 1 Meares, op. cit., 142. {view image of page 64} 64 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN be a good whaler, and, after certain prescribed portions had been appropriated by his family and his crew, he abandoned the carcass to the people. As a matter of fact his judicial and policing powers were rarely exercised, and his occasional distributions of whale meat and blubber were more than compensated by the frequent contributions of game and skins by hunters, berries and blankets by women, canoes and boxes by carvers, and slaves by warriors. Descent is reckoned in the male line, but if male heirs are wanting, name, rank, and privileges may pass to a daughter, who holds them in trust, as it were, for her son. Nootkan life is full of inherited rights. Thus a visitor at Yuquot dare not eat in the house of his host until he first has been invited and fed by that chief who, by marriage, inherited the beach in front of the village. If, on leaving the house to which his possessions have been brought from the beach, the visitor forgets something, he cannot go back and recover it; but there is a certain man who has the inherited right to do this for him. A marriage in the upper class was arranged and consummated in a prescribed manner. The proposal was made to the girl's family by male relatives or friends of the young man. Among the Clayoquot, two were dressed in wolf-skins, two others carried torches, and a fifth bore a staff with two eagle-feathers bound to the tip by a piece of mountain-goat hair blanket. If the suitor's father were a man of great wealth, this part was generally taken by a slave wearing a sea-otter skin and a mountain-goat hair blanket. At the house of the girl, boasting speeches concerning their patron were delivered with ranting voice and fierce demeanor, and the slave thrust his staff forcibly into the earth. As a sign of their assent to the proposal, the girl's family took the slave and his coverings, and drew out the staff. Refusal was indicated by casting the staff to the ground. The wedding ceremony itself assumed many forms. For example, a Clayoquot whaler took all his relatives and followers in canoes and landed in front of the house of his son's bride. They marched toward the dwelling, and the chief hurled a spear at it and uttered the cry used in casting a whaling harpoon. It was said that the point must transfix the wall, else the girl would not be given up. As the spear left his hand, the chief's companions held their paddles as if checking a canoe, and all shouted "Wa! Wa!" as if a whale had been struck. Presents were then given to the girl's family, and she was taken away. {view image of facing page 64} A Hesquiat belle [photogravure plate] {view image of page 65} THE NOOTKA 65 The relatives of a Makah bridegroom accompanied his father in a gala throng, bearing a varied array of presents to the bride's people. This was repeated on the three following days, and after the fourth time the young man's father announced that he and his friends could give no more. On the next day the bride, her father, and her relatives carried presents to the other house, where the bridegroom's father gave a wedding feast to all the community. Another Makah custom is strikingly like one practised by the Puget Sound tribes.' Having received a favorable answer to his proposal, the suitor went to his bride's house, his relatives accompanying him and carrying presents. In the house the young man's father made a speech, promising to do certain things for the new couple, but the host maintained silence. The visiting party then departed, all except the suitor, who sat down where he would not be in the way. There he remained, speechless, during four days, while the girl sat on her bed, and on the fifth day they partook of the marriage feast with all the members and friends of both families. On the following day the bridal party led the couple to a feast at the bridegroom's house, and left them to make their home there. Among the common people marriage was usually an unceremonious mating, but occasionally a young man, having won his suit, laid on his bride's bed the trifles he could afford and then took her away. Polygyny was recognized, although most men had but one wife at a time. Very few indeed possessed more than two. Courting was done secretly. It was rather difficult to meet alone a girl of high birth, but to exchange whispered words and tokens in the night through the cracks in the wall was a simple matter; and if the suitor possessed the courage he could occasionally creep through the door and into his sweetheart's presence. Parents were inclined to wink at the peccadilloes of their daughters - and in this category the North Pacific tribes placed all the major sins - provided only the manner of the doing were not too overt. The girl who was trained to be so circumspect in the street that she would not lift an eye from the ground, who never left the village except in the company of her mother or a slave woman, that same damsel might in the dead of night receive more than one secret lover in her bedroom. But that was nothing to her discredit, so long as she maintained her circumspectness in public. An interesting commentary on this phase of Nootka life is presented in the following song, which was composed and made public by a man who 1 See Volume IX, pages 78-79. VOL. XI-5 {view image of page 66} 66 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN overheard a young woman boasting to another that the married women were jealous and afraid of her because she had no husband. "I am the one, husbandless, whom the married women fear," she said, Talking foolishly, as if she were drunken. Molto vivo A~gt t _' - I --— _ _ I I I. -I-1 -_ =.. *. ' A.. _ i 4!.... 4, L~ a-. - - On 9: ic-1*-r- r r - ^r r r Ad.. 1_m Ax- A d d. I.- I Ii-++ z I., -- -1 [ -t.,,,, 1 1 k1 ~ ' _ I,_ I~ __ I i J- q_ A {view image of page 67} THE NOOTKA 67 % I ',, f_ J!/ Ill I — k i- i, — -: - — N -N —N 1 b. H 11 r rea ' * 8 * * i ---N —N ---*"'-" — _ --- —N e$r, ^7-9>^1 4. *. / L.4,,,,,, ~ - ~_. I[o,,:,, r _ - - —.. Repeatfrom sign;:: Divorce was easily accomplished by simply separating. Each retained his own possessions, the children, as a rule, remaining with the mother. The potlatch, or free distribution of gifts for the purpose of gaining fame and standing, is still prominent in Nootka life. Each person receives according to his rank, and not necessarily according to what the giver has previously received from him, although a man always endeavors not to give less than he has received. Even the poor are not overlooked, though they can never requite the trifling gifts they receive. Only recently have the Nootka tribes learned from the Kwakiutl to lend at interest. They reckon in dollars, not blankets. {view image of page 68} 68 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The Winter Ceremony The principal ceremony of the Nootka was the pseudo-religious performance of tlugwana (Kyuquot, tluqan; Makah, tluqali) by a secret society of the same name. This was the so-called wolf dance. Several times repeated, it occupied the entire winter season, relieving the gloomy, rainy days and chill nights. Its principal features formed the dramatization of a myth,1 portraying the capture of a number of people (the initiates) by wolves, their recovery by the fraternity after having received certain powers and instructions from the wolves, and the exorcising of the wolf spirit that possessed them. The strictest secrecy was enjoined on new members, and the uninitiated were prohibited from looking at the novices while possessed by the wolf spirit. It is said that in ancient times disobedience to either rule was punished by death. A multitude of taboos were in effect during the ceremonial season. The ordinary personal names were exchanged for hereditary ceremonial names, and the ordinary songs were under the ban. Gum-chewing was punished by pushing the lower jaw aside until the culprit cried in pain. Domestic quarrels were avoided, because this was a season of light-heartedness, and, as sexual laxity was by common consent countenanced, the greatest cause of marital discord was removed. The killing of deer or the eating of venison was threatened with death, at least by the Mooachaht. During the ceremony the novices did not use the common water vessel, and they scratched the head, not with the fingers, but with a stick on the end of which were several slivers of a sea-otter bone. Female initiates used slivers from the bone of a female otter. For two months following they did not approach a fire with outspread hands lest in old age they have sore eyes, and during the same period they ate no fresh halibut, bass, cod, ling-cod, nor rock-cod. Fresh salmon and fresh herring were taboo for a year. During four months they sang their secret songs twice daily, morning and evening. Like every other privilege in Nootkan life, membership in the secret society was hereditary; that is, only a member could bestow membership, but he was not limited either as to the number or the relationship of those whom he might initiate. The giver of the ceremony was the sponsor, or initiator, of the principal initiate. Usually, but not necessarily, the initiates were children; men and 1 See page 94. {view image of facing page 68} A sea-otter hunter [photogravure plate] {view image of page 69} THE NOOTKA 69 women up to the age of about forty years were not infrequently seen in this role. Sometimes all were of like age, sometimes of widely different ages. The number depended on the ability of the man giving the ceremony to persuade others to have their children initiated - in other words, on his wealth and influence. The one requisite for the family of an initiate was the possession of a sufficient quantity of goods and food to help the giver of the ceremony in his great feast and potlatch, and also themselves to give a smaller feast. One's first participation in tlugwana constituted initiation; no further procedure was necessary to make one a full member in the society. But one might, and did, play the part of initiate many times, the object of the repetition being to better the standing of one's family. As the ceremony is obsolete, it can best be portrayed by a native's description of an actual performance. The following narration by Mahafiis of the sept Saiyachaitha shows the practice of the principal chief of the Mooachaht. As given by other tribes, and even by other chiefs of the same tribe, the ceremony differed considerably. The son of the chief Tsahwasip ["harpooner"]1 was Chachuinas, whose son Saftakftoksis was a little boy. One day the relatives of Chachuinas were called into the house of the chief to arrange how they would do with the boy: for they intended to initiate him. They decided to pretend that they were going to visit the Clayoquot. So they prepared a canoe, and in the evening Tsahwasip, Chachuinas, and several others embarked, and they secreted the boy in the canoe, but instead of going to the Clayoquot they went to Su'yaktlis [on Bligh island] and spent the night with Tlifiyupsa, who had a house there. In the night the mother of the boy began to look for her son, pretending ignorance of what had occurred, and she awoke the people, who all engaged in the search. A number of fighting men made cedar torches and went about from house to house, dragging people out of their beds and causing the greatest excitement and confusion. They regarded neither sex nor age. They went into the woods with their torches, and then returned to the beach and looked under logs and canoes. Now the mother began to pretend that she thought her son dead, and she wept and wailed; and many joined her. 1 The Tsahwasip of this narration was the grandson of that Maquinna (Muiqinna) who captured the ship Boston. Tsihwasip is the winter, or ceremonial, name, which alone can be used in the winter season, though there is nothing to prevent its use in summer; in fact this particular Tsihwasip was generally known by this name throughout the year. Muqinna is the corresponding summer name, which can not be used in winter. {view image of page 70} 70 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The next morning Tlaghitowanigh, a chief, called a number of chiefs to him and said: "I notice that Tsahwasip is absent. He is one of those who have gone to visit the Clayoquot. Now Tsahwasip is going to give tlugwana [ha tlugwana Tsahiwasip]! He is giving tlugwana without consulting us other chiefs!" Then all were very angry that Tsahwasip had done this, and TlfahitowaniTh said: "Let us do something that will make him angry. Let us go to the Ehatisaht and kill some relatives of his wife!" So the other chiefs were willing to do this. And on the following morning Tlaghitowanifh and a number of men let it be known that, because the grandson of their chief was dead, they were going to the Ehatisaht to take heads. They dressed for war with blankets about their loins and rod armor about their chests, and carried their spears and slings. When all were ready they pushed off their war-canoes, thirty-five of them. Just then Tsaihwasip and his friends returned, with the boy hidden in their canoe, and as he stepped ashore a man said to him, "Your grandson is dead." Even as the man spoke, a wolf howled in the woods, and the war-canoes turned back, apprised that tlugwana was to be given. [All this, of course, was in accordance with a prearranged plan.] Ten wolves1 ran down to the canoe, seized a roll of mats, and carried it into the woods. Nobody could see that the boy was within the roll. In the woods were many young men giving the wolf call. In the evening the wolves came howling into the village, and wherever there was a child who was to be taken (there were twenty in this instance), they threw a stone against the house, and the child immediately fell over as if dead, and began while lying there to sound a whistle concealed in the mouth. All these children were then carried, as if dead, to the house of Tsahwasip by men from the respective houses. They were the ahafa.2 Then Tsahwasip sent out two men to call through the village, "I come to tell you, chiefs, that the spirits have gone into the house of Tsahwasip!" 3 While these two were passing about with their message, twenty men called wamas were in the house of Tsahwasip arranging white, soft, cedarbark strips about their heads. They were to go and announce to the people the names of the twenty whose spirits had been carried away by the wolves. When these twenty wamas were ready, they went out together and into the first house, where they stood in a row, shoulder to 1 The men who personated wolves varied in number at different villages. The Ahousaht used thirty, the Mooachaht twenty. The initiates could not outnumber the wolves, as each had a wolf attendant. The positions were inherited, having been originally assigned by the man who, according to the legend, obtained the dance from the wolves. A wolf personator was called salshasi ("goes on all fours"). 2 The word means dead in the sense of unconscious. 8 Hinuahlsaasutail, ha'waha, mchYntlifhtyiltl chi'ha uqYnitlmaha teyzk Tsaihwasip! (Ha'waha, plural of hi'wah7, "chief," is applied to both sexes.) {view image of facing page 70} Waiting for the seal [photogravure plate] {view image of page 71} THE NOOTKA 7I shoulder, and the first one cried out: "So and so [naming one of the dhaita] is dead on the floor! He is tlugwana [dhaish tluzgwana]!" Then the second in like manner called the name he was carrying, and so it went. Leaving the house, the leader shouted: "a a......! Chiefs, I invite you [hd'waha, kamatfhitlssut6hl]!" And the others repeated, as they passed out, "Invite, invite, invite, invite [kamatfhitf, kamatAhitf, kamatAhi6t, k6matAhii}]!" So they went to each house in the village, whether or not the inmates were tlugwana. They returned to the house of Tsafhwasip and made six hundred batons and brought out the boards on which to beat. All this was long after dark, and now they began to beat on the boards. The beating was a signal for the assembling of the people, and they soon came in parties until all were inside, even those who were not tlugwana. These parties were separate as to sex and age: men, women, old men, old women, boys, and girls. And each group had a song which they sang as they entered. Some of these songs were intended to make the people laugh, others were not so. This part of the ceremony is called nznuhlupka. Some wore deer-horns and had a black stripe across the eyes. Others had long tufts of cedarbark standing upright in the hair like horns, and burning at the ends. Fighting men wore real wolf-heads and wolf-skins, or had bear-skins about the shoulders. With spear in hand they acted as if they were going to war, and sang their war-songs. Girls and women -wore the cedar-bark robe and the apron, the robe being over the left shoulder and under the right. As they danced, women and girls extended the hands [in the manner characteristic of all women dancers among the Kwakiutl and Nootka]. When all had entered and sat down about the room, the speaker of Tsahwasip stood up and cried: "Wa......! Chief who keeps the songs for me, I offer you a box!" He could have offered any other thing, not necessarily a box. Then he called upon another: "Wa...... Chief baton-master, I offer you this," mentioning some gift. The song-keeper had a long horn of cedar-bark at the right side of his head, and the assistant had one at the left side. The song-keeper had a rattle, and the assistant a baton. The speaker called out: " Wya......! Chief who makes the dance for me, I offer you this!" He was addressing huyahtuk'ks anaihla' ["my dancer"]. There were two of these persons, who, like all these others, inherited their office. Next the speaker summoned the other dancer, and the two began to dress for the dance. They wore cedar-bark blankets over the left shoulder and under the right, and belted at the waist, and they blackened their faces with charcoal in a circle from forehead to chin and in a straight line down the nose to the chin. When these five men were ready, all the people kneeled and 1 Wa...... Ha'wahl kamatshitlssutahl yakuif2uqsnaq tlahaiks! {view image of page 72} 72 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN took up their batons. A large box was placed before the two singers, of whom the principal stood at the right. In front of the box and facing the singers stood the two dancers. Now the singer repeated a short song, and his assistant followed with the same song, ending with three rapid strokes. Then he struck twice; the people sang the same song, and the dancer at the left turned and walked a few steps to the left and stood, while the other dancer turned and went around him, passing between him and the box and on around the room, followed by the first dancer. After four circuits they resumed their places at the box. Each circuit was accompanied by a repetition of the song, and at each ending the baton-master, who stood at the left front corner of the room, struck the ground with a long speaker's staff and cried: "Strike twice! Make a noise!" In the other front corner were twenty or thirty boys and youths, who were going to torment the baton-master and the dancers, while an equal number stood ready to defend them. As soon as the four songs were ended, the assailants rushed upon the three men, beat them, tore their blankets, cast water and urine on them, extinguished the fire, and finally threw them out of the house, all because the singing and dancing had not been effective in raising the dead haDfa to life. Dancers and baton-master sometimes emerged from this ordeal with bleeding, swollen faces. Now nobody was permitted to light the fire on penalty of being thrown out, but a certain man who had this privilege sang a song, and the fire was relighted. Then the speaker summoned two more dancers, offering them rewards. These two wore entire bear-skins with the claws still attached but without the head, and their hair was arranged in two long horns stiffened with cedar-bark. In each hand they held a bundle of cedar-bark with the ends spread out fan-like. They took the places of the other two in front of the box, and, as before, another song was used by the song-keeper and then by his assistant. Now the people began to sing and the two dancers went about the room once. In the song were the words, "Otter in the canoe," referring to a story in which a land-otter was in a canoe along with many other animals, including a wolf, and there was a spirit [chk'ha] who made tlugwana those who saw him. At these words the dancers went to the afihaa, who were lying under a pile of matting in the left rear corner of the room behind a mass of seated people. They shook their cedar-bark wisps over the initiates, while singing, and then continued round the room, and when the song ran, "Wolf in the canoe," they shook their hands and bark again over the a'h~a.' Two men now carried out one of the a hfa, a naked boy, and laid him beside the fire, and urged the people to sing better, for there was yet no sign of life. Then one of them grasped the boy's hair and dragged him back to the corner, and the speaker sent several men to rub charcoal on the face of every person in order to make the singing stronger. {view image of facing page 72} Harpooning [photogravure plate] {view image of page 73} THE NOOTKA 73 The singing was resumed, and the two dancers moved round the room, and at the words "Medicine-man in the canoe," they repeated their motions over the initiates. The fourth time it was "Seer in the canoe." Then the initiates began to whistle, and sat up. Their foreheads and cheeks were covered with blood. Each of the two dancers took a spear or a pole, held it horizontally before him, and danced round the room once, with gestures of joy, and exclamations that the initiates had been restored to life. Each had his own song of praise for this occasion. Some of the ha(Oa began to sing, each his own secret song. They were not naked. The boys who sang sat down as soon as they had finished, but the girls, singing, danced once about the room. When they had finished and sat down, the people went home. It was now just before daybreak, the end of the first night. When the people were all in their houses, wolf calls 1 were heard in the woods, and the wolves came out all around the village, ran into the house of Tsahwasip, and carried the initiates away into the woods. Nobody ventured out to see them. The ahafa were left at a shed that had been erected a short distance from the village in a place apart from the trails, and the wolf men returned to their respective homes. A little later in the morning the father, mother, or grandparent of each initiate went out to teach him the songs he was to use in the dance. These were songs belonging to the parents or the grandparents. Some were taught two, others three or more. They remained in the shed all day, but after dark they were brought by their parents or grandparents to the house of Tsahwasip through a secret door in the rear, and they slept behind a curtain of mats. Nobody was permitted behind this curtain, except those who were teaching the songs and the various people who were to participate in the ceremony. These were summoned to the place by Tsafhwasip in order that arrangements might be made. Before dawn the 6hafia were taken back to the shed, and at night again were brought to the house. Three full days were spent in the woods. At sunrise on the day the initiates were first taken to the shed by the wolves [the second day of the ceremony], Tsahwasip, through his speaker, invited all the people by name to a feast. This was done also on the next two days. If any were forgotten in the invitation, they would have the right to tear boards from the house, or enter and demolish beds and furniture. At the feast only one kind of food was served, and the number of persons invited was so great that only a small portion was given to each. Entering the house for the feast, some would sing, others would shout funny or obscene remarks, and in the corners groups would be engaged in mock combat. On the second night Tsahwasip sent out about fifteen men to gather balsam branches in which to clothe the ahata on the follow1 These were highly conventionalized calls produced by means of whistles of several sizes, all of which were made of two hollowed pieces of cedar bound together with cherry-bark. {view image of page 74} 74 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ing day. These men returned late in the night, and the people were careful not to see them. For if any uninitiated person should see these boughs it would be necessary for the tlugwana to take him the next day and run a spear-point through the skin of each arm or through the skin of his back, tie a rope to the points, and so drag him to the beach. They would also break his canoe and wreck his house. A woman would receive the same treatment, but a guilty child was punished through the father. The skin was first bitten and chewed in order to soften it [really to deaden it] before the pointed piece of whale-bone was run through to make a hole for the spear-point. The balsam boughs were brought to the shed in which the children had been concealed, and on the following morning [the third day] the parents and grandparents met in the shed to make rings for the initiates: one for the head, one for the neck, one for each arm at the elbow, one for each ankle, one for the leg just below the knee, and, in the case of boys, one for the waist. But kilts were made for the girls. The head-dress projected about six or eight inches in front, like a pointed vizor. In the meantime Tsahwasip had two men in the woods making a life-sized image of cedar in the likeness of his grandson. About sunset of this third day he sent two men to bid thirty or forty men, whom he already had selected, go to the place where on the following morning the 6hahta would come out of the woods. When these men had assembled there, he himself went to meet them. They had a long board a span and three fingers in width, which the singers held in front of them in the left hand as a sounding-board for their batons. There were two men called kaswikhasi ["holder in the arm"], each of whom carried in the crook of his left arm a rather large oval stone. Two samichikhasi ["goer on all fours in front"], who wore pointed head-dresses of fir sprigs, took their places on all fours behind the line of men with the board, while the two stone-carriers stood in front of the line with their backs toward it. Now a man with a rattle, standing at the left of the board at the water's edge, sang a short song [a chanted call], and the singers repeated it. Then the singers commenced a song, and the two samichikhasi crawled forward between the legs of the men in front of them and under the sounding-board, each passing on the outside of the stone-carrier in front of him. Each then crawled toward his end of the board, and about half-way there he turned and crawled back almost to his stone-carrier, where he faced the board and crawled back under it to his original position. The two stonecarriers meanwhile stood still, handling the stones like a mother rocking her baby. They constantly whistled with instruments concealed in their mouths. At the end of the song all moved forward without order, rearranged themselves in the same formation, and repeated the same song and movements. This procedure was continued until they had sung the song four times at four different {view image of facing page 74} Ready to throw the harpoon [photogravure plate] {view image of page 75} THE NOOTKA 75 places. Then they went to the house of Tsahwasip, each man in his position, with the rattler leading the procession. All kept shouting "......hihihihi! 0..... hihihihi!" In the house flamed a great fire. Still beating, but not singing, they all went in order to the back of the fire, and all sat down except the stone-carriers. Then a man whose office it was to perform this duty cried, "Hei, hei!" and the stone-carriers sat down and ceased whistling. This man who caused them to sit took the stones and hid them behind the row of singers.' It was now dark, and Tsahwasip sent his two speakers to call the people. They went through the village calling a general invitation, and the people soon began to assemble, no matter whether they were tlugwana or not. Attendance was not compulsory. The singers, the samichikh"si, and the kaswikh"si took their places among the people. When all were present, the speaker of Tsahwasip rose and called: "Wa......! Yaksiuilatak, give me now goods! I say this in the name of all tlugwana!" 2 One parent of each ahaDa rose, holding forth some article in each hand, and all, speaking at once, called: "This is the offering of my right hand! This is the offering of my left hand!" Then all went to where Tsahwasip sat in the left rear corner and laid the offerings on a mat before him. He carried them away to his seat, and the second chief of the tribe took his place in the corner just vacated by Tsahwasip. The speaker repeated the call for gifts, and the same persons repeated their former words and took their offerings to the mat. The second chief bore them away to his place, and the third chief came forward. So it went until each of the first ten chiefs of the tribe received two presents from each family of the ha fa. Then the two speakers were again sent out to summon those who had not yet come. When all had entered, the speaker stood up and shouted: " Wa! Chief, I offer you this gift, whoever will split the stick for me! Wa! Chief, I offer you this gift, whoever will help split the stick for me!" After summoning three more helpers with the same call, he cried: "lWa! Yaksiuflatak, I call on you for five of the best mats!" The five mats were brought out and placed in a row behind the fire, extending toward the back of the room. Five men whose right this was came from among the people and sat down on the mats, the chief being on the mat nearest the fire. Then the speaker called: " a! I want every kind of dancer to look for the stick that is to be split! Wa! I want every kind of dancer to look for the wedge and the hammer! Pick out the best stone for the hammer! Go to the best place to look for these things!" Then almost everybody went out and soon returned with stones, blocks 1 The meaning of these stones cannot be learned. The only explanation offered is that the man who received the dance from the spirit wolves saw them perform in this manner. 2 WYa! raksiuilatak, kastliftuyuqaf! WYahatiftlugwana, ai! (Yaksiuhilatak is the title of the giver of the ceremony.) {view image of page 76} 76 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of wood, handfuls of food, each endeavoring to bring something as useless as possible for the purpose desired. Some were painted in a ludicrous manner or wearing old, worn-out clothing, and as they entered they sang or danced ridiculously. Some would push aside the five splitters and take their places in fun, but the splitters soon resumed their seats. All the objects brought to them they refused with the words: "It is useless. Take it away." After a time some one brought the right kind of wood for the splitting, another provided a good wedge, a third a stone maul. The speaker cried: "Wa! Chief, Yaksiuhlatak, give us five mats to place under the stick that is to be split!" Five mats were spread before the splitters. Then the speaker said: "Now we have all that we wish. Get ready your batons!" The chief of the splitters took up the wedge and the maul, and the four helpers grasped the piece of cedar, which had been put before them on the mats. It was two fathoms long and a span wide, a clear piece of board. All the people held their batons and waited. "Wa!" called the speaker. "Make the motion of striking!" The chief splitter and the two alternate assistants moved to the opposite side of the stick, the people made two movements of striking the boards, and the splitter did the same with his maul. The splitter and two helpers returned to their former positions, and the other two assistants went to the opposite side of the stick. "Wa! Strike!" All struck the boards twice and then began a rapid tattoo, chanting, "Wa......, wa......, wa......, wa...... " At the same time the splitter struck the wedge twice. All these acts were repeated three times more, until the wedge and the soundingboards had received two blows four times. Thus the cedar stick was split, and one of the four assistants rose, holding the split stick, and shouted: "This stick is not good! We could hardly split it!" He threw it on the floor. The speaker at once called for another stick, and again the people went out and repeated the previous actions. At length another stick was laid before the splitters, and when it had been split in the same manner, the speaker shouted: "Wa! Chief who smooths the stick for me, I offer you this gift! Bring your adz!" He repeated his call for an assistant, and then went on: " Wa! Chief, Yaksiuhllatak, give me two mats to place under the men who will smooth the stick!" When two mats were brought out, the adzers set to work and soon finished smoothing the two sticks; for even the one which the splitters had affected to reject was to be used. The mats on which the adzers sat belonged to them, and two mats of the ten belonged to each splitter. The two sticks were the property of Tsahwasip, who would later give them to the man that was to hold the feast of salmon-roe. For they were to be used in stirring the roe. The sticks were laid aside in the house. Now the speaker called: "Wa! Chief, I offer you this gift, who listens for me! Please!" He wanted a man to listen for the {view image of facing page 76} Halibut fishers : Neah Bay [photogravure plate] {view image of page 77} THE NOOTKA 77 wolves. " Wa! Chief, I offer you this to go with this listener! Wa! Chief, I offer you this gift to go with the man that goes with the listener! Wa! Chief, I offer you this gift to beat time for the singers!" Then the listener and his two helpers went to the roof to listen for the wolves. The listener had a ring of dry cedar-bark about his head, and a wreath in his hand. The time-keeper brought out the big box-drum and stood on it with a baton in each hand. He raised his batons as a signal to beat a rapid tattoo. Three times this was repeated, then he told them to be ready. He gave the signal, and they struck their boards twice, and then beat a tattoo. The time-keeper, standing on the box with his batons in hand, very slowly stooped as low as possible, and then as slowly rose to his full height. This he did four times, and then with a sweep of his right arm he gave the signal to cease beating. The listener on the house-top began to sing, asking YaksiuHlatak1 what kind of dance he was going to give after coming out of the woods, while the two helpers, looking down into the house, kept calling to the people such words as these: "We hear thunder! We hear birds singing! We hear wolves howling!" When the song was ended, the time-keeper gave the signal and the people beat as before. Thus the listener sang four times and the people struck the boards four times. But before singing the fourth time the listener called down: "Young men, arm yourselves! Our tlugwana are coming out!" Some young men, members of the fraternity, armed themselves and went through the rear door, secretly accompanied by the afihaa. At the end of the fourth song of the listener these young men in the woods blew whistles, imitating birds, and gave the wolf call. There in the woods some of the initiates sang their secret songs. Then while the others were silent the grandson of Tsahwasip sang his song, and the people in the house said, "It is Yaksiuhlatak!" After this song the young men and the 6ha1fa all came around to the front of the house, the young men whistling and the ihafOa singing their individual songs. They went to one end of the village and around behind the houses to the other end, then back in front the full length of the street; and so until they had encircled the village four times. Nobody was permitted to go outside at this time. The houses all were closed until the procession returned secretly to the house of Tsaihwasip through the private door at the rear. It was now nearly morning, and the people went home. This was the end of the third night. Then Tsahwasip sent two speakers to go about the village and bid the people have their urinals filled so that they could wash their heads when day broke. Before dawn the 6haf/a and the twenty wolf personators went secretly to the place on the beach where the 1 Here and later the title applies to the chief initiate, not to the giver of the ceremony. {view image of page 78} 78 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN initiates were to be caught. When the first light was seen in the sky, Tsahwasip sent his two speakers to bid the people awake and be ready to wash their heads with urine, and prepare their boards and canoes. Now the wolf men were blowing their whistles. Soon the people began to make catamarans, ten to fifteen in number, some consisting of three canoes. The young people dressed in the most pleasing manner. Girls had a head-dress of cedar wands upright about the head with an eagle tail-feather at the tip of each. Young men had a circlet of green grass rising about the head. All painted their faces with red. This finery was to attract the eyes of the wolves and make them forget to watch their captives. Just as the sun rose the tlugwana people got on the decks of their catamarans and paddled to the place where the whistles sounded. Some of the young men had harpoons with long lines. When the catamarans neared the beach, the wolves and ahatia emerged from the forest and came to the shore. The chief of the wolves was followed by the chief hat a, then came another wolf and another ahafta, and so on. The wolves went on all fours with the head held up. The girl 6hatia walked with t.he palms upturned and moved the hands from side to side; the boys had their fists turned down and arms stretched out in front and slightly downward. Before they emerged their fathers had cut their own tongues and spit blood on the faces of the hafta. Each one had a concealed whistle, and each sang its secret song. Back in the woods were young men blowing whistles. As the catamarans approached the shore, some of the young men, hurling their spears at the beach, purposely capsized their canoes, and they were compelled to lie on the shore as if dead, without rising until everybody had gone back to the village. This was a form of osumilch [ceremonial purification] for killing hair-seals, porpoises, and other sea animals. The procession of wolves and ahafOa went slowly to the beach and turned back into the woods, while the people on the catamarans were dancing and singing. After they had disappeared into the woods, the wolves gave a long call, and then again they came into the open, repeating their previous actions. Now Tlishitowanigh was really angry that Tsahwasip had not consulted with all the chiefs about beginning tlugwana, and he decided to kill a wolf man. So he ordered his slave to go to the woods and shoot the leader of the wolves. This the slave did, and the man fell dead as the wolves came out for the third time. The others went running about the beach, thinking that their leader was merely pretending to be killed. But as he continued to lie still, some of them called to him in a low voice: "Come! Why do you lie there?" Then they found that he was really dead, and they ran back into the woods, taking the ahatfa with them. The news quickly reached the village, and the tlugwana men at once ordered all the uninitiated into their houses and closed the doors on them, lest they see that the dead man was really a man and not a wolf. {view image of facing page 78} Gathering seaweed [photogravure plate] {view image of page 79} THE NOOTKA 79 Three young men were sent in a canoe to "spear the dead wolf." They did not call him a man. One of the young men took his harpoon ashore while the others remained in the canoe holding the line. He threw the harpoon into the body, and they dragged it into the canoe. The parents of the dead man were sternly forbidden to cry, and Tsahwasip threatened them with death if they should do so. Now the people on the catamarans, and those back in the village who were on shore watching, began to sing, expressing the wish that they might recover all the 6hatfa from the wolves. When the band appeared the fourth time, a woman at the village began to sing a song which was used in praising any one either for fighting or for giving away property, or for other reasons. She stood on the beach at the village. It happened that this song was also used to express sorrow for the dead, and Tsaihwasip immediately thought that she was lamenting the death of the wolf chief. Therefore he sent a fighting man to the village and had her killed.1 After the killing of the wolf man the assassin ran off into the woods. Later in the day Tsahwasip led a number of men to the house of Tlaghitowanigh, in order to tear it down or beat the people in it; but it was guarded by an equal force. The two parties faced each other. "Why did you kill my wolf?" asked Tsahwasip. "Because," answered Tlaihitowanih, "you did not tell me you were going to give tlugwana. If I had done the same thing, you too would feel angry. And if you break my house, your wolves will not come out of the woods!" Then Tsahwasip felt ashamed and called his men away. Some time after this the chief fighting man of Tlafhitowanfih was invited in the evening to a feast at the other end of the village, and as he went, four warriors of Tsahwasip leaped upon him and roughly dragged him over the stones. This was the only revenge Tsahwasip took; for an open revenge by killing would have told the uninitiated that the wolves were really men. When for the fourth time the wolves and ahatOa came out of the forest, some of the boys had spears in their hands as a sign that they would become spearsmen. Others had knives, to show that their fathers would go to war and cut off an enemy's head. Others had wooden herrings, meaning that their fathers were going to osumich for herring. Yet others had images of a whale, salmon, goose, or fur-seal. All these things they were supposed to have received from the spirit wolves, as reminders for their fathers to 6osumich. On the beach were a number of fighting men, one for each ahata, crouching in a semicircle open toward the woods. The wolves came down close, apparently without seeing them, and when the wolf leader was opposite the last man in the semicircle and the 1 It is highly probable that this incident and the supposed murder of the wolf man were merely tricks. {view image of page 80} 8o THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN last wolf opposite the first man, each fighting man slyly seized the child opposite him and carried it aboard the vessels. The wolves went quietly on and back into the woods. Then, as if they had just become aware of the capture, they gave a great howl and rushed down to the beach and into the water, trying to recover their lost captives. They howled and snapped, and overturned some of the craft. The young men thus thrown out into the water drifted ashore, where they had to lie until all the others had returned to the house. They purposely let themselves be thrown out, because they wished to do this as a ceremonial washing for hunting. But the capsized women were hauled into the canoes. Before the canoes landed at the village the speaker of Tsahwasip shouted: "Now take all those who are not tlugwana into their houses, and lock the doors!" This was done lest the uninitiated learn the secret of the howling and whistling, and the costumes of the ha f3a.1 "Now take all the strangers into the woods!" This referred to the slaves and to visitors, who were now sent away, even though they were tlugwana in their own village. Some of the tlugwana men went about with spears and other weapons, searching for strangers as if to kill them. When all these had gone away, the catamarans approached the beach in front of the village, and the grandson of Tsahwasip appeared on the deck of one of the craft, singing his song. But instead of standing on the deck he was supported above a hole by two men in the hold. A speaker on board called the people closer. So they all went down to the top of the terrace to observe what was going to be done. "Listen to what Yaksiuhlatak is going to say," shouted the speaker. The boy sang his songs four times, and then the speaker cried out: "The wolf chief has told this boy to be a man-killer, to go against other tribes and kill men. This boy has met the wolf chief and has been made a fighting man." Then while a few men crowded in front of the boy, the two below drew him into the hold and quickly substituted the wooden image, which was dressed just like the boy. The crowd drew back to their places. This trick had never before been played, and the people, who were at some little distance from the craft, were deceived into thinking that the boy still stood before them. "This boy is going to be cut up!" shouted the speaker. "The wolf has told him to be cut up! The wolf has told this boy to have his head cut off first!" The two best fighting men, with knives in their hands, stood ready to behead the image. They sang their war-songs and told what they were going to do, then tore off the head-dress, seized the hair, and drew their knives about the neck. With a jerk the head came off, and a spurt of blood followed; for 1 In recent times any uninitiated person who saw the ahaf"a while the wolf spirit was in them was required to be initiated at once. But in earlier times the offender was punished with spear-points thrust under the skin of the back. It is said with apparent truth that long ago the penalty was death. {view image of facing page 80} Before the storm - Makah [photogravure plate] {view image of page 81} THE NOOTKA in the neck was a deer intestine full of blood. On shore the women began to wail. The fighting men cut off the hands, the forearms, the upper arms, the feet, the lower legs, and the thighs. Every cut was followed by blood. Now all the people were crying aloud. From the house of Tsahwasip a covered trench lined with boards had been dug down the bank across the beach and into the water. In the bottom of the canoe a piece had been cut out, leaving a hole large enough to let the boy pass. As soon as the cutting of the image began, the hole was opened and the boy slipped through and dived into the tunnel. He quickly worked himself up out of the water and then crept on into the house. The hole in the canoe was quickly stopped, and the buoyancy of the other two canoes to which this one was lashed was sufficient to keep it floating and prevent much water from entering. When the wooden image was completely cut up, the pieces were bundled in the boy's sea-otter robe and the whole was carried ashore and into the house. "Now, people, cry!" shouted the speaker. "Your chief is dead! You see that he is cut into pieces!" Then they began to wail more loudly than ever. Some went to the beach to look for the boy in the canoe, even turning it over. [These of course were in the secret.] Some were actually weeping, thinking that the boy had really been killed. While only a few were in the secret, most of the people must have been aware that this was a trick. The canoes were now drawn out, and the ah"aa went into the house, while the singers sang. [A Clayoquot song used while the initiates approach the house is as follows:] We will have tlugwana dancing. We come to you, chief. We come from the South Chief to you, chief. Allegro moderato Ya:ha yi ya ha yi ya ha yi ya ha yi ya a. KiTltigwana mf 4ham wi - tas- niih, tla-wi - chiti- fiu-tihl, ha-wa - yihl, ya a. Ya: dancing we will hbe we come to you chief. ^ ______ 2___ ______-. --- OW — - VOL. XI-6 {view image of page 82} 82 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN: ha yi ya ha yi ya ha yi ya ha yi ya i ~_-t — ____ _a --- ~ ~ -- --- ---— th - a. His - tak - ghitl-nigh tla - wi- chitl - tu-tihl hihl-?e come from we come to you south |;* ' ---tF ' 't — - L_____- i__ suis, ha - wa - yih, ya a. Ya: a ha ya i. god chief. The speaker, still outside, called the people into the house. The The speaker, still outside, called the people into the house. The boy's mother was crying, and pulling her hair. When all entered, the men who had been lying at the water's edge were now seized by the hair by other young men and dragged, face upward as if dead, through the water along the shore to the front of Tsahwasip's house. A certain man of the Tsa'wunuith refused to obey the summons to the dance house, and muttered something about his disbelief in the wolves. This was reported to Tsahwasip, who immediately gathered twenty to thirty warriors and went to the house of the Tsa'wunuith, where this man lived. The door was barred, but they broke it in. There stood the man's son, naked, and he cried: "Do not spear my father, spear me! He is nothing! He is poor and has nothing to give away! But I have something to give away!" The Tsa'wunutha chief grasped the young man by the hair and cried to the fighting men: "Why are you afraid to spear this man? It is your duty to do this work!" Then they came forward. There was a man whose special right it was to bite the skin, and another to pierce it. These two approached and put two spear-points through the skin of his back; but so angry was he that this did not satisfy him, and they put two more in his back. Still he cried out wrathfully, demanding that they raise him on sharp spears. So they removed the spear-points, and put the ends of four yew spears {view image of facing page 82} The shores of the Nootka [photogravure plate] {view image of page 83} THE NOOTKA 83 under the cut skin, and thus raised him four times from the ground, the skin stretching more than a hand-breadth. When they released him, he caused all the Tsa'wunutha to assemble and had two of them fire two gunshots to summon all the people. They soon congregated, and the young man told them that he had been pierced and that he was going to cover his wounds by giving away property. So he distributed his goods, giving something to each person.' Meanwhile the ahafa had entered the tlugwana house, and had been led around the room [counter-clockwise] by two men with rattles. Coming to the right rear corner for the second time, they one after another pivoted, and then stepped upon a long board running across the rear of the room two or three feet above the floor. Here they stood facing the rear wall. A large fire was kindled, for they were very cold, being practically unclothed. The men who had been dragged along the beach were now carried up either on the shoulders or by the hands of other men, and were laid on the floor just below the platform. Their skins were red with cold. The batons were taken up, for these dead men were to be brought to life. Four times the people beat a tattoo without singing, and then the men sat up. Those who had brought them in took them to their respective homes, where they warmed themselves and put on blankets. The speaker stood up and said: "We will rest now. These tlugwana are going to sing. We will make them sing." The grandson of Tsahwasip now came out of the tunnel, the mouth of which was hidden under the platform, and he stepped up beside the others. The bundle of wooden pieces wrapped in the sea-otter skin had previously been put into the mouth of the tunnel in full sight of the people, so that this seemed a sudden rising of the dead, and as he turned and faced them, they expressed their astonishment. He was holding a piece of wood wrapped in fir sprigs, representing the stone club, the death-dealing weapon of the wolves. He began to sing, and when he had finished, the speaker said: "The wolves have told this Yaksiuh-latak to be a man-killer and to go against different tribes and kill men. The wolf also has told him to invite the different tribes, one by one, and distribute property among them. The wolf also has told him that he is to have a bird [thunderbird] with which to catch whales. The wolf also has told him to invite all these people of this place ten times on different days." At this point the men who had been in the water entered, and those of them who were the fathers of ahafa sat on the platform beside their respective children. Then the ahatOa all cried "Hihl....... Hih...... Hi! Hi!" They made their characteristic motions with extended fists or upturned palms. The second ahafa sang his song, and the speaker told what the wolf had given him. Thus it went, each one singing 1 This incident of course was prearranged. {view image of page 84} 84 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN his secret song.1 Each one who carried an image of herring, seal, or other creature, told his father, through the speaker, that the wolf had instructed him to bid the father sumirch during the winter for hunting that particular animal represented by the image. Some said that they had been told to invite the people at once, while still assembled in the house of Tsahwasip, and they gave a feast then and there. Others were to invite the people later. Some had been told to give a potlatch immediately, and they did so. Whenever they gave to a man they said, "Blood has dropped on it." A boy who came from the woods bearing the image of a man's head explained that the wolf had told him his father must go to a certain place and kill a man. And later his father did so. One who had been told by the wolf to do this went armed about the village with his father and nine others, looking for uninitiated persons. They tried all the doors. This youth, before going into a house, cried "yi......I Hap, hap, hap, hap!" 2 shaking his head and striking the boards near the door. Thus they visited every house, and then returned to the tlugwana house. After all the ah"tfa had sung, the grandson of Tsahwasip stood up holding a hai'na [crystal] in his closed hand before his breast. The people leaned back on their hands and kicked their heels rapidly on the sounding-boards and cried "WYa......." The boy swept his closed hand containing the crystal around before him, and when he had done this four times, the people fell back as if dead. For the hai'na is the power of the spirit wolves, which they carry in their sides. Ten men who had been selected by Tsahwasip to remain active began to beat on the sounding-boards rapidly without singing, and after a time the people sat up, and one of the ten arose to announce that they had brought the people to life. It was now nearly evening of the fourth day. As soon as the people sat up they began to arrange themselves in groups according to the kind of dance they were to perform the next day. Thus, those who would dance like deer formed one party. Then one from each group arose and announced what they would dance. Some of the male dancers were deer, eagle, killerwhale, masked dancer,3 hair-seal, kingfisher, crane. Among the women dancers were snipe, woodpecker, butterball duck, sawbill duck, mallard. The women usually represented birds. When each group had made its announcement, the people all beat a tattoo and the members of the bands got up, group by group, and passed once round the room, making motions characteristic of their dance.4 1 A secret song is filhka. Cf. Kwakiutl fiehka, trick; fe'fehka, the winter dance. The Makah apply the name f0thka to the bullroarers which they use in this ceremony. There was no beating of batons with a secret song. 2 The cry of the Kwakiutl hamatsa, a dancer not found among the Mooachaht. 3 This was the equivalent of the Kwakiutl t2ufnukwa. See Volume X, page 157. 4 The dancers who represented animals and mythic creatures did not constitute societies. Each chief had dances that he himself owned by inheritance, and in giving the ceremony he had these dances performed. He selected young men or women for the various {view image of facing page 84} Quiet waters [photogravure plate] {view image of page 85} THE NOOTKA This ended the ceremonies for the night, and the people went home. The moon was setting. The ha ia, in single file and observing their usual order, followed three men through the street from house to house. The first man entered each house and announced the coming, and the haDfa went in dancing in their usual manner. On this same night the people who were to dance on the following day had to prepare their costumes and masks. Nearly all the rest of the night was thus spent. About sunrise of the fifth day began the qammas dancing. First those who were to perform like sea-otters came to the house, where only the usual inmates were present. There were perhaps thirty or forty dancers, each with sea-otter skin on his breast and a headdress made of the whole skin of a young sea-otter. One of them came inside the door and stopped, threw back his head, held up his hands before his breast, and clapped two stones together like an otter cracking shell-fish. Then he moved forward to the right and another followed with a similar exhibition. Thus it went until all had entered. They were followed by the hunter, who carried a spear and an arrow. The otters now scattered behind the fireplace, and the hunter moved slowly toward them with motions of paddling a canoe. Frequently he would pretend to lay down the paddle and take up his spear. Among the dancers was a man with a stuffed young sea-otter, representing a mother with her young. At last the hunter came upon this one; the dancer immediately laid down the stuffed skin, and the hunter speared it. Then all the otters leaped up in a commotion, but gradually they became quiet and sank to the floor. They went out and into the next house, where they repeated the dance, and so in every house. When this was over a canoe happened to approach, and Tsahwasip ordered all to assemble in his house for the land-otter dance. This belonged to his eldest son, whose consent was necessary. So all congregated and the dancers put on fir-sprig head-dresses and rings for the neck and wrists, and the secret whistles in their mouths. They were quite naked, and their faces were blackened. The women dancers wore their bark aprons. This was a very hard dance, but in tlugwana nobody could refuse the giver of the ceremony under pain of severe punishment with spear-points thrust through his arms or his back. Two men waded out to their armpits to prevent the landing of the canoe, and the dancers and spectators went to the beach. All extended their arms, and all beat their feet rapidly on the ground, while those who had been directed by the chief to do so leaped and tumbled about like otters at a parts, and these parts were retained so long as the performer was young and active. In this respect the dancers formed societies, but membership was not based on anything in particular, and they were not really fraternities. Such a group was called upaih ("companions"). The dances were all based on visions. In recent times the hereditary ownership of these dances was not respected: anybody could dance as he wished. {view image of page 86} 86 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN slide. Then all rushed into the water toward the canoe and splashed water upon it until it filled and sank, and the visitors had to swim ashore. The people and the dancers returned to the house and stood in three lines - men, women, and children - behind the fire and facing the door; while the visitors were placed just inside the door, with the two men who had prevented their landing stationed before them and holding long poles crosswise in order to protect them from the otters. The people and the dancers now made the usual motions with their hands and beat the floor with their feet, and with cries of "Ha......!" they advanced toward the visitors. Some tumbled and leaped as before, and the two men simulated the actions of defenders. After advancing four times the people scattered and sat down about the room. Then the speaker said to the visitors: "Now I am going to make you warm. I am going to make a dance for you." The fire was built up and oil thrown on it. Tsahwasip sang, clasping his hands, and his grandson came out, dressed as when he came from the woods, and danced. The visitors were four men and two women of the Hesquiat. Three of the men received a sea-otter skin each and the fourth a slave, while the women received dentalium shells. Food was given them, and while they ate, the otters went from house to house, repeating their dance. Later in the morning Tsahwasip ordered forty or fifty young men to dance hohasinnimufi. The hohasinnimut are spirits which cause people to lose their way in the woods by shouting here and there and confusing the travellers [evidently a personification of the echo]. These men doubled their bark blankets and belted them on and put on masks with long cylindrical mouths. In several parties they rushed into the various houses through whatever opening they could find. Twelve - two for each of the visitors - came to the house of Tsahwasip, grasped the Hesquiat by the wrists, and led them away into the woods. Round and round they led them, while others kept calling here and there. At length they released their victims, and ran swiftly away in different directions, always away from the village. For a long time they remained in the forest, roaming about and constantly calling in order to deceive the strangers. It was about noon when they ceased. Two of the Hesquiat remained in the woods all night, unable to get out, and in the morning they were brought to the village by an early fisherman who heard their cries. When the hohasinnimu'f returned at noon, other dancers had their qammas, and then the ahafta had theirs. This consumed the time until nearly evening. Last of all were the killerwhales, and after they one by one had entered the house of Tsaihwasip, came two men carrying a whale mask, going through the motions of rising, spouting, and diving, while the killerwhales sported about. Then one of them discovered the whale, dashed toward it, and bit at it, and the others joined in the attack and killed the whale. {view image of facing page 86} By the sea - Nootka [photogravure plate] {view image of page 87} THE NOOTKA 87 It was now evening, and the women who were to represent woodpeckers were ready. They wore only the bark apron, and had the breast and the parts under the arms painted red, the back and the outer parts of the arms being black. Under the arms were fastened pieces of matting to simulate wings, red underneath and black outside. Masks were worn on the top of the head. Like the others they danced first at the house of Tsahwasip, and went on through the village. The performance of various dances continued until morning. If any visitors had come before they were finished, it would have been necessary to repeat them. The ahazfa performed their dance through the village each morning and each evening on the next three days. During this time also there were feasts given by them in the house of Tsahwasip, as the wolf chief had directed, a speaker sent by the giver of the feast delivering the invitation at each house and to each individual by name. The first feast was given by Tsahwasip himself on this first morning after the dancing. He had sent men for seals, salmon, and roots, and the guests found eleven kinds of food provided. Hair-seal, dry dog-salmon, dry halibut, salmon-roe, clover-roots, two kinds of fern-roots, fresh spring salmon, porpoise, goose, and herring-roe were there. A portion of each kind was offered first to the chief ahatia, but he refused everything until they offered goose. As soon as he began, the others were at liberty to call for whatever food they wished, and they ate a single bite. Had any one eaten before the chief ahafta or taken more than a single bite, he would have been punished with the spear-points. Then the boy called for spring salmon, and again, as before, he took two bites, but the people did not eat. He called for clover-roots and ate two bites, but the people did not eat. He demanded fern-roots and ate two bites, but still the people did not eat. Then the speaker called for the man whose right it was to take away from the people all the food before them, only one bite having been eaten. When Tlupananuhl and his assistants had removed the dishes, he shouted an invitation to the people to feast with him, and the food was restored to them. Tliupananuhl took a bit from each guest's portion, or pretended to do so, and the people then ate. "Now, people," cried the speaker of Tsahwasip, "call for whatever you wish! I have not given you all my food. Let all who wish spring salmon go together, and all who wish hair-seal go together." So the guests arranged themselves in groups according to what they wished to eat, and servants distributed the remainder of the food in great feasting dishes. The speaker kept urging them to eat all. Just as the feast ended a canoe of Muchalat people was seen coming, and the speaker at once cried, "Let the adz dancers dance [kayaihmisinuk, adz dance]!" Forty men expert in using the adz for building canoes and making boards went to the house of Tlupananuhl, to whom this dance belonged. He said, "Now, we will break this canoe that is coming, because I have a big canoe to {view image of page 88} 88 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN give in payment for it." So they went out and sang, "I can do this, and none can censure me," and then marched into the water where the canoe was just about to land. They seized it and dragged it up on the sand, and while the visitors still sat in it they began to chip at it with their adzes, and in a short time there was nothing left of it. The Muchalat were left sitting on a slab. The dancers went up on the terrace and repeated their song, carried out a large canoe, and, still singing, they danced, moving the canoe up and down. Then Tliupananuhl gave the canoe to the owner of the one he had destroyed. Two of the others received each a sea-otter skin, and the fourth a land-otter skin. It was now evening, and Tsahwasip sent a man to call the visitors to his house, where the people were still assembled. With them came the forty adz dancers, still singing, and at the end of that song they struck the walls with their adzes. The chief's speaker leaped up and shouted: "Stop! I offer you this otter-skin to stop!" He gave the skin to Tluipananuhl, the chief of the dancers, and they ceased chipping the walls. Then Tsahwasip through his speaker invited the people to eat again, for he had other stores. When the food was distributed, each person took a single bite of each kind and kept the remainder to carry home. The feast ended about midnight. Immediately after this the ahatfa, all in the house of Tsahwasip, sang each one his secret song, and then they went through the village dancing and singing in each house [the qdmmas dance]. When they returned, groups of men and women, two to ten in number, went through the street and sang in the houses either ftihka songs or common songs, and clapped their hands in order to keep the people awake all night. About daybreak of the sixth day one of these singers saw an approaching canoe, and the Seshart chief Kanakuim, who owned the chopper dance [hismissinuk], gathered a number of men and told them he was going to break the canoe. When Tsahwasip heard this he thought it not right that this should be done again, one canoe having already been broken. He called in some of the chiefs to discuss it, and they sent two men to bring Kanakum. When he came, Tsahwasip asked if he intended to break the canoe, and Kanakuim replied that he did. Then Tsahwasip led forward a slave girl and said: "I offer you this slave, and you shall have her. If you want to strike her instead of this, you may do so." So Kanakuim agreed not to break the canoe and took the slave, and said he would qammas with his dancers. And they danced about in the house, breaking up a few dishes and striking the posts, and then went on through the village. The new visitors were invited by Tsahwasip, who gave them presents. On this day another ah"aa called the people to a feast, and * This mask is called Hi'wa'nahat ("always ready to feed"). The original Ha'wa'nahat, according to mythology, was one of four slaves who were transformed into speaking house-posts in the first winter-dance house. {view image of facing page 88} Dancing Mask - Nootka [photogravure plate] {view image of page 89} THE NOOTKA 89 as soon as this was ended, another gave an invitation. Thus there was feasting all day, and the night was spent like the preceding one in loud singing. On the following day, the seventh, all the dancers performed qammas, and on returning to the house they resumed their ordinary clothing. Tsahwasip sent men to bring a young fir, which they planted in the rear corner of the house at the left of his seat, for a sign that the children would no longer wear branches. Later the tree was to be thrown into the fire. On the walls of the house hung all the rings worn by the initiates. Neither they nor Tsahwasip were permitted to go out of the house on this day. In the evening Tsahwasip again summoned the people through his two speakers, who carried the invitation, saying: "These tlugwana are going to wash their heads, and the blood from their faces, and wash out the wolf spirit that is in them." 1 When all had assembled, the speaker shouted: "Wya! Chief, I offer you this gift, you whose right it is to wash the heads of the 5hatOa! Please come, now, and wash them and bring your basin with you!" The head-washer [tfuyukuksanaifiai, he who washes the head] brought out his basin of water, a comb, and oil in a cup, the edge of which was set with small shells. Then a fire was built near the back of the room, and the initiates were seated in two rows facing each other and extending from the fire toward the door. The washer stood and sang, shaking his rattle, and then washed the head of the chief initiate, dried it with soft cedar-bark fibre, oiled it, and combed it. The spirit of the wolf was then gone. Thus he went along the line and washed the heads of all. The washing was formal, a very small quantity of water being used. Then the speaker said: " Wa! Chief, you who brush them on the back, I offer you this gift, to brush their backs!" He called also for another brusher, and the two men who possessed this right came forward with head-dresses of cedar-bark fibre, which in the back spread out like a bird's tail. A cedar-bark ring was over the right shoulder and under the left, and each held a bunch of fibre by the middle. They stood, one behind each row, while the people beat a tattoo. The two shook their bunches of bark over the backs of the 6hafa, walking up and down the line, moving their feet rapidly. At the end of the row near the fire, where the chief ah"/a sat, they stopped, and raising their bark they shook it rapidly while slowly lowering it as if rubbing the backs of the first four in the row. Four times they did this while the people beat rapidly, and repeatedly cried " Fa......!" in long-drawn, monotonous chant, and the ahatfa blew their concealed whistles, and made the same motions as the two brushers. Then the brushers passed to the next set of four initiates and did likewise, and so until all had been brushed. The washer shook his rattle, and the initiates stood in a single line, arm in arm, with a brusher at each end of the line, and thus they 1 rtimisanupakatlsaA, I am going to exorcise the spirit. {view image of page 90} 90 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN marched round the fire [counter-clockwise], while the people sang the song of the head-washer. Thus with four pauses they marched four times about the fire and sat down around it with bowed heads, simulating the shyness of animals in the presence of humans. After a short time the two brushers rose and led them to the place where they usually stood, and the people went home. Between this time and the new moon the days and nights were passed in feasting, holding potlatches, singing of 6tihka songs. Then when the new moon appeared, Tsaihwasip assembled all the people in his house, and his speaker cried: " a! Chiefs, you who walk with high steps, I offer these gifts to you!" Two men came forward, placed a cedar-bark horn on the left side of the head, and pinned a square piece of bear-skin about the shoulders, belting it at the waist. Each had a pole two fathoms long, on the tip of which was a bunch of balsam sprigs taken from the rings that had been worn by the initiates. They approached the fire and placed the end of their sticks on the ground, with the tip inclined over the fire, as if to dry the sprigs. While a man with a rattle sang, the two men walked three times round the fire, holding the sticks up with the ends over the fire and taking high steps [like the high step used in the German army]. Then a man brought to the fire the rings which the haDfa had worn, and also the fir tree, while the two men passed round the fire a fourth time and let the sprigs on their poles catch fire and burn. At the end of this circuit they threw the other rings and the tree into the fire, placed the ends of their poles in the fire and raised them toward the roof by a succession of vigorous jerks, and shouted, " Waa......! Wa, wa, wa, wa!" Four times they used the poles thus, and then threw them on the floor. All this was to exorcise the spirits from the rings and the tree, and the act was called yukmzsanup ["shake it out"]. There were two men whose right it was to bury the remains of the burned boughs. They now tied them to one end of the poles that had just been used, and one behind the other went out with the poles over their shoulders, the leader shaking his rattle. They passed entirely round the village and then again along the front of the houses to the end of the street, where they placed the charred twigs under an overhanging rock. When they returned, the initiates were permitted to depart, and the people went home. Now each haf3a took many children of his own age and sex, as many as he could get, and all dressed in the same manner, boys with a head-dress of bark arranged like horns with a bracelet hanging on the horn, and girls with a head-band of dentalium shells or eagle-feathers. From house to house they went, singing and rejoicing that now the dha /a were really human. Their companions were not necessarily tlugwana, because now the initiates were no longer wolves, and could be looked upon by any one. In the night following the end of the ceremony, Tlfipananuhl, chief of the Haiyanuwa`htakumhl'uth, went about quietly and called {view image of facing page 90} Ceremonial costume of hemlock boughs [photogravure plate] {view image of page 91} THE NOOTKA 9I Tsahwasip, Kanakuim, Tlaghitowanlgh, and Hfyahl, the four principal chiefs besides himself. It was his custom that when his child was ahafa he would himself give the ceremony immediately after. So he said to the chiefs: "As is my rule, I will have to give another tlugwana. My child is going to disappear tonight." The chiefs agreed, and thanked him for informing them of his plan. On the day after the disappearance of the son of Tlupananuhl, Tsahwasip sent ten yuatitl [men who summon the people to a potlatch], who went to the last house in the village and stood in a row inside the door with their speaker's staffs]grounded before them. The first man cried, "Come and see!" The second called out the name of the chief person in that house, the third man the name of the person next in importance, and so on to the tenth man. The first messenger then called the name of the tenth person in that house, and so it went until each one had been invited. Thus they went from house to house. After they had finished, the two speakers of Tsahwasip called through the village, "Come, hurry!" And soon all came into the house. Each family had its regular position for such occasions, the men sitting in a row, with the women and the children behind them. The family of Tsahwasip sat behind the fire and in front of a curtain. While the people sang and beat the sounding-boards, a masked man came from behind the curtain and danced, and thus ten masks were shown successively. Then Tsahwasip gave away everything in the house. This was the rule, that the chief who had given tlugwana must distribute all his possessions.' On this occasion he gave away also the property received from the families of the hat a, and to each person who then had contributed to him the chief now returned a double portion. Sometimes a man would rise and call upon the host to give him some particular object, such as a whaling canoe, promising that he would present to the chief half of the whales he killed. Now the ceremony was repeated from beginning to end, with Tliupananuhl and his son acting as giver and chief ahfaa, instead of Tsahwasip and his grandson. At the conclusion of this performance, some other chief caused his son to disappear as if stolen by the wolves, and thus the ceremony was kept up all winter. The similarities between the tlugwana and the Kwakiutl ~feftehka 2 are strikingly apparent. With the substitution of wolf spirits for the numerous spirits with whom the Kwakiutl novices are supposed to pass their period of absence, the two ceremonies are essentially the same. It is true that of the component dances, both the Kwaikutl and the Nootka have some that are peculiar to themselves. But many of them differ only in name, and not a few bear the same name in both localities. So many of these words are evidently This must not be taken too literally. 2 See Volume X, pages I70-243. {view image of page 92} 92 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN borrowed by the Nootka, that we must conclude the dances themselves were borrowed, or obtained in marriage. Many of the tlugwana songs too contain borrowed Kwakiutl words which the singers cannot translate, and the very name of the ceremony, tlugwana, is a Kwakiutl word meaning to find a treasure, particularly to find supernatural power. The influence of the northern cult is further shown in the tluqan of the Kyuquot at the northern limit of Nootkan territory. In the Kyuquot secret society are eight kinds of dancers: nuihTm ("fool"), the deer dancer; ufhtakiya (cf. Makah ufhtake, a shaman), a dancer for good in contrast to hame'fi; qoiyiftin'k ("wolf personator"); nunuken'k ("grizzly-bear personator"); winachtin'k, the war dancer; wuhnaken'k ("otter personator"); haiyadhln, a white spirit seen in the forest; hame'ft, the hamatsa. Of the eight dances four unquestionably are borrowed. Nuzlim is the Kwakiutl nuzhlimahla. Nunuken'k is nane (the Kyuquot do not know the grizzly-bear and have no name for it). lfinachtin'k is the same as winalagydlis. Hame'fi is known to have been obtained in marriage from the Nimkish, a Kwakiutl tribe. The evidence seems to indicate that an ancient wolf ritual possessed by the Nootka tribes has become essentially modified by the influence of the Kwakiutl ceremony, while the wolf dance of the Kwakiutl (walas-ahaaq) was borrowed from the Nootka and made a part of their winter ceremony. As an example of ceremonial songs showing Kwakiutl influence, here is an inherited secret song of the Clayoquot. The word nawanaq (Kwakiutl nawalaq, supernatural power), which in composition occurs twice in the song, had no meaning to the singer. All the other words are Nootkan. Nawanaqitinuhlkafh nawanaqite, hai an a an a i. Ikmaaikitlwais wainihkum, fifhtakyu, a hai an a han an ai hin i hin, you will miss nothing head-dresses shamans Ikmaaikitlwais wainihikam, ufihtakyu, a hai an a han an ai hin i hino Ihlik wais tlugwana, na, makfhitl, ya hai han a an ai i. same I myself shaman always You will never miss anything from your head-dresses, shamans [initiates]. I myself will always be the same shaman. Moderato Mf __ 3 8 3_ ^ ^"- - ^<L^ fl~ -\^ ^^ s^ ^ --- ^ - H~-f f ~ y-^g --- -^-^iS --- -- *< _______ — ______ {view image of page 93} I-3 M z 0 F3 A {view image of page 94} 94 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Mythology Origin of the Wolf Dance 1 At Kafinim't2 lived a young chief, Yanamhum. There was another man who was constantly washing ceremonially in the woods, and Yanamhum determined to do likewise. So every morning and every evening for two years he washed himself; and gradually he increased the length of the hemlock sprigs which he used in rubbing his body, until they became branches as long as the stretch of his arms. As he washed, he looked at the rising or the setting sun. One morning while he was drawing a long branch across his naked back, it was suddenly grasped from behind and held. He looked about and saw a Wolf holding the branch between his teeth, and a little way off sat another Wolf on his haunches, watching with his head on one side. When Yanamhlum turned, the Wolf released the bough and trotted away into the woods with his mate. Then the young man laid it on the pile of used branches and went home, very happy because he was about to get that for which he had been striving. On the next day the same thing occurred, and on the following day at sunrise he did not use the hemlock, but merely rubbed himself with water. Then he lay down in the water, waiting to see what the Wolves wished to do with him. Very soon they came out of the woods, and quickly the man closed his eyes, pretending to be dead. One of the Wolves squatted on his haunches, while the other went about the edge of the water, sniffing at every spot Yanamhum had touched. Then he began to sniff at the man, and nipped his arm. He seized the arm and began to drag him out to the bank; but suddenly he dropped the body, and both Wolves ran into the woods. Then Yanamhum was vexed, and said to himself, "Now I will really wash hard!" He rubbed his body violently with hemlock, and remained all day beside the stream, and at sunset he rubbed again with hemlock. Then he went home. Thus also he did on the three following days, and the next morning he lay down in the water, and again the two Wolves came. This time one of them bit him and then dragged him out of the stream. He seized the man by the 1 The Kyuquot version. 2 The former home of a Kyuquot sept, a few miles north of Blind entrance, Kyuquot sound. {view image of facing page 94} The bear costume - Nootka [photogravure plate] {view image of page 95} THE NOOTKA 95 back of the neck, swung him up on his back, and ran through the woods, followed by his mate. They came out on the beach and trotted on for some distance to Sachaakuhl [half-way between Blind entrance and Milksepe inlet]. As the Wolves trotted along the beach, Yanamhum became curious to know where he was, and he opened his eyes a very little. The Wolf staggered and almost fell. He turned his head and said hurriedly: "Remain dead! Do not open your eyes yet!" So Yanamhum quickly closed his eyes and breathed lightly. But again he grew curious, and the same things happened. After a while they came to a small creek, and the Wolf as he crossed threw the man off into the water, where he lay facing the bank they had just left. He opened his eyes and saw that he was a long distance from the place where he had been washing. On the other bank sat the Wolves, wet with sweat and with red tongues hanging out. When they had rested, one of them dragged the man out, swung him up on his back, and trotted away. Now the Wolves turned into a trail through the woods, and after a time entered the mouth of a great cave. For a long time they passed under the ground, and then at the back of the cave they came to a small hole lined with sharp points of rock. The man was thrown to the ground, and the Wolves crept through. Then one of them took him by the neck to drag him through; but at the hips he stuck fast. Still they tugged and pulled, and with a great effort they drew him through; but his hips and legs were terribly torn by the sharp rocks. They were now in the open. After a time Yanamhium heard the sound of many voices, and he thought they were at the end of their journey. The voices became more distinct, and he heard the people saying to one another, "Here is the person we have been hunting." This was the Wolf village, where the Wolves, removing their fur coats, lived in the form of human beings. The man was thrown down roughly outside the door of a house, and the two Wolves went in. Some young men came out, dragged the man inside, and laid him on some new mats. Still he kept his eyes shut. "Do not let him lie too long," said a voice. A plank was laid on the floor with one end raised, and under the lower end was placed a wooden dish to catch the blood. For they were going to cut him up and eat him. One of the Wolves with a knife kneeled beside Yanaimhum. "Why," he said, "this animal has fine fur!" For the animal people regarded humans as animals with fur. He {view image of page 96} 96 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN placed the point of the knife on the body. Then suddenly Yanamhum grasped the knife, tore it away from the Wolf, and leaped up. Instantly all the Wolf people dashed for their skins and tried to scramble into them. For the animal people were ashamed to be seen without their skins, and had no power without them. There they stood in the sight of Yanamhum, some with only one arm covered, others with the skin coats hanging down their backs. For an instant there was silence. Then the chief spoke to his people quietly: "We had better give these coats to him and get back our knife." So all the Wolves' coats were piled in the middle of the room, and the chief begged, "Will you give us our knife?" But the man refused to give it up, and the chief said: "All these things you see in this house shall be yours. If you wish to get sea-otters, you can do so easily. If you wish to hunt seals, you can get many of them. If you wish to hunt whales, you can kill them." But even for these Yanamhum was unwilling to give up the knife. He kept his eyes fixed on an object hanging on the wall, wrapped in balsam boughs. Then the Wolf chief said: "Give us our knife and you shall have our comb. Then if you have any friend or any sister or daughter who wishes long hair, you have only to draw this comb out to whatever length you choose, and the hair will be of that length." Still Yanamhum kept the knife tightly clasped under his folded arms. "Well then," said the chief at last, "give us our knife and take this kista." He showed a handful of water. "If you have any friend who is dead, you have only to sprinkle this water on his eyes and face and he will be alive again." But Yanaimhum was not satisfied, and kept looking at the object wrapped in balsam branches. Then the Wolf chief pondered. At length he turned to his people: "We had better give him what he is looking at, and get our knife." So one of the Wolves took the bundle down from the wall and revealed a stone club as long as a man's forearm. "For our knife," said the chief, "you shall have mukwanhl. If you are hunting seaotters or seals, or anything else, show this, and when the animal sees mukwanhl, it will die. If you have enemies, show this mukwcnhl, and when they look upon it they will fall dead." Gladly Yanamhum gave up the knife and took the stone club. Now the family of Yanfmhum became anxious about him, and when he was not found by those sent to look for him at the place where he had been washing, the people began to mourn him as dead. Then his parents, because this was their only child, moved {view image of facing page 96} A Clayoquot woman [photogravure plate] {view image of page 97} THE NOOTKA 97 away from the other people to be alone at Chektlis,l while they mourned. After a year they set out to return to the village. The woman sat in the bow crying, while the man paddled in the stern. As they went, they became aware of the howling of a great number of Wolves on a high mountain, and mingled with the howling was a faint sound like a human voice singing. But so far away was it that they could not be sure it was not a crow, and the man stopped paddling to listen. A lull in the howling made the singing voice plainer, and he urged the woman: "Stop crying and listen! It is not a crow; it is singing!" The woman ceased her crying, and the singing was plainly heard. Said the man: "You see it is a man's voice! I think it is perhaps our son! Quick, take your paddle; we must get home quickly!" So the woman took up her paddle and they hastened homeward. On a point of land ahead of them they saw a Wolf, and when they came closer they beheld a great many, hundreds of them. In the midst of them stood a man, their son! He was naked, but around his wrists, ankles, waist, and head were circlets of balsam sprigs. Then they paddled harder than ever in order to apprise the people of what was coming to them. When they reached the village the man hurriedly told the people what he had seen, and advised them to prepare their spears for a fight with the Wolves and ropes with which to capture his son. It was not long before Wolves of all colors and sizes appeared on the beach, which was some distance from the hill on which stood the village. A scout was sent to see if this really was Yanamhum, and when he was near the Wolves the man called out to him: "Do not catch me too quickly. You must come down to the beach four times, and then you can catch me. Let some one who knows how to use the harpoon spear me in the arm. Then there will be no trouble." When this was reported to the people, they embarked in canoes tied side by side, because they were afraid of the Wolves. But some of the old people remained in the village. When for the fourth time the Wolves appeared on the beach, the people in the canoes approached them, and a man with a harpoon got out while those in the canoes held the end of the harpoon rope. He threw the weapon and struck Yanamhum in the arm, and the men in the canoes dragged him out to them. A seat of the Chaicclesaht, on an island at the mouth of Ououkinsh inlet. VOL. XI-7 {view image of page 98} 98 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN As soon as Yanmhium was struck, the Wolves dashed away to the village and began to tear down the houses and the hill itself. The falling timbers crushed some of the old people, but others quickly made fires of their old clothing, and the human odor drove off the Wolves before they had quite demolished the hill. Now when other tribes heard about these things, many of them doubted, and from every direction they came to see for themselves. When Yanamhum knew that they were coming, he made a wooden club in the likeness of mukwankl, which he kept in its wrapping. Then one day the beach was black with large canoes, and Yanamhum let it be known that he would dance twice on the housetop with the wooden club, but the third time he would dance with mukwanh-l itself, and those who continued to doubt would pay for their unbelief. So while the visitors sat in their canoes, he danced on the roof, holding the wooden club above his head. Then dropping the wooden club he raised the stone one and tore off the wrappings. Immediately the people fell dead, and the canoes were overturned. Now Yanamhum covered his weapon and went to the beach. He dragged out of the water the bodies of those who had not scoffed at him and brought out his kista [the life-giving water]. Those on whose faces he sprinkled it sat up as if awaking from a long sleep; but all the unbelievers he left dead in the water. Then Yanamhum announced that he would give away presents, and all the people came to his house. The Wolves had told him how to make pipe whistles and tongue whistles and bullroarers, and he made a number of these and showed the members of his family how to use them. At the potlatch, while the people were in the house, his relatives stood outside blowing the whistles and whirling the bullroarers, and the people were amazed and frightened. This was the beginning of the first tliqan. Now the chiefs of the other five villages of the Kyuquot became very jealous of Yanamhum and, determined to find out his secrets, they sent men who crept into the house one night, killed him, opened his box, and took out the whistles and bullroarers one by one. But they could not understand these things, and thinking them worthless threw them away. But mukwainh they could not find, because it was kept secreted in the woods in the crotch of a great cedar. {view image of facing page 98} Gathering seaweed [photogravure plate] {view image of page 99} THE NOOTKA 99 The Fisherman and The Bear 1 Once there lived at the mouth of Owas ["small stream"] a man whose name was Yaqaahtowa. And a little way up the stream he made a salmon-trap. And after he had finished the trap, using split cedar-sticks and round hemlock saplings for posts, and split spruceroots and split cedar-bark for rope, he went home; and early in the morning he went to see the trap. And when he came to it he found that the two long, round baskets were broken, and he could see that salmon had been taken out of them by the bears. For he saw salmonscales on the broken pieces, and there were bear-tracks on the sand. And this made him angry, and he said, "Oh, that raw salmon eater, Bear, why cannot he go and make a salmon-trap of his own, as mine is made, instead of breaking up mine!" This he said as he mended his trap and tied it together, and after it was done, then he went home. Early in the morning he visited his trap, and found it all broken into pieces, and he said again, "Oh, that raw salmon eater has been here again, and stolen all my salmon, to eat them raw!" And he began to take all the pieces and bind them together; and having finished, he went home. Very early the next morning he found his trap again broken, and he said: "Oh, that raw salmon eater has been here again, the thief! If I had come a little earlier this morning I would have caught him breaking my salmon-trap, then I would have had a fight with him!" Just then he heard a man speaking behind him, who said to him in a gruff voice: "Yaqaahtowa, I have heard everything you have said against me these last three mornings, every time you come to see this trap of yours. For you call me a raw salmon eater." And when the fisherman looked around and saw a man carrying a basket on his back, he said: "Yes, if I went and broke up your salmon-trap, if you have one, you would kill me. But I do not think you have one, for you do not seem to know how to take the salmon out without breaking the trap. I have a sliding door at the back end of the two long baskets to take out the salmon, and after I have taken them all out, I close the slide." "Well," said the Bear, "now since you have been talking so much against me, I will take you home with me." And he went up to Yaqaahtowa and took hold of his right shoulder, and threw him into the basket roughly. In it were two dog-salmon. 1 This Clayoquot myth was recorded by a native, and, except grammatically, is practically unaltered. {view image of page 100} 100 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN As the Bear was going over a mountain, Yaqaahtowa thought to himself, "I will try to get out of this basket, then I will run away!" But as he tried to move, he found that there was something in the basket holding him down, so he gave it up, and he was carried over the mountain; and when the Bear came down on the other side, he walked on fine level ground for a long distance, then they came to a village beside a lake. And the Bear went into his house and set down the basket, and he told Yaqaahtowa to come out of it; and as soon as the man came out, then the Bear man said to him, "Now, my friend, you have to make yourself as one of us, and make yourself at home with my people, for I did not bring you here to hurt you, but only to show you that we do not eat raw salmon." And the Bear told his wife to clean and roast the two salmon, and he ordered the man to watch her carefully. While she was doing this, Yaqaahtowa heard a Bear woman crying this song: Ala, la, alala! My husband is dead, for the dry fall of the year has killed him! My husband long ago, that trap has killed my husband! Humans have trapped my husband! Ala, la, alala! And he heard another woman singing to her baby: Halelawaya, e e e! Look at my child, halelawaye, e! Has a moving face that looks like an otter's face, halelawaye, e e e! And now the woman put the salmon in the roasting-tongs, and let them stand beside the fire, and just before she turned them, the Bear man told Yaqaahtowa to sit close to the fire and warm his naked belly, and to keep his legs well apart. And the man did so, and while he was sitting thus, the Bear came and took one of the steaming salmon and threw it flat against the belly of Yaqaahtowa, and said, "Now, you, my friend Yaqaahtowa, you will know hereafter that we cook our food, the salmon, on a hot fire before we eat it!" The man's belly was all blistered, but the Bear told him not to feel badly about it, for he said, "I will use something that will heal the burned place quickly." And he went out and soon returned with some small leaves, which he chewed up and spit out on his right hand, and then bidding the man lie down on his back, he rubbed this on the burned belly. And while he rubbed, the burn was healed, and he told the man to sit up, and they both ate the roasted salmon. After they had finished eating, the Bear said to Yaqaahtowa, "We will go to the stream at the head of this lake to have a wash with devil's-club for good luck, so that the trappers of your people will never catch me in their traps." And he put on his inferior skin {view image of facing page 100} Sketch of an Indian fish-trap [photogravure plate] {view image of page 101} THE NOOTKA IOI blanket [the summer fur], and they both went to the small stream at the head of the lake. And when they came to a deep pool, then the Bear man said, "This is the pool we wash in." He took off his blanket and laid it on the ground, and told Yaqaahtowa to get some of the devil's-club shoots. And Yaqaahtowa broke off some of the shoots and gave them to the Bear man, who sat down in the water, and afterward rubbed his body with the devil's-club. And after he had used four pieces, until the blood came out of his skin, he put down the devil's-club and said, "Now I will show you how long I can stay under water." He dived, and stayed down for a long time, and when he came up he said, "Did I stay down a long time?" And the man said, "No." So the Bear dived again and stayed down longer. And so it went, and the fourth time Yaqaahtowa thought he would never come up again; but at last he appeared, and came out of the water, and he said, "Now we will sing, so that there will be no rain and we shall have fine weather, in order that the streams may remain very low." He began to sing: Go across this stream, please let the stream get low, and do not let it rain, so that I shall have a fine day to catch fish! And after he had finished singing, he said, "My friend, we will have no rain now for a few days; then the streams will get so low that we can catch some salmon. And now we will sing another song to the proud clouds." And he sang: Half good, half white! For you are the same as the eagle, who is half white. And after he had finished singing, he put on his blanket. And they went home. This he did every morning, washing and singing, as long as Yaqaahtowa stayed in the Bear village; for he stayed there twenty-three days. And on the twenty-second day Yaqaahtowa was making up his mind to run away to his people the next morning. So he was called by the Bear to go to the lake, and the Bear took his good blanket [the winter fur], and they both went to the deep pool. The Bear laid his blanket on the ground and told Yaqaahtowa to get the devil's-club. And after he had used all the pieces by rubbing on his body, he said, "Now I will dive." And the man said: "You do not stay at all long under the water. I think I could stay down a great deal longer than you do." "Well," said the Bear, "after I have dived four times, then I want to see you stay down longer than I will at the fourth time; for I will stay down so long that you will think I am never coming up again." Then he dived, and Yaqaahtowa began to make up his {view image of page 102} 102 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN mind to run away at his fourth dive; for he always stayed down much longer that time. "I will steal his good blanket," said the man to himself. While he was thinking about this the Bear came up and asked, "Did I stay under long enough?" And the man said, "No, I can beat that very easily." "But wait until I go down the fourth time, for you have never seen me really try to stay down long. And now I will try, to show you what I can do." So said the Bear. So as soon as he took the fourth dive, the man picked up the bear-skin and ran. And he reached the foot of the mountain and ran up the side, and when he came running down the other side he heard the Bear man calling out, "Yaqaahtowa, stop running, or I will kill you for stealing my winter blanket!" But the man kept on toward a river that he had seen from the mountaintop, and when he reached it, the Bear was close behind him. He ran down the river a little way, and saw an empty canoe, and a man's voice said, "Yaqaahtowa, jump into the canoe, and your life will be saved!" Immediately he leaped into the canoe and pushed out into the deepest water. And the Bear man saw that he was beaten, and he said, "Now you have stolen my best blanket, my winter blanket, to leave my body naked in the coming winter; yet I hope I shall stand the cold and live to kill you the first time I see you!" But Yaqaahtowa laughed at him, for he was safe in the canoe. And when he arrived home he told his wife all about his adventure, and he taught the people the Bear songs. He wore his bear-skin blanket in the feasts given by his people, and from that time all the head chiefs used bear-skins. And now one day in the autumn Yaqaahtowa said to himself, "My people have caught many bears in their traps, and I think that my enemy is killed by this time, and that it is safe to put my salmon-trap in the stream." So he went to the stream, and after he had built the trap he went home. Early the next morning he took his wife and went to see the trap. They found it full of fish, and he said to his wife: "I know that some of our people have killed the bear that used to break this trap and steal all the salmon, and now we will get all the fish. Now the thief is dead, and I am glad that he has been trapped and killed!" Then he heard a deep, gruff voice behind him: "Oh, my friend Yaqaahtowa! So you give me a chance to see you once more! And I will kill you now, as I promised you for stealing my blanket!" {view image of facing page 102} The old Makah [photogravure plate] {view image of page 103} THE NOOTKA Io3 And the Bear took hold of his two arms and pulled them off one at a time, and also the legs and the head, and he ripped open the belly of Yaqaahtowa. A Youth Obtains Whaling Power 1 There was a little boy, the chief's son, who every morning went to swim in salt water, and before going in and after coming out he would rub his hands with sand. He became a young man and married, and his father told him to go whaling. But though he tried to get a whale, he could not, and the others could not go ahead of him and kill a whale, because he was the chief. After a while he saw something black just under the water, and said to his steersman, "Turn that way!" When he was close to the object, he speared it, and the others - there were sixty canoes - hurried up, thinking he had speared a whale. But when they arrived they saw that it was merely a rock. They all turned back home, and at the beach the young chief left everything in his canoe and went to his house. In the morning the chief saw his son lying with his wife. This no whaler did before the end of the whaling season. The young man did not get up, and late in the morning the chief took a vessel of urine and threw it on him. Still he did not rise, but remained in bed all day, because he had speared an island, and was ashamed. He told his wife then that he was going away, and at night he woke his two slave boys, and the three got into the canoe. That night they reached Bear river, and he sent the slaves home, bidding them set out to find him after twenty days. He was going to travel over the islands near the village to wash ceremonially, he said, in order to find help, for he was ashamed that he had not been able to kill a whale. He warned them not to reveal to anybody what he had told them. For eight days the young man travelled about, washing morning and evening, and never eating. At night he would stop and try to see a chi'ha, but he could not. On the eleventh day he saw a wolf. He waited for it to give him power, but it did not see him. From midday until nightfall he remained there, watching the wolf, but it did nothing. In the morning it was not to be seen, and the man started home. He made a deadfall, and on the following morning he found in it a black bear. This showed him that he had done well 1 A Clayoquot myth. {view image of page 104} 104 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN in washing, and that the spirits favored him. On the twenty-fifth day he came out of the woods, and he began to cry because he had not seen a chi'ha, and had obtained no supernatural power. While he sat there in the moonlight waiting for his slaves, he heard sounds like a woman in childbirth. He looked down on the beach and saw that they came from behind a large stone. He knew it was a ch'ha. He went down, and behind the stone he saw a baby in a cradle. At a short distance was the mother, making the sounds that soothe a baby to sleep. The young man took the baby and ran away, and she came after, begging him: "Give me my baby! In the cradle are four charms good for whaling, and you shall have them!" He removed the child from the board and threw it behind him without looking at the woman, lest he die from seeing her. In the cradle he found the four charms. Now he felt happy. He waited four days for his slaves, who came crying because they had already looked thrice for him, and now they thought he must be dead. He called to them before they saw him and sent them back, to return in five days. For one who had seen a spirit had to be careful about coming in the presence of people too soon, lest those who looked on him should die. He told them to inform his father and his wife that he was living and had found power for killing whales. Five days later they returned, and in the evening he started home with them; and sea creatures swam up to the canoe. They reached the village at night, and the next day he prepared to go whaling. Many whales were in sight. He placed his charms outside the house, took six men in his canoe, and ordered all other canoes to remain ashore. A little way from the shore he speared a whale, and the people hurried out to tow it in. Then he invited all the people to his house and distributed whale meat among them, and told them he had taken the name Yaftma [yafduq, walking]. During that summer he killed ten whales, and he became a good hunter of all sea animals. The Supernatural Experiences of Yahlua 1 Tsahwasip ["harpooner"] received his name.because he was a whaler. He became so successful that whales lay on the beach unused, and so the people began to call him Yahlua, because there was too much meat. 1 A myth of the Mooachaht. {view image of facing page 104} A Makah profile [photogravure plate] {view image of page 105} THE NOOTKA Io5 Among all the tribes he went looking for the best women, because it depended much upon the wife as to how great success a whaler would have. She must be virtuous and, at certain seasons, chaste. The last woman he married was of the Ahousaht, daughter of the chief Apafaintl. And because she was so ugly, she was called Pfihpaatkum. Her father was a whaler, and when she married Yah-lua she continued to observe the ceremonial practices he had taught her. After a few months she became pregnant; but when the infant was born, it was not a real child: its face was human, but the body was the body of a wolf and its crying was a wolf's crying. Yahlua took it to his room where he had the secret things of his whaling. He wrapped it in reddened cedar-bark, and kept it in the room four days, until it stopped crying like a wolf cub. When it began to cry like a human child, Yalilua brought it out from the secret room. Now this child was a supernatural person, and helped his father to kill many whales, ten in one year. Therefore Yahlua was a great man, and very often would not let himself be seen in four days. The people began to share their fish and game with him, and he received a part of everything they took. When Yahlua died, his son, a young man, took his place and his names, and his mother remained with him, instead of returning to her people. But it was not long before she married To'wik ["man-killer"], chief of the Tlasmaasuith, and her son accompanied her to their village las for the summer. One evening it seemed that he was unhappy, and his mother therefore called in some young people for his entertainment; but he would not be cheered. When she chided him, and asked why he was unhappy, he would not answer. She scolded him, and he went out. It was raining and blowing. He was angry with his mother. A short distance from the village at a place called Oktla he remained sitting all night. Toward morning he saw something far out at sea. It seemed to be on fire, and approaching. When it was close he saw ten canoes towing a whale. The paddlers were chl'ha [spirits]. The leader was chanting: "A,......! ufhuqemi! Yu'huqemi! Hakummi!" He was telling the whale to come faster. Then he called again, asking the last canoe if it was tied to the left side of the whale's mouth with bat-skin. The young man was faint with fright. He saw that instead of a real whale they were towing a very {view image of page 106} io6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN small one, not more than the length of his hand. This was susus/hitlik. But bravely he went down to meet the chi'ha and shouted: "HaiSa! Haiha! HaSha! Haha! " Then the chi'ha became foam, as they always do when this cry is uttered four times, and the young man absorbed it in a piece of moss, that it might be his ch/'haiIl [a fetish obtained from the chi'ha]. He went into the woods, tore off a bit of the moss, and held it while he prayed: "Do not harm me! You must be my good chi'ha and make me a great man!" He put the bit of moss into a hollow tree, and tore off another piece and prayed. Thus he continued to do, and it was four days before all the moss was hidden in the tree. Now the people began to search for Yahlua, thinking that he was dead; for they did not know that he was not a real man. But at the end of the fourth day he returned, and soon after went to his father's village to prepare the implements for whaling. At the beginning of spring he killed his first whale. Then he made tlugwana, in which he exhibited two tuhtu'tA, or tfika [thunderbirds], and announced that these birds during the coming winter would kill several whales, which would drift ashore. He himself, he said, would go to osuamch [wash ceremonially] for whales to drift ashore. So Yahlua prayed to Hailupihawihl ["above chief" -the Sun]: "Look down upon me! Give me that whale!" Next he prayed to Hahlsushawiil [hihlsuis, the narrow strip of sand believed to border the sea where the sky at the south meets the water], and then to Hayaahawih- ["mountain chief"], and to Hahlasuishawih- ["underwater chief"], asking for help in getting whales to drift ashore. All this he did in the woods, and he rubbed his body with hemlock branches and with thistles. That winter five whales drifted ashore, and in the spring Yahlua killed many whales, and grew more and more successful. When he was well grown he began to think of marrying. So he went to the Kyuquot and brought back a wife. She was Kwakiutl on her mother's side. She bore a son, and then another. Then Yailua moved to Tasis for the dog-salmon fishing, and because he was not yet satisfied with the number of whales he was killing, he washed and prayed. This time he saw hahayznyuk [a kind of octopus in the creek], and he cried out at once: "HalS! Haika! Hal! Haila!" Then the chi'ha died, and Yailua carried away its head. 1 See page 45. {view image of facing page 106} A Makah woman [photogravure plate] {view image of page 107} THE NOOTKA 1o7 Now Ya-lua moved to Cooptee, and the first night there he went to a lake on the top of a mountain. He began to bathe, and soon he heard something like the hooting of an owl. He moved toward it and found qdqayanakinfAh, who was saying: "Hi! Hi! If any one finds me, I will make him so that he can kill two hundred men, because I am the qaqayanakinifh spirit!" As he approached the spirit, Yailua became faint. Four times he almost succumbed; but he took his red cedar-bark and struck with it at the chi'ha, repeating "Haih"!" four times, and each time striking with the bark. Then the spirit died. It was a doubleheaded wolf, having one head at each end, with an eagle's head in the middle. He cut off the eagle's head and concealed it. Now if any one sees qaqayanakinish he must go through the woods and grasp every tree he comes to, begging that he may not die from having seen the chi'ha. So for ten days Yahlua went through the woods doing this. When he came out he found that his wife was dead from his having seen the spirit. Thinking himself free from the influence of the chi'ha, he went into the house, but at sight of him five persons fell dead. So he went back into the forest and remained four days, begging of the trees that no harm might come to him; and he returned in the night, so that none might see him. But when he entered a house, two persons fell dead. Once more he went into the woods and clasped the trees four days more, and then came back into a third house; but still one man was killed. All this time Yahlua had not eaten, and now he thought he would die of hunger. Nevertheless he returned to the woods for another period of four days, and at the end of that time nobody was harmed by the sight of him. Thereafter Yailua saw many other spirits, and thus he became a great man. He took another wife, a woman of the Haiyanuwaghtakumhl'utha, whose mother was of the Clayoquot. His two sons died, and a son was born of this second wife. Then Yahlua went into the woods to find out what it is that makes one sleep. All the other chi'ha he had seen. After walking for ten days he fell asleep at Tlutlupakannis, a rock near the lake at Yuquot, and there the people found him and took him for dead. But when the medicine-men began to work with him he awoke, and knew that it is not a spirit that causes sleep. After many years Yailua, an old man, was sitting beside the fire, when some one took him by the shoulder and said, "Come with me, Yahlua." Without looking up, he asked, "What is it {view image of page 108} Io8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN you wish?" And the answer was, "They are waiting for you, those who are getting ready for the dance." So Yahlua went with him, and was led into a cave near Yuquot. He drew aside the mat door-hanging and went in, and was surprised to see a large number of people. These were the chi'ha called tahketl. Some one was calling, "Come this way, Yahlua!" And he walked to the man who called. They wore belted blankets about their loins, ready to go out, and they said they were going to dance. When Yahlua perceived that these were not human beings, he went out, and passing a large box-drum near the door he kicked it and said, "What is this?" He went on, and felt the earth shake. For these spirits were those who cause earthquakes by means of their drum. So Yahlua now was an earthquake man. All the time as he was walking home the earth was shaken, and the people were frightened. Everybody was praying and painting the face, not knowing that Yahlua had caused the shaking. When he sat, the quaking stopped. In the evening he went away from the village to rid himself of this power by bathing, but he could not do so. Whenever he walked, the earth trembled. When the people found that he was the cause of the earthquakes, they locked him in a house to prevent him from walking. But still the movement of his feet caused the quaking; and so it was until he died. One night Yahlua sat on the point of the island praying, and a man came and took him by the shoulder and said, "Come with me, Yailua." The man led him through the woods to a mountain and into a house, which was full of crows. As he passed through the front door and on to the back door, they dropped their excrement on him. These were evil chi'ha. About the middle of the house they began to peck at him and to pull his blanket, and soon he was covered with dung and his blanket torn to shreds. But he passed through and returned home, and just as he entered the house he died from the effects of the crows' biting. His head was bare of hair, and his bear-skin robe had been torn from his body. His son was the first Maquinna. The Whaler Who Killed His Brother 1 At Ozette two brothers undertook whaling, although their father had not been a whaler. The elder was unsuccessful, but the younger killed several whales the first season. Thereafter he was 1 The use of corpses in ceremonial preparation for whaling is accurately described in this Makah tradition. {view image of facing page 108} The Makah [photogravure plate] {view image of page 109} THE NOOTKA IO9 always lucky, while his brother always failed. The elder often asked how he got his power, but the young whaler told nothing. The younger brother often lay all day with his back to the fire, and he slept there at night. He seldom ate, and then only a little. The way he obtained his power was this: He dreamed of forty ghosts, and then cleared a place in the woods back of the village. Around it was a thick jungle of crabtrees, which he made impenetrable by interweaving trees and brush he had cut down, leaving only a narrow entrance. In the clearing he arranged some brush and small poles in the form of a canoe and four whales in a row. The whales were so large that he could place two corpses under them. Around the edge of the clearing he placed boards so as to make a shelf about two feet from the ground, and on it, bound to upright stakes, he stood forty dead bodies. Each held a stick in its right hand, and he arranged a rope so that by pulling it he caused all of them to strike with their batons the board on which they stood. Another line raised the left arms of the corpses at the will of the whaler. In the brush canoe he had a full crew of seven dead men, and by means of ropes he made them paddle when he gave the order. In visiting this place the whaler always rested four times after leaving the burial ground, and on reaching the clearing he walked around it four times inside the line of corpses. One day a son of the elder brother died, and the body was placed in a hole and covered with stones. On the fourth night the younger brother left the house. The other heard him, and softly followed him to the new grave, and silently watched him remove the stones, take out the body, and fill the hole with stones. With the body on his back, and walking in the fashion of whalers at such times, the young man went along the beach and then turned into the woods. The elder brother cautiously followed, pausing when the other rested. Whenever the whaler stopped he screeched like an owl, and prayed, "May I be given a chance to spear a whale, and may the people say it was I that did it!" When finally they reached the clearing it was dawn. The whaler threw the body beside the first whale, and made the dead men strike the boards with their sticks. Then he stood the new body beside a stake and lashed it there. He slowly got into the canoe, took up a harpoon, and hurled it at the first brush whale. At that instant his brother sprang through the hedge. The whaler fell unconscious, and the elder leaped upon him. When the whaler opened his eyes, he begged: "Spare my life, and I will show you {view image of page 110} IIO THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN how to do everything! I will let you use all this, and tell you the best places to wash!" "Why did you not let me have this when I asked you?" demanded the elder man. "The people have been laughing at me long enough! I asked you this many years ago, but you told me nothing. Now I can take everything you have. If you had told me, this would never have happened. And you took my dead son so soon after I buried him! Though you are my brother, I cannot spare your life!" He stabbed him, but did not kill him. Still the whaler pleaded: "Let me go! Whatever I have shall be yours! If you kill me, you will have no good from these things, because you will not know how to use them. If you try to use them by yourself, you will die soon!" But the elder brother stabbed him to death. Then he lashed the warm body to the other side of the stake that supported his own son. It was now broad daylight, and the man went home and told his wife all. Four or five days later he returned to the clearing. He pulled on the rope, and the sticks struck the boards. Then he prayed as he had heard his brother do. He got into the brush canoe, threw the harpoon at the first whale, and said: "I have forty dead men for my power! May I spear a whale, and may the people say it was I that speared it!" He heard a sound from his dead brother, then the words: "You ought to be ashamed! You are not doing it the right way!" Then he went home feeling very ill, and that night he died. Why Wolves Do Not Eat the Stomach of a Deer When the animals were people, Deer and his little son were fishing, and the boy fell asleep. Some Wolf people passed in a canoe, and Deer derided them, speaking so low that they did not hear him. Another canoe passed, and again he said: "Are you going home, you raw-eaters?" They asked what he had said, and he answered, "I just spoke about your having such a fine day to move." But they had heard his insult, and they dragged him out of his canoe into theirs, leaving the little boy asleep in the canoe. So he became a slave to the chief of the Wolves. The wife of the chief one day ordered him to sharpen two knives for her. He went to the beach, and as he rubbed the shell knives 1 Related by a Clayoquot. {view image of facing page 110} Nootka man [photogravure plate] {view image of page 111} THE NOOTKA III on the stone, he sang: "Knife, knife, knife, knife, knife! I am making sharp a knife for the woman Wolf chief! Qitl, qitl, qitl, qit!" 1 He decided to hide one of the knives and say that it was broken; so he placed it at the corner of the house, and took the other to the Wolf woman, saying, "I broke one." She asked where he had thrown it, and he answered, "It was broken in small pieces that could not be put together, and I threw them into the water." That night the chief said to Deer, "Come and tell me a story that will make me sleep." So Deer sat beside him as he lay on the floor leaning his head against the bed, and began to tell a story; and soon the chief and all the others fell asleep. Then Deer slipped out and recovered the knife, cut off the chief's head and placed it on the prow of a canoe, and paddled for home, singing a boasting song about the Wolf chief's head. When the chief's wife awoke, she gave him a push and said, " Come to bed!" There was no response, and she perceived that the floor was wet. When she looked more closely and saw that his head was gone, she began to wail, and the people rushed in. It was soon discovered that Deer was missing. Living in that village was Aupuwaik ["wren"], who could see everything, no matter how far away. He saw where Deer was, and called on Crane to bring out his box and release a fog. So Crane opened his box, and fog covered the water so thickly that Deer could not see his way, and, becoming confused, returned to the Wolf village, thinking he was on his way home. Now the Wolves, with teeth sharpened in anticipation, were waiting on the beach. Deer stepped ashore, and then saw the Wolves. He leaped into a tree, and the Wolves, unable to follow him,2 began to gnaw off the roots; but when the tree fell, Deer leaped into another. So it went, until the Wolves, exhausted, assembled to discuss what they should do. Nobody knew what was best, and they sent for Wren. As he came in, Elk sneered, "Such a little man, and we always have to wait for him!" Wren sat down beside him and said: "Well, why do not you think, and make up your mind about this, you big man? Such a bignosed thing!" "I will crush you with my arm if you do not keep silence," threatened Elk. 1 Chima, chima, chima, chima, chima! Uatops chima chhl hawihloq qaiya6i h! Qitl, qit, qitl, qiti [representing the sound of rubbing the knife on the stone]! 2 The author of the fable gives Deer the human's ability to climb, but inconsistently denies it to the Wolves. {view image of page 112} 112 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN "Try it, and I will go into your nose!" answered Wren. But Elk would not give up the quarrel, and suddenly Wren darted into his nostril, and the big man began to sneeze. When he was almost dead, Wren came out, and they were at peace with each other. Then Wren taught them a song about the arms and legs of Deer falling down from the tree, and they were to sing it while dancing around the tree. Lying there was a fallen tree with one end raised above the ground, and in passing under it they forgot the song and had to go back to Wren. Four times this happened before they knew the song, and then they sang it four times, going about the tree four times. One of Deer's legs fell down, and the Wolves leaped upon it and devoured it. Thus successively were brought down and devoured the other leg, the two arms, and the body of Deer. But the stomach was not eaten, for Deer had begged them not to eat it. That is why wolves never eat the stomach of a deer. {view image of facing page 112} A woman of Nootka [photogravure plate] {view image of page 113} The Haida {view image of page 114} {view image of page 115} THE HAIDA T HE Haida are a group of closely related village communities inhabiting the Queen Charlotte islands in British Columbia and the south end of Prince of Wales island in Alaska. They form the linguistic family known as Skittagetan.1 The entire coast of the Queen Charlotte islands is dotted with a multitude of village sites. The great majority were very small communities, many were mere camps or fishing stations, and of course not all were occupied simultaneously. It is well known that before alcohol and disease destroyed them, the Haida were very numerous. John Work named thirteen permanent towns on Queen Charlotte islands with an estimated population of nearly six thousand seven hundred, and six villages on Prince of Wales island with more than seventeen hundred people. This was about the year 1836. The Queen Charlotte islanders are now congregated in two towns, Skidegate (Hlagilda) at the southeast corner of Graham island, and Massett (At'aiwas) near the entrance to Massett inlet at the north end of the island. The Alaska Haida recently occupied three towns, Howkan, Kasaan, and Klinkwan, but practically all are now at Howkan. The total Haida population in I913 was about 880, of whom 580 are in British Columbia. When the Haida were scattered along a considerable extent of coast line, there were many minor linguistic variations, and some of these are still discernible. There are however only two wellmarked dialects, the Skidegate and the Massett, the latter being evidently the younger as exhibiting a uniform tendency to contraction and elision. The speech of the Alaska Haida, who are sometimes known as Kaigani (Kaigani), from the name of one of their 1 She'dagYts, which may mean either "son of a chiton" or "ordinary chiton" (see under Skidegate, page 189), was the name of a chief, and in the form Skittagete or Skidegate was erroneously applied by whites to his village. This being one of the most populous Haida towns, Gallatin used the name in designating the Haida people, and Powell later made use of it in classifying the linguistic families of northern America. The selection was not a happy one, and the spelling even less so, as witness the lexicographer's pronunciation of the adjective Skittagetan with soft g and penultimate accent. {view image of page 116} II6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN summer locations, differs so little from that of the Massett that it can be called only a variant of that dialect. This northern branch migrated from the Queen Charlotte islands many generations ago as the result of a quarrel with their fellow townsmen. The earliest observer of Haida territory appears to have been the Spaniard Perez in I774. In I787 Dixon cruised among the islands, which received the name of his ship, the Queen Charlotte. Explorers and traders in constantly increasing number visited the region, and the natives generally received them with open arms. In common with the tribes of southeastern Alaska, the Haida, more than almost any other Indians, have been quick to embrace the opportunities of civilization. All of them, even the oldest, speak English well enough to transact business with white men. They live in houses of our own kind built by themselves, for the men are capable artisans. They are cleaner, more industrious, and far more ambitious and provident than the tribes to the south. In short, they have rapidly substituted to a considerable degree our individualism for their inherited communism. The individual has a new incentive to labor and save, to set a task for his ingenuity, because the fruit of his efforts will be his alone to be employed for himself and his family. The transformation is not completely effected, but so remarkably swift has it progressed that within a generation the old tribal life with its feasts and ceremonies and native costumes has completely disappeared. On the whole the change has been a vastly beneficial one, without the disastrous breaking down of the moral fibre that so often accompanies the dissolution of a people's ancient habits and beliefs. As a matter of fact the morality of the Haida, as of all the Indians of the northwest coast of America, was of so loose a texture that it could scarcely have been worse. Prostitution of his wives and nieces was a chief's most prolific source of income, and assassination was not a matter to ruffle the murderer's conscience. It must not be imagined that the Haida have become a perfect people. Intoxication, lying, stealing, adultery, are far from rare. But the general average of morality is relatively high, much higher than we would have a right to expect; and the material conditions are surprisingly good. The Haida consisted of two phratries, the Raven and the Eagle. Each was divided into a large number of clans, which were identical with local groups; that is, one or several of these clans formed a village, and the clans found in that village were not, originally, represented elsewhere. But they are properly called clans, inasmuch {view image of facing page 116} A Haida of Kung [photogravure plate] {view image of page 117} THE HAIDA 117 as endogamy was strictly prohibited. Each clan was the reputed offspring of a single woman and was called a "family." Descent is traced through the female line. The raven or the eagle was the gyagya ("possession"), or crest, of each clan in the respective phratries; but this does not mean that every family or even every clan had the right to display a carved effigy of its crest. Besides this principal crest the family had also another, or many others, commemorating various incidents in the very early life of the family: encounters with supernatural beings, presentations by members of other tribes, peculiarities of some ancient ancestor. Some families were very poor as to crests, but every one in the Raven phratry possessed also the killerwhale. This fact the Haida explain by a myth to the effect that the transformer Nunkilslas-hilunai lived with the Killerwhale people as one of them, and afterward, travelling about the world as the transformer, he assumed the likeness and the name of Raven. The origin of the eagle as a crest for the phratry is said to be in the companionship of Eagle with Raven in the latter's adventures. It has been stated above that far from every Raven family displayed the raven crest, and those that did placed it at the bottom of the pole. Frequently used crests of this phratry were killerwhale, shark, and black bear. Not every Eagle clan placed an eagle on the top of its totem poles, but only the descendants of the children of Hihlukinan, a woman who was the sole survivor of the village Djigua, which, says a myth, was destroyed by fire by the supernatural woman Chilahkuns. Hihlukinan went to the Tsimshian 2 and married there, and her children, returning to the islands with such crests as beaver and eagle, founded various families. Only these families used the eagle on their poles, and they did so in order to "show the other people that they were Eagles." In common use also on these Eagle poles were beaver, whale, and sculpin (bullhead). Every Eagle family of noble rank had the right to use these, but each had also crests peculiar to it. One or more of the family crests formed the subject of the tat1 See pages 148-158. The whole subject of totems appears to be vaguely conceived by the Haida, and if any certain rules govern the use of raven and eagle as crests, they were unknown to the informants questioned in this investigation. For example, some Eagle families had poles displaying a raven at the top (whereas on Raven poles the raven is at the bottom), but no eagle at all. The reason of this could not be ascertained. This uncertainty and lack of comprehension are among the reasons for believing the totemic system not original with the Haida. 2 The constant reference to the Tsimshian as the source of crests points to that group of tribes as the probable source of the entire totemic system of the Haida. {view image of page 118} ii8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN tooed figures that adorned various parts of every noble person's body. Raven and eagle appear to have been more frequently employed for this purpose than for totem poles, but they were by no means always used. Crests were obtained not only by inheritance, but by war. Thus, if an Eagle chief captured from an enemy a hat bearing the painted figure of a bear, he would use the bear as a crest. Marriage within the phratry was prohibited, "because all Ravens are friends and all Eagles are friends." Sometimes a speaker, seeking the aid of his fellow Ravens or Eagles, calls them "my uncles, nephews, sisters, mothers, and grandmothers," but it is denied that a man regards his fellow Ravens or Eagles as brothers and sisters. Fellow clansmen are called collectively diahi gwaiyanai ("my named-for ones"). The Haida, at least the Canadian Haida, refuse to say that the Eagle people and the Raven people are descended from eagles and ravens respectively. Every man who succeeded to a seat of nobility had a right to erect a totem pole in building a house. A seat of nobility was inherited by the deceased incumbent's sister's son, preferably the eldest sister's eldest son, but the gradually formed opinion of the people, that another nephew was better suited for the place because of his greater energy in hunting and accumulating property, might cause the place to go to him. There being no sister's son to succeed him, a man's brother, even though already the possessor of a title, could receive also the dead man's title. In default of any heir, a promising young man might be adopted from another family or even another clan. Only recently, and because of depletion of population, have women succeeded to the seats of nobility. After a chief's death, his heir invited the members of his phratry to the house, brought out all the dead man's possessions, and allowed each person to select what he wished. It was his duty to erect as soon as possible a mortuary column (hat) in honor of his predecessor. This was either a large post twenty to thirty feet high, with a niche hollowed out in the top for the reception of the coffin, or a tapering pole with the niche in the bottom. A short, broad board across the front at the top exhibited the engraved outlines of the dead man's family crest, and the face of the post or pole usually carried other crests. On account of the inevitable expense this event was usually postponed for several years. When the time arrived, the phratry members returned property of much greater value than they had received from the dead man's estate, and this accumula {view image of facing page 118} A raven totem at Yan [photogravure plate] {view image of page 119} THE HAIDA II9 tion, together with the heir's property and whatever remained of his uncle's possessions, was distributed among the people. The marriage of the heir to his predecessor's widow, regardless of disparity of age, was avowedly essential: without it he could not succeed to the title. But this onerous condition, like so many supposedly stringent rules of the Indians, could be avoided. For a reasonable amount of property the widow would leave her deceased husband's house vacant for the occupancy of the heir and a wife of his choice. There was considerable latitude in the matter of succession. Thus, if the logical heir was happily married and did not wish to make the changes involved in accepting the position to which he was entitled, he could pass the succession on to the next of kin. If the heir was an infant, the place was held for him pending his attainment of puberty. The town chief was called lana-oka ("people's mother"), a title which, in a people who observed matrilineal descent, indicates that women may once have occupied this position.1 Since a man was succeeded by his sister's son, the position of town chief always remained in the same clan and phratry. Previous to any considerable movement of the people, such as the migration to the fisheries, the town chief called in the principal men, passed the tobacco mixture for chewing, and opened the discussion of his plan, with particular reference to the possibility of encounter with enemies. His opinion was usually endorsed by the council. Before undertaking anything of importance, such as building a house or erecting a housepole or mortuary column, the individual first secured the consent of the town chief, whose approval of the crests to be represented on the poles was required. Even the secondary chief of the village had to gain his approval, for without it not only the town chief himself but many other important men would be absent from the ceremony, and the occasion would therefore be a failure, no matter how much property might be distributed. His consent was necessary for the inauguration of a war expedition. The warriors waited until he announced that on a certain day the start could be made, because then, by the time they arrived in the enemy's country, "my lucky day will come." In preparation for this he observed sexual continence, bathed, and drank salt water as an emetic. The best of whatever was taken in war, as in hunting, was given to him in return for his influence with the supernatural powers. 1 See also page 172, where a tradition definitely states that a woman was chief of a certain ancient village. {view image of page 120} I20 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Among the common people marriage was very informal. In a noble family the young man's maternal relatives went to the home of the girl who had been selected, and with speeches in his favor made their proposal. The others promised to consider the matter, and the party withdrew, to return a few days later and receive the answer. If the match was refused, it was ostensibly on the ground that another man had been chosen for her, but really because her family did not approve the proposed union. There was a good deal of speech-making on this occasion by the young man's people, who lauded their family and especially their wonderful history and present wealth. In all their speeches the Haida so change the pronunciation of words that young people and many of the elders cannot fully comprehend the meaning. The suitor himself sat in the place of honor. When the father of the girl delivered his speech of acceptance, she went to sit beside her husband, who occupied the position of honor at the rear of the room, and his mother placed a blanket about him. Sometimes the bride's father would declare that he wished the couple to remain with him, because of his daughter's youth and inexperience in housekeeping; but more often the couple went to live with the husband's people, and if he were a chief- not merely a member of the nobility, but actually a chief- she was compelled to accompany him. In noble families a girl practically always married the son of her father's brother, in order to keep the crests and other privileges in the family. But of course two Eagles or two Ravens could not marry. Each of the young man's relatives gave one blanket to the bride, who distributed them among her people, and these later returned the gifts many fold. Her parents gave slaves to labor for her. There was no barter or exchange of marriage portions between the two families, as among the Kwakiutl. After the marriage the bridegroom's maternal relatives successively invited the couple to feasts. If the couple were to live with the wife's people, the husband for a week or two performed no labor, and presents of food and property were constantly given him; but after this period of leisure he became a laborer for his father-in-law, and whatever fish or game he caught he must give to his wife's people. Even if they went to live with his own people, still he had constantly to make presents of fish and other food to her family. A man dared not issue commands to his wife's male relatives, but spoke respectfully, deferentially, making requests. They how {view image of facing page 120} Totems at Yan [photogravure plate] {view image of page 121} THE HAIDA 12I ever addressed him unceremoniously, issuing orders rather than asking favors. This was not true of the father-in-law himself, who indeed seldom spoke to the son-in-law, but expressed his desires through the medium of his daughter. If a man mistreated his wife, her parents had the right to reclaim her and the children. If he ran away and married another woman, he was made to pay indemnity, failing which he was liable to be shot. If however he simply abandoned his wife and took no other woman, there was no redress. Such separations were very common; in fact, marriages generally were of short duration. Payment could be forced from a man who abandoned a paramour in order to marry another woman; generally however the discarded one had not the audacity to make the demand. A widow was expected to marry a relative of her deceased husband, and if she refused, she was compelled to pay his family. Disputes over women were the most prolific source of strife. Death was not rarely the portion of a man who tampered with another's wife, even if she shared his guilt; for the injured husband, after fasting for several days, might suddenly attack his enemy in the street with a knife. More often he demanded indemnity. Inasmuch as the killing of a tribesman had to be satisfied by all the family of the murderer, the entire family of a wronged husband met in council to decide which course should be pursued. If the desire for revenge prevailed over prudence and thrift, and the adulterer was killed, they then had to carry valuable presents, even such as slaves and canoes, to the murdered man's family. But if the original killing of the adulterer were avenged in kind, then both families exchanged presents. Even after the payment of blood-money, some member of the murdered man's family might harbor a feeling of revenge, and kill some one of his enemies, and thus engender a lasting feud. Men have even killed their own nephews in disputes about women. A man whose relative had been killed by a tribesman might decide that it was best not to take summary vengeance nor yet to make a direct demand for payment. With his sister, if he had one, he would go to the house of his relative's slayer, who, having been informed of what was to occur, had assembled his family. They received the two with rude treatment, and handled the man roughly and threateningly. The two, refusing to be intimidated, danced, and the family began to pile up blankets for them. The man danced with his eyes shut, and would not open them until he was satisfied with the amount given. So well established was this institution of {view image of page 122} 122 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN wergild that even today, if the borrower of a canoe is drowned while using it, the owner must pay the family of the deceased: for if he had not lent the canoe, death could not have occurred. So it is with all weapons and implements. This is an interesting parallel with the old English common law in regard to deodands, by which any object that had been instrumental in causing death was confiscated for the king and supposedly applied to pious uses. A male infant receives an unused name of his father's father, and a female child one of her mother's mother. Sometimes the father gives an infant daughter a name belonging to his own mother, but in such a case the people generally still use the name from its mother's side more than the one from its father's side, and the latter is gradually abandoned. In noble families the bestowal of a name is accompanied by an assembly of the people, distribution of presents, and formal announcement of the name. The parents of the child are then no longer called by the names they have borne from childhood, but are known simply as the father or the mother of the child. Thus, if the child is Gagit (a girl's name), the father is Gagit-hfita ("Gaglt's father") and the mother Gagit-6ka ("Gagit's mother"). When Gagit marries and has a child, whose name is, for example, Gwaigwuantlun (a boy's name), her father will become known as Gwaigwuaintluin-tifnka ("Gwaigwuantluin's grandfather") and her mother as Gwaigwiuantluin-nanka ("Gwaigwuaintlun's grandmother"); and Gagit herself will no longer be Gagit, but "Gwaigwuantlun's mother." If after a reasonable period a married couple have no children, the husband is named as the father of their pet dog; the woman retains her maiden name much longer than a childless man, but if she becomes old and childless, she also takes a name from a pet dog or cat. Immediately after the announcement of a betrothal, the young man is called by the name of his bride-to-be: as, "he that is going to marry Gagit." After the wedding he is Gagit-tlalla ("Gagit's husband"), which remains his name until a child is born or until there is no longer any hope of children. The ears of infants a few weeks old were pierced at a feast in honor of the event, and a hole was cut in the lower lip of a female child for the later insertion of a labret. At frequent intervals, whenever the father gave a feast or distributed property or erected a pole, the child publicly received a new name; but this never came into actual use. Each person of noble birth received a feast name, which was to be used only on {view image of facing page 122} Totems at Kung [photogravure plate] {view image of page 123} THE HAIDA 123 ceremonial occasions; having received this name, he or she took a place among the nobles of the tribe. This might occur in early infancy. Thus, a maternal uncle having died, the boy who was to succeed him had a feast given in his honor by his father, who acted in the name of the boy's mother. Then came all the mother's people, each bringing a gift of considerably greater value than the article which each had taken from the house of the deceased man, and this property was distributed in honor of the new member of the nobility. The common people attended feasts and other ceremonial affairs, but had no feast names, these being the exclusive possessions of nobles; in fact, they were nothing more nor less than titles, rather than personal names. Tattooing was done only on the occasion of a house-building, and was a necessary feature of the attendant ceremonies. Not only the sons and daughters of the builder himself, but the children of other families as well, were thus honored. Some families could not afford this rite, which cost ten blankets 1 for the tattooing of the back, or the chest, or any two symmetrical parts of the body, such as two forearms, or two thighs, or two ankles. Even the shins, the feet, and the wrists were sometimes ornamented. The tattooing was done at the dance that celebrated the completion of the house. In the course of the dancing, those who were to be tattooed, both children and older persons, stood in a row, while all sang. A song of the clan Hlkenuahl-lanas for this occasion is the following: I should never have thought I would be in the condition I am now in.2 Moderately, rather slowly 1$ r7 r 8 rI*^-s!-9 --- —-- 0 -1~ ----; ^ —,-?-'^ -' -- L-?-^'-~ -^-~- --. — -- - -- 1 In the boyhood of an informant, that is, about I855-1860, ten sacks of potatoes of about eighty pounds each were purchased for one blanket. These were raised by the Haida themselves in rather early times. 2 The reference is to the great decrease in the numerical strength of the clan. {view image of page 124} 124 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ~ _ I I I - z _ _ AT i'L' w 00rI-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~faster i 0> L-. {view image of facing page 124} A bear totem at Massett [photogravure plate] {view image of page 125} THE HAIDA I25 At a certain word in the song young men and young women came and dropped eagle-down on the heads of those who were to be tattooed, each selecting from the entire number certain relatives. This was done by the father's sisters' sons and daughters, and by the father's brothers and maternal uncles. Those who were to be tattooed noted the relations who thus honored them, and at the end of this dance went home and soon returned with blankets and other gifts for them. The house chief then with his speaker's staff went about and struck the ground in front of certain men, saying, for example: "The chief Gidansta will tattoo both arms of S'kilkyuiwat!" The chief so selected then went and sat in front of the one whom he was to tattoo; for all these persons had now taken their seats about the room. Thus the house chief went hither and thither, assigning to various men some portion of the work to be done. Sometimes he gave only one arm or one leg to a man, or he might assign to the same chief a portion of the work on two persons. In the latter case the chief sat for a moment in front of the first person named and then in front of the second. Rarely did these chiefs actually perform the work of tattooing, but usually hired young men skilled in this profession. But if the chief had learned this business in his youth, he might now do the work himself and thus avoid the necessity of paying for it. The pay was two blankets out of ten. Women never did tattooing. Each person to be tattooed had brought in a dish to be used by the worker, and a strip of cloth "to wipe the skin." The cloth however was never used, and the dish rarely was, but both were kept by the workman. Alder or buckbrush charcoal and (in primitive times) copper needles were used. The needle consisted of three points fastened to a handle, the middle one being a little longer than the others. The figures tattooed on the body represented the same crests that appeared on the family totem poles. It therefore follows that not every person's body showed a tattooed eagle or raven. When the work was done, all departed. If however there was not time to finish, the workmen and their subjects returned the next day to complete the task without formality. On this next day occurred the distribution of property by the house chief. The father's sisters or sisters' daughters sometimes came to blow on the irritated, swollen skin in order to ease the pain, and for this attention they received payment. At the age of puberty a girl of good family was secluded behind the low partition of boards that crossed the rear of every chief's house. A bundle of hemlock boughs was hung above the place where {view image of page 126} 126 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN she would lie, and the dropping of the withering needles symbolized the falling of property upon her. A large stone served for her pillow, and she slept on a single mat, covering herself with old mats that could be discarded after her period of uncleanness. Gamblers, hunters, and fishermen were careful to keep their implements away from all possible contamination by too close proximity to the girl. Four days she fasted, and then came out in front of the partition to eat with the village girls of like age. For sixteen days longer she remained behind the partition, eating moderately, but drinking very little. At some time during this period the mother rubbed her daughter's body with four shoots of buckbrush, which she then thrust upright in elevated ground in four different places. This was to induce modesty and a retiring disposition. She rubbed her also with soft cedar-bark, and wedged it into the cleft of a crab tree to make her daughter enduring and strong. At the end of the twenty days the girl bathed in a stream or lake, washing the skin with liquid from the household urinal. All the clothing and mats were thrown away, and the stone pillow was placed in a dry cave. A distribution of food in her honor completed the rites. For two years fresh halibut was not eaten by her, and fresh salmon was prohibited for five years. But the birth of a child before the end of the period of prohibition lifted the taboo. Fresh berries were not taboo. Marriage followed quickly; in most cases some youth was waiting impatiently for her to reach the marriageable age. There was no puberty ceremony for boys. But generally a boy of good family went, even at a very early age, to live with a paternal uncle, where he was treated with considerable austerity and at the same time was taught what a man should know - fishing, hunting, speech-making, accumulating of property. A boy who remained too long with his mother was chided by others, and whenever he made a mistake, people would assure him that it was because he had lived too long at home. Some of the Haida customs connected with the death of a prominent man were unusual. As soon as death occurred, one or two relatives of the same sex as the deceased, but of the opposite phratry, were summoned to prepare the body. They painted the face of the corpse and clothed the body, and drove two stakes into the floor in the place of honor behind the fireplace. To this spot they carried the body, doubled the knees up beneath the chin, and lashed the arms to the stakes so that the corpse sat there facing the household.1 1 The stakes were not always used. {view image of facing page 126} Totem at Yan, representing a Caucasian [photogravure plate] {view image of page 127} THE HAIDA 127 There it remained from two to four days, depending on the rank of the dead man, the intensity of the family's grief, and the degree of unexpectedness in the death. While the body remained in the house, the male relatives sang the dancing songs of the dead man, and women wailed. Relatives cut their hair and smeared the face with a mixture of spruce-gum and charcoal. Both now and later, food and water were thrown on the fire for the departed spirit. The fire burned all night, and watchers sat with the body in order to keep it company. When the grief of the family was somewhat assuaged, the corpse was stuffed into a small box, a plank was removed from the rear wall, and the coffin was placed in the family burial hut. Just before a corpse was placed in its coffin, all the men in that part of the village not separated from the house of death by running water laid their gambling, fishing, and hunting implements outside their houses. When the cover was lashed down, they took them back inside. The thought apparently was that if these articles remained in the house, as the corpse was in its house, their supernatural parts, without which they were valueless, might be confined with the corpse and be carried away with it. Sometimes the body of a high chief was laid away in a small lean-to, into which the rear wall of the house opened, so that the inmates could look in upon the coffin. Men born so recently as 1875 have seen this done. Fetid, black liquid oozed from the box upon the floor, and swarms of blue flies buzzed about it. In some cases the box was placed in a hollow at the top of a mortuary column, or "grave-pole," and less often in a hollowed niche at the bottom. Not infrequently the coffin, after reposing for a year or more in the mortuary hut, was removed and deposited in the gravepole newly erected by the dead man's successor. A widow fasted about four days, and then went into the woods and bathed, rubbing her body with shredded cedar-bark, which she then drove into the crevice of a crabtree or of a rock, in order to make herself strong and to avoid the loss of another husband. It was the duty of the eldest son of a dead man's eldest sister to take his uncle's place in the tribal nobility, and either marry the widow or pay her an indemnity. This was done without regard to any disparity of age in widow and nephew, and without regard to the existence of adult sons of the dead man. It then devolved on this successor to erect a hat, or so-called grave-pole, an action attended with great expense. A widower was expected to marry the {view image of page 128} I28 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN eldest daughter of his deceased wife's sister, provided she was of marriageable age, and he himself in behalf of his new wife erected the mortuary column for her aunt, or "mother." Then at a feast the name to be assumed by the younger woman was announced just as in the case of a man succeeding to the place of his uncle. Ancient remains of the dead are found in caves, but within the memory of living men all corpses have been placed in huts. Those who died a natural death, it was thought, went to gydtlgai, a place not definitely localized, where they lived in plenty and happiness. But the surviving friends, said the medicine-men, must frequently throw small portions of food into the fire and pour water around the fire, lest the departed suffer in the midst of plenty. Those who died by drowning became killerwhales, and those who escaped from drowning only to become wild men in the woods wandered forever through forest and mountains, pursuing an ever-retreating fire. The Haida dressed like other natives of the northwest coast, both sexes using a belted robe of cedar-bark or fur, while the women wore also a mass of cedar-bark fringe extending across the front of the thighs. A woven bark cape, fur-lined about the circular opening for the neck, effectively shed rain, and all used the spruce-root hat for protection from sun and rain. Chiefs had their crest painted on the hat. Leggings and moccasins were unknown. Both sexes arranged the hair in a doubled-up knot just above the nape of the neck, but women sometimes had two braids down the back. Both men and women of the highest families used, as pendants for the nose and ears, pieces of Hawaiian abalone-shell obtained from the Tsimshian, to whom they had been brought on trading ships. All female children had the lower lip pierced for the labret, and with advancing age the size of the wooden plug was gradually increased. Women of very high rank sometimes had the labret inlaid with a bit of abalone-shell. It is said that a few women with pierced lips still live. In preparing for a dance the face was painted, the colors and the design being symbolic of the individual's crest. Thus, a circle of red indicated an eagle's nest, a black semicircle the moon, two arching lines above the eyes represented the grizzly-bear's ears, and a square the sticks of a fish-drying rack. The Haida house was distinctive, and its construction a matter of infinite ceremony and expense. The average house of a prominent man was about thirty-five feet in depth and twenty-five in width. The roof sloped from the middle to the sides, and the wall-boards {view image of facing page 128} Sepulture in a post at Yan [photogravure plate] {view image of page 129} THE HAIDA I29 were perpendicular. At each corner was a hewn post about nine feet high and two feet thick. In the middle of the front wall stood two taller, heavy, hewn timbers three feet wide and two feet thick, and a similar pair were at the back. At the top of these middle posts a shoulder was cut on the outside face for the reception of the upper ends of the sloping lintels, and at the tops of the corner posts holes were mortised to receive the lower ends of the sloping lintels as well as the ends of the horizontal side lintels. Sill timbers were placed at the base of the frame. Both lintels and sills were grooved to receive the ends of the upright wall-boards, these planks being slid in from the end of the wall. The two rear middle posts supported a plate, and a reinforcing cross-piece joined them at the middle, so that this rectangular wall space was filled by two sets of short planks. The two front middle posts also were connected by a plate. They touched the edges of the carved house-post, or totem pole, which was hollowed out to a mere shell to facilitate erection. Sometimes the doorway was a round or oval opening in the face of one of the effigies on the pole; usually it was a rectangular opening beside one of the middle posts. There were no rafters, the roof-boards resting directly on stringers that extended from the front to the rear lintels and projected about four feet beyond the walls. The boards ran from ridge to eaves, an upper series covering the joints of the lower, and the ends of the boards on that slope which was exposed to the rainbringing wind projected beyond the others at the ridge. The smokehole, ten feet square, was in the centre directly above the fireplace, which was an excavation in the earthen floor. Even so late as I850 it was so difficult to make boards that roofs consisted of very large sheets of red-cedar bark. This was stripped from the whole circumference of the tree and at intervals of about six inches was marked across the grain with the end of a hard stick. Then a sharpened whale-rib was used to gouge out the inner bark along these lines, and peeled salmonberry shoots were driven from one side through these grooves. Their combined strength held the sheet from curling. Tradition tells of a time not very remote when no planks at all were used. The houses of chiefs stood over an excavation, the depth of which depended on the owner's wealth, because the expense of the work and the attendant ceremonies was very great. The hole was lined with heavy, horizontal retaining timbers twelve to twenty inches in thickness. A single tier of timbers three to five feet wide VOL. XI-9 {view image of page 130} 130 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN was generally used, and if there was a second tier, it was separated from the first by a shelf of earth covered with planks. In rare instances there were as many as five such steps leading down into an excavation perhaps ten feet deep. Intending to build a house, a man and his wife collected a great deal of property, and the woman distributed it among the members of her clan, who later returned it with interest. Then the chief invited the people, and some of his clansmen sang and danced for the spectators, who sat about the walls. At this time the announcement was made that a house was to be built. The family began then to store up food, including twenty to forty chests of oulachon oil purchased from the Tsimshian, and large quantities of berries and crabapples. In due time the chief summoned his clansmen and assigned the task of making the various timbers. Each kind of timber used in a house could be prepared only by certain men who had inherited the privilege. With little delay the men so selected went in canoes to a place where good cedar was convenient, and there they prepared the timbers. When all was finished, they came in a body, towing the logs, and when they appeared off the village, the clanswomen of the builder's wife marched to the shore, where they danced and sang. The timbers were then dragged up above high tide. A man who was building a house was compelled to give the winter dance at various stages in the work. One of these times was in the winter following the preparation of the timbers. Nothing further was done until the next autumn, when the proper men were hired to carve the house-post, or totem pole, and others to dig the hole for it, and with the usual feast and potlatch the pole was raised. Usually the body of a dog was thrown into the hole. There is a known instance of a west-coast chief using a slave instead of a dog. The means of the family having been exhausted by a second performance of the winter dance, it was necessary to wait another year before the house itself could be erected. On the day after its completion, many young people assembled in the new house to be tattooed, and the chief distributed property and paid for the tattooing. It will be seen that the construction of a house was enormously expensive. There was a certain chief whose inevitable perquisite arising from any house-building was at least a hundred blankets. But it must be remembered that the family had the assistance of all the clan, and any one could borrow without stint. The potlatch, or free distribution of property on any public {view image of facing page 130} A decaying houseframe - Haida [photogravure plate] {view image of page 131} THE HAIDA I3I occasion, was a prominent feature of Haida life, but it has been so thoroughly discussed in previous volumes that it is unnecessary to enter into details. The usage of the Haida with respect to the valuable copper plates was somewhat different from that of the Kwakiutl. Copper plates are called tako, and all coppers were obtained from the Tsimshian and the Tlingit.' The price of a copper in early days was four or five or even ten slaves. The value remained practically constant, and a purchaser could bargain for one without loss of prestige. This is altogether different from the Kwakiutl custom, which involves a somewhat definite ratio of increase in value. The possession of coppers was necessary to a chief, who used them to give away like any other piece of property in a potlatch connected with a housebuilding or pole-raising. Sometimes in "fighting with property," that is, in striving with a rival to see which could give away the more, a chief would fold a copper and throw it into the sea, but he never gave it to his rival, as did the Kwakiutl. The Haida occupied their permanent villages throughout the winter, and in spring moved into scattered camps on the small islands and along the coast of the larger ones. These locations were the inherited property of the families that occupied them. The principal occupation of the men in spring and summer was halibut fishing, and the women were kept busy slicing and drying the fish. Some hunted for hair-seals, and a few for sea-lions. In the autumn bears were taken in deadfalls. In June great quantities of black cod were caught in very deep water off the west coast, and the extracted oil was stored in chests, a hundred cod yielding oil to fill a box thirty inches square and thirty-six deep. Some of the fish were split and dried. On account of its keeping qualities, dog-salmon was the principal storage food, and was used throughout the winter whenever the weather did not permit fishing. The blubber and flesh of stranded whales was cooked and smoked, and thus preserved, while the oil was stored in various receptacles of animal integument. Salalberries, crabapples, spruce-bast, and the roots of silverweed, clover (T. fimbriatum), wild tiger-lily (L. parvifolium), and bracken and other ferns, were the principal vegetal foods. The only agriculture practised by the primitive Haida was the raising of small quantities of tobacco. Seeds originally obtained, according to tradition, from Skeena river were mixed with rotted 1 It is said that the native copper was obtained at Kako in Tlingit territory. This perhaps is for Taku, and the word tako ("copper plate") may be derived from this source. {view image of page 132} 132 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN wood and scattered over a small, deeply cultivated plot of ground. The plot was kept clear of weeds, and when the plants were about twelve inches high, they were plucked and hung on drying racks over a fire of alder. Thoroughly dried, the tobacco was tied into small bundles, which about the year I850 sold at the rate of five for a five-dollar blanket. Clam-shells wrapped in spruce-bark and steamed over night, in order to soften them, were broken up and roasted, and a small quantity of the powdered lime was mixed with the crushed tobacco leaves and stems. The mixture was chewed, but never smoked. So devoted to it were the people that some of them kept a quantity in their mouths even while sleeping. Land was held only by the family and not by the individual. Each family owned its house-site, and its other landed possessions might include berry patches, cranberry bogs, trap locations on streams, beaches where whales might strand. Fishing grounds and shell-fish flats were common property. Some families were possessors of numerous pieces of land, which always accompanied the highest title in the family. Sometimes a tract of land was paid as blood-money, or given away in a distribution of property, but this was rare. Theoretically the village chief was owner of the village site, but practically this meant nothing: it gave him no power to dispose of the land. The Haida seem to have speculated but little on the nature of the universe and its phenomena. The earth was believed to be flat and the sky a great dome resting on it. There were apparently only two purely gambling games, the principal one of which was called sin ("birch") in reference to the material of which the implements were generally made. These were forty rods, each six inches long, four of which, unmarked, were the jtl ("bait"). The other thirty-six were of twelve kinds in groups of three, distinguished by variously arranged circles of red and black. The game was played between two men, with perhaps many others sitting by and betting on the result. Each player had a box containing several or many bundles of rods, each bundle of different wood, so that if one was unlucky another might be tried. Bathing and fasting were practised before playing. One player selected any three marked rods and one jil, and shuffled them about in the midst of a bunch of cedar-bark fibre, tearing it apart from time to time with two rods in each hand. Finally he laid them down, and his opponent guessed which part contained the jil. The other then removed the two rods from the piece of fibre indicated, and one by {view image of facing page 132} A Haida of Massett [photogravure plate] {view image of page 133} THE HAIDA I33 one threw them on an inclined board in front of him, so that they rolled back to him. If the guess was successful, the play changed hands; if unsuccessful, the same player again shuffled the four rods, or he might choose others in place of them, believing that the same set would not again be lucky. After eight consecutive failures, the number of rods was reduced to three, and if the guesser still missed, he lost his wager. The other gambling game was the common hand-game, in which four marked bones were used. It was called lahal, which is its Salish name, and the Haida admittedly learned it from alien sources. A boys' game was played by driving two small stakes firmly into the ground and tightly together, with a similar pair a short distance away. Two opposing parties took their respective places beside the two pairs, and every member of one party threw a pointed stick in the endeavor to make its point go between the two stakes at the opposite end of the range. Boys also played dice with three bits of clam-shell, wagering spruce-gum moulded by melting and pouring into long, hollow, dry stems of rhubarb. A ring of bark was tossed about, and whoever caught it on his stick had the privilege of hurling it at any other player. A small block of wood shaped like a legless chair was tossed into the air. If it fell and lay in any position other than sidewise, the player counted one and put a spot of charcoal on his face. When it fell sidewise, the play passed to the next boy. Women also played this game. A stick split down almost to the base, with the two blades bent outward by half breaking them at short intervals, was tossed into the air and caught on the player's stick, and he who caught it the greater number of times inflicted an agreed penalty upon his opponent, such as thumping the forehead with the finger, or pulling the hair. Both men and women played. War was waged by the Haida for the purpose of taking slaves, heads, and booty, and expeditions were made against other Haida villages, and against the Tlingit, Tsimshian, Bellabella, Alaskan Haida, and Kwakiutl. During the winter the warrior prepared by purifying his body. For nine days he used a purgative made of devil's-club bark, and drank very little water. After resting four days, he resumed the treatment again for nine days, and so he continued to do until spring, at which time he began to drink salt water as an emetic. {view image of page 134} i34 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN When an expedition was about to start, the canoe was raised on two pairs of crossed stakes, and the bottom was charred and smoothed. The warrior now wore a girdle consisting of a piece of cedar-bark rope, at the back of which was tied a small wooden image of a man, and his wife wore a similar belt without the image. A few days later, when the village chief thought that his lucky day was at hand, the start was made, and after embarking, each man exchanged girdles with his wife. The image was the symbol of the slaves he was going to bring her. For the next four days the women fasted, and thereafter until the return of the party they ate and drank little. All occupied the same house, and when one went out, all the others accompanied her to see that she did not bring bad luck on the party by drinking too much. At night they lay in the relative positions occupied by their husbands in the canoe. Warriors never changed their positions in the canoe, for if death was destined to come to a certain man it might mistake for him the one who had taken his place. Certain roots and barks were rubbed on the face to cause invulnerability, and others gave the user a sort of magic power to disarm a personal enemy of intent to kill. When the returning party came in sight of the village, those who had taken heads stood in the canoe and chanted their war-songs. The heads were placed on tall stakes, and the scalps were preserved as trophies until they decayed. The Tsimshian and Haida were usually on good terms, and the latter every summer took dried halibut, seaweed, and canoes to trade with the Tsimshian for berries, oulachon oil, and dried oulachon. The Tsimshian were frequently rough in their treatment of the visitors, but the islanders were patient, as it behooved them to be in a foreign land. Several years after the founding of Fort Simpson a party from Massett was just ready to leave the Tsimshian village at the fort with their acquisitions, which included a number of slaves, when the Tsimshian gathered on the beach and tried in every way to provoke the Haida. A chief of the place seized a gun and shot dead one of his own people, no doubt a slave, thinking that the Tsimshian would believe the Haida had done it; and thus he expected to precipitate a massacre. But the Haida, supposing that one of their own number had been shot, fired upon the mass of Tsimshian and killed several of them. In the fighting that ensued a number of Haida were killed, but more Tsimshian. Then another party of Tsimshian, ignorant of what was occurring, came out from the mainland to the island to trade, and as they landed the Haida {view image of facing page 134} Haida canoes [photogravure plate] {view image of page 135} THE HAIDA I35 shot at them. One of the Haida canoes lost every man, and two sons of its chief were captured. The others, as soon as they could get off, sailed away to Massett. After a council it was decided to make war on the Tsimshian. Kogis, a member of the family which had suffered the greatest loss, was appointed chief of the expedition, which consisted of ten large canoes from Massett, Kayung, and Yan. They landed near Metlakatla with the intention of attacking the village at Fort Simpson, but while in camp near Metlakatla they saw a canoe of people returning from the salmon fisheries with winter supplies. As the craft rounded a point, the Haida fired. The dead and wounded capsized the vessel, and the Haida, putting out in their canoes, killed the others in the water and beheaded them. Having been so successful without risk, they decided to remain there and wait for other canoes. This plan was followed, and a considerable number of Tsimshian were killed. Kogis at last told his men that he was "no longer hungry," and the party set sail; but because of the east wind they landed at Lucy island. A Tsimshian warrior who, unknown to the Haida, had escaped, made his way through the woods to Fort Simpson, and a party immediately set out for the place just abandoned by the Haida. They saw their enemies sailing out from Lucy island, the wind having subsided, but they were afraid to attack because the Haida were in war-canoes. No matter how large an attacking force might be, it was considered dangerous to assault a war-canoe. Each war-canoe had its own war-song, and as the party landed each crew chanted its song and shook its trophies in the air. The heads were set on stakes in front of the village, and the people danced with the scalps. No further visits to the mainland were made until the following summer, when Yeswat in a single canoe went over to see how they would be treated. As he approached the shore, the people ran down and began to cry out his name, and shouted: "Where is my son? Where is my nephew?" mentioning the names of all who had been killed. Yeswat then tossed a handful of eagle-down into the air as a sign of peace (and perhaps as a kind of benediction on the bereaved ones). As his canoe touched shore, the Tsimshian cried, "We could kill you right here!" Nevertheless they respected the symbolic eagle-down. After awaiting for a time the return of Yeswat, the people at Massett sent a number of canoes to see what had happened to him. As they landed on the island at the fort, some Tsimshian from the {view image of page 136} I36 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN mainland came out with the intention of fighting them, but those on the island ranged themselves with the visitors and averted trouble. This was the last war between the two tribes, and indeed the last fighting in which the Massett people participated. The bloody encounters of the Haida with the Kwakiutl have been narrated in the preceding volume. The religious practices of the Haida were not complicated. Prayer was offered to the Sun when one felt humble or sorrowful: "Agida, agida, agida!" During this expression of submission and supplication, the suppliant stood with bowed head and raised hands, turning the palms alternately toward and away from the sun. Sfin-skanakwai ("daylight supernatural-power") was a spirit who dwelt in the air, and was supplicated in the same manner as the Sun. No form or personality was ascribed to the Daylight spirit. High, pointed rocks, reefs, and islands were the abode of numerous s'kil, or supernatural beings. In fact, almost every spot with any unusual feature was the home of a s'kil. In this respect Haida thought is exactly like the ancient Roman conception of genius loci. Cliffs overhanging the water were supplicated to treat the traveller with mildness. It used to be said that before cutting an alder one must embrace it, because this tree is a woman and otherwise would injure the workman. Children were enjoined from imitating seagulls and ravens, lest their fathers' canoes be capsized, and for the same reason even mussels and clams were not ridiculed. Native tobacco was sometimes thrown into the fire in general supplication to the supernatural powers. It seems to have been a definite belief that fire transformed the material into the spiritual.' The Haida, unlike most tribes, are not prone to claim personal experience with spirits. A man born about I840, asked if he had ever talked with a man who had seen a spirit, answered that he remembered one of his grandfathers who said that when walking on the beach hunting octopi he had seen a minute, shining dwarf, which disappeared when he called his companion. But no power was received from this spirit. Medicine-men obtained their power by purification of the body, not by personal contact with a supernatural being, and it is well known to the Haida that their first medicine-men were simply imitators of Tlingit shamans. This backwardness in claiming communion with supernatural beings is the more remarkable in view of the fact that the Haida, more 1 See the myth on page I58. {view image of facing page 136} Slate carvings representing a Haida shaman [photogravure plate] {view image of page 137} THE HAIDA I37 clearly than any coast tribes to the south, have the Roman conception of local deities. Desiring to seek supernatural power and to become a shaman, a man observed two days of sexual continence as a pledge that he would continue so to do for two years. Only the strongest and most determined men undertook this. Then with a small vessel, such as the bladder of a hair-seal, filled with oil, he went into the mountains. In ancient times, it is said, he would remain in the mountains fasting for ten days, but within recent times the limit was four days. After scraping off the outer spiny skin of a section of devil'sclub as long as the forearm from elbow to the tip of the little finger, he peeled off the inner bark and ate it; and each day of his fast he repeated this ten times. The bark is said to be a rather powerful laxative, and in order to mitigate the rigor of the treatment, he drank at frequent intervals a small quantity of oil. There were two kinds of power which might come to such a man. He might in a dream receive the power to cure sickness, or he might actually be visited and addressed by the spirit Skihljadai ("property woman"), who controlled wealth, and she would promise to make him rich. Shamanistic power could come also to a man who had been unfortunate, as in gambling, and who was fasting in the village in order to punish himself for his ill luck. When a man returned from the mountains with this power, the other shamans met with him in a house in order to learn his songs, so that they would be able to help him when he was called on to use his power. From this time the shaman never combed nor washed his hair. A shaman supposedly under the influence of his power pretended to speak a foreign language, nearly always Tlingit. Rarely he used his native language, in which case his power was believed to have been derived from the mountains of the neighborhood, and not from a foreign land, as was otherwise the case. In preparing to treat sickness, the medicine-man put on his dancing skirt and fastened a wolf's tail on the top of his head so that it drooped down behind. He held a wooden rattle. While the men beat on narrow boards with elder sticks, he went to the patient and pretended to scoop the illness out of the body. He moved about the room, and with three preliminary movements cast the sickness from him. Females, except old women and girls under the age of puberty, were barred from the house in which a shaman was at work, lest some one in her periods blight his power. If any one passed behind a medicine-man in the act of eating, the shaman choked, and when {view image of page 138} i38 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN this happened the power of the medicine-man might, against his will, cause the death of the offender. The powers of two medicinemen could be hostile to each other without the existence of enmity between the men themselves, and the power of one could cause the death of the other. Shamans were believed to be able to inflict fatal sickness on their enemies, and to cause death by apparent accident, as by drowning. They frequently employed their supposed gift of prophecy, and they sometimes held meetings to decide whether or not to kill by magic a suspected witch. Certain people called sta'wa practised witchcraft, obtaining their power by sleeping outside and communing with mice, which became their guardian and informing spirits for evil. Their work was done at night. There were also sorcerers who worked alone in secret and killed their victim by using his spittle or faeces. Wishing to discover what witch or sorcerer was guilty in any particular case, two friends of the sick person would go into the woods and capture a mouse in a box trap. After fasting for two days, they began to ask the mouse, "What person has made our friend sick?" One after another they repeated the names of suspected men, and when the mouse's ears twitched, they stopped and began again. If at the repetition of the name the ears twitched again, it was taken as a sign that this was [the guilty man. They secured a bone from a human body, broke it up, and thrust the splinters through the mouse, expressing the wish that the sorcerer might die. If after their return to the village the suspected man came and confessed his guilt, he was in no danger; if he did not, it was believed that he soon would die. Absolute secrecy was preserved by the men who communed with the mouse. Various love-charms were used, and herb remedies were mostly those used also by the Kwakiutl. The following narration illustrates some of the practices of hunters in purifying the body for good luck. "When I was just growing into manhood, I began to hunt furseals, but while others brought home many, I could get only two or three. One day my brother brought six toads and told me I was to eat them. So after he had pounded them into a pulp and rolled them into six small balls, I began to drink salt water, and after vomiting I swallowed the six toads. This made me vomit again. I went to bed, and in the morning drank more salt water. Then, as it was a fine day, I went hunting. Soon I seemed to be sur {view image of facing page 138} A Haida shaman's rattle [photogravure plate] {view image of page 139} THE 'HAIDA I39 rounded by seals, and they were not afraid of me. I used a gun, and never missed a shot. The vomiting takes away the human odor, so that you can smell everything while the animals themselves cannot detect you. The seals, if not already sleeping, fall asleep when you come near, and after being shot and dragged into the canoe, they drip foam from the mouth. The old people said this foam was caused by the toads. "Another method of purifying the body was to take akinhiydl [a certain long, green root-stock] and weight it down with four stones in a pail of salt water. After a month it becomes rotten. Then the four stones are heated and put into the water. After it has boiled and cooled somewhat, the four men who form the crew of a sealing canoe come with their cups and drink the bitter contents. Then each one, made very thirsty by the salt water, drinks as much fresh water as possible, and this causes vomiting. The root decoction is a physic. Devil's-club bark also is used for this purpose. Two long sticks are pushed into the ground so as to form an arch, under which the hunter sits. In a semicircle in front of him are thrust into the ground forty pieces of devil's-club, each as long as the forearm. Starting at the left, he gnaws four circles around each piece and then puts it back in its place. Immediately he becomes very sleepy. This bark has a powerful effect on the bowels. At one time it was used especially by gamblers, and was said to give them power to see through the cedar-bark fibre in which gambling sticks were hidden. It was employed also as a preventive of sickness." Within historical times the Haida possessed no dance or religious ceremony that originated among them. They had in fact only two dances, the less important of which they called len (a Tsimshian word). It was given at any season and was simply for the purpose of affording amusement. Two men or two young women with button-blankets or Sitka blankets and forehead masks danced in the centre of a circle of spectators, who sang and beat time. The performers faced one direction for a time, then the other, waving the hands on one side and the other. The more important ceremony was an imperfect, degenerate form of the Kwakiutl winter dance, obtained largely from the Bellabella through the medium of captives, with some features from the Tsimshian. That the Haida received instruction at the hands of the uninitiated, who had merely seen the public features of the ceremony, is indicated by the fact that they appear to know little or nothing of the underlying myths and the esoteric phases of the cult. As among the Kwakiutl, so here there were various kinds of dancers composing the secret society that performed the winter ceremony. The most important were these: {view image of page 140} 140 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN I. Ulala, or wilala. 2. Gasijidas ("those with clubs"). 3. H6h6. 4. Nuhlchista. 5. Gagihit ("wild man"). 6. Nfihulim, or wiilum. 7. Fagatas ("those who eat dogs"). 8. Kuyan-skanakwai ("finely dressed supernatural-power"). 9. Digut-skanakwai ("beggar supernatural-power"). io. iHuaji ("grizzly-bear"). II. Chaoga ("woods Indian"). The secret society performed in the winter at every public occasion, such as the building of a house or the erection of a pole. A ceremony was thus inaugurated. The initiator, that is, the chief who was building a house or erecting a pole, invited the secret society to this house, which, while it was being used for the ceremony, was called skasnai. The uninitiated were denied entrance to this house. The initiator himself must be a member, but need not have performed in the kind of dance which the new initiate would present. His own phratry members occupied the front seats and the others sat back. If the occasion was the founding of a new house, the initiates were from his wife's phratry and she was the one who persuaded them to act; but if it was the erection of a pole for one of his own people, the initiates were from his phratry. In either case the attendants of the initiates were from the phratry not represented by the initiates. A man could act also for his wife in this capacity of sponsor, at the erection of a pole for some relative of hers, in which case the initiates were of her phratry. When the secret society had assembled, they beat time with their batons and sang the following Tsimshian song: Great supernatural being, come and draw up your tail!1 Allegro o —~( m! i L.m! |!. ' ' ae - In-.. --- | _I.J — 4 -1 The reference is to the Eagle, which by raising its tail is to scatter its down. {view image of page 141} THE HAIDA I4I (Call. g- e _X_ __ _, I __~_ 7 - ',o -:o o o ~. --- i --- - I ~ _ I ~~,, --- I.._ i k-,i. While they sang, the sponsor went stooping and peering about the room as if searching for some one, and when he came to the person who was to be the principal initiate, he hurled a double handful of white eagle-down toward him, and the initiate, usually a young man, dropped to the floor, twitching convulsively.' Soon he began to utter faintly the cry of the dance which he was to present, and the attendants, who had already been selected and notified, ran over to take charge of him, and led him out. The assembled members dispersed to their homes. 1 Only when the chief initiate was acting the part for the first time did the sponsor select him by throwing the feathers. This gave the initiate supernatural power, and when he was to perform again in this capacity it was unnecessary to repeat the act. {view image of page 142} 142 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The chief initiate now led his attendants through the different houses, and whenever he came to a person who had been chosen for an initiate, he grasped him and even dragged him from the house. The one so taken at once began to utter the cry and make the gestures of the dancer. When all the initiates had been assembled, they withdrew behind a curtain stretched across the rear of the room in the dance house. Generally the initiates were all of one kind. Thus there might be three or four initiates all dancing ulala, one being always the leader and the others following him. Or instead of ulala they might all represent nuhlchista, or gagihit. But if any women were being initiated, there were usually two dances presented: for women were barred from the more important dances, and the initiator always desired that one of the more difficult roles be given. Little children could be initiated into the society without performing as one of the dancers mentioned above. They spent the eleven days behind the curtain, supposedly dead for eight days and absent with the spirits for the remaining three, and when the dancing began they came out and stood in front of the curtain. They were then members of the society, and later ihey might become initiated as actual dancers. Their use in the performance was to blow whistles in the woods at the end of the eighth day, simulating the voices of the spirits that were carrying away the initiates. After retiring behind the curtain the elder initiates also remained in concealment for eleven days, except that in the evenings of the first eight days they came out in full paraphernalia and went with characteristic actions through the village. During the day they too were supposedly lying dead behind the curtain. At the end of eight days many whistles sounded in the woods, and gradually receded, and it was said that the spirits of the initiates were being carried away by supernatural beings. For the next three days the initiates remained in constant hiding. Then on the twelfth morning those initiates who were to represent dancers appeared on the beach as if they were wild creatures just come out of the woods after their absence with the supernatural beings. The members of the fraternity proceeded in a body to catch them with ropes, and dragged them into a house (not the skasnai) and behind a curtain. In the evening all the people, regardless of membership in the society, assembled in the skasnai to exorcise the spirit that possessed the initiates. The female members danced in their various characters, and then the initiates, led in through the front door by {view image of facing page 142} Shaman's rattle - Haida [photogravure plate] {view image of page 143} THE HAIDA 143 their attendants, danced round the fire and retired behind the curtain. They reappeared and performed several times in different costumes until they were "tamed." The night was passed in dancing and performing sleight-of-hand tricks such as seemingly decapitating an initiate and restoring his life. The initiates were now full members in the society, but they could be initiated many times if they had means to pay for the privilege. Thus, when a relative built a house or erected a pole, even in this same winter, and requested one of these initiates to play the role in which he had appeared, the young man would do so if he had enough property to make the necessary distributions. Having done this several times, he acquired a great name. A day or two after the dance the initiator's wife invited the people of her phratry to a feast of berries, in return for which each person was expected to give her a present, and on the next day he himself gave a similar feast to his own people. At each feast the guest received, besides the dish of food, boxes containing berries and oil. Chiefs were too proud to carry these things home, but young relatives performed the service for them. The ceremony was repeated many times in a village during a winter. It has been practically obsolete since about 1875, though sporadic performances were given about I888. The characteristics of the different dancers will here be set forth. I. Ulala, or wilala, corresponds to the Kwakiutl hamatsa, although the name is clearly an adaptation of ulala, which some of the Kwakiutl tribes apply to the woman war-dancer. It was obtained from the Bellabella by the people of Ninstints (Slkangwai) "three generations ago." Ulala was danced only by men. The initiate had a pole ten to fifteen feet long, with a cross-piece near the tip, from which hung ribbons of cedar-bark. It projected up through the roof behind the curtain that concealed the initiates. When filala was about to come out for his rounds from house to house, the pole was turned slowly, and the children outside, seeing it, fled to their homes. Ulala went naked, without even bark rings, and when he became too violent, an attendant threw a cedar-bark ring over his neck with a rope tied to it. When visitors came to the village during a performance, he ran into the water and prevented them from landing immediately, and if a kettle was overturned in the fire, he rushed forth without warning, ran over the roofs of the houses, and angrily threw the boards about. When hunters returned with a hair-seal, one of them secretly came to the skasnai and {view image of page 144} 144 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN reported the fact, and ulala with his attendants rushed down to the canoe, bit at the seal, pretending to eat part of it, and distributed the flesh among the people. His cry was "Ap, ap, ap!" During the last three days of his seclusion in the dance house the ulala initiate was believed by the uninitiated to be at the home of the spirit from which was derived the power of ulala. The Haida however mention no name in this connection. On the fourth morning the initiate appeared on the beach, and former initiates of the opposite phratry went toward him with rings attached to ropes, to capture him. He made the gestures and facial expressions of the Kwakiutl hamatsa, and pretended to bite either forearm of several persons. Actually he did not bite at all. Those who were to be "bitten" had previously raised a blister on the forearm by burning cedar-bark over a round spot, so that after the "biting" they could exhibit a raw wound. Many of the oldest men have numerous such scars extending along the arm. On appearing at the edge of the woods, filala mounted a mortuary hut and took out an image closely resembling a corpse. It was covered with the dark skins of scoters, and looked much like a dried, mouldy corpse. Inside the belly was a mass of cooked sprucebast, or a long string of flour paste colored bluish so as to resemble intestines. Sometimes the initiate would tear the belly skin open and there on the beach devour the contents, but usually the "corpse" was taken from him and carried into the house, where he ate and passed portions among the other ulala.1 Such images were kept in the shaman's box along with other paraphernalia pertaining to the dance. When the filala had been caught on the beach with a ring and rope, he was dragged into a curtained house, and in the evening, with his attendants restraining him, he came through the front door of the skasnai and danced round the fire in the manner of the hamatsa. He bit no one. After he had retired, the people rose and sang, while some of the old ulala who had been dancing with the initiate continued to dance round the fire. At the end of the song the song-leaders went to the back of the room and the others resumed their seats. One of the singers beat time on a drum which hung by a rope from the roof. This was merely an uncovered box five feet square and two feet deep. t No informant out of many interviewed on this point believes that the Kwakiutl or any other northern tribe ever actually ate human flesh. At Skedans village about the middle of the nineteenth century an old slave woman dancing in front of the ulala was clasped by him and killed by a stab in the abdomen. But no flesh was eaten. {view image of facing page 144} Chilkat blanket, the Haida ceremonial robe [photogravure plate] {view image of page 145} THE HAIDA 145 While the beating continued, the ulala in the secret room sang his song, which was a heritage in his family. These songs of filala contained the word Pahpaqalan6hsiwi, the name of the spirit presiding over the Kwakiutl hamatsa dance. Then ulala came out still singing, wearing elk-skin leggings with puffin-bill rattlers, an elk-skin dancing skirt, and cedar-bark head-band and neck-ring. At this time some trick was performed, such as apparently placing the initiate in a drum and pouring water and red-hot stones into it. In reality he slipped away among the throng of older members who were pretending to put him into the box. He soon returned from behind the curtain, singing and wearing a mask. Various masks were worn by filala, depending on the supposed source of his supernatural power. After several songs, the assemblage dispersed, the filala having been tamed. Still for a time he wore his dancing hat, which was a carved and decorated forehead mask belonging to the chief who initiated him. 2. Gasijidas wore a bear-skin, had the face blackened with charcoal, and carried a crabwood cudgel. His attendants had dancing skirts and cedar-bark head-rings, and sometimes bear-skins. His cry of "IhP.......!" was uttered just before striking with his club. Coming from the woods, this initiate was surrounded on the beach, covered with mats, and led to the house in the centre of the throng. The procedure of exorcising him was much the same as for the taming of ulala. Every evening during the eight days of seclusion in the skdsnai, the gasijidas initiate, accompanied by some older members and attendants, went through the village, and in various houses they smashed furniture and utensils. The attendants kept account of these things and on their return reported them to the sponsor, who at once sent men to replace the articles destroyed. 3. The h6h6 initiate, who sometimes was a woman, wore a bearskin and had a blackened face. The cry was "Ho...... ho...... " On the first night of their seclusion these initiates went through the village with short, large-bladed spears, which they pointed threateningly at the inmates of the houses. On the second night their attendants carried large stones, and at each house visited they dropped one beside the fire. The people of the house placed before them some piece of property which they were willing should be destroyed, and unless it was already damaged, the h6h6 usually respected their wish and smashed this article with the stone. If the article was already damaged, they selected some valuable object VOL. XI-IO {view image of page 146} 146 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN for destruction. This procedure was repeated on the following evenings, with the occasional substitution of spears for stones. The initiator made good the losses inflicted by them. 4. Nuh-chista is an obvious adaptation of the Kwakiutl nunhlftista. The dance was the exclusive property of the Hlkenuahillanas clan. These initiates were practically naked, and the cry was "Up,'up, up!" in a long-drawn, high-pitched voice. In the evenings of their confinement they went through the houses scattering firebrands among the people, and any one who was burned was paid by the initiator. 5. Gagihit, the wild man, was naked except for a breech-cloth. In the evening, or even in the middle of the night, he and his attendants would go through the village, damaging and misplacing property. When they were about, the people avoided being out of doors. On his return to the village after his supposed absence in the woods with the supernatural one, an inflated bladder was hung in the street from a house-beam, and the wild man began to play with it like a cat with a mouse. Then approached a group of attendants, each armed with a salal switch. They avoided coming in his line of vision, because whenever the wild man looked upon any one, that person, it was said, would fall dead. They slipped up, rushed upon him, beat him with their switches, and hustled him off into a house. 6. Nfihlum, or, as many call it, wihilum, is another plain case of borrowing from the Kwakiutl. It was danced by women as well as by men. The initiates wore bear-skins, and going each evening into the houses, they cried "Hamamamamama!" and passed out without doing any damage. They were caught on the beach beneath a mat and were led into the house with singing. 7. Hagatas initiates were naked except for a breech-cloth, but women hagatas wore bear-skins. Each evening they went quickly through the village, and in each house ate some of the cooked sprucebast which they scraped out of the belly of a dead dog, pretending thus to eat the dog. They uttered no cry, but their attendants carried a sounding-board and beat on it while singing. This dance came from the Tsimshian, and all its songs had the words in that language. Here is an example: Look at this! Here he is, the one who was doing that singing alone. {view image of facing page 146} Raven chief of Skidegate - Haida [photogravure plate] {view image of page 147} THE HAIDA I47 Allegro con brio f... f __ *. i -. _I - ~- I 1 --- V i " - _ " ~ if ' 1 m- - - - -i!I r-' --- -,""1' —i --- —- [i" — _____. — 8. Kuyan-skanakwai initiates, both men and women, wore a Sitka blanket and a forehead mask with sea-lion bristles standing upright in front and weasel-skins hanging down the back. The face was variously painted. With their attendants they entered a house and sang "A la la la," and then departed to the next. This was a Tsimshian dance. 9. Digut-skanakwai initiates of both sexes wore elk-skin dancing skirts and leggings, and cedar-bark head-bands and neck-rings, and carried bird-shaped rattles. Entering a house, they sang their {view image of page 148} I48 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN secret songs, and the chief of the house gave them a present, which with the others received in other houses they carried to their several fathers. These gave in exchange like articles in greater number, which the initiates then distributed among the original donors. The dance was Tsimshian. 10. ffiaji, which was danced by men and women, was exclusively the possession of the Skedans family. The dancers, wearing black-bear skins, growled and otherwise acted as much as possible like grizzly-bears. After their disappearance they were ostensibly shot on the beach by their attendants and carried into the house. This also was a Tsimshian dance. I. Chaoga dancers wore deerskin leggings to the hips, but the upper part of the body was naked. With bows and arrows they went into the houses, crying "Ha ha'......!" in high, shrill voices, and threatening to shoot. They were caught on the beach and covered with mats, and then led into the house. This dance came from Stikeen river. Mythology The Transformer Myth 1 From where we are now there were five villages below us. [That is, there were five successive worlds beneath the earth.] From where we are now there were five villages above us. [It was customary for the narrator of this myth to pause at this point and then repeat the two statements.] Listen to what I am about to say. There was no land. There was only one chief who had a house. This was under the water. He would always lie down with his back to the fire, which burned crystals. He was all alone. His name was Nuinkilslas ["wonderful doer"]. He heard some one crying. A man came in through the door. He wore a yellow-cedar bark band about his head. This was Loon. The chief turned his head and said, "Why are you making that noise?" The man answered: "Chief, the supernatural beings have no place to settle. That is why I am crying." And he went out. The next day he came again, still crying, and the chief looked over his shoulder, saying: "Do not make that noise. You make my head ache. I will attend to that after a while." The man went out, but the next day came again and cried. The chief stood up and said, "Go to the rear part and bring that box hanging there." The 1 The tale is entitled Hoya Kaganas ("raven travelling"). {view image of facing page 148} Stlina, of Massett - Haida [photogravure plate] {view image of page 149} THE HAIDA I49 man went to get the box, but could not unknot the rope. Then the chief took his walking-stick and hobbled to the rear of the room. He reached the rope on which the box hung, and without an effort loosed it and took down the box. He removed the cover and took out, one after another, five boxes, one within another. In the fifth box was a piece of rock, dark colors mixed with bright. Another piece was white. This he held in his right hand and said, "Put that white one in the water first, and afterward put in this dark one." The man went out and put the white one in the water. Bubbles came pouring out of it. He put in the dark stone, and bubbles poured out of it. The chief lay on his back with his hands on his face and made the motions of catching something in them. He blew on them, and a small object like a human being appeared in them. He stood it up and drew it upward until it became of full size. "Now go and travel on the islands," he said. The newly made man went out and saw land stretching about him. This was Didahwf-gwaiai ["near-shore land"- Queen Charlotte islands]. Far away he saw land without end. This was Kadahwa-gwaiai ["far-from-shore land"- the mainland]. Now he started to travel about the world. In his travels he came to a man drinking salt water. But he had a bag of fresh water, which nobody else in the world had. He never left it from his side. So the traveller stopped and drank salt water with him, because he wanted an opportunity to steal the fresh water. He said, "I too have fresh water." He went away and pulled out some spruce-roots and shook the sap off them into his mouth, and returning he spit it out. He climbed a tree, and the man, thinking himself safe, laid down his bag. Suddenly the traveller broke a branch and cried, "Look out, look out!" The man was frightened and ran, and the other came down and took the bag. Then he went about the world and sprinkled drops here and there, making streams and lakes. From the mainland he came to the islands. Naikun [at Rose spit] was a town of five rows. The chief's daughter Kaihlkajat had a child in a cradle. The traveller slipped into the house, took the child out, removed its skin, and put himself in its place. They greatly loved their chief's grandson. One morning, every person in the front row of houses had one eye missing. Nobody knew how this had happened, and there was much talk. On the following morning the same thing happened to those in the second row, and then the third row was attacked. {view image of page 150} 150 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN In the chief's house was an old woman, Tijihlkaga ["half rock"], who always sat immovable in a corner. To her came the town chief, and he asked, "In all the time you have been living, has anything like this occurred?" She said: "Chief, it is that grandchild of yours. After everybody has gone to sleep, he gets out of his cradle. He returns with some round, black things, and goes back to the cradle and eats them out of the fold of his blanket, and the remains he throws into the fire." So they took the child in the cradle to throw him into the sea. But he thought, "I wish when they cast me into the water, it may be with my face up." And so it happened. Then his mother followed him along the shore. He drifted ashore at Mossy point, and his mother wiped him with a small sea-otter skin. She went to her brother Skohokona, but when his servant told him that his sister was outside, he said, "Oh, I suppose she has been doing as she always does with some young man, and has been driven from home." The servant said, "She has a baby." Then Skohokona was glad, and invited her to enter.. He stood the baby in front of him. He stepped on the child's feet and drew him upward until he was large enough to walk. The boy thought, "I wish he would stop now." The chief stopped. Then Sk6hokona said: "I wonder what we will call him. I wonder if we will call him after his grandfather living in one of these five villages below me. I wonder if we will call him Niinkilslas-hilunai ["going-to-be wonderful-doer"].l Now he was a little boy and slept with his mother, holding his little bow and arrows. But one morning he went to the door, which was very heavy, pushed it back, went out, and slammed it shut. When he came back after a while, he slammed it again. His uncle Skohokona looked closely at him. Still he pretended to be only a little boy and slept with his mother. The next day he repeated his actions with the door, and Skohokona said to his sister: "You must stop your son from doing this. I have this door because I am a supernatural being, and he is making sport of it." She said: "Now, chief, I cannot do it. You must talk to him." Soon the boy returned with a number of different kinds of birds which he had shot. Early in the morning he went out again and brought some birds, which he told his mother to skin, for he wanted a blanket. When the blanket was made, he rolled it in cedar-bark and 1 Sk6hokona referred to Ntinkilslas, the creator, as the boy's grandfather only in the sense that anyone may address a supernatural being as grandfather or grandmother. {view image of facing page 150} Hahlkaiyans, of Massett - Haida [photogravure plate] {view image of page 151} THE HAIDA I51 kept it in the cleft of a cedar behind the village. Then he shot a number of small birds in a cedar and brought them home, and his mother made their skins into another blanket. Next he killed a butterball duck and commenced to skin it by cutting down the back from head to tail. But all the objects in the woods - trees, bushes, stones - cried out, "Not that way!" So he thought for a while and began cutting from tail to head, and thus he skinned it. He put the skin with the blankets in the fork of the tree. One day he saw his fathers, the Killerwhales, travelling southward, hunting whales. These were his foster mother's people. For she and Skohokona were Killerwhales. He sent a slave to call to them, asking them to leave something on the beach for him; and soon a dead whale was lying there. Near the whale he built a blind, and from this he saw all the birds that came to feast on the carcass. One day he saw a strange black bird, which he shot. This was a raven. He started to skin it from the head downward, but everything cried, "Not that way!" So he skinned it from the tail upward, dried the skin, and put it with the others in the forked tree. One day his fathers came swimming along and stopped in front of the village. He sent a slave to tell them that Nuinkilslas —luinai wished them to be left stranded. Immediately the tide ran out and left the Killerwhales stranded. When the sun grew hot, their skin began to crack, and Kaihlkajat went down with a pail and poured water on her former husband's sides. Then the boy sent his slave to say that Nuinkilslas-hilunai wished his fathers to float, and quickly the tide came up and covered them. Once, walking in the woods, he came upon two women singing. These were skalankana ["those singing"], supernatural beings whose special power was for singing. They asked him what he was doing, and he said, "I am looking for woman medicine." They asked, "The kind that brings two together?" He answered, "Yes." They laughed, and gave him some spruce-gum and said, "When your uncle's wife asks for what you are chewing, do not give it to her until she asks again, and then throw it to her as if you were angry." Then they sang a song: "He tlmhltikaidacha! Niinkilslas-luinai fell in love with his uncle's wife. It is already known from here to the five villages below, and from here to the five villages above. Do not you know this?" Then he went home. His uncle's wife asked for his gum, and he began to cry. Again she asked for it, and he gave it to her angrily. The next morning {view image of page 152} 152 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN his uncle went hunting whales, and remained away during the night. Then Nuinkilslas-hlunai made himself a man and went to his uncle's wife. She gave him a bit of white foam from beneath her belt, and now he as well as Skohokona could cause a flood. While he was with her there was constant thundering, and his uncle heard it. The next morning he returned with a sad face, and said to his wife: "How is it that last night the same sound was heard as when I am with you?" "He!" she laughed. "It must have been Niinkilslashlunai!" And she looked down at the dirty little child and laughed. One morning Skohokona, his wife, and his sister, all sat in the house at the top of the terrace. They saw water spurting out of the four corners of the room. The boy went and put his foot on the streams, and they stopped, but came out again when he removed his foot. Then he went out, put on two feather blankets, painted his face, and came in with a staff in his hand. He walked about the room and his mother was proud, for he was handsome. He went out again and got his other bird-skin blanket. The water was now coming out so rapidly and boiling and swelling in the room that he quickly put on the butterball-skin and in the form of a duck he dived repeatedly in the water, bobbing up to the surface just like a duck. His mother looked proudly at him. Still the water rose, and he put on the raven-skin, and in the form of a raven he flew quickly up through the smoke-hole; but the rising water touched his tail as he went out. He flew straight up into the sky, and still the water followed him. He reached the next village above, and there he walked about in his human shape. He began to think about his uncle and his mother, and wondered what they were doing. He looked down and saw the house, and the foam was settling down, all white over it, and smoke was rising from the house. This made him angry. He put on his raven-skin, flew straight down, and settled on the pole in front of the house. The pole split in twain. In the house his uncle exclaimed: "A! You will all be dead by Nuinkilslas-h-lunai!" Soon he came in and lay down beside his mother in the form of a little boy in his otter-skin blanket. After this, Nuinkflslas-hilunai had many adventures, and he transformed many things. But from this time his name was Niinkilslas and also Hoya [Raven]. One day coming into the house of Skohokona, Raven said, "Mother, Kengi is coming to adopt me." Skohokona said: "Kaiflkajat, you must stop that boy from saying such things. I wonder {view image of facing page 152} Kitkun, of Massett - Haida [photogravure plate] {view image of page 153} THE HAIDA I53 what we are going to have for human beings. I wonder what they will have for food. Who will take care of them when they come? What shall we feed them?" He was worried because, if people came to visit the place, he, the chief, would have to feed them, and there was no great store of food for this. Therefore he told his sister to cause her son to stop this talk. Still the boy one day said again, "Mother, those people are going to come tomorrow." And Skohokona said, "I wonder what we are going to feed them?" The boy said, "I have been stepping hard on the ground; I can bring people here out of the ground." The next day came ten canoes, and Kengi was in the middle. He wore a high hat of spruce-roots. Kengi landed and went into the house and walked round the room. He kicked one corner and cried, "Are there any people here belonging to my clan?" People began to come out of the ground in that corner. The leader carried a large drum. Kengi went to another corner, and the same thing happened. The people spoke somewhat differently from the others. Thus Kengi brought people out of the four different corners, and they all danced down to the shore in four parties to meet the ten canoes of Kengi. Those in the canoes landed, and all came into the house. Kengi had the place of honor in the rear, and the great crowd sat in a circle. Now Nunkilslas sent young men to various places inhabited by supernatural beings, with orders to bring the food that was found in those places and controlled by those spirits. When these things were brought, there was a feast. Then Skohokona was surprised and began to say that Nfinkilslas was a great supernatural being. The guests were treated with great consideration. All the time the four parties of people were dancing. After several days Kengi and his companions, who were supernatural beings, prepared to depart. After embarking, he told the people whom he had called from the ground to scatter and settle wherever they wished to live. These four became the Bellabella and other southern tribes, the Tsimshian, the Tlingit, and the Haida. With Kengi went Nuinkilslas, whom he had adopted. They came to another village of Kengi [at a bluff on Bigsby inlet, Moresby island], where many people lived and the houses were very large and full of food. At every meal he invited all the people in honor of his adopted son, but the boy merely tasted the food. Two large, black men stood beside the door. Each time a whole box of berries was given to each of these, and they ate them {view image of page 154} I54 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN all. One day Nuinkflslas went quietly to these men and said: "I wish you would tell me something. What makes you eat so much? I have eaten nothing. Could you tell me why you eat so much? Tell me, and I will be hungry, and my father will invite the people often, and you shall have more to eat." They answered: "When you go to bed, scratch your body, and when it becomes sore and scabby, take off the scabs and swallow them." They showed that their bodies were covered with scabs. Two of the nephews of Kengi slept beside Niinkflslas. Early the next morning he said to them, "Tell your father I am hungry." So the people were invited, and Nuinkilslas ate. Now after this he was constantly hungry, and so frequent were the feasts that the house became empty of food. Then Kengi sent him out and barred the door. After a while Nuinkilslas returned and asked for admittance. "No, chief my son," said Kengi, "you have eaten up my house." One day they saw him on the beach eating filth. He disappeared for a while, and later came back and stood outside the door, and on his shoulders were the skins of all the animals now known. "Father, will you let me in? If you do, you shall have all these animals." But Kengi refused: "No, chief my son, you have eaten up my house." He said, "Well, if you will let me in, you shall have this mountain-goat and this grizzly-bear." Still Kengi refused. A mischievous nephew of Kengi, passing Ninkilslas, seized three furs from the top of the pile of blankets: black bear, marten, and otter; and he ran into the house with them. That is why these are the only large animals on the islands. Again Niinkilslas went away, but one morning early he came back singing, and lay down against the house. As he sang, he kept knocking his head against the wall. The house began to lean backward, and the people inside braced it from behind. Kengi said, "Chief my son, you had better come in." But there was no answer. Still the house continued to incline, and just as it was about to fall, Nuinkilslas ceased and departed. After he had gone, word came that he was going to cause a flood. The people met in the chief's house to make plans. Kengi said he would become a great, hard spruce branch, and the others should hold to him and float on the water; but they rejected this plan. Then he said he would become a floating seaweed, but this was not satisfactory. He said that they should hold to the rings of his great hat, and to this they agreed. One day Nuinkilslas appeared in a canoe, wearing a hat with a {view image of facing page 154} A Haida girl [photogravure plate] {view image of page 155} THE HAIDA I55 bit of foam on the top of it. From this fleck of foam spurted water, and the level of the ocean rose rapidly. Kengi put on his high hat, and the others held to it as it grew upward. Still the water rose, and the hat broke. Those who held to it were drowned, but the ten nephews of Kengi became small islands. Then the flood subsided. Kengi was too powerful to be drowned. Then Nuinkilslas with ten companions came into the house. After they had eaten, Kengi said, "Chief my son, I wish one of your companions would tell me a story." Nuinkilslas asked one after another, "Do you know a story?" But they all said no. "Father, they do not know any stories," he said. Kengi sat there for a while, and then he said, "Well, could not one of you tell us about Raven Travelling?" Then Nunkilslas was ashamed and dropped his head. One of the ten threw himself back and cried: "Ya ya ya yo...... The chief of story-tellers! In front of the village of Kengi there was a large kelp starting to grow, and the supernatural beings came to watch it grow. But the kelp was broken and they were destroyed." Then Kengi hung his head in shame. The reference was to Kengi and his ten nephews. Another threw himself back and sang: "Ya ya ya yo......! In front of the village of Kengi there was a reef, on the top of which were sitting the greatest sea-gull and the greatest cormorant. They were tossing the tail of a whale from one to the other, and the supernatural beings came to look at it. But they all were destroyed." So they continued to humiliate Kengi, because he had made Nuinkilslas ashamed. After this Nuinkflslas went away and travelled about the world. Daylight Allows Himself To Be Born 1 She was the chief's daughter at Ju [about four miles from Kaisun]. Her name was Tuillajat ["orderly woman"]. After she reached the age of puberty and before her marriage she went with a young man, and when the chief learned this, he sent his slave to announce in a loud voice that on the next day all would leave the village and abandon his daughter. For in those days the daughters of high chiefs were very carefully watched, that they might be able to make a good marriage. The ten uncles of the girl took all the mats and even the cedarbark roofing from the house. So when the people had gone, she made a little hut of hemlock boughs. But her youngest uncle's wife pitied her, and left some food. When in a few days this was 1"Sun Ankedaga." {view image of page 156} 156 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN exhausted, she went to the beach at low tide and dug clams. In the fourth clam which she broke open she found an object that looked like a human body. She took it into her hut and cared for it, and it grew very rapidly into a strong boy. Soon he was creeping about. When he began to walk, he said one day, "Mother, this way, this way," making the motions of using a bow. So- the girl made a bow of hemlock and some little arrows tipped with shell. The boy was pleased, and spent his time shooting about the hut. The next day he brought in a bird which he had shot. Later he killed larger birds, such as cormorants and mallards. Then he brought in a bluejay, which he himself skinned, and the next day he killed and skinned a wren. The next was a woodpecker, and then he shot many other birds and skinned them. One night the boy awoke and heard some one talking with his mother, and he felt the hut move slowly from side to side. At daylight he saw some one lying with his mother, and the house was a great house of timbers, the carvings of which were alive, winking their eyes and thrusting out their tongues. This person with his mother was Watkadagan [the supernatural being from whom comes the ability of artisans]. Said he: "Come here, chief my son. Let me dress your hair." So the boy went to him, and Watkadagan moulded his face until it was beautiful, and when he drew a comb through the hair, it became long and glossy. He said: "It is well, my son. Go and sit on that rock." When the boy sat on the rock, a fine, sunny day broke. For he was Siun ["daylight"]. All day he remained there, and in the evening he returned to the house. He said to Watkadagan, "Father, tomorrow get a stick, and we will go to the beach for an octopus." So they got the octopus. On the following day they went to fish at Nahgyu [a fishing bank]. Watkadagan baited his hook and lowered it, and held it all day without a bite. The boy said: "Now, father, say this: 'The chief of all the halibut, thinking about it and getting it."' Watkadagan repeated it. Then the boy said: "Father, say this: 'The one who has seaweed growing on his ribs, thinking about it and getting it."' And Watkadagan repeated this. Next the boy said: "Father, say this: 'You are looking at it. You have k6dan [quartz crystal] for an eye."' Watkadagan said this, and still waited. "Say this, father: 'Coming up against the current; you are looking at it, largest one.'" Again: "Say this, father: 'Greediest one, you are looking at it."' And: "Say this, father: 'You, the biggest one, going along eating gravel; you are the one who is {view image of facing page 156} Koyans - Haida [photogravure plate] {view image of page 157} THE HAIDA I57 looking at it."' Now the sun was beginning to sink. "Say this, father: 'The time is nearly past; you are looking at it."' Finally: "Father, say this: 'The hills are spotted with shadow and sunlight; you who are looking at it."' Then came a jerk on the line, and the canoe was drawn swiftly forward. Four times it passed completely round the islands while Watkadagan was drawing up the line.' When the line was drawn in there came up a huge halibut covered with tangled seaweed, among which were hundreds of small halibut. These Watkadagan began to pick off and pile in the canoe. When it was full, he pushed on the gunwales and raised them, and continued to pile up the fish. Thus he did four times. When he had enough, he took the hook from the lips of the great halibut and pressed his hand on its head, and it sank. Then they went home. The woman cut up wood and dried the flesh. The people were starving, and when they learned that the chief's abandoned daughter had food in plenty, they came and begged of her, but she gave only to the aunt who had befriended her. Then all the people returned to Ju and began to fish. One day Tuillajat told her youngest uncle to put on a new hat and take his new paddle and go fishing. So he did. She sat on the edge of the terrace and drew up her skirt a little. A wind blew off the land. She drew the skirt a little higher, and the wind increased. Higher still she drew it, and the wind increased. When the skirt was as high as her hips, the wind was so violent that all the canoes were capsized and the men drowned, all except the youngest uncle. Now Watkadagan prepared to depart, and he said to his young wife, "Make your home on this creek, and sometimes I will come to visit you." Then he went. One day Siun took his bluejay-skin and went out, saying, "Mother, come out soon and see what I look like." She went out and saw beautiful blue clouds in the sky. She withdrew into the house, and when Siun came he asked, "Mother, how did I look?" And she answered, " Chief, you looked fine." Then he went out with the wren-skin, and she saw brown clouds. "Mother," he said when he returned, "how did I look?" As before she replied, "Chief, you looked fine." Next he took the woodpecker-skin, and his mother saw reddish clouds. "Mother, how did I look?" he asked. And she said, "Chief my son, supernatural beings cannot help looking at 1 It is thought that islands stand on thin stems, which conception is somehow supposed to explain the phenomenon of passing four times round the Queen Charlotte islands in so short a time. {view image of page 158} I58 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN you, for you are so pretty." Last he used a snowbird-skin, and his mother saw cumulus clouds. Then Siun said: "Now, my mother, I am going to leave you. You must make your home at the head of this creek." He disappeared. Tuillajat went to the head of the creek and made that place her home. She was a supernatural being, but is regarded as belonging to the Raven phratry. She is called also Skanajatkida-katlhaskas ["supernatural-being-woman princess coming-out"], because when an offshore wind blows it is this being who "comes out of" the woods to the shore and sends the wind, as she did when she destroyed her uncles. Those Who Wore Dancing Hats In The Water In A Canoe They were ten brothers, and one day they went hunting in the woods. They had ten dogs. They travelled for a while, and in the evening they camped; and the next day they went on. The following morning, when they awoke, they found themselves on the top of a high rock with perpendicular sides. There was no way to get down. Below were the dogs, leaping at. the rock and barking. One of the brothers, a mischievous young man, broke up his bow and arrows and made a fire-drill, and when the fire was burning he threw the remains of his weapons into it. Happening to look below, he saw his bow and arrows lying on the ground at the foot of the rock. So he built up the fire and threw himself into it, and when he was consumed, his brothers saw him standing alive and well beside his arrows. He said: "You had better do the same thing. I felt nothing, and now I find myself down here." So one after another they threw themselves into the fire, and all thus escaped from the rock. The eyes of one, while he burned, grew very large. Now they started homeward, and came out to the water at the head of Massett inlet. While they travelled, they heard a wren making the sound which is called drilling, and one of them, happening to glance down, saw a blue hole in his chest. He crossed his arm over it to conceal it, and went on without saying anything. They found the wing-feather of a hawk and fastened it to the hair of the youngest brother, and on the quill end they tied some neckfeathers of a mallard. Then they came to a deserted village. All this time they had had nothing to eat, and now it was low tide. They gathered some small mussels, went into a house, built a fire, and roasted them. As they {view image of facing page 158} Ihltawat, of Massett - Haida [photogravure plate] {view image of page 159} THE HAIDA I59 ate, the mischievous brother spit a piece of mussel up toward the smoke-hole, and the others began to do the same. Thus arose a contest as to which could send his the highest, and one of the brothers climbed to the roof and held a blanket, catching the pieces that went high enough. When he descended, the pieces of mussels had become eagle-down. Unconsciously the brothers had all become supernatural by passing through fire, and they had not yet discovered their power. They found an old, moss-covered canoe with grass growing in the cracks. They launched it, and one brother took his place in the bow with a pole, and the others lay on the bottom. The one in the bow had a bunch of eagle-feathers in his hair. The mischievous brother carved a small wooden bird and set it on the handle of their bailer. As they poled along the shore, a mallard swam beside them. This was the small wooden image transformed into a living bird. As they approached their village at night, they heard the beating of a drum in their house, and the light from the open door streamed down on the beach. They landed in front of this house, but the boys playing about paid no attention to them. It was as if the brothers were invisible. The one with the pole got out and went toward the house. The shamans were singing, and one said, "The supernatural being who uses the pole is coming." The young man stood unseen in the doorway, and becoming ashamed went back. Another landed and went up, and heard a shaman sing, "The supernatural being with a hole in his chest is coming." He looked down at the hole in his chest, and went back ashamed. A third landed and heard the shamans sing, "Now that supernatural being on whom the sun shines is going to come." He too went back ashamed. When the next one approached the house, the shamans said, "Now the supernatural being that has daylight and stood on the water is coming." He also went back. "Now the supernatural being Puffin-stood-on-the-water is coming." The one so named went back to the canoe. Another brother landed, and a shaman sang, "The supernatural being, the one who wears clouds round his neck, is coming." This one returned to the canoe, and then the one who had been lying in the stern came out, and the shaman said, "Now the supernatural being is coming, the one who was lying in the stern of the canoe on his back." So he returned to the canoe. Thus they were learning their new names as shamans. "Now the supernatural being is coming, the one who has large eyes." Then this brother remembered how his eyes had become {view image of page 160} i6o THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN large in the fire, and being ashamed he withdrew to the beach. Next the youngest came, and put his head in at the door. He saw the shaman wearing a feather just like his own. The shaman said, "Now the supernatural being is coming, Hawk-feather-standing-inthe-water." And this one went back. When the eldest came to the house, the shaman said, "Now that supernatural being is coming, he the half of whose voice is raven." And the eldest went back to the canoe. He said to his brothers: "I believe we are supernatural beings. Let us go and prepare ourselves." So they went to the end of the village and gathered piles of grass, which they arranged in the canoe like nests: for they were going to live in the canoe and wished to make themselves comfortable. They took the playing boys and girls and stuffed the cracks of their canoe with them. They pushed off, and the pole in the hands of the bow-man became fiery red. Around the west coast of Graham island they travelled, and whenever they passed any floating feathers, these were put in a small box. They used no paddles, only the pole. At a village on the west coast they saw a woman crying on the beach, and took her into the canoe. Her palms were burned. For her husband, returning in the early morning from net fishing, saw her lying beside the fire with her arms clasped about her body; and thinking that a man was embracing her, he seized a burning ember and thrust it into what he supposed was the hands of her lover. The brothers in the canoe took her away and called her their sister. They split the bottom of the canoe so that water came in, and placed her hands in it, and healed them. They reached the village Kaisun, and Tuilljat came down to the beach and said, "Come, brothers, and let me advise you before you go on." She gave to each one the name applied by the shaman at their own village, and then she said: "The eldest brother in the middle shall own this canoe. The youngest in the bow, the one with the pole, shall control its movement and take it to every place where power is to be given to shamans. This sister of yours shall be Skanajathiudagins ["supernatural-power-woman bailing"]. Now, brothers, go to Stangwai [a reef off the west coast]. Whenever a man becomes a supernatural being, the being that lives at Stangwai is the one who finishes the work. Go there, stay four days, and he will finish you." So they went to that place, and the supernatural being there completed the work of making them supernatural. He made dancing {view image of facing page 160} Hayas, of Kayung - Haida [photogravure plate] {view image of page 161} THE HAIDA i6I hats for them, and tlihidakana [a rattle made by bending a stick in a circle, fastening a diametrical stick to it, and hanging puffin-bills around the periphery]. He also placed a cloud all about the outer edge of the gunwale of their canoe. Whenever there was water in the canoe, the mallard, which continued to follow them, rose on the water and flapped its wings, and immediately the craft became dry. Whenever a man was to be made a shaman by these spirits, the one in the bow pushed the canoe toward him and gave him the supernatural power. A Lazy Youth Who Obtained Supernatural Power Two brothers went fishing at Iron river. Diwun was lazy and never helped set the traps, but whenever there were fish in them he always was in the canoe to take his share. One day the other became angry and swam out to where his lazy brother was taking fish from the traps. He climbed into the canoe, seized the dip-net, and threw it over Diwu'n, crying out, "It was not for your wife that I built this trap!" Then with the net still over his brother, he took the canoe home. Greatly shamed, the younger brother determined to leave home and seek supernatural power. He had his wife fill with oil a bladder of a very small bird, and then took her in a canoe. He went to the foot of the mountain Alguim and sent her back, saying that she could return in four days to see if he were alive. Then he went to the top of the mountain and lay in a small hut under a tree. On the fourth day the woman and a man returned to the foot of the mountain and followed his trail. At intervals they shouted. After they had climbed some distance, they heard him feebly calling out that he was alive, but they must go back and return again in four days: for he had heard a sound like the tapping of a small bell, which showed that a spirit was about. On the fourth day following, very weak for lack of food and with eating of devil's-club bark, Diwuin came staggering down to the shore. There his wife found him. She helped him into the canoe and paddled homeward. On the way she pointed to a flock of geese on the water. He said, "Call to them that I want them to stay there for us." The woman shouted, "Diwu.n wants you to stay there!" Immediately the geese turned their bellies up and floated there dead. She gathered them into the boat and went on. After a while she observed a number of hair-seals and these she obtained in the same manner. Diwuin never told the people what his experience had been, but VOL. XI-II {view image of page 162} I62 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN his deeds showed that he had seen a s'kYl [supernatural being]. He heard that his brother was dying at Massett, and went quickly to the village; and after his brother was dead he gave a great feast. Many names of the Saffikafl-lanas clan are derived from the experience of Diwun: thus, S'kiltkahlftu ["spirit waiting"]; S'kilketlas ["spirit looking-out-from-under" -referring to Diwun looking out from under his hat at the spirit]; S'kilkyfiwat ["spirit trail"]; Sugntl'suas ["only mountain"]. Little-Finger Supernatural Power A chief's daughter, though unmarried, gave birth to a child. So the chief had her placed apart with her son at one end of the village. She built a hut of hemlock boughs and hung an old mat over the doorway. The boy grew very rapidly, and helped his mother by gathering food along the beach. He made a bow and some arrows, and killed small birds, which his mother cooked. When he was old enough to make two pointed arrows, he carved a porpoise on the point of one and a killerwhale on the other. At this work he happened to cut his little finger. His uncles had many daughters, and he used to see them playing at camping in the woods or on the beach. But these, whom he should have had a right to marry, would not look at him. Sometimes he would play alone at being a medicine-man, with an old mat for a dancing skirt and clam-shells for rattles. One day at low tide he found on the beach a crane with a half-broken beak, and he whittled it to a point, so that the crane could catch fish. Then the bird said: "Now, my son, I am going to help you. I am going to give you hydl [medicinal herbs]." He took something green from his mouth and gave to the boy, and also one of his wingfeathers he gave, saying, "When you are angry with anyone, blow on this and send it into his body." The boy went home and took out his old mat dancing skirt. He spit some of the green medicine on it, and it became a fine elk-skin skirt with puffin-beak rattlers. He spit on his little drum, and it became a great drum with the painting of wdsko [a mythical animal]. One evening the boy went about the village peering into the cracks of the houses, and catching sight of a chief's son he blew on the feather. Immediately the youth complained of a sharp pain in his side, and all the shamans were called in; but none could help him. The boy went again to look through the cracks, and saw the 1 ' Sulkot-skanakwai." {view image of facing page 162} A woman of Massett - Haida [photogravure plate] {view image of page 163} THE HAIDA i63 shamans working. Two dark men stood beside the door with pitchpine torches. These guards were Porpoises.1 He saw also the tip of his feather projecting from the sick boy's side, and he said to himself, "I wonder if they can see that thing." At once the two Porpoise men dropped their torches and ran out to catch whoever it was that could see what was the matter with the sick youth. He ran away and hid in his mother's hut, but they followed and summoned him to the chief's house. So he dressed himself in his dancing skirt and his chief's hat, and while the people waited in the house, his great drum came flying through the air, and the baton was beating. They looked for the young shaman, and soon saw his dancing hat sticking up through the floor in the corner of the room. After a while he stood before them. While the drum beat itself, the boy danced and then he pulled out the feather; and the chief's son was well. The boy took the property they paid him and went home, and the drum and the baton flew away. Now one day he saw his uncles' daughters playing in the woods, and he made himself into a salmonberry bush near the trail. When they started homeward, the youngest cousin, who was lame, came walking last, and her hair caught on the bush. The others went on, and the youth stood before her and said, "I want to marry you." He spit his medicine on her leg, and made it sound. So they were married. The youth accumulated great wealth by blowing his feather into the sons and daughters of chiefs and then curing them. One night the hemlock hut moved strangely. In the morning there stood in its place a great wooden house with carved posts, and with his mother lay Watkadagan. In one corner was a half man hopping about. Now the boy's finger was constantly swelling. Watkadagan said to him: "My son, go and marry the daughter of Tesqanaya, the supernatural being who lives at Konui [Skedans]. There is no drift-wood at that place, so you had better take this." And he gave the young man a heavy, water-soaked limb. So the young man's wife went home to her parents, and Hlkyankaikwaskanakwai ["hopping supernatural-power"], the half man, took him beneath his arm and carried him away toward K6nui. He had his bow and two arrows, on one of which was carved a weasel, on the other a mouse. These were given to him by the half man, who said, "Every time you shoot these, they will come back to you." On the way they passed through a swampy place, and the half man could not cross, because his single foot, when he hopped, sank into 1 To the coast Indians the porpoise is the very embodiment of keen hearing. {view image of page 164} I64 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the mire. But the young man spit his medicine, and the ground became firm. Leaving him at o6ni, the Hopping Supernatural-power returned to his master Watkadagan. Now the two daughers of Tesqanaya used to go down to the beach every evening, and the youth placed himself in the large club which he was carrying, and lay on the beach like a piece of driftwood. The two girls, finding it, were surprised, and took it home. Tesqanaya had five axes, but one after another he broke four of them in trying to split the stick. With the fifth he cut it, and he placed the pieces in the fire. When the girls went to bed behind the wooden partition, a spark from the fire went flying over it. This was the young man. He stood beside the bed and put his hand on the head of the one he was to marry, and she asked, "Who are you?" He answered, "I am Suilkot-skanakwai." She said, "Oh, that is the one my father wishes me to marry." So he went to bed with her. In the morning Tesqanaya said: "I wonder what supernatural being that was who talked with my daughter last night. I wonder if it was Sulkot-skanakwai." The girl replied, "That is the one, my father." "Well, come out and eat," he said. So they came and sat by the fire. He said they would first eat berries, but in the dishes which he set out was what looked like burning embers. The girl secretly warned her husband not to eat, but he swallowed his green medicine, dipped his spoon into the dish, and ate the embers. These passed right through him and set fire to the floor beneath him. He moved to another place and repeated the act. Thus he ate all the embers. The next morning the chief called, "Well, chief my daughter, tell your husband to get the alder tree behind my house." The young man started up at once, but the girl clung to him, saying that her father was only trying to kill him. Still he insisted, and she said: "That tree has a crack which comes together five times, and each time there is lightning. After the fifth time, strike it." She gave him an axe. So the young man waited, and after the fifth time he began to chop. As the tree fell, it grasped him in the cleft. He was almost dead, and could not control his medicine, but he thought of his father's supernatural power, and immediately a man with a hammer and a wedge appeared and opened the cleft. Soon Sulkot-skanakwai felt a little stronger and rubbed his medicine on himself. The man with the wedge left him, and he tore the tree apart. Inside were the bones of many men. He broke up one side of the tree by stepping on it, and scattered the pieces, saying, "You {view image of facing page 164} A woman of Kiusta - Haida [photogravure plate] {view image of page 165} THE HAIDA i65 will be useful for the people who are to be." The rest he carried into the house and threw down against the wall, and the chief cried, "Oh, he has killed one of my powers!" The next morning the chief said, "Chief my daughter, I wish your husband would get me the octopus on the point." The girl began to cry: "Haijadia [alas]! Every time I get a husband, this is the way you treat him!" While the young man gathered up his two arrows and an octopus stick, she told him, "If you see water spurt up four times, then shoot the octopus." So he did this, and after shooting his arrows he thrust the stick under the rock. Then he became unconscious, and found himself in the mouth of the monster and nearly smothered with the thick slime. Again he thought of his father's supernatural power, and a man came with a club and killed the octopus. Half of the body Silkot-skanakwai tore up and scattered, and the rest he threw into the house. The chief cried: "Hajadia! He has killed another of my powers!" The following morning Tesqanaya gave his son-in-law a club and ordered him to kill a sea-lion. The girl warned him to wait until the sea-lion had roared four times; so after the fourth time he shot his arrows, and they came flying back to him. Then he clubbed it to death, and half of its body he tore up and scattered, saying, "You will be useful for future people." The rest he brought to the house and threw inside. "Hajadia!" lamented the chief. "He has killed another of my powers!" Thus one by one Sulkot-skanakwai destroyed a monster hairseal, a great eagle, an enormous horse-clam, and a cockle. Finally Tesqanaya filled a large chest with water and dropped heated stones into it until the water boiled. Sulkot-skanakwai secretly spit his medicine into it, and then got in, and Tesqanaya clapped on the cover and said, "Now I will kill you!" But soon the cover was thrown violently off and the young man stood up and broke the box to pieces. From that time Tesqanaya treated his son-in-law kindly. After a while Suilkot-skanakwai became homesick and told his wife he wished to return to his mother. She informed her father, who promised to provide a canoe. Soon he said, "I have left a canoe on the beach." She went down, but quickly returned, saying, "There is no canoe, only an old rotten one." fle told her to look again, and she went down with her husband. Then she kicked the rotten canoe and said, "Launch yourself, my father's canoe." It slipped into the water and became a large, handsome vessel with a carved man in the stern and another in the bow. They had {view image of page 166} i66 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN paddles in their hands, and they obeyed the girl's orders, moving the canoe forward and back. Now Tesqanaya gave his daughter five boxes of berries, and said: "When the carved men become hungry they will paddle the canoe backward. Then you must feed them, and they will go forward again." He sent five women to be the servants of his daughter, and when the canoe started, she and her husband sat in the middle without moving, like great chiefs. When they reached the village of Sulkot-skanakwai, every house was lighted up with great fires. They landed, and the people came to help them carry up all the things they had brought. They sent back the canoe with its two men, and Sulkot-skanakwai went to his mother and said, "Mother, go down and call my wife, who is sitting among those things." She went to the beach, but saw nothing except a small cloud among the objects piled there. When she reported this to her son, he said: "Well, that is my wife. Go and call her." So the woman called the little cloud, which rose and floated after her to the house. When the village people came to look at the new wife, nobody could see anything except a cloud sitting beside the young man. Then he said to his wife, "You had better take off your hat." She asked him to do it for her, and he removed the cloud, which was her hat. Then the people were astonished at her beauty. Outside peering through the cracks were his cousins, crying because they had not married him. One day a white sea-otter appeared in the water before the village, and all the men went to shoot it, but they could not strike it. When Suflkot-skanakwai shot, his arrow struck it near the tail, and they threw the otter into the canoe and skinned it. Then the young wife placed the skin in the water and trod on it to wash out a spot of blood. Gradually it slipped away, and she kept following it into deeper water. Suddenly a killerwhale dashed up and carried her away. For all the supernatural beings wanted her, and this was a plan to secure her. Now Sulkot-skanakwai wandered about, weeping, and in the woods he came upon an old man, whom he asked where he could find his wife. The old man answered that he could tell, and Siillkot-skanakwai gave him a drill, some rope, some tallow, and a whetstone. Then the old man said: "I will go with you. We will use my canoe. Skanakakwankidas ["supernatural-power in cradle"] has taken her." This was a Killerwhale, who in his house lay constantly in a cradle and had a servant swing him by pulling a rope. {view image of facing page 166} Haida slate pipe [photogravure plate] {view image of page 167} THE HAIDA i67 One clear, calm day Sulkoit-skanakwai proposed that they start, but the old man said, "No, this is bad weather." Again this happened. Then on a rough, rainy day he sent for the young man and said: "Now it is a fine day. We will go. When you get away from land, all this will disappear and the sun will come out. Get a drill, some rope, and some tallow." Then they started, and far from land they found fine weather. "Look for a two-headed kelp," said the old man. "That will be the starting of the trail. When you come to the village, beware of an old man who lives near it. He is always watching to keep anyone from entering." When they found the double-headed kelp, Sulkot-skanakwai stepped out of the canoe and found himself on a broad trail. He went along and soon heard the sound of bailing out a canoe, and suddenly came upon an old man, Crane, who immediately shouted the alarm. But Sulkot-skanakwai quickly gave him the drill, rope, and tallow, and Crane hid him under his broad arm just before the people came running out. "What is the matter?" they demanded. "Oh," answered Crane, "my drill slipped and I always shout when that happens." They insisted that they smelled a strange odor, and searched him over and over, but found nothing. When they had gone, Crane said: "When you come to that chief's house, be cautious. The top of his house-pole is always on the watch. And where he gets water, the head of a dogfish also is watching. These may see you. Two men will come for wood. They are full of sores on their skin. When you meet them, spit your medicine on them and rub your tallow over them and heal them." So Sulko6t-skanakwai went along and escaped the eye of the watchman. Coming behind the wood-cutters, he put a stone into the cut they were making in a tree, and they broke their axes. When they began to cry, he put the axes into his mouth and drew them out, better than before. Then he healed their sores. They were grateful, and informed him, "Tonight they are going to steam the fin for your wife." For when a person from the earth was taken by the Killerwhales to be made one of them, they took a fin from the numerous ones that stood in the corner, heated it in the fire, and threw it against the back of that person, so that it stuck there. Then the wood-cutters made a plan for the escape of his wife. They carried him into the house in the midst of a load of wood. Then they brought water, and as if by accident spilled it on the great fire. Immediately the house was filled with steam, and the {view image of page 168} i68 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN young man grasped his wife's arm and ran out with her. The two wood-cutters followed, and so hindered the pursuers that the fugitives could not be taken. The watcher on the house-pole called out the direction in which they were running, but the wood-cutters would stop and swell up so that the others could not get over them. So Sulkot-skanakwai and his wife reached the canoe in which the old man was waiting, and returned safely to the village. The Youth Who Married A Goose A chief's son hunting ducks on the shore of a lake saw two young women swimming. On a log lay two goose-skins. He cautiously watched them, then suddenly ran out and sat on the skins. The young women leaped toward them, but when they saw that they were too late, they dropped back into the water and looked at him. After a while they spoke, "Give us our skins." He looked at them and said to the younger and prettier one, "I will marry you." But the elder answered: "No, do not take my sister. Take me. I am the elder." "No," he said, "I must marry your sister before I give up these skins." For a long time they stood there in the water, and the young man sat on the log. At last the elder said: "Well, you shall marry my sister. This lake belongs to my father." So he gave her a skin and she put it on. At once a fine goose was swimming on the water. It rose into the air and flew about the other young woman for a while, and then flew straight up into the air and disappeared. Then the chief's son climbed a cedar and placed the other goose-skin in a cleft of the tree, and throwing one of his two martenskin blankets on her shoulders he led his wife home to his father. Now the chief invited the people to see his son's wife and to feast with her. But when they placed food before her, she picked up a bit, smelled it, and laid it back. One day her mother-in-law began to cook some silverweed-roots, and the Goose woman at once fixed her eyes on this food. She said to her husband, "Tell your mother to hurry with that food." When the dish was ready, she ate all, and thereafter they fed her only these roots. One night while the young man was sleeping, he was awakened by his wife coming into the bed and touching him with her body, which was very cold. The following night he remained awake, but pretended to sleep, and so he saw his wife rise quietly and go out. He followed her along the front of the village and into the woods to the tree where her goose-skin was. Soon a goose flew away to {view image of page 169} THE HAIDA I69 the point near the village, and he followed her. He saw a goose's tail above the water. She was diving for eel-grass. Then he went home, and soon she came into the bed. Now the food in the village was exhausted. One day the Goose woman heard a flock of geese behind the village, and she ran out with her husband and found a pile of food in the woods. They carried it to the village. A few days later more food was brought. But some of the people complained that the geese did not bring enough: they were stingy. And the Goose woman became angry and said she would go. Her husband tried to restrain her, but she ran away, got her skin, and flew up into the air above the village, and passed out of his sight. Now the chief's son began to cry, wandering about the village and through the woods. He went to Crane, the oldest man in the town, who lived in the last house, and said, "Old man, do you know the way to my wife?" And Crane answered: "Yes. She is a supernatural being, to marry whom is unthinkable." Then the young man gave him a bone drill, some rope, and a wedge. He wanted more information. The old man said: "Well, the first thing is to take a waterbasket. Put into it two stone axes and the point of a salmon-spear. And take a silverside salmon's skin, a whetstone, and a rawhide string, some oil, a comb, a knife, and a piece of preserved salmonroe." And he explained how these things were to be used. He knew all about the supernatural beings. When the young man had all things ready, he went again to old Crane, who said: "Ilijo!' The trail begins just behind my house." So the young man started, and before long he came to a person sitting beside the trail and lousing his body. Whenever he turned, lice fell from the folds of his skin. He was the source of all lice. The chief's son stood there peering at this person, who soon said: "Iljo! Do not tickle me by looking at me. It was already in my mind that you were coming." So the young man came out from the bushes and combed and oiled the man's hair and gave him the comb and the rest of the oil. Then the old man said: "Iljo! This is the trail to your wife." So the young man went forward. He travelled on and came to a very small mouse trying to cross a log with a cranberry, which it held in its mouth. He lifted it over the log and it went along happily with its tail curled up over its ears. It crept under a bunch of fern, and the young man sat down 1 A term of address indicating humility in the speaker. {view image of page 170} I70 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN and waited. Soon a voice called him: "The chief woman wishes you to come in!" He raised the fern and saw an entrance, through which he passed into a large house. The chief woman sat there, and she said, "I am the one whom you helped across the log." They gave him a dish with a single berry on it. As rapidly as he ate the berry, another took its place. Then the chief woman said, "I am going to give you a mouse-skin, which I formerly used in my hunting." So from the innermost of four boxes a small skin was taken and given to him. She told him to put it on and practise how he would act; and he started to put it on very carefully, but to his surprise it slipped on easily. Then he climbed the walls and ran about the roof, and when he descended, she said that he acted well. "Now go along this trail," she said. After travelling onward, the young man heard a strange sound. He saw a woman tying cedar-withes about large stones, which she was trying to carry away, but constantly the ropes broke and the stones fell. "What are you doing?" he asked. And she said: "I have to carry away all these stones and build the mountains, but my ropes always break." He gave her some rawhide ropes, which easily supported the load, and she assured him that he was on the right trail to find his wife. Next he came to an open, mossy place in the midst of which was a knoll, and on its top stood a red pole with human bones scattered about it. He drew out his preserved salmon-roe and rubbed it on the pole; he put on his mouse-skin and climbed upward, constantly rubbing the roe above him in order to make the pole sticky so that he could hold fast. When he reached the top, a ladder came down from the sky and he mounted it to a land which looked the same as the earth. There the trail went on. He heard shouting, and soon came to a running creek filled with silverside salmon. At a shallow place an eagle and a bear sat on opposite sides, and just above this were a kingfisher and a crane on opposite sides. All were catching salmon. The eagle caught them with his claws, and the kingfisher and the crane with their beaks, but the bear had no talons and no beak, and he experienced difficulty in fishing. While the young man watched, the eagle took pity on the bear and gave him one of his talons, and when the next rush of salmon came the bear succeeded in catching a fish. Now came hopping along up the stream a half man, who had only one leg, one arm, half a head, and half a body. He was spearing fish. The chief's son at once went farther upstream and put on the sal {view image of page 171} THE HAIDA.I7 mon-skin he had brought. He swam down toward the half man, who soon speared him. Then the salmon rushed this way and that, trying to break the line or drag the half man into the water, but he could not. So with his knife he cut the line. The half man examined the severed end and said, "It looks as if some human being had done this." Then the chief's son, having resumed his proper shape, came down and asked, "What has happened?" Said the half man: -"My line is broken and my spear-point lost. It looks as if some human being had done it." Then the young man gave him the spear-point which he had brought, and the half man thanked him and gratefully informed him that his wife was in the village near at hand. Above this place were two old men cutting rotten trees. Now and then they would throw an armful of chips into the stream, and these became silverside salmon, which ran down the river. The chief's son slipped up, and while they were throwing chips into the water, he placed his whetstone in the cut they were making, so that when they resumed their chopping they broke their stone axes. Then they lamented, and wondered what their chief would do to them, and the young man asked what was the trouble. He gave them the two axes he had, and out of gratitude these servants of the Goose chief informed him that his wife was in the village. Soon he found the village, and as he stood for a while before the largest house, his wife came out and greeted him, and led him in. There in that upper world he remained for a long time, and he saw how the bird people lived. But he became homesick, and his wife told her father, who invited all the people to a feast. At the end he asked the people, "Who is going to take my son-in-law home to his father's village?" The Loon said: "I will do it. I will put him close to my tail and will dive with him at the edge of this village, and let him off in front of his father's place." But the chief said, "That will not do." Then the Diver offered to take the young man beneath the water, but the chief objected. The Raven said, "I will put him under my arm, and when I become tired, I will turn in the air and so become rested." To this the chief agreed. So the Raven flew away with the young man, and the people watched him. Near the end of his journey the Raven became weary, and said to himself, "Such a heavy fellow, I think I will let him drop!" So he dropped the young man, who alighted on a reef and turned into the first sea-gull. {view image of page 172} I72 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Legendary Wars Between the Western and the Southern Haida The Anit-hade, who occupied a number of villages at the southern end of Moresby island, were on very friendly terms with the Do-hade, who lived on the west coast. Each visited the other in alternate summers. One summer a great whale came ashore among the Anit-hade, the largest whale ever seen. Its fin, stood on end, projected out of the smoke-hole. An old man started to make the fin-bone into war-clubs, which he placed by the fire to dry, and later hung in the smoke. When they seemed to be dry enough, he tested them on a dog. Then the Anit-hade made a plot that when the Do-hade came, each crew should be quartered in a separate house, and they arranged a signal which would mean that an attack should be made on them. So the Do-hade came, and one night the chief of the village, a great fat woman, ordered two of her slaves to take her to the beach to defecate. They led her down to the beach, and as she sat there she gave a shout, and the Anit-hade with their new clubs fell upon their guests and killed nearly all. A few escaped, and the Hlait-hade, inhabiting another village on the west coast, sent several successive expeditions to coast along the island and rescue the survivors. A young man of the Do-hade had been adopted by the Hlait-hade chief, and since his dead body had not been found it was believed that he had escaped. Therefore on every fine day the chief put off in his canoe to search for his foster son. At last as they paddled along they saw a raven in a tree, croaking away and looking down at the ground. They went to see what it was, and found the young man dying with an arrow-point in his ear. On a sea-otter robe they carried him to the canoe and hurried home, where they drew out the arrow-point. He began to recover. Now the Hlait-hade bought from the Anit-hade as many of the Do-hade women as they could afford, and thus the people were saved from extinction. They increased, and after many years began to think of revenge. Meantime the Anit-hade had built their village on a high island and placed a stockade around it. One night the Do-hade climbed the hill, crept over the stockade, and massacred nearly all the men and captured the women and children. A baby strapped to its board was thrown over the stockade. But the board slid down without harm to the infant; so the invaders recovered it, and feeding it on masticated food carried it home to Nfstu, their fortified village. They named it Tauhlkai. {view image of page 173} THE HAIDA i73 Other villages of the south coast ransomed some of the captured Anit-hade, and thus the tribe was rehabilitated. For many years the Anit-hade were few, and they lived in small scattered camps. When the population increased, they planned revenge, and a party went northward to the territory of the Do-hade. One of the men pursued alone two Do-hade women. They crept into a cave with a very low entrance. When he called to them that they had better come out, they told him to come in and they would give up to him. So he started to creep in. One of them seized him by the head, and with a stone they beat in his skull, and then scooped out the brains and scattered them on the walls of the cave. Tauhlkai, now a man, was sent out to find the two missing women, but coming upon the tracks of many men, he turned back. A man with a spear pursued him, but he scrambled to the top of a steep rock, and the other did not dare follow. The spearsman commanded him to descend, but the youth said: "Come and get me. I have nothing with which to fight." So the warrior climbed upward, and Tauhlkai hurled a heavy stone and killed him. Then he took the spear, donned the warrior's costume, and went home. Meantime the other southern warriors had successfully attacked the village, and one of them had put on the dress of a medicine-man whom he had killed. This man Tauh-lkai discovered on the trail, dancing in his new dress; and he ran his spear through him. The attack was still in progress, and when the Do-hade saw Tauh-lkai attack the Anit-hade from behind, they rushed out of the fort, and the Anithade were soon routed. Tauhlkai became a great warrior, and always fought in behalf of the people who had adopted him. {view image of page 174} {view image of page 175} Appendix {view image of page 176} {view image of page 177} APPENDIX Tribal Summary The Nootka LANGUAGE - Wakashan. POPULATION -There are no reliable early statistics of Nootkan population. Cook in 1778 made what was probably a fair estimate of the number at Nootka sound. "The two towns or villages, mentioned in the course of my Journal, seem to be the only inhabited parts of the Sound. The number of inhabitants in both might be pretty exactly computed from the canoes that were about the ships from the second day after our arrival. They amounted to about a hundred; which, at a very moderate allowance, must, upon an average, have held five persons each. But as there were scarcely any women, very old men, children, or youths amongst them at that time, I think it will rather be rating the number of the inhabitants of the two towns too low, if we suppose they could be less than four times the number of our visitors; that is, two thousand in the whole." (Vol. II, page 313.) Meares in 1788 recorded a native estimate of the population from Clayoquot sound to the Strait of Juan de Fuca. "The general residence of [the chief] Wicananish is in Port Cox [Clayoquot sound], where he lives in a state of magnificence much superior to any of his neighbours, and both loved and dreaded by the other chiefs. His subjects, as he himself informed us, amounted to about thirteen thousand people, according to the following estimation:"In Port Cox, four thousand; to the Southward of Port Cox to Port Effingham [Barclay sound], and in that Port, two thousand; and in the other villages which are situated as far as the mouth of the Straits of John de Fuca, on the Northern side there might be about seven thousand people.... Indeed, from the apparent populousness of these villages, which we could very well distinguish, we rather think that the chief, either from modesty or ignorance, under-rated the population of his country.... "With these people [the Makah] we had very little communication, but from the crowd of inhabitants collected to view the ship, and the number of boats filled with people which surrounded her, we shall not over-rate the number of inhabitants on this island [Tatoosh], by estimating them at five thousand people. [The entire Makah population was assembled on the island for the summer fishing.] "The district of this chief extends to Queenhithe [Quinault]; and Wicananish informed us that it contained five villages, and about three thousand inhabitants." (Pages 230-231.) If these native estimates are accepted, the Nootkan tribes at the close of the eighteenth century numbered about twenty thousand. In I860 Sproat 1 estimated the adult male population as follows, the official figures for the total population in I914 being given in brackets, along with the orthography adopted by the Handbook of American Indians: I. Pacheenaht [Pacheenaht, 5I] 20 II. Ahousaht [Ahousaht, 195] I15 2. Nitinaht [Nitinat, 155] 400 I2. Manohsaht [Manosaht] 2 5 3. Ohyaht [Oiaht, I29] 175 13. Hishquayaht [Hesquiat, 122] 30 4. Howchuklisaht [Uchucklesit, 31] 28 14. Muchlaht [Muchalat, 52]3 36 5. Opechisaht [Opitchesaht, 45] 15 15. Moouchaht [Mooachaht, 121] 150 6. Seshaht [Seshart, 136] 70 i6. Ayhuttisaht [Ehatisaht, 92] 36 7. You-clul-aht [Ucluelet, 135] 10o 17. Noochahlaht [Nuchatlitz, 38] 26 8. Toquaht [Toquart, I8] II I8. Ky-yoh-quaht [Kyuquot, 152] 230 9. Klah-oh-quaht [Clayoquot, 224] I90 19. Chaykisaht [Chaicclesaht, 44] 32 Io. Killsmaht [Kelsemaht, 93] 40 20. Klahosaht [extinct] 14 1723 Men 1Scenes and Studies of Savage Life, London, I868. 2 Merged with the Hesquiat and Ahousaht. 3 These seem to be the Matchilaht of the Department of Indian Affairs of Canada, who are distinguished from the Moochatlaht. VOL. XI-I2 {view image of page 178} I78 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN In 19I4 the Nootka in the United States (Makah) numbered 418, and in Canada 1833. DRESS - Both sexes wore cedar-bark or fur robes pinned together at the right side, and women had in addition bark aprons extending from waist to knees. In rainy weather bark capes like a poncho were worn. Both sexes used hats in rain and hot sunshine, those of the common people being woven bark and those of the nobility, spruce-roots. Men wore the hair loose or twisted in a knot; women had it in two braids down the back. DWELLINGS -The primitive Nootka house had a roof sloping from front to rear and supported by beams running in the same direction, which in turn rested on heavy posts. The wall-boards were horizontal. The house with roof sloping from the middle to both sides was apparently an innovation from the east coast of Vancouver island. PRIMITIVE FOODS -The principal foods were clams, mussels, dried halibut, dried salmon, the oil and meat of whales and hair-seals, seaweed, and various roots and berries, notably fernroots and elderberries, salalberries, and huckleberries. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES - As examples of the products of Nootkan handicraft, various articles made by the Makah are here enumerated. Kaawafi is a flaring burden-basket made of spruce-roots woven on a warp of split cedar branches extending from bottom to top. It is about two and a half by two feet at the top, and two and a half deep, while the bottom is six by twelve inches. It is carried on the back by means of a grass tump-line. The bait-basket, tihtsufi, is a small form of this type. Hlaafh, a flat bag for a whaler's harpoon-points and other implements, is made of plain-woven strips of cedar-bark, the horizontal strips at the bottom being generally wider than those at the top. Sometimes wide and narrow strips are used alternately, to give the impression of a design. The bag is three feet wide at the mouth, equally deep, and half as wide at the bottom, and has two handles of sea-lion hide. The same bag, for fishing tackle, is called chibukufi. Alder dishes (kluqaks) from one to three feet long, six to twelve inches wide, four to six inches deep, and tapering at the ends, are hollowed out with adze and chisel. The willow spoon is chzutkaiak. Dakufi, a round or square oaken bowl four to six inches wide, is used for serving oil to a group of guests. The sides of the cedar chest (aliwiou) for boiling by means of hot stones are made by steaming and bending a thin board, pegging and sewing the two ends together; and a bottom is affixed in the same manner. The size varies from one and a half by two feet by one and a half deep, to three by six by three feet, the larger size being used for rendering whale oil. The thickness of the boards varies from half an inch to an inch and a half. Diskiak is a spring-and-noose snare for deer and elk; bahiayak, a deadfall for bear and smaller animals; fofo6bokaiah, a pitfall for deer, elk, and bear. Kakaa, for killing seals, consists of a split log, and a number of tough spruce points held between the tightly bound halves and socketed in upright spear-points, which were fastened to the log by lengths of rope. Placed beneath a steep seal rock, it impaled the animals when they scrambled off in a panic. Chtbud is the ordinary wooden, U-shaped hook for halibut, and kod6tati is a straight, doublepointed duck-bone for catching kelp-fish. The trolling hook (haafl) for bass consists of a flattened, tapering, four-inch piece of devil's-club (haahlbup) with a hook of deer-horn at one end and a stone counterbalance at the other. The hook points down and catches the fish in the lower jaw. A stone sinker is attached to the whale-sinew leader. A small baleen hook was used in trolling for salmon. The kelp fish-line is called sudhil. Suyak, a nettle-fibre drift-net, was operated by four men in two canoes. In streams salmon were taken mostly by means of the weir. A fence of poles (buhfiua) prevented the fish from passing, except through openings that led into long, cylindrical baskets (H{lttkwa) so narrow at the upper end that a salmon could not turn. The spear (ath'lillt) for seals, porpoises, sea-lions, and salmon is an inch-and-a-half fir shaft ten to twelve feet long, with a double, detachable point, one arm of which projects at a slight angle so that if the main point glances off, the other will find the mark. The points are usually bone, but formerly they consisted of a mussel-shell bound and glued between two pieces of deer-bone, at the base of which was the socket. A sea-lion hide rope, coiled in the canoe, had one end fast to the point. The three-foot bow generally was yew, sometimes however of wood taken from the surface root of a yellow cedar. The string was twisted sea-lion gut, or twisted elk-skin. The syringa arrows were pointed with mussel-shell, bone, or chips of black stone. Point and feather were fastened with whale sinew and spruce-gum. A spear for woods hunting and for war (fiahahuk) was a six-foot shaft of yew two inches thick, with a head of whale's bone a foot long and an {view image of page 179} APPENDIX I79 inch and a half wide. A large mussel-shell butchering knife (ko6fout) had a hand-hold of soft cedar-bark at the back, or hinged edge, of the shell. A war-club of whale's bone (chituhl), about two feet long and three inches wide, was slightly curved and was thinned at the edges as if for a cutting edge. Chisel-points were of a hard, black stone, of deer-horn or elk-horn, or of the thigh-bone of a deer, elk, or bear. The handle was yew. For felling trees the chisel was driven with a spoolshaped stone maul. Yew wedges for splitting logs and riving boards, small adzes for chipping smooth surfaces, and larger ones for hollowing out canoes and dishes, were other implements for woodworking. The whaling canoe (ootahiset) was five fathoms, one span, and four finger-breadths in length; the war-canoe (wituiksef) was six fathoms. The yew paddle (hlatawachak) was pointed, and the cross-bar at the top was mortised on. Trudui, a mat of strung tules, was used for mattesses, and chibat, a cedar-bark mat, for wallcovers, carpets, dining tables, and knee-pads in a canoe. Fire was produced by a spindle of syringa twirled between the hands on a notched piece of dry cedar. The spark was caught in shredded cedar-bark. A hide to be dressed is stretched and partially dried on the wall, rubbed with a mixture of water and grease, and freed of flesh and fat by scraping with a mussel-shell. The hair is removed from deerskin by soaking in urine and scraping. GAMES-The numerous games of the Nootka fall into three classes, according as the important feature is skill or luck in guessing, athletic skill, or pure chance. Of the first class the hand-game is the most notable example; of the second are the hoop-and-pole game and the numerous forms of contest in shooting arrows and throwing missiles at a mark. Several forms of dice were games of pure chance. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION- In common with other tribes of the North Pacific coast, Nootka society embraced three classes: the hereditary nobility, the common people, and captive slaves. The tribes were formed by the coalescing of local groups, or septs, which had not yet become gentes when development was arrested by the advent of white men. Descent is traced through the male line. The authority of chiefs is more clearly defined and recognized than is usual in this region. MARRIAGE -The marriage of persons of rank was arranged by relatives of the man in consultation with the other family. Everything was done with much formality. The wedding ceremony assumed various forms, but in every case it involved a dramatic and spectacular carrying away of the bride by the bridegroom's party. The exchange of presents was an essential and important part of the wedding. CEREMONIES-The principal ceremony was tlugwana, the so-called wolf dance, which was an elaborate winter performance of masked dancers who dramatically portrayed a myth concerning the capture of a youth by the Wolf people and his recovery and "taming" by his friends. The ritual was the possession of a secret order, and the initiation of new members was the occasion for performing the ceremony. A ceremony called tfayek by the Makah was performed by the medicine-men when other means had failed to heal a patient. Only initiates were permitted to attend, and several new candidates were necessary before the ceremony could begin. The members of the fraternity painted their faces red and wore cedar-bark head-dresses. The rites consisted of dancing, singing inherited songs, and feasting. After four days of this, on the fifth morning they danced and sang on the beach, and the head of the patient's family gave a feast and a potlatch to all the people. A dance obtained from Christian sources is thus described by an old Clayoquot man: "About I840 or I845 when I was a boy, a dance called huhlftumis ['dance going round the world'] came to the Clayoquot from the people beyond Cape Scott [probably the Nawiti]. The chief would hold the white tail of an eagle in his hand and make sweeping motions with it, while the people of both sexes and all ages stood in a row beside him. All were silent. Then the chief sang a song in some foreign language. They danced, and during the second repetition of the song some would fall in a faint, and the others would gather round and continue to sing until the unconscious ones rose. No visions were related." Following is the song, as the Clayoquot pronounce the words: A/'ye6mtlek6m, Shifhigali, ahilakulaluqaih tlntlda/h. Aiye6mtlek6m, Shihiguli, gyahitnAh wahiimtldfh. {view image of page 180} i8o THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Shishigili is the native pronunciation of "Jesus Christ." MORTUARY CUSTOMS - Immediately after death a corpse was placed in a sitting position in a box, which was carried out through the wall and lashed in a tree. Cave-burial was not unusual, and the Makah sometimes interred the dead, covering the grave with rocks to prevent whalers from stealing the corpse for ceremonial use. A formal ceremony was held over the body of a chief's eldest son, and a slave was sometimes executed at the death of a great man or a favorite child. The world of spirits is believed to underlie the earth. An unusual belief is that the spirits are not immortal, but live out the years allotted to those who die of old age, and then expire. WAR- The Nootka were hostile to their Salish and Kwakiutl neighbors, but their fighting was mostly among themselves. Times of bitter enmity between two tribes were succeeded by temporary truces for trading, arranging marriages, and social intercourse. Warfare was waged primarily for the spoils, - personal property, slaves, and heads, - and secondarily for revenge. Fighting men, of whom there were few in a war-party, the great majority being paddlers and spoilers, observed a rigid course of ceremonial purification by bathing and fasting. MYTHOLOGY- With the necessary change of names and places, the myths and folk-tales of the Nootka are mostly those common to other tribes of this culture area. Qatiat (Makah kwotiat, mink) is the transformer who gave the creatures of the earth their present forms and characteristics. Afterward he became the slave of the chiefTlehamamit ("woodpecker"), and his adventures and mishaps furnish themes for countless stories. The Makah have similar folktales about Qlihqishi (" bluejay"), whom some mention as the mother of Mink. In the north of Nootkan territory some of the myths name Raven as the transformer. Nootka Tribes 1 I. Chaicclesaht [Chektlesutha 2], at Acous [Aikous] on Battle bay, Ououkinsh inlet. 2. Kyuquot [Ka'yuq'utha], at Aktese [A'ktis] on Village island in the mouth of Blind entrance, Kyuquot sound. They take their name from Ka'yuq, the south branch of Kakshittle arm of Kyuquot sound. Formerly there were six villages inhabited by the following septs: HihlhlInnatautha ("those who live outside" on the open coast), at the village Kafisnm't on a small cove a few miles north of Blind entrance. Kuiftuithakmihl (kufiu, name of a local creek; kamYll, a suffix indicating a group of people), at H6psitus on the point at the northern side of Blind entrance. Shitlapaltha (Ahitla, bracken-root; pa, eat), at Shawispi on Chamiss bay. Kafnnopitkfamlih'fltha (Kinnopit, name of a chief), at Mahk6t on the coast just south of Fair harbor. This was the largest group of the Kyuquot, and the Shitlapagtha were the second largest. Tihl'itha (tlhlocht, constantly in the water; - these people were constantly hunting sea-otter), at Q6haka on the point at the north entrance to Deep inlet. Ammaiatha (amma, loon; referring to the abundance of loons at this place), at Aqtlis on the north side of Deep inlet just opposite the southern headland. At a time that has not been determined these groups assembled in a single town, Aktese, which had been a fishing village. It now contains about sixty houses. On the opposite side of the bay is Chlhwuittaqhl with more than twenty houses. The combined population in I904 was 28I; in 1913, I65. 3. Ehatisaht [Ehitisutha], at Oke [Huqaha] near the entrance to Esperanza inlet. The name is taken from EhItis, a fishing village at the head of Zebellos arm. 4. Nuchatlitz [Nuchatl'11tha], at Nuchatl on Nuchalitz inlet. The list begins at the northern limits of Nootkan territory and continues southward. When septs, or village groups, are not named, it is not to be understood that none existed, but merely that they have not been ascertained. The tribal name, in the form adopted by the Handbook of American Indians, is followed by that of the principal town. Words in brackets are the native pronunciation of tribal names and villages. Down to Ehatisaht the names are in the Kyuquot dialect; from Ehatisaht to Biidaath, in the Mooachaht (except that the Clayoquot septs are in the very slightly differing Clayoquot dialect); and from Bi'daatIh to the end, in the Makah. 2 The suffix itha means "originating at," or "belonging to." {view image of page 181} APPENDIX I 8i 5. Mooachaht [Muwa'chilitha], at Yuquot [Yiiqatha] on the southern end of Nootka island. They are sometimes called Yiiqathanltha. The tribe is an amalgamation of the following original septs: ' Yahluiuhtakfilmh1'i~tha (Yihlua, an ancestral chief; take~mh7, a variant of Kyuquot kbmYhil, indicating a group of people). Tsilsatltha, who lived at a place called Tsiisa. Saiyichaiitha (saiycicha, a high hill), whose first chief built his house on a hilltop. N~ii~aoptakidmn1'itha (Nfiigaop, an ancestral chief). Tsfi'wunaftha,. who lived at Ts~i'wunni. TihqittakflmM'atha (Tiihqit, an ancestral chief, younger brother of Yihilua). Tihqittakt~mh1I'ttha, who lived at Tsi'wuinni, the chief Tiihqit having been a younger brothr of the Tsi'wuniitha chef TlasmaisllthaI who originally were known as lisilthaI because they lived at las. The chief To'wik, bereaved of his son, burned his house and moved with the people to Tlasmais ("young cedars").Puiushakihlah (Puqinu~m, the chief's name, is evidently a Kwakiutl word p'gwanr~m, man). Ymiktakarmh1'eitha (U~mik, an ancestral chief). MWwikinaItha, who lived at MWwu~nni. TluisftitaI who lived at Tluis. Shihmaaktaimh1'itha ({hahhIwei, the swirling and leaping of a school of herring; -the chief, riqinu~m, was always praying for herring, hence there was an abundance of these fish at his village). Haiyanuwa~hakiimhflZ~tha (Hafiyanuwa, an ancestral chief), who originated at Muwi'cha, on Trlupana arm, and at first were called Muwi'chcitha. This became the dominating sept and gave its original name to the tribe. Nissika1tha, who lived at Nissik. Their chief was Hihtikea, and they sometimes were called Hiht~kea`haktimh1'ijtha. TsihhwaiithaI who lived at Tsihhwa. TaitiSiathaI who lived at Taftis. TsahaIs Iha who lived at Ts'ahs. 6. Muchalat [MidchhM'atha], at Cheshish [Chilghis] on the Vancouver island coast east of Bligh island, Nootka sound. Miichhili is a fishing station at the head of Muchalat arm. 7. Hesquiat [Hi~hqiatha], at Heshque [Highqi] on Hesquiat harbor. 8. Manosaht [Minoisiithaj, at Manois near the entrance to Sidney inlet. This tribe is now merged with the Hesquiat and Ahousaht. 9. houaht[Ah itaformerly at Ahoussat [A'h~s], on the northwest side of Vargas island, now at Maktusis near the head of Matilda creek on Flores island. io. Kelsemaht [Kiflliumaa~tha] at Yahksis [Iy~khaSis] on Vargas island opposite Clayoquot. i i. Clayoquot [Tla6qiiqtha], at Opitsat [Hupif~gtha] on Meares island, Clayoquot sound. Tla6qi was a place at the head of East inlet of Clayoquot sound. The following were septs of the Clayoquot: Hluchhiuqtt6kim~h-i (Jhluchhai, wedding ceremony). Misa~htika~milhl (maisaAh, house growing higher). Haiydqit~hk~rihm1h, (haiyt~qiz~fh, ten feathers on the head). Khkiithat~tkrnmfh1 (kachk', hair in a knot on the top of the head). Paiya'htki~m~hil (pa'chitl, to distribute presents). Nutumi'kstight~ki~rmih1 (numilksti, twin child, or congenital cripple). Sicht~niy~haMiihtU~kIhim1l (sicha, a whale in the position of diving; sjchrtinjda always searching for slicha). Sh'iwilai-thatikilm~lhi (Shiwila, an island near Clayoquot). Ki~sihatikqimlhil (kit is, log on the beach). The founder of this sept is said to have been born beside a log on the beach. T lcthatki~rmffil (tlichiy — ssitl, a whale near the entrance to the sound). Mah-164sqitha (mahffils, house by a hill). 1See Traditions of the Mooachaht, pages i82-i86 of this volume. {view image of page 182} I82 182 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN OpinSithatiki~mifiil (z;ipwini-'s, house in the middle). Akwtiithatiki~imffil (Akowitis, a place on Vargas island). Qif61wiU-thatikmihi1M (Qi~fwi, a place in Mosquito harbor). QiktlisU'thatikq~mihil (Qiktlis, a place on Kennedy lake). Issiwistau~thatikiam~h1 (Issiwista, a place at Long beach). 12. Ucluelet [Yiihluilil'itha], at Ittatso [Hitifgu] on Ucluelet arm. The village appears on maps as Ucluelet. 13. Toquart [Tiikwatitha], at Tiikwa on Toquart harbor. 14. Seshart [Tsil~haiitha], at Hfiqis on Uchucklesit harbor, Barclay sound. 15. Uchucklesit [H6chu~qtlisfltha], formerly at H6chiuqtlis on Uchucklesit harbor, but now with the Opitchesaht and the Tsom6aSiltha. i6. Opitchesaht [Hupachjitha], at Hupachud o a island near the mouth of Alberni canal. 17. Tsom6asq~tha, at Tsom6as near the head of Alberni canal. i8. Oiaht [H6aiiitha], at Ahadzoas on Diana island. 19. Pacheenaht [PichinIqtha], at Pacheena [Pichinili], situate at the mouth of San Juan river. 20. Nitinat [Nitilniiatha], at Clo-oose [Hluu'wis] near Nitinat lake at the mouth of Suwany creek. This tribe formerly lived at the mouth of Jordan river, which is still called Nit'inadt. Other villages are Carmanah, Tsooquahna, and Wyah. 21. Klasset, or Kla-iz-zarts [Tliasiiha]1, now at Neah [Diya], Cape Flattery, Washington. These are the Makah,. so named (Maki) by the Clallam. They call themselves Qidichchaath. Tliasiitha is the name applied to them by the tribes of the west coast of Vancouver island. Formerly there were five septs, which in the Makah dialect were called: Biidaath, in Baada village [Biilda] near the mouth of Bahada creek. They abandoned their village in 1863 and joined the people of Neah. D'iyaath, at Neah [Diya] near the mouth of Neah Bay creek. This was the only large group of the Makah. Wai'ch'ath, in Waatch village [Waa'ch] at the mouth of Waatch creek. Tsuya-siath, in Tzues village [Tstiy~s] at the mouth of Suez river. Usa-'hilith, in Ozette village [Usai'hl] at the mouth of Ozette river. A few people (17 in 1914) still live at this place on a small reservation. It is the only Makah settlement besides Neah, though a few winter at Waatch. Ahchawat [Hachiwaat], between Tatoosh island and Waatch, was a summer village of the Ozette, and Ik6dilubit, three miles from Neah, a summer settlement of the Neah. Chidi, or Hupudchilkt (Tatoosh island), was a common camping ground for the spring and summer salmon trolling and halibut fishing. Makah Names for Indian Tribes Clallamn Iklilabath Quatsino Qa&61owath Clayoquot Kla6qaath Queets H66iolhwcith Clo-oose Kl6os~tli Quilliuite Qidi~diith Cowichan Kawichidilith Quinault Qidaihhith Hesquiat He~fhqiith Sanetch Sidichath Hoh Qaiksath Snohomish D uh 6 b i Lth Kyuquot Kai6qath Sooke Shu6qath Lummi Duhihibiath Suquamish k~edik~hiabihcith Makah Qidichchaath Tsom6asqitha Tsiibuhwasath Nitinat Dit'idaath Twana Tuwidflhith Opitchesaht Hopifgath Ucluelet Yuhi16ah-16th Pacheenaht Bach'idaath Traditions of the Mooachaht The principal reason for offering the following traditions of certain Nootka Sound septs is that they throw light on the process of amalgamation by which the present tribes of the-west coast of Vancouver island were formed. {view image of page 183} APPENDIX I83 Origin of the Mooachaht Sept In the beginning of things, when animals could remove their coats and become men, Ianikenuhw ' came down from above and changed them into human beings, making their feathers and skins into real animals. At Muwa'cha he changed Aipwaik ["inventor"] into a man and his feathers into a wren. This man was the first of the Muwa'chftha, and his was the only family in that place. One of his descendants was named Haiyanuwa, and the people then became known as the Haiyanuwashtakimhl'uitha. The last eight generations of the lineal descendants of this family are these: Annaihlit, Punqinahl, Hifsinahl, Hakumapis, Tlupananuhl, Hishfiachitlis, Tsahwasip, Nikiyika (a woman), Amifaikiqaa the present informant, aged about sixty. Several generations intervened between Annaiahlut and the original ancestor, but their names are remembered by only one man. Tlupananuhl was the first to make use of the wren as a crest. He had the figure of this bird painted on a board, which, when giving a potlatch for his daughter, he set on edge between two pairs of posts behind the fire. Another board was laid above, resting on the edge of the painted board and on two other posts behind, and on this platform the girl sat. This was in the time of the Spanniitha [Spaniards]. The four house-posts were carved in the likeness of men, each representing the chief himself, the owner of the house, in some special activity, such as giving a feast or distributing presents. One was called Ha'wa'nahat ["always ready to feed "]; 2 another, Tlupftqikoih-l ["always sweating in the house," because the guests always ate so much that they perspired]; a third, Hashihchihat ["inquiring," meaning that all the people were inquiring about the chief's greatness]; the fourth was Tsikmalsqap6hl [" always ready to speak"]. There was no carved pole in front of this house. There never was restriction of marriage between people of the Haiyanuwashtakimhl'utha. Long ago it was not permitted to kill a wren, and the old people used to say that they came from the Wren. It was in the time of Tlupananuhl that these people moved to Yuquot and joined the Yailuaihtakumhi1'itha. They numbered a hundred and sixty active men. Legends of the Umiktakumhl'utha The father of Nananahkan6hw wished his son to marry, and without asking the young man he went to arrange a marriage at Tahsis, and brought the girl to Hisnit. Four days she remained there, but the young man refused to have her, and she was taken home. Then the father of Nananahkanuhw went to Tsi'wunni and brought another girl, but his son refused her. Thus also he tried for his son wives from seven other villages, but each girl refused after four days to remain longer. At last the father went to the Muchalat and asked for the daughter of the chief. Her father gave her permission to do as she pleased, and she said: "I will go for ten days. At the end of that time you may come for me." So she was taken to Hisnit. Now the reason these others had given up and gone home was because they could not endure continence more than four days. For Nananahkan6hw wished to see a chi'ha [spirit], to be a man of great honor and a killer of whales: therefore he did not touch woman. His bedroom was high up on a board supported by posts. On the fifth night after his tenth bride came, he seemed to dream that some one was holding him tightly. He awoke to find that some one really was clasping him closely face to face. "Who are you?" he asked. The answer came: " I am a chi'ha. I see what you are doing; I know what you wish. I know why you have refused these nine girls. I am a chi'ha from above. I have given you a child in your belly." Then the chi'ha explained how the young man would have to do in order to deliver the child. "In four days you will have pains, and on the fifth afternoon you must cut into your abdomen. Take some bast of the fir and boil it. Before cutting yourself, make an opening in the roof so that the sun will shine on your abdomen. Put the bast on the cut and lie on your back two days. Then you will be healed." Now Nananahkanuhw was badly frightened. On the fourth day he felt the child moving in his abdomen, and told his parents what had happened. On the next afternoon his father cut the abdomen, removed the child, and put the bast on the wound, and after two days the cut was healed. 1 Probably the Nootkan form of Koskimo Kinikila. See Volume X, page 245. 2 See illustration facing page 88. {view image of page 184} 184 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The chi'ha had given four names for the child, two for girls and two for boys. The boys' names were Hupaliltha ["originating from the sun"] and Uppihimfs [" in the centre of something round," referring again to the sun]; the girls' nameswere Hupahlainnaka and HupaHaksa. The child was a boy, and they named him Uppihilsu. His face was of dazzling brilliance. As soon as Ninanahkanuhw was well he summoned all the people to his house and related what had happened, how the child was from a chi'ha and why he had not taken any of the nine girls. He told his father that he would make tlzugwana for his son. So they made wooden effigies representing the history of what had occurred, and the boy, who was growing very rapidly, was taken by the Wolves. When the season of whales arrived, Ninanahkanuhw went whaling and killed three. The next season he killed four, then five, and so on until in the tenth season he killed ten whales. It was believed that his child was giving him this success. After the tenth season his son took his place as whaler, and changed his name to Umik; and the people began to be known as Umiktakaumhl'utha. Umik directed his crew to the cape, and waited for the whales to pass. A great number came, and he looked for the one he would harpoon. He saw one with a great shining circle on its back, like the sun, and went toward it. He used his harpoon, but the whale was not killed, as had always been the case when this harpoon was used. It rushed away. The chikowidlhasi ["rope holder"] grasped the rope firmly and held on. After a while he said to Imik, "You had better cut the rope." But the young man answered, "I will not cut the rope, for I do not want to lose my harpoon." So they were dragged on westward until the mountains disappeared. Four days they rushed onward, then land appeared ahead, and the water was full of whales. The one that was towing the canoe stopped among the others, and chikowihlhasi hauled in the rope and piled the floats in the canoe, which now floated close to the motionless whale, the harpoon still in its side. Hungry and thirsty as they were, the paddlers slept, but lJmik remained awake. It was evening. On the morning of the second day after their arrival, the first float on the line sang, "I go out first, and the whale's tail thrashes me." Umik called his men: " Wake up! I have found a chi'ha! This float is singing! Let us sing. It may do us good. It may start the whale home with us! " So they sang, but the whale did not move. Then the men slept again, while Umik watched. Quite early the next morning a small yellow bird coming from the east perched on the shaft of the harpoon, which projected over the bow of the canoe. It turned and looked eastward, and began to sing, "Go toward the shore, Whale; go toward the shore, Whale!" Then it flew back toward the rising sun, and Umik wakened his men, telling them what had happened. He took up his rattle, and they sang. In the middle of the song the whale shook a little, and Umik said to the man whose business was to throw the floats, "Cast out the floats!" The man did so, and the rope-holder passed the end of the line back among the others, that all might hold it fast. Then the whale went eastward at full speed. All day and all night they went on, but in the morning no land was in sight. About noon land appeared, low on the horizon. Toward evening they came to land at Estevan point, and the whale turned north and into Nootka sound, then up Muchalat arm, past the village of the Muchalat, and onward. The people in the village wondered, as they could not see the whale that was towing the canoe. On it went through the various coves and up to Tlupana arm and then into Hisnit [the deepest indentation in the land between Tlupana arm and Tahsis canal]. It went ashore at OfSihta [the first bay on the east shore of Hisnit], and they paddled their canoe to the village. Hisnit was their fishing ground, Yuquot their whaling and halibut ground, and U'is [near the west side of the entrance to Tlupana arm] their winter village. They were the sole owners of Yuquot, and the largest tribe on the sound. As the years passed, the beach at Yuquot became piled with the bones of whales, and other tribes became jealous, the more so because the people of Umik had made marriages with all the tribes north and south, and had become mighty. So the people of Yiahlua made a plot to destroy them. In the conspiracy were ten tribes [septs] of Nootka sound. But the people of Umik heard of the plot, and prepared for war. It was night when the warriors came to Yuquot in many canoes, and about one fourth of the UmiktakImhl'atha were killed before the attacking party withdrew. Then the survivors determined to have revenge. They went against the Haiyanuwashtakfmhi'lttha at Muwa'cha and killed so many that only ten fighting men were among the survivors. These ten began to 6sumych [wash ceremonially] in a small lake. Their leader was Tsikitinhl. As they washed, {view image of page 185} APPENDIX I85 they heard something on a small island crying, and went with spears and ropes to catch it. Sitting in the middle of the island they found a matloha [a woods monster like the Kwakiutl fiunukwa], and they surrounded it. Then the leader threw his spear, and the others theirs, and they fastened the spears by ropes to the trees so that the matloha could not move. At length it was dead. Then in their washing they rubbed their bodies with the flesh of this creature, and the bones they made into projectile points. After four months of washing, they started for Yuquot. One of them was to remain on the beach and split the bows of the canoes, another was to open the doors one by one and remain beside them while the others passed inside and killed the occupants. So they beached their canoe, and all except the canoe-splitter went up to the houses. No enemy was expected. In the first house they killed all without an outcry being raised. So they went along the street, but in the eighth house a man awoke while others were being clubbed, and he shouted for help. Then the people leaped up with their bows and their spears and their clubs. But the ten warriors ran to their canoe and escaped, for all the canoes of the people of Umik were split. Many of the people were dead, and only about twenty fighting men were left. When the fishing season came, they went as usual to Hisnit. The father of ten brothers who had escaped because they lived in one of the last houses, said: "I want you, my sons, to 6saimrch. If you do not get something by that, I will do something to you." So the young men washed, but they got nothing. Then, early one morning, the old man took them to a place on the opposite beach, where the rocks were covered with great barnacles. He ordered the eldest to strip, and then, grasping him by the hair, he dragged him over the rocks. Immediately the young man screamed, and the father cast him aside, saying, "You are worthless!" Thus one after another he tried them, but every one screamed with the pain, except the youngest of all. This youth the father dragged repeatedly over the barnacles, but no sound escaped his lips. It was early in the morning. As the old man dragged the boy, he kept saying: "To make you a fighting man! To make you a fighting man!" At length the youth became lifeless, and the father said, "You must get the death-dealing stone when you reach the Wolves' home." He laid the body on a log. The sun was rising, and the nine brothers lay crying in the house, while the father sat in front watching his youngest son's body on the log across the water. A Raven came flying down, pecked out the left eye, and flew away with it. This Raven was the watchman for the Wolves, to apprise them of dead bodies. Soon a Wolf came and carried the body away. When the old man saw the Wolf, he knocked on the side of the house and said: "Come, my sons, and see! There is a Wolf coming for your young brother!" The nine came out and saw the Wolf throw the body on his back and disappear in the forest. Now the youth was conscious, and he breathed as lightly as possible; for whenever the Wolf felt his breathing he threw the body off. Many times this happened before they reached the great house of the Wolves. There was rejoicing among the Wolves, and one brought out a large carving-board and they prepared to cut up the body. The Wolf chief invited all the people, and when all were inside he called for the cutter. Suddenly the young man exclaimed, "Woof!" and sat up. Surprised with their wolf-skins off, they found themselves in the power of the young man. So the chief gave him a seat in the back of the house, and the Raven was compelled to disgorge the eye, which was then restored to its place. After offering many things to him, they at last gave him what he really desired, the death-dealing stone club, and told him how to use it by simply exhibiting it to whatever person he wished to destroy. So the youth returned home, and with the club he killed many whales and geese. Then he called the ten tribes [septs] which had fought his people. Some were fearful of coming, because they thought he might have received the death-dealer, but the others came to the feast. First he showed tihem the wooden imitation he had made, and then after singing he brought out the real stone club, and all fell dead. Raven flew down, pecked out the eyes, and bore the news to the Wolves, who carried away the bodies. This was their payment for the weapon. It was after these events that the tlmiktakiumh'itha left Yuquot and lived only at Hisnit. In their absence the Spaniards settled at Yuquot, and after their fort was abandoned, the Yahiluiashtakilmhl'utha settled there, and the Lmiktakiumh-l'tha joined them. In the time of the first fur-traders, all the people of Nootka sound passed spring and summer at Yuquot. The winter they passed at Cooptee [Kupti], which is on the land between Tlupana arm and Tahsis canal. In the autumn they scattered to various places for the salmon fishing, such as Muwa'cha [on Tlupana arm]; Tasis [Tafihis, at the head of Tahsis canal]; {view image of page 186} I86 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN T'si'wunni [about midway up the same body]. The reason for spending the spring and summer on the coast was to take advantage of the opportunities for hunting sea-otters, hair-seals, furseals, and whales, fishing for halibut and cod, and gathering herring-roe. At the time of the Spaniards there were seven hundred men of fighting age, and forty war-canoes. The Haida LANGUAGE - Skittagetan. POPULATION —The earliest available figures are those of John Work, made, according to Dawson, between the years 1836 and 1841. The figures follow, as quoted by Kane.l You-ah-noe [unidentified] 234 No-coon [Naikun] 122 Clict-ars [Clickass, a camp site near A-se-quang [Hisakun, a camp site at the Klinkwan] 417 berry patches near Gahlinskun] I20 Qui-a-han-less [Kweundlas] 148 Skit-e-gates [Skidegate] 738 Uon-a-gan [Howkan] 458 Cum-sha-was [Cumshewa] 286 Show-a-gan [Sukkwan] 229 Ske-dans [Skedans] 439 Chal-chu-nie [Chatcheeni] 249 Quee-ah [unidentified] 308 Su-lan-na [misprint for Lulanna] 296 Cloo [Kloo] 545 Nigh-tan [Nai'dun (Naden harbor), Kish-a-win [Kaisun] 329 named instead of the village Kung] 280 Kaw-welth [Chaahl] 56i Mossette [Massett] 2473 Too [Tigun?] 196 This gives 1,735 Alaska Haida and 6,693 Canadian, or a total of 8,428. The population in 1914 was 300 (estimated) and 580 respectively; total, about 880. The Alaskan Haida are commonly called Kaigani. DRESS - Both sexes used a robe of woven cedar-bark or of fur, and women wore also a kilt of bark fringe across the front of the thighs. Spruce-root or bark hats and bark capes for rainy weather completed the Haida costume. Feet and legs were bare. Shell pendants were worn in the ears and nose, and women wore labrets in the lower lip. The hair was usually arranged in a knot at the nape of the neck. Every one of good birth had numerous tattooed animal figures on the chest, back, arms, and legs. These represented the family or clan crests. DWELLINGS -The roof of a primitive Haida house sloped from the middle to both sides, and the boards ran with the slope. Wall-boards were perpendicular. A tall, carved house-pole displaying various crests of the family generally stood in the middle of the front wall, the doorway sometimes being a mouth of one of the figures. The best houses were built over a fairly deep excavation lined with heavy timbers. PRIMITIVE FOODS - The principal storage food was dried dog-salmon. Halibut and black cod were the next commonest fish. Stranded whales were welcome finds, and hair-seals furnished considerable meat and oil. Black bears, the only large quadrupeds on the islands, were sometimes killed. Berries and roots of many kinds were plentiful. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES-In carving wood and bone the Haida were not surpassed south of Alaska. They still make quantities of small figures in black slate. In general their implements for all purposes were quite like those found elsewhere in this region and heretofore described in this work. Some of the distinctive articles will be mentioned. The primitive ax-blade was a piece of what, from the description, must have been jade, which was obtained on Stikeen river. It was bound to that end of a spruce branch which comes out of the trunk, and the chipped and pecked edge was perpendicular to the handle, like an adze. The points of war-arrows were mussel-shell, which, breaking, remained in the wound. The harpoon for various marine mammals had a long, detachable, bone point with a socket at the base and attached by a long line wound spirally around the shaft. When the animal was struck and dived, the shaft remained floating and the line unwound itself. The line was fastened at the exact centre of gravity of the shaft, so that it was not easily dragged through the water. The yew war-spear, seven to ten feet long, had a point of bone, or of copper found at Stikeen river. A cod hook was made of very tough wood from the centre of a log buried for many years. Smoothed down to half an inch, the piece was steamed and bent U-shaped with the points close together. A barb of bone was lashed to one end. The bait was tied to this end, and 1 Wanderings of an Artist among the Indians of North America, London, I859. {view image of page 187} APPENDIX I87 a short stick was so placed as to hold the ends well apart. When a cod seized the bait, its nose dislodged the key stick, and the bent wood, springing back, held it fast to the barb. The salmon trap consisted of a weir obstructing a stream in such a way that the water poured over it in a single place. At this point a large wicker box was placed below the weir, and salmon that failed to leap the fall tumbled back into the trap. Before the advent of steel tools, large canoes were commonly twenty-five to thirty feet long, and were made from logs seven spans (forty inches) thick. To fell such a tree with stone and bone implements was the work of four days. Afterward the length increased to seven or eight fathoms (thirty-five to forty feet). The largest one known to the Haida was the "Chief Canoe" at Massett. It is said to have been fifteen fathoms (seventy-five feet) long and about seven feet beam. GAMES -The Haida had two gambling games: sin, in which a player guessed which of two bunches of bark contained a marked rod; and lahal, the hand-game. Other games were contests of athletic skill, or were designed for amusement. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION - Originally each village was the home of a single clan, but within historical times there were in many cases several clans living together. The very large number of clans existing among the Haida composed two phratries, the Raven and the Eagle. Not only the clan but the phratry also was exogamic. Descent is maternal. When this fact is connected with the title "people's mother" for the village chief, and with the definite statement of a tradition that the chief of a certain southern village was a woman, it becomes apparent that in the not distant past the Haida woman was the actual head of the family. The town chief exercised considerable authority, not because he had any physical means of enforcing obedience, but because by common consent his approval of every important step was necessary before the undertaking could have public sympathy. In short, an opponent of the chief was socially at an enormous disadvantage with his rivals. The usual division of the people into nobles, commoners, and slaves, prevailed. MARRIAGE - After formally obtaining the promise of the girl's family, the bridegroom's party assembled in her house and delivered many boasting speeches concerning their family's greatness. Then her father delivered his speech of acceptance, and the girl went to sit beside the bridegroom. This act consummated the marriage. Generally the couple lived for a time with the wife's people before taking up their permanent abode with the other family. There was no barter or exchange of tremendous marriage portions in the manner observed by the Kwakiutl. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES - Haida thought peopled the earth with a vast number of anthropomorphic supernatural beings, many of them named, but more nameless. Every spot exhibiting an unusual feature, such as a sharp point of rock, a cranny where the tide sucks and soughs, a high peak, was believed to be the home of a s'kil. Strangely enough, the Haida do not claim to have had much communion with these beings. The myths tell of them, but few men claim to have seen them in vigils. The Haida possessed a winter ceremony, which was in the control of a secret society. It was borrowed in its entirety from other tribes, principally from the Kwakiutl and the Tsimshian. Many of the names for the dancers, and all the songs, are foreign. The ceremony was always given by a man who was engaged in building a house or erecting a totem pole, and these things could not be done without giving the ceremony. MORTUARY CUSTOMS - After sitting in the house, facing the occupants for several days, a corpse was placed in a box and carried out through the rear wall to be deposited in a mortuary hut. At some later time, if a chief was concerned, the coffin was placed in a niche at the top or in the bottom of a mortuary post erected by his successor. Relatives frequently threw food and water into the flames, that the spiritual counterpart of the substance might pass to the dead in Gyatlgai, where they lived in happiness. WAR -There were frequent periods of hostility between the southern, the western, and the northern Haida of Queen Charlotte islands, as well as between all these and the Alaska Haida. They all fought also with the Tsimshian, Tlingit, and Kwakiutl. Some of the Haida became bold travellers, and voyaged in their canoes to Victoria and Puget sound. On such occasions they were almost certain to encounter enemies. War was carried on for the taking of slaves, heads, and spoils. The consent of the town chief was necessary before a war-party started, and he chose what he regarded as a lucky day. MYTHOLOGY - Haida myths are quite different from those of the more southerly tribes of this coast. Most of them describe the activities of the supernaturals, and usually the motive is noticeably more alien to our thought than, for example, in Salish and Kwakiutl mythology. {view image of page 188} I88 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The transformer is Raven, who in his task of bettering the earth meets with the usual adventures, as well as with some not ascribed to him in the regions south of the Haida. Haida Villages I. Sgilgi [Skflgi, many scoters], on the north side of an inlet in latitude 520 28', west coast of Moresby island. 2. Jlieu ("mouth of current"), across the inlet from Skilgi. 3. Yaku-lanas [Yiku-linas, middle people], about the middle of the south side of this inlet. 4. T6jugins ("narrow object sticking up"), around the bay from the south side of this inlet. 5. Nagus [Naigis], on the north side, near the entrance, of a bay approximately in latitude 52 15', west coast of Moresby island. 6. Teskusghkah, across the bay from Nagus. 7. Stlindagwai [Stulndagwai], in the next bay to the south. 8. Tsiuka, near Cape Fanny, southern end of Moresby island. 9. Ninstints* [Skangwai, red-cod island], on Anthony island off the southern end of Moresby. In recent times all the people of this end of the island united at Skaingwai under the chief Ninstints [Ndnstlns], and the usage of the whites substituted his name for the place-name. It was abandoned about I890, and the few survivors of this branch, among whom is the chief, now live at Skidegate. 10. Kadajans [Kadajans], on Anthony island close to Ninstints. 11. Kadajans [Kadajans], another village of the same name, near the last, occupied by the same people at a different period. I2. Heudao [Heud6], on Prevost island. 13. Kundji [Kunji], on the west coast of Prevost island. 14. Atanus [Atanis], on the northeast coast of Hippa island. 15. Sulustins [Sdlustins], on Hippa island. I6. Gatgainans [Katgainans], on Hippa island. 17. Tadji [Taji, sandy], on the east side of the inlet east of Cape Fanny. I8. Skyildagwai, on the west side of this inlet. 19. Hlgadun [Hlkadun], on the same inlet, facing Anthony island. 20. Skae [Skae, skinning], at Cape St. James on Hummock island. 21. Sindaskun [Sindaskun], on the north coast of Kungit island, opposite High island. 22. Hlagi [Hligi], on High island, opposite Sindaskun. 23. Kaidju [Kaijo, victory song], on Islet point at the south side of the entrance to Carpenter bay, southeast coast of Moresby island. 24. Kaidi ("bleeding"), at the east side of Harriet harbor. 25. Hagi [Higi], on Bolleus islands in Skincuttle inlet. Skenkatl is the name of one of this group of islands, said to have been the first land to emerge after the deluge. 26. Lanadagunga [Lana-digana, village bad], on Burnaby island, north of Bolleus islands. 27. Lanahawa [Lana-hiwa, village swampy], on the west coast of Burnaby island. 28. Ket [Ket, narrow strait], on Burnaby island, opposite the peninsula at the south of the entrance to Island bay. 29. Atana [Atana], on House island, north of Ramsay island. 30. Kiesigas (" always calm"), on Faraday island. 3. Kaidjudal [Kaljudal, coming with victory song], on the south side of the entrance to Hutton inlet, Moresby island. 32. Gaesigusket [Gaisigisket], on Murchison island. Many of these were summering villages or fishing stations, and not a few have been so long abandoned that they may be regarded as almost legendary. The towns now occupied and those known to have been inhabited as permanent villages within historical times are indicated by an asterisk. Names are given in the form adopted by the Handbook of American Indians, and the native names as pronounced in the Skidegate dialect are enclosed in brackets. The list begins at the southwest end of the Queen Charlotte islands, passes northward on the east coast, and returns southward on the west side. In many cases the sites cannot be definitely placed because the coast has not been thoroughly surveyed and charted. {view image of page 189} APPENDIX I89 33- Hotdjihoas [H6fsiahwas, hair-seals at low tide], west coast of Lyell island. 34. Gado [Kad6], east coast of Lyell island. 35. Hlkia [Hlkii], east coast of Lyell island. 36. Skudus [Skududs], north coast of Lyell island. 37. Tlgunghung [Tlgunhihn], north coast of Lyell island. 38. Hulagwins, near the site of Lockeport. The above list comprises the villages of the southern division of the Haida, whom the Skidegate call Kanhet-haidagai (Massett dialect, Anit-hide). 39. Kloo* [Tinu, eel-grass], at the east end of Tanoo island. The whites have applied the chief's name, Kloo [Hiyu, south], to the village. 40. Kungga [Kinga, unexpected help], on Kunga island. 41. Tlhingus [Til'hiniis, thin object hanging], west coast of Louise island. 42. Kadusgo [Kaidsko], north coast of Louise island. 43. Yaogus [Y6okts], on Louise island. 44. Skedans* [K6na, edge], on the point at the north side of Skedans bay. The whites have given to the village the name of its chief, Skedans [Gidinsta]. 45. Djigua [Jikwa], north shore of Cumshewa inlet. 46. Djigogiga [Jikogiga], about the middle of the north side of Cumshewa inlet. 47. Cumshewa [Hlkenul], at the north entrance to Cumshewa inlet. The name of the chief has been transferred to the village. In explanation of the name Cumshewa it is said that a sailor, whose name the natives pronounce G6msewa, disappeared from a trading vessel. One day the crew saw a man approaching the vessel in a canoe, and taking him to be the missing man they called him by name. It proved to be the Hlkenul chief, who thus acquired the name. 48. Koga [K6ka], on McKay harbor, Cumshewa inlet. 49. Lfnayf (" village opposite"), on Copper bay, east coast of Moresby island. 50. Kasta [Kista], on Copper bay. 51. Kundji [Ku.nji], on Copper bay. 52. Skena [Skena], just north of Cape Chroustcheff near the northeast corner of Moresby island. 53. Kil [Ktl, narrow sandy point], on Shingle bay, Skidegate inlet. 54. Daiyu [Daiyu], north shore of Moresby island near Mission point. 55. Gachigundae [Gachikuindai], northeast shore of Alliford bay, north coast of Moresby island. 56. Gulhlgildjing [Kulhkl.kljin], south side of Alliford bay. 57. Skidegate* [Hlagfida], at the southeast corner of Graham island by the entrance to Skidegate inlet. The name of the chief, Skidegate [Shedaglts], was given to the village Hlagilda by the whites. Shedagifs is said to mean "common chiton," referring to the story that a Gidins clan chief's wife, being much visited by young men who never brought her presents, complained to her husband that they gave her nothing, not even a common chiton. The chief, amused, so frequently repeated her complaint that his nephews made a joke of it and finally nicknamed him "common chiton." Some translate the word "son of a chiton." 58. Kostunhana [k6stuinhana], a short distance east of Skidegate. 59. Hlgahet [Hlkihet, gravel], near Skidegate, at the end of the Government wharf. 60. Kae [Kae, sea-lion], just east of Image point, not far from Skidegate. 6I. Guhlga [K6h-ka, store of food], at the site of the oil-works near Skidegate. 62. Dadjingits [Dajingtf, common hat], at the site of Queen Charlotte City. 63. Gaodjaos [G6ojs, drum], south side of Lina island, Bearskin cove, Skidegate inlet. 64. Gasins [GisTns], northwest coast of Lina island. 65. Koagaogit [Koagogit], north side of Bearskin cove. 66. Haena [Haena, sunshine home], on the east point of Maude island. 67. Hotao [Hot6], southwest coast of Maude island. 68. Hlgaiu [Hlkayu], on Dead Tree point, entrance to Skidegate inlet. 69. Hlgaiha [Hlkai'ha], between Dead Tree point and Halibut bay. 70. Dahua [Diahwa], near Lawn hill at the entrance of Skidegate inlet. 71. Lanas-lnagai [Lanas-lnagai, people's village], on the east coast of Graham island south of Cape Ball. {view image of page 190} Igo 190 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN 72. Gahlinskun* [Gahldrnskuin], at Cape Ball creek on the east coast of Graham island. 73. Higihia-ala [Hl1kihilaila], north of Cape Ball. 74. Hoya-gundla [H6yalkianhila, raven creek], a short distance south of Cape Fife. 75. Djihuagits [Jihwigfig], at a creek just south of Rose point, northeast coast of Gra-. ham island. 76. Lanas..lnagai* [Linas-Inagai, people's village], on Rose point. Also called Naikun [Naikdn]. 77. Hlielung'* [Hlilltin], at Hiellen river. 78. Massett* [K~idak~ahiwas], near the entrance to Massett inlet, Graham island. The name of a small island, Massett [Misrflt, has been transferred to the village by whites. The Massett variant of Kidakahiwas is At'aiwas, the Skidegate k being usually elided in Massett. 79. Yan * [Yan, opposite], at the west side of the entrance to Massett inlet. 8o. Aiodjus [Aiojiis], near Yan. 8 i. Kungielung [Lkingieli~n], near Yan. 82. Kayung* [I~Iayun~], just above Yan. 83. Yagun [Y~ktIn], across the inlet from Massett. 84. J6slkafli ("in the current"), on the small island at the narrow entrance to the enclosed bay at the head of Massett inlet. 85. Gitinkalana [Giftinka-lana], on the north side of this enclosed bay. 86. Lanas-lnagai [Linas-Inagai, people's village], on the west side of the enclosed bay. 87. Lanas-lnagai [Lanas-lnagai, people's village], at Yagun river, head of Massett inlet. 88. Hlakeguns [Hlak~giins], on Yagun river. 89. Sahldungkun [Sih~dqniku~n], at the mouth of Yagun river. 90. Tohlka [T6h-lka], just west of the entrance to Massett inlet. 91. Widja [Wija], near Tohlka. 92. Skaos [Sk~s], at the entrance to Naden harbor. 93. Kung [Kan~, sleeping], on Naden harbor. 94. Kuulana [K6u-linal, on Naden harbor. 95. Kiusta * [Ky6sta, trail's end], on Graham island, opposite North (Langara) island. 96. Yaku..lanas* Y~'aku-linas, middle people], near Kiusta. 97. Dadens* [Di~dfns], on North island. 98. Chaahl [Chiahif], on the east coast of North island. 99. Ta [Ta], east coast of North island. ioo. Kunkia [Ludnkia], north shore of North island. ioi. Yatza [Ialch~], a short distance west of Kiusta. 102. Tigun* [Tian], at Tiahn point, west coast of Graham island. I103. Lanahawa [Una-hiwa, village swampy], west coast of Graham island, opposite Nesto island. 104. Hlhiin ("fin"), near Lanahawa. 105. Kitkainins, east end of Nesto island. io6. Chahlolnagai [Chililu-lnagai], south shore of Rennell sound. Also called Lanahilduns [LUna-hildilns]. 107. Jihihi, on Hunter point, southwest end of Graham island. The inhabitants afterward founded Chaahl (io8). i o8. Chaahl* [Chiahill], at the northwest corner of Moresby island. 109g. Kaisun [Ka~su~n], on the point at the entrance to Kaisun harbor, west coast of Moresby island. iso. Lanagahlkehoda [Lani-kafalkehoda, village sunless], on a small island opposite Kaisun. i ii. Stunhlai [Stidnliai], north of Cape Henry. I112. Kasihnigii, between Cape Henry and Tasoo harbor. 113. Singa [Sidnga, winter], north side of Tasoo harbor. The following are the principal villages of the Alaska Haida: i. Howkan,* on Long island, facing Dal island. 2. Kweundlas* [I w~flntlis], west coast of Long island. 3. Klinkwan,* on Cordova bay, southwest coast of Prince of Wales island. {view image of page 191} APPENDIX '9' 4. Kasaan* [Gasin], on Skowi arm of Kasaan bay, east coast of Prince of Wales island. 5. Sukkwan,* on Cordova bay. Massett Names for Indian Tribes Bellabella Tljin-hiidagai Eskimo Chioga h Haida Hiidas' Haida (Alaskan) K6fi-hRiidagai (narrow-channel people) Kwakiutl Qfikuhdi-idagai Nootka Maki-Miidagai Salish Siam-hiidagai 2 Tlingit Hlinagifg Dancing Song 3 Hinddhtanydkunsams'hin dakol? Eyo, eyo, eyo, hah6! Allegro Mf g V j/ ~~~ ' ' s i/ " 4 1 The form lri~ida means "living person," or, "a Haida," and the final s is necessary in the collective tribal name. The form HEiidagai also is used, but this is applied as well to other people, while H~ii'das is specific. 2 So called because of their constant use of the word s~iam, " chief. " 3 This song is the property of the chief of the clan Hlkinuali-lnas. It was obtained long ago from a Kitkatla ancestor, and the Tsimshian words are said to mean, "Whither am I going to travel?" The significance is not evident. {view image of page 192} I92 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN W ';.L _ i_ - J " '' r ibi 'G 2 9.-4 g *1 f g *1 " x ' ^ ix " i v i i A Noble Family Song 1 You are a woman, you are a girl, you are the daughter of a noble family. You will be the girl for bringing out house-timbers from Skidegate inlet.2 Moderato (n. x I. 9 - X, f- - - & Ll _7 - _g I ^ ' W L- K i Llt~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~0 - n || ~ rs _!,^ F - _,, ^ t _,,,,.. 114: i~ T - Lz ' ir I E- r '~ t I i - i- r IrI 1 This class of songs is called gYt kagan ("noble family song"). This particular one is in honor of a chief's infant daughter. 2 That is, "a house will be built in your honor." {view image of page 193} APPENDIX I93 pF.I 7I c~:c.,r \\f J i i r r OR r tr rIK I lo " ": ic ~L i fi i - '' r —:-^"r r r -rl "' r -— 'L-N> L^ ^Tf,. rrI r -I,,!,r r i., NO 'J i I ' ' L[ rI-= T 4 - II L.. rrri-r r r ' r _AW~-I[I ' ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~4L2][ -- -- -- ~ ~ ~ ~, ~ IF II. I IF J, I/~~~~~~~~~d VOL. XI-13 {view image of page 194} I {view image of page 195} Vocabularies {view image of page 196} {view image of page 197} VOCABULARI ES Nootka ANATOMICAL TERMS English ankle-joint arm blood bone chest chin ear elbow-joint eye face finger-nail fingers foot hair hand head heart knee leg lips lungs mouth neck nose nostril teeth toe-nail toes tongue Clayoquot algh-sghi a-a-pimhi hai-sim-mis hi-mut hi-ni's-h'h-l fii-wip pa-pi tla'-ku-n'i kas-si hih-l-h-ldhfl chufhil-chil ch'i-chi-sak-nii-kum-a tligh-tlln-ni haps-yiip kd'-ku-nik-si tich-ma ka-ytlp-ta' fii-ko-mufg ch'i-chi-chi chup Makah 1i-la-pi kla-kli-wak-bis h'i-da-ak-s~ih-l pi-bi-Y kwat-lai-kwaich ka-li-I fia-fia-h-lo-kuk hap-sail'p kla-klih-du-kub to-h6-filnd cha-pl-I ko-k6-gbfak-a-du-kub hmih-wak-sub luh-g6-hluhk hi-di-o-kohil chu-Cih-P-tb chi-chfi-i ch~-hli'ch la-kafl-yak ANIMALS' abalone* ap(g-i-na barnacle* tlkm-ma-ha'-ni bass, sea* bat ma-p-is bear, black *chim-mis bear, grizzly na'-ni beaver* &-td blackfish* bluejay brant* wa'h-hwaflh 1 Names of animals used for food are indicated by stars. klip-si-kad h~li-hili-qah-ab'hl ihl-it'qfil ka-t6 klas-k6-kap-ih qlgh-qigb-i {view image of page 198} 198 English bullhead (sculpin) chipmunk chiton (Cry ptochiton)* chiton (tunicata)* clam (generic) * clam, horse* clam, little-neck* clam, razor* cockle* cod * cod, black* cod, ling* cod,, red* coot crab* crane crow deer* diver* dog dogfish* duck (generic)* duck., butterball* duck, mallard* duck, sawbill* eagle (generic) echinus, large* echinus, small* elk* fish* flounder* goose * grouse * halibut * herring * horse kelp-fish* killerwhale kingfisher loon marmot * marten* mink mountain-goat* mountain-lion* mouse mussel* octopus* otter* otter, sea-* owl pelican THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Clayoquot haich-yi-mit an-nis ki —ni mu-wicich; i-tusgh al-nitl yi-cha tli-qa~h fi~i-pi-ni a-wi-tin t6-f6up hai-ih tld-nilm iphil-tup 6q-silm h u'- wi k pd-i tlus-sia-mit ka-ki-wiln hi-wi siM-cha-pu-tlik tlil-tli-hai-y6h fiak sich-pah ti-hlup wih-ni qi-qatl 2 teh-s6-qy~n-ni Makah e&i-wila fiu-&Ud-fgid hlyh-hlfh-s~fil fie-dih-dup kla'-be-ik chi-igi kla-li-ub ki-dak bi-shi-wih tuifh-ki-wih hli-hip-ib; hi-ha-4hid ku-6h-wagh ha-li-wa-o kwail-ys cha-ki-do-o bu-qilch a-16-he-u y6-cha'-a dil-hi-dach fiai-p~d a-qit-id tu-aiuip kuch-kaip-Ih tu-wis-ak ka-Iih-l-chu hi-dik ~hu-yffli klu-sd'-but fi~e-bih-wa-a; ku-fiuds chi-igh-ka-le tu-t6-bak~h; da1-qe'-us kwat-i-it hik-id klu-'chab ty-hlti'b hibh-di ti-chiak tuk-tdk-wa-di 1 Cf. Chinook jargon kiutan. 2 Cf. Chehalis tl6qala. Both words are probably onomatopes, imitating the sound made by the sea-otter in cracking shellfish. {view image of page 199} VOCABULARIES '99 English porpoise * rabbit, cottontail * raccoon* raven robin salmon, dog* salmon, humpback* salmon, silverside * salmon., sockeye* salmon, spring* salmon-trout * sea-cucumber* sea-gull * seal, fur-* seal, hair-* sea-lion shark skate * skunk smelt * snowbird* sparrow* spider squirrel * st urgeon* swan * trout, steelhead* weasel whale (generic)* whale, finback* wildcat wolf wood-rat wren Clayoquot thi-pi-si-ma k6-u-~hin hi-ni-koas chi-pi aiu'-wit his-s'it s6-ha ti-i-ni-wa ma-mtlch-iktl h6-u-ta ka-kop k6-wa ahl -cha-pu-tlik chu-yA9h-tpp Makah 6'iMi-ko tu-tdb-ch~s kwi I-a ~h khik -9hud di-dis-qa f66-wut qil-al ki-hl16dus kaih-chu su'b-as bi-lich 11-il-ah-ai-yus bi-da-wi chuk-Ci-da-bi su-s6-a-ke-lk ho-iit ka-ta'-dy chi-tip-iik k5-wid chu-ch6-ah-slhil ho-py-dudbyt east wind north wind northeast wind northwest wind south wind southeast wind southwest wind west wind CARDINAL POINTS td-chi y6-a-ti yuq-si-'ihl tu'-chl-i yo-yo'k-sis pa-cht-da-ql-ylhil ha-hich'hl-wis ba'-hmap-es. black blue brown gray green pink red white yellow COLORS tup-l~ik kif&-hwik kis-ta-kilik is-it-qilk tli-h6k tli-sudq tuip-kdk bV-qik chi-chil-yak'hlh kwa-bilk-ak hmih-uk kli-sdk {view image of page 200} 200 200 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English blackhaws cedar-berries clover-roots (fimbriatum) crabapples cranberries elderberries, red' fern-roots (bracken) fern-roots (wood-fern) gooseberries huckleberries, blue huckleberries, red raspberries, black raspberries, red rose-hips salalberries salal-roots salmonberries salmonberry sprouts seaweed (Porphyra) silverweed roots skunk-cabbage strawberries tiger-lily roots PRIMITIVE FOODS1 Clayoquot mu-mu-qaktl; ti-ihl-tiip ~i-ai-fgu pa-pa-is fgi-yi-ni ghi-tla ti-pa he-mlh-l-kai-u-ma Si-tup; tli-f6a-nugh; sil-nflh'is-i-ni-wa hals-gh'itl tla'-cha-a-il ya-ma ka'-wi mi-yi tliai-yup kuh-i-i-t Makah sflt-e pa-pts &ik-ye' ghi-h-la ghach-ka'-btip hoh-w6-ak'hm; ya-yih-had hi-si-ad klil-kai btl-ki-bak kak-w6 ti-bd't adze arrow arrow-point awl bailer basket, burden basket, cedar-bark basket, spruce-root basket, storage bath-dish bow bullroarer HANDICRAFT I~a-yudhwas; 1~a-yidk-puhil fi'i-ha-ti hatm ni'-chfik tla-pat ki-ofg du-kwih-tiib buh-w'i bi-stilt-i mdls-ta-ti ghu-hwi-yidk canoe (generic) chi-ptlig chil-piufg canoe, large pi-nid-wifl1 pa-d~i-wahl canoe, war- wi-tufk-s~fi canoe, whaling o-6-tah-s~fi cape hili-ha-pumn chisel fiu-hu-ytik comb sach-ki~h" cradle na-yd~-pa-to cup kohi1-siuifi deerskin a-si-h-lak klr-ha'k dish hfin-kil-yti; ha-wift-sd&fi klti-q~iks; da-kuf& d rill sd-ta-iia-ta ISee also under the head of Animals. 2 The use of this alga for food was somewhat recently learned from the Wikeno. {view image of page 201} English ankle-joint arm blood bone chest chin ear elbow-joint eye face finger-nail fingers foot hair hand head heart knee leg lips lungs mouth neck nose nostril teeth toe-nail toes tongue VOCABULARI ES NOOTKA ANATOMICAL TERMS Clayoquot ai hgh i a-a-pimhil haf-sim-mis hli-mut fii-wa'p pa-pi tla'-ku-nil kas-s'i hihl-hlu'l chufhil-chfl ch'i-chi-sak-nii-kum-a haps-ydp k6.-ku-nik-si tich-ma ka-ytlp-ta' a-hhiuk-siihil fii-ko-mug ch'i-chi-chi chiffi1-chil i —ak - u chup Makah hi'-la-pi kla-kla'-wak-bis h'i-da-ak-sih-I kwat-la'-kwaich ka-if-I ch&h-la'ch hap-sai'p to-h6-fgnd cha-pl-I ko-k6-gbak-a-du-kub hflih-wak-sub hi-dil-o-kohil chu-dhfil-tilb chi-ch'i-i ch~lili'ch la-kail-yak ANIMALS1 abalone* apgi-i-na barnacle * t1~m-ma-ha'-ni bass, sea* bat ma-p-is bear, black *chim-mis bear, grizzly na'-ni beaver* at blackfish* bluejay brant * wa'h-hwasgh INames of animals used for food are indicated by stars. klip-si-kad kit-lap; kafg-a-da-biltl hIi-hIi-qah-ab'hlI ka-t6 klas-k6 —kap-iht {view image of page 202} 202 202 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English ocean rain rainbow river rock sky smoke snow star sun Clayoquot mib-tla tli-ni-hak fii-ak muqs-1 hi-nfi-ifil qI h-9ha, kwis ta-tus nai-si-yd-i-hu-pahlil (day luminary) cha-idkk2 yu-i Makah t6p-ahlI (salty) bi-hila fi~a-w6-yus fiu-b6h-cha-ak (flowing water) ti-dil-chuk qI-' ha kwi-si ta-wi-sa'-bafg dii —ka ke-ka'I-Ach cha-fk wik-sl thunder water wind one two three four five six seven eight nine ten eleven twelve twenty twenty-one thirty thirty-one forty fifty sixty seventy eighty ninety hundred hundred and twenty hundred and forty hundred and sixty hundred and eighty two hundred two hundred and twenty two hundred and thirty two hundred and thirty-one thousand 1Tm~ka, a roaring sound. 2 Cf. Chinook hIi~f~q. NUMERALS fia-wik kaf-ga' mu sd-ch~ nu-pd atl-pd a-thi-qilhil (two less) fia-wa-qi'hil (one less) hai-yii fia-wu-mi-hila-pi (one more) a-thl-mi-hla-pi (two more) fia-k~fg a-dtliik (twice) kafg-fgiflk (thrice) mu-yi ik (four times) mu-yi l-fl-ha-i~h-hai-y su-chitlk (five times) nu-piitik (six times) atl-piilk (seven times) a-tld-qd-h~I'i~k (eight times) fi~a-wa-qi1-h-litk (nine times) hai-yiiflk (ten times) fifk-wak athM wi buh ~hu'ch ch~flh-pafil itlhl-pu a-klfis-ub figfk-w~i-sub kI~ihw kli'hw-i~h-fgi'k-wak (ten and one) &fik-6aifhgk-a kcih-huk kt'h-huk-i~h-&Mk-wak a-thih6k 4huch-e'tlk su-ch6-pi-tdiLik-hai-yiilak (five times two hundred) {view image of page 203} VOCABULARIES20 203 English aunt, maternal or paternal aunt (vocative) baby boy brother brother., elder brother., elder (vocative) brother, younger brother, younger (vocative) chief, male or femnale child enemy father father (vocative) girl man man, noble medicine-man mother mother (vocative) people people (Indians) people (tribesmen) people (strangers) people, white person sister sister, elder si ste r, elder (vocative) sister, younger sister, younger (vocative) slave uncle, maternal or paternal uncle (vocative) woman woman., noble PERSONAL TERMS Clayoquot nai-i-lk-sd' na-a ni-ya-kilk ma-mi-tik-sd ma-ma 1 yd-qki-k-sd2 ydi-qi-flk-sd hi-wih-i ta-ni-yls yaktI nu-wi-d-k-sii nu-wa h-luf-suf6 cha-kdip cha-mi-ta-hi-wihil ugh-tik-yu; tldi-gwa-na u-mil-i-ilk-sii u-mIl-i ko-ils ko-ils-sa (people real) ma-mihil-ni (live on the ocean) ko-ils ma-mi-tik-sd' ma-ma yd-qi-iLk-sd y6-qi-tIk-sii mils-chl-mi ni-i-tik-sd na-a ha-ku-mu' Makah ha-dd-aks ya-da-kilk wik-wil-ak ki-ki tilk-ykahl-it'k ya-da-kilk ya-yiklil-sta-i (hated ones) du-wiks ha-digfh'ch h-li-huk ds~h-ta-ke a-hi-aks o-at'hs (belonging here) hlis-ak kli-9i6-hwa-de ba-ill ba-biks yu-qi-Iks ha-da'-aks ha-daik alder ash beech cedar, red cedar, yellow cherry TREES ki-ka-milpt tli~ha-SnI-M~pt w-1ha-milpt ho'-mais a-hill-md'pt 1ca-ya-h6-sf-mtipt; ha-um-ti-imqf-mflpt hl6-Yi~h-uk hile-hi-bahil-e-bilp crab fiih-at-Up hemlock q6-tla-kil-md'pt kla-ka'-bilp oak, scrub ka-t~ks-md'pt ka-bil-fa-ka-bilp pine, red ma-wi pine, white mi-chilk-md'pt 1 A boy may also call his elder brother ta6yi, in either the second or the third person. 2 Boys generally use the term kahll~tk. {view image of page 204} 204 English spruce spruce, Douglas willow yew THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Clayoquot cM~ha-sI-Milpt si-i-hlii-miipt Mithil-wtipt Makah kyt-chi-biip MISCELLANEOUS' autumn food forest large small spirit, human spirit-land spring summer supernatural being tree winter i-tik -thius j-ha iich-ki-nfi-ha-is ko-fif-ak-stii-mi ('inside of a person) hi-ni-ihIl; pi-ni-pu-hila chil'ha su-chus qai-&lchh hi-ub i-i-iih qa-Ai hi-tfi-pu-lilek klik-~hlth (grow) klo-p6-1chh (warm weather) w~k-pahlI (has wind) Haida English ankle-joint arm blood bone chest chin ear elbow-joint eye face finger-nail fingers foot hair hand head heart knee leg lips mouth neck nose nostril shoulder teeth toe-nail toes tongue ANATOMICAL TERMS Skidegate da-mai hyfi-i kfi-i skd iij kin-sku-ji (front bones) hilki-i lg-yii hMn-i Min-a stlkun stlkan-ai sta-i kas-ka~tl stli-i k~i-ji k6-ga k6-lo kyal k6-da h6-hlii hyl kun kiin-fi~a-hul (nose hole) skal fi'in-a sta-kdn sta-kan-e tanl M'assett dii-mai iyfi-i sku6i kfin-skuf& hilki-i lkd-yii hyl-ku-s'i han hfin-i ght'ai kafg gbtli-i kafg kuk kwu-16-kaf6 (leg head) kw6-lo kwut ha-Iii hM qv~n qiin-au~l Thkal grtin gbta-ku'n ghta-kia~n-e tanl {view image of page 205} VOCABULARIES 205 English abalone* bat bear, black* bear, grizzly* beaver blackfish bluejay brant* caribou 2 chiton (Cryptochiton) * chiton (tunicata) clam, horse* clam, razor* clam, small* crab* cod * cod, black* cod, red* cod, rock* cormorant * crane crow deer* diver dog dogfish* dolphin * eagle, bald echinus, large* echinus, small* flounder* goose* grouse* halibut * herring* horse killerwhale lamprey* loon mallard * ANIMALS'I Skidegate kil-gahi-i-na ko't-ka-d u-giim-hla1 tan hii-a-ji chiin chin-ska-git tlai-tlai sti-kag-qit-ga fiin-Mal ta sh6-da sk5 3 ko-ta-hM-wa (sea-otter's mussel) Massett kal-gaM-ya'n kahl-6~u-h-la tan hofg chfln chin-ihku-git tlhn-sot sta-kafi-i fiul-n-h-lkil ta Vh'et kii-ma1h1 kyu ko4h-tin ky~n Ahkil kife sh'in kyi-lu ailt-A kl-66G-ta kiat kyu 4 ka-6 st6-dai (labret on ') skil ka shqn kyi-lo mko kil-gfi-daa kat yfi-ho-da-da ha k~i-ha-da k'an kot gii-dlin-ai styu tal hmlit-kun sk6 hi-gu i-nan gyu-din6 ski-na st~i-hrim tadl hi-ha ha kat k'an ot ghtii-ha-sa 9htu tal hlkit-uin ~hk6 haq i-nan gyu-da-n ~h'an i-siun tatl ha marmot gwi-gu gwiq marten k6-hu ku mink si-an fidl-ku mountain-goat mat mgt I Names of animals used for food are followed by a star. 2 A species of caribou, sadly degenerated in size by reason of inbreeding, is found in limited numbers in the mountains of the islands. It is too difficult of approach to afford a supply of food. No beasts of prey, such as cougar, wolf, grizzly-bear, and no snakes of any kind occur on the Queen Charlotte islands. The black bear is the only large land animal found there. 3 The word also means grouse. 4 The same word means trail, door, ladder. 5 Referring to the barbel. 6 Chinook jargon. {view image of page 206} 2o6 206 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English murrelet. * mussel, large* mussel, small* octopus* otter otter,, seaoulachon * owl, horned perch * porcupine* porpoise* puffin* raven robin salmon (generic) * salmon, dog* salmon., humpback* salmon, silverside * salmon, sockeye* salmon, spring* sculpin sea-anemone sea-bass * sea-cucumber * sea-gull * seal, fur-* seal, hair-* sea-lion* shark skate * smelt * sole * squirrel* swan * trout (generic)* trout, steelhead* whale (generic)* wolf wren Skidegate sklan-h~i-na ta-h6 kal no slgu ko so lut-ku-nis kii-d'a 's 6h-ta skul ko-hai-na ho-yi ska-hi-6 chi-na skfi-gi fi~e-tudin ta-i shwai-gan ti-wu~n hlik-ma si-ip hi-sa i-i-hyi-na sk'en ko-uin hot kae ki-ha-da'-6 -ka fif~t-ka ke'na shiln-dal tis-ha ti-ifil-hun td-tlat tain-a kun V~6ji di-chi Massett ih'e-da'-na ta-o al nu ghtliq ko kut-ku-n'ist iat 6 y~h1 ski'-yu chin ghkG-ku fil1-tan ta-i s'wi-gan ti-wun kal sip hi-sa ya-nu gh-kin kwa-in hot kae kit-6 fi'l-ta kain hatln ti~h-ka till-wudn ti-tlat ta-yin~ qki1n o09 fia-6a' (dogfish mother) black blue brown green red white yellow COLORS lilkahil k6hil-kahil sket-ia-gailhl-Ikahil (red-black) sket ki-tci PRIMITIVE FOODS' hl'ahil skiins-qyn a-ta blackhaws kan-116-li-ka (sweet berries) bracken-roots ta-kacin-skyo clover-roots na-a crabapples ki-i 1 See also under the head of Animals. an-h6-la tin-~hkyo' k~ii {view image of page 207} VOCABULARIES20 207 English cranberries elderberries, red fern-roots (licorice-fern) fern-roots (wood-fern) herring-roe huckleberries, blue huckleberries, red nettle-roots partridge-berries rhubarb rose-hips salalberries salmonberries salmonberry sprouts seaweed (Porphyra) silverweed roots soap-berries spruce-bast strawberries tiger-lily bulbs Skidegate da jiti dlai-an-wal sky6 ki-o liltan sket-dlko kiln-an tlkin-ka hilit kun ske't-kin sk6-k~an fii-hal sk'i-u fbi-il a gh hi htl-ko-da-kan in-thln Massett da jiti dlail-in-wal ihkyo ki-o hlilan ih'&t-lo kiln-an m~kit kun s9hket-ain 9hk6-an fii-s4hil fia-il hflq-tltt hyik il-din adze apron arrow ax bailer basket, bark basket, spruce-root (mesh) basket, spruce-root (water-tight) bow breech-cloth canoe chest cradle dish fi re-d rill fish-hook (cod) fish-hook (halibut) fish-line fish-trap (trout) grave-post harpoon hat head-dress, war house house, mortuary knife mask mat maul net, gillpaddle paddle, steering pail HANDICRAFT ho6-ta hik-t-lu hil-do g'i-hi-da-hin sk6-han k6-gu hlitket il-ga tlu k6-da ka-kwain-ki kai-'hla Mkyini-wa tai-o tlgai ska-k6 hat ka da-jiuin ski-fgi-da-jilii (warriors' hat) na sk6 ni-jan~-o lgugh i-hat al skiln-da-o ha'-ti hilket-li-ka h-l'i-tlu hil-to ki-du ki-du keq Hulet hilk&e-li-ka tlu ot as-ka-in-u ke'h1-ka ti-ul tlkai ska-6 s~hl-iln-hat kit-il da-ju'n na ni-janI-u kyo-ke'j'o at al skiln-da-o h-lkydn-an {view image of page 208} )08 208 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English rattle robe (generic) robe, bear-skin robe,, cedar-bark robe,. marten-skin robe, sea-otter skin sail spear, fishspear., warspoon totem pole war-club wedge weir Skidegate si-sa gyfi-at tan-gyi-at lai-hyin l~a-da-gtin-j5-gya'-at (white-andsoft-like-wool robe) gi-hai-o tldfi-o chatl sli-gul gyi-k~ai fi-tluil' tlu kil-k5 Massett kin-tils yi-lanij ~O-gyai-tat a-wa-sa. gi-yiiiki-hila-sta-o chatl stli-gwal gyari tlu ki-5 ashes charcoal cloud darkness daylight earth fire ice island lake lightning moon mountain night rain rainbow river rock sea sky NATURAL PHENOMENA kai-het std'n-hal yan 1~il-ga sgn tlri-gafl kil-ga gwai-e syu sket-ka'-ul-dan kon tlda-g6 kil-hwa dLI tWI kandl hika tu~n-gwan koe-ka-kiin ta-k6 kae-cho' chi-kw6 hii-lan kandl ta-j6 ai-it ihtd'n-al yan il-ga suin-e thi1-gai fgi-nu kalk gwai-e Su kon-6 tldai-o i-le tcdl to'l anti qa si-kai ya-n6-kan (cloud canopy); yi-ne ta-6 kaihl-ti ju-ye hi-lan antl ta-j6 snow star sun thunder water wind one two th ree four five six seven eight NUMERALS shwin-siin stlin hlhiin-uh-l stu'n-sidn tll'h-l tl'hwdn-u-il fgi-gwa-ka stan-sun-ha s'win-sAn stgn stin-sgn tlfl-w~n-ihl ji-gwa stin-sfln-a {view image of page 209} VOCABULARIES 209 English nine ten eleven twelve twenty thirty forty fifty hundred Skidegate tli-hilin-gi-shwin-suni-g6 (ten less one) tlahi tliih-wa-gi-shwin-stPn (ten and one) tlilil-wa-gi-stdi tli-le-stin (ten times two) tli-le-hflin-uhil tli-le-stiun-siin li-gwat-tla'lil (five twenties)' Massett tllhl-s'win-sdrn-gu tlAMi tlaf-aq-s'w in-sia tla-gwa-stu'n tlaz-li-hilann-hi fla'-fi-stin-stin li-gwa -tlffil aunt, maternal aunt, paternal baby boy brother, elder, of a female of a male brother, younger, of a female of a male brother's child, of a female of a male chief, female chief, male chief, village chief (person of noble birth) child daughter father, of a female of a male girl PERSONAL TERMS 6-ka skan-ka ku-dil2 ki-ha-ihl-ra (young male) da kwai-ka da d6-kain-ka git-ia git-ia itl-ha-gi-da li-na-6-ka (people's mother) ki-ha (young) gu-jil-ga hi-ta k6n-ka ji-da-lki-ha (female young); skan-i fM —na ski-ga O-ka hi-i-da hi-i-da-gai i-i-ch6 hi-i-da-gai (iron people) kwai-ka jiih-la d 6-kan-ka jikh-la nat-ka Mu-l-ddin-a kin-ma-ga git-ka; git-ka H-na ki-La a skan i-hu-ju (young small) i-hixi-i-hu-ju (male young small) da kwai da dun di-git gwai-git; du'n-git 3 'itl-kugf-daa ftl-ak-da li-na-laf yi'4t i-hu-ju gu-jiI 1 hat on a-ji-da (young female); skun-i 4 i-hlfln-a Wh'i-ga hi-da ha-dti-gai kil-a-das (skin whites) kwai jabh-kwai-ya dun jaih-d6-na nat hu'l-d iln-a h U-'-d an-a. git ka man medicine-man mother person people people, white sister, elder, of a female of a male sister, younger, of a female of a male sister's child slave, female slave, male son uncle, maternal LLgwat (or laigwa) is the word used in counting blankets at a potlatch, and means a twenty. 2 Male infants are frequently called hijaf, or hij6{h ("baby talk" for penis). Jawai is a corresponding term of endearment for female babies. 3 Respectively, elder brother's child and younger brother's child. 4 Respectively, before puberty, and between puberty and marriage. VOL. XI-14 {view image of page 210} 210 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English uncle, paternal, of a female of a male woman alder birch ' cedar, red cedar, yellow cottonwood 1 crab fir hemlock spruce yew Skidegate k6n-ka k6n-ka ji-da Massett hat on ji-da TREES kal sin fau ska-hlin chi-nan kiin-hla h6-o-ga k'an kaet (tree) h-lket kal sin fau gh'a-filin chi-nan kil-inhl k an ket FIl'et breath dream food forest large shadow small spirit (ghost) spirit (soul) spirit (supernatural being) summer supernatural power tobacco tree winter MISCELLANEOUS I~a-gdn-ta-ha-gan! kin~-ga ka-t6 ikin-ha-tlgai yu-an ha-nis kia-an; ki-chu kit-ha-na ki-hilan-dai ski-na-ke-das; s'kll kendl ski-na-kwai kwil kaet sin-a a-ki'n-ju kdn-a ta-o hlkyin-tlgai yu-wan h6-ju; fi6i-ju kat-in a-hlin-dai s'kil ke'n-dla gh'i-nu-wa kwdl ket sin-ga March April May MOONS 2 Ta-he't-lyagh (tahtt, a species of salmon, probably a small sockeye) IKet-ka-kai-tafh (" something round stuck between two objects") Hwit-kyaih (hwit, a small bird that appears at this time, the "salmonberry bird") June Kin-ka-lin-qans (ban, berries; ~alati, ripening; qans, season) July Wih-l'kahi-qans (waihlkahl, to distribute property) August Hifil-wal-qans (h~irlwal, to collect food for winter) September H61-g6-qans (li'lgo, the twisting and turning of a spawning female salmon) October Ki-ga-na-kya fh November Kis-ils (" stomach") 3 December Kun-gyi-di-ka-das January Skah-kirn-gi-das (gidas, younger) February Skah1-kin-kii-yas (kciyas, elder) Birch and cottonwood do not grow on Queen Charlotte islands. 2 These names were current among the people on the west coast of Queen Charlotte islands. In other localities other names were used. The first six are the summer moons. 3 In this month the salmon-roe stored in hair-seal stomachs is consumed. {view image of page 211} Index {view image of page 212} I {view image of page 213} INDEX Jaipwadik, a mythic person, 183 Abalone-shell, ornaments of, i i, 128 Above deity of the Clayoquot, 45 A4doption in Haida legend, 172 A4dultery among the Haida, i i6, 121 in myth, 162 A4dz of the Nootka, folio pl. 383 A4dz dance in winter ceremony, 87, 88 A4fterworid, Nootka belief regarding, 44 of the Haida, 128, 187,Agriculture, Haida., 13I1-132 A4hadzoas, an Oiaht village, 182 Ahchawat, an Ozette village, 182 tioAth.See AHOUSAHT A~housaht, habitat of, i8i in myth and legend, 34, 105 in winter ceremony, 70 population of, 177 village of, i8i Aht,, application of term, 3 Aial'chkasitlik, a supernatural being, 45 Ai1odjus, a Haida village, 190 A4kowi'tis, a locality, 182 A4kowI'tsisjthata'kr~mYfId, a Clayoquot sept, 182 Aktese, a Kyuquot village, 62, i8o A4'ktf's. See AKTESE Al1aska, Haida of, II5, i86 Al1berni canal, Opitchesaht on, 182 Alder, charcoal of, for tattooing, I25 dishes of, 178 Haida custom regarding, 136 in Haida myth, 164 dlgrim, a mountain, i6i jmmaiaha a Nootka sept, i8o A4musement. See GAMES,Anatomical terms, Haida, 204 Nootka, 197 Ancestors represented on crests, 117 Animals carved on house-post, 62 Haida names for, 205-206 mythic origin Of, 154 Nootka names for., 197 A4nimals personated in ceremony, 84 sea, purification for killing, 78, 138-I39 See ZOOMORPHIC BEINGS Argt-hade, a Haida division, I72-173, 189 Anklets of Nootka women, I I See ORNAMENTS,4pafiYntl, a mythic chief, 105 A4prons. See CLOTHING,4qtlts, a Nootka sept, i 8o A4rgonaut, a ship, xii A4rmor of Nootka warriors, 70 Arrows in Haida myth, 156, 165, 172 in winter ceremony, 85 Meares party wounded by, 7 of the Makah., 5-7 used in game, 50 See Bows; IMPLEMENTS Arts of the Haida, i86 of the Nootka,' 178 A-se-quang. See HA'SAKUN ilt'aiwas. See MASSETT Atana., a Haida village, I88 A4tanus., a Haida village, 188 Athaiyu'ihupr~h7, the moon deity,- 45 A46puwalik, the wren, in myth, See AA'PWAIK,4uqsha, a locality, 8 A4xes in Haida myth, i64, 167, 169, I71 See IMPLEMENTS Baada, a Makah village, 6i, 182 Bags for storing Oil, 40 of the Nootka, I178 Bahada creek, Makah on, 182z Balls used in games, 50, 51I Balsam sprigs in myth, 96, 97.,io in winter ceremony, 73-74, 90 See HEMLOCK Barclay sound., Nootka on, 177 Bark, blankets of, in ceremony, 86 gatherer, illustrated, folio pl. 383 in house-building, 12 {view image of page 214} 214 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Bark, invulnerability given by, I34 Nootka garments of, 178, folio pls. 366, 367, 388 used as napkins, 15 used for infants, 40 used in game, 5I, 133 See CEDAR-BARK; CHERRY-BARK; DEVIL'S-CLUB BARK Baskets in myth, 99-IOO, 169 Makah, illustrated, i6 pl. of the Nootka, 15, folio pls. 366, 367, 369, 387 used in fishing, 178 See INDUSTRIES Bass tabooed during ceremony, 68 Bathing before gaming, 132 by girls at puberty, 43, 44, I26 by medicine woman, folio pl. 376 by spirits, 44 by suppliant, 47 by warriors, I 19 by whalers, I6, 17, 19-22, 28-30, 33, 35 by widows, 127 for twins and cripples, 41 for various purposes, 8, 34 in myth, II0, 103 See PURIFICATION Bathing song of whaler's wife, 36 Batons in ceremony, 71, 72, 74, 76, 77, 83, 140 in myth, IO9, I63 See DRUM; SOUNDING-BOARD Bat-skin in myth, 1o5 Battledore. See GAMES Bear in Haida myth, I54, I70 in Nootka myth, 99-103 personated in dance, 92, 94 pl. taken with deadfall, 131, 178 See FOOD; GRIZZLY-BEAR Bear crest of the Haida, 117, 118 Bear-skin, robes of, 19, 22, 27,31, 33, 1OI, 102, Io8 worn in ceremony, 47, 71, 72, 90, I45-148 Bear Woman. See GRIZZLY-BEAR WOMAN Beaver crest of the Haida, I 17 Beaver-teeth used as dice, 51 Bellabella, dance borrowed from, I39, I43 Haida war against, 133 Massett name for, I9I mythic origin of, 153 Benches of the Nootka, 13, I5 Berries at house-building, 130 feast of, in ceremony, I43 Berries in myth, I53, 164, 170 not taboo at puberty, 126 See ELDERBERRIES; FOOD; HUCKLEBERRIES Berry picker illustrated, folio pls. 368, 371 Bigsby inlet in Haida myth, I53 Biidaath, a Makah sept, 182 Bird, image of, in Haida myth, I59 personated in ceremony, 84 Bladders as receptacles, 15, 40, 137, I6i used in ceremony, 146 Blankets as standard of value, 123 given at house-building, I30 given by murderer, 121 in ceremony, 86, 139, I47 in myth, Ioo-102, io8, 150, 152 in payment of tattooing, I23, I25 of marten-skins, I68 used in marriage, 120 See CHILKAT BLANKET; CLOTHING; COSTUMES; ROBES Bligh island, Nootka on, 69 Blind entrance, Nootka on, x80 Blubber, feast of, 36 given to infants, 40 how cured, 40 preparation of, 40 pl. served to whaler, 23 used ceremonially, 39 See FEAST; WHALES Bluejay in myth, I56, 157, I8o Bone, implements of, 5, 15, i6, 27, 68, I78, 179 See EAGLE-BONE; SEA-OTTER BONE; WHALE-BONE; WHALE-RIB Bones, human, in myth, I64 human, used by sorcerer, 138 used in games, 51-52 Boston, a ship, 7, 8, 69, folio pl. 386 (description) Boston cove, view on, 8 pl. Bowl sacrificed at puberty, 44 Bowman illustrated, folio pl. 365 Bows and arrows in myth, 150, 158, 162, 163 in warfare, 56, 185 of the Nootka, 178 used in dance, 148 Box-drum in myth, io8 in winter ceremony, 77 of the Haida, I44, I45 See DRUM Boxes in Haida myth, 149, I70 See CHESTS {view image of page 215} INDEX 215 Boys at puberty among Haida, 126 games for, 133 how taught, I6, 17, 41 in winter ceremony, 72, 73, 78-80, 84 power sought by, 46 See WINTER CEREMONY Bracelets of Nootka women, I I See ORNAMENTS Bracken-roots, bracelets made of, 11 Buckbrush, charcoal of, for tattooing, 125 rubbing with, at puberty, 126 Bullroarers in myth, 98 in winter ceremony, 84 Callicum, a Mooachaht chief, 4, 54, 56 Cannibalism, ceremonial, in dance, 144 Canoes deposited near dead, 44 destroyed in ceremony, 74, 87-88 illustrated, 8 pi., 18 pi., 68 pl., 72 pl., 80 pl., 82 pl., 84 pl., 134 pl., folio pls. 371, 380, 386, 39I, 392 in myth, 22, 97, 98, 102-105, I09, 11, 153, 157-I6i, 165-168, 172, I84, I85 in warfare, 54-56, 70, 134, I55 in wedding ceremony, 64 in whaling, 17, 35-37 in winter ceremony, 78-8I, 85, 86 murder compensated with, 12I of the Haida, I87 of the Makah, 5, 6 of the Nootka, 4, 179 population computed from, 177 stature affected by, 10 traded by Haida, 134 Cape Cook, a Nootka boundary, 3 Cape Flattery, Klasset at, 182 Makah at, 3, 6 Capes, cedar-bark, in whaling ceremony, 40 See BARK; CLOTHING Captives in war, 54, 55 See SLAVES Cardinal points, Nootka names for, I99 See WINDS Carmanah, a Nitinat village, 182 Carving, animated, in myth, 156 by the Haida, 186 of arrows in myth, 162, 163 See HOUSE-POSTS; MORTUARY COLUMNS; WOODWORKING Caste among the Haida, 117-118, 122-123, 187 among the Nootka, 63 Catamarans in winter ceremony, 78-80 See CANOES Caves, dead deposited in, 44, 128, I8o in myth, 95, 96, io8, 173 use of, at puberty, 126 Cedar, baskets of, 178 bows made of, 178 image made of, 74 used for salmon-trap, 99 whistles of, 73 Cedar-bark as tinder, 179 blanket rolled in, I50-15I body rubbed with, 126, 127 clothing of, II, 43, 71, 72, 90, 128, 134, 148, 178, 186, and plates gatherer of, folio pl. 383 hat of, 62 pl. head-dress of, 39, 70, 89, 90, 179 infants wrapped in, 40, I05 in head washing, 89 in myth, I07 in whaling ceremony, 37, 40, 77 mats of, 35 objects in dance, I43, I45, 147 personal ornaments of, I I-12, folio pl. 379 roofing of, 129, 155 rope and lines of, 99 used for napkins, 59 used in gaming, 132 worn in hair, 43, 71, 78 Cedar-withes, line; made of, 17, 22, I70 Ceremonies at house-building, 128-130 of the Haida, 187 of the Nootka, 179 See MORTUARY CUSTOMS; PUBERTY; WHALING; WINTER CEREMONY Chaah1, a Haida village, I90 population of, I86 Chabat, a spirit, 44, 46 Chachunas, a Mooachaht, 69 Chaidi, a Makah camp, 182 Chahlolnagai, a Haida village, I90 Chaicclesaht, habitat of, i8o population of, 177 village of, 97 Chal-chu-nie. See CHATCHEENI Chamiss bay, Nootka on, i8o Chaioga, a Haida dancer, 140, 148 Charcoal, faces blackened with, 40, 71, 72, 127, 133, 145 food of spirits, 44 used in tattooing, II, 125 {view image of page 216} 216 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Charms, hair used as, 54 used by Nootka, 45 used by whalers, I6 whaling, in myth, 104 See LOVE-CHARMS; TALISMANS Chatcheeni, population of, I86 Chektlis, a Chaicclesaht village, 97 Cherry-bark, binding of, 73 used on talisman, 49 Cheshish, a Muchalat village, 18I Chests of the Nootka, 13, 15, 178 used in cooking, 40 See BOXES Chiefs among the Haida, 119, 187 among the Nootka, 63-64, I79 crests of, on hats, 128 customs at death of, 44 descent among, II8 houses of, 129-130 Mooachaht name for, 45 mortuary customs regarding, 127 village, land ownership by, 132 village, leaders in war, 134 women, among Nootka, 55 Chi'ha. See SPIRITS Chilahkuns, a mythic woman, 117 Childbirth, taboo lifted at, 126 Children, customs respecting, 40 how treated, 41 in Haida winter dance, 142 initiated in ceremony, 68-69 labrets worn by, 128 of divorced parents, 67 ornamentation of, II See BOYS; GIRLS; INFANTS Chilkat blanket illustrated, I44 pl. Chinamen with Meares, xi, 7 Chisels of the Nootka, 15-I6 See IMPLEMENTS Chopper dance in winter ceremony, 88 Christian influence in Nootka belief, 45 ChuhiwtftqthIl, a Kyuquot village, I80 Chiuwn, name of John Jewitt, 9 Clallam, Makah name for, 182 on Juan de Fuca strait, 3 Clam diggers illustrated, folio pls. 366, 387 Clams in Haida myth, 155-156 not ridiculed by Haida, 136 See FOOD; HORSE-CLAM Clam-shell, dice of, 133 rattles of, in myth, I62 used with tobacco, 132 Clans of the Haida, I 6, 187 Clayoquot belief in afterworld, 44-45 berry picker illustrated, folio pl. 368 dance acquired by, I79 deities of the, 45 games of the, 50 habitat of the, 3, I81-182 house of, described, 14 Makah name for, 182 marriage customs of, 64 medicine-men of, 48 myths of, 99, 103, IIO population of, 177 secret song of, 92-93 spearing by, folio pls. 392, 394 tattooing by, I I the Tonquin destroyed by, 9 vocabulary of, 197-204 war custom of, 54 war-song of, 6I whale ceremony, folio pl. 370 whaler, experience of, 18-37 whaler, prayer of, 37 whaling by, 40 Clayoquot sound, Nootka on, 177 scene on, 18 pl. Clickass, population of, I86 Cloo. See KLOO Clo-oose, a Nitinat village, I82 Makah name for, 182 Clothing of mourners, 45 of the dead, 44, 126 of the Haida, 128, i86 of the Nootka, 4, II, 178 of warriors, 55 See BARK; CEDAR-BARK; COSTUMES, and the various plates Clouds in Haida myth, I59, I6I, I66 mythic origin of, 157 Clover-roots used in feast, 87 Clubs in myth, 96, 98, I65 in warfare, 54, I85 of whale-bone, 24, 27 stone, symbolic, 83 used by dancer, 145 used by Makah, 6 used by Nootka, 9 See WAR-CLUB Cockle monster in Haida myth, 165 Cod tabooed during ceremony, 68 Cod oil used by Haida, 131 Colors, names for, I99, 206 {view image of page 217} INDEX 217 Comb in myth, 96, 169 of girl at puberty, 43 Comekela, a Nootka warrior, 55 Continence by Haida shamans, 137 by warriors, 54, 119 by whalers, 16, 17, 23, 34, 36, I03 practised in legend, 183 when observed, 41 Cook, Capt. 7ames, among the Nootka, xi, 3, 4, IO, 12-14, 62, 177, folio pl. 390 (description) Cooking by the Nootka, 14, 40, 178 in myth, Ioo, 165 Cooptee a locality, 107 Nootka at, I85 Copper needles for tattooing, 125 plates of the Haida, 131 Cormorant in Haida myth, I55, I56 Corpse, imitation of, in ceremony, 144 in myth, IO9 in whaling legend, 25-27, 30-31, 34 used by shaman, 49 used by whalers, 39, 44, io8- Io See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Cosmos, Haida concept regarding, 132 myth regarding, 148 Nootka concept regarding, 11 Costumes in winter ceremony, 85-87, 90, 145 -148 See BLANKETS; CLOTHING; HEAD-DRESS, ROBES Courting among Nootka, 65 See MARRIAGE Cowichan, Makah name for, I82 Crab used as charm, 16 Crabapples at house-building, I30 Cradle in myth, I04, I66 Crane in myth, III, 162, 167, 169, 170 personated in ceremony, 84 Creation. See COSMOS; GENESIS; TRANSFORMER Crests among the Haida, I 17-118 how retained in family, 120 of the Mooachaht, 183 on house-poles, I86 on mortuary columns, 118 painted on faces, 128 painted on hats, 128 tattooed, 125, i86 Cripples, how regarded, 41 Crown of hemlock, 29, 33 See HEAD-DRESS Crows in myth, Io8 Crystal in Haida myth, I48 used in winter ceremony, 84 See QUARTZ CRYSTAL Cumshewa, a Haida village, 189 population of, 186 Cup used in head-washing, 89 See UTENSILS Dadens, a Haida village, I90 Dadjingits, a Haida village, 189 Dahluka, a Makah, 57 Dahua, a Haida village, 189 Daiyu, a Haida village, 189 Dance at house-building, 130 by warriors, 8 "good-time," of Nootka, 52 in Haida myth, 153 in winter ceremony, 71-73, 77, 78, 84-87 personal adornment for, 128 tattooing done at, 123 See SCALP-DANCE; WINTER CEREMONY Dances of the Haida, 139-148 of the Kyuquot, 92 of the Nootka, 179 Davidson, Robert, with Meares, 7 Dawson, G. M., cited, I86 Daylight, a mythic personage, 136, 156 See SUN; SUN-SKANAKWAI Deadfall, game taken with, 131, 178 Death controlled by shamans, 49, 54 name changed at, 43 See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Deep inlet, Nootka on, I80 Deer, killing of, when tabooed, 68 personated in ceremony, 84 stomachs of, myth regarding, 11O-II2 Deer dancer of Kyuquot, 92 Deer-horn, chisels of, I79 talisman of, 49 worn in ceremony, 71 Deerskin, anklets of, I Deities of the Nootka, 45 Dentalium shell, gift of, 44, 86 head-band of, go ornaments of, II, 43 Deodands paralleled among Haida, 122 Descent among the Haida, 117-119, 127, 187 among the Nootka, 179 of chiefs, 55 See INHERITANCE Devil's-club used in washing, IOO-IOI {view image of page 218} 218 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Devil's-club bark eaten by shaman, 137 eaten in myth, I6I magic use of, 139 purgative of, 133 Diana island, Oiaht on, 182 Dice played by boys, 133 See GAMES Didahwai-gwaiai. See QUEEN CHARLOTTE ISLANDS Digut-skanakwai, a Haida dancer, 140, 147 Dip-net in Haida myth, 16I Disease among Haida, 115 among Nootka, 61 Dishes, how made by Nootka, 179 See UTENSILS Diver in Haida myth, 171 Division of whale to whalers, 17 Divorce among Nootka, 67 Diwun, a mythic character, 16I-I62 Dixon, George, among the Haida, 116 Diya. See NEAH Diyaath, a Makah sept, 182 Djigogiga, a Haida village, 189 Djigua, a Haida village, II 7, 189 Djihuagits, a Haida village, I90 Dogfish, bags of stomachs of, 40 in Haida myth, 167 Dogfish oil, infants anointed with, 40 Dogs ceremonially eaten, 146 in Haida myth, 158, 172 people named for, I22 sacrificed at house-building, I30 Dog-salmon, Haida use of, I31 in myth, 99-0I used in feast, 87 See FOOD Do-hade, a Haida division, 172-173 Down, hair powdered with, 4 See EAGLE-DOWN Dream in myth, Io9 of Haida shaman, 137 of Nootka chief, 19 of whaler, 28, 30, 34 Dress. See CLOTHING; COSTUMES Drill in Haida myth, 166, 167, I69 Drum in Haida myth, I53, 159, I62, 163 See BOX-DRUM; SOUNDING-BOARD Drumming by certain parents, 41 in shamanistic rite, 137 in winter ceremony, 89 Duck in Haida myth, 15I, I52, i68 personated in ceremony, 84 Duck-feathers, whale covered with, 23 Duffn, -, with Meares expedition, 6 Dwellings of the Haida, I86 of the Nootka, 178 See HOUSES Eagle, a Haida phratry, 116, 187 carved on house-post, 62 in Haida myth, 170 in Nootka myth song, IO1 personated in ceremony, 84 tattooed, 125 Eagle-bone, ears pierced with, 11 Eagle crest of the Haida, 117, I8 Eagle-down a sign of peace, 135 in Haida ceremony, 125, 141 in Haida myth, 159 in whaling ceremony, 23, 36, 37 Eagle-feathers, ears decorated with, 1 head-band of, go in head-dress, 78 nose decorated with, 6 pl. on staff, 64 worn by girl, 44 worn by supernatural being, 45 worn in hair, 159 Eagle monster in Haida myth, 165 Eagle nest, symbolism of, 128 Eagle-tail in dance, 179 Ear-pendants of the Haida, 128 See ORNAMENTS Ear-piercing among Haida, 122 by Nootka, I I Earthquakes, mythic origin of, Io8 Echo personified in ceremony, 86 Effigies. See IMAGES Eh^tis, an Ehatisaht village, I80 Ehatisaht, habitat of, I80 population of, 177 war expedition to, 70 Elderberries. See FOOD Elk in myth, 11I-112 Elk-horn, chisels of, 179 harpoon socket of, I6, 27 Elk-skin, garments of, 145, 147, i62 rope of, 27 Emetic taken by hunters, 138, 139 taken by warriors, II9, 133 See PURIFICATION Endogamy prohibited by Haida, I 17, II8 See MARRIAGE English among the Nootka, 4 {view image of page 219} INDEX 219 Eskimo, Massett name for, 191 Esperanza inlet, Ehatisaht at, I8o Estevan point in legend, 184 Eyes, loss of, in myth, 149 Face, how treated by mourners, 127 roots and bark rubbed on, I34 Face-blackening. See CHARCOAL Face-painting by warriors, 55 for whaling feast, 40 in ceremony, 71, 78, 85, 128, 147, 179 in myth, Io8, 152 Makah, 5, 6 Nootka, 4 of corpses, 126 Feces used by sorcerers, 138 Fasting at puberty, 126 before bathing, 132 by shamans, 137 by warriors, I8o by whaler in myth, 103, I09 during war, 134 Feast at ear-piercing, 122 given by whaler, 24, 26, 27, 29 in Haida myth, 153, 154, 162, I68, 171 naming, 43 of blubber, 40 Feast names of the Haida, I22-I23 Feasts in honor of children, 123 in Nootka ceremony, 179 in Nootka myth, I02, 185 in winter ceremony, 69, 73, 76, 79, 84, 87-90, 143 marriage, 65, I20, 128 of the Nootka, 15, 19, 57 Feathers, blankets of, in myth, 152 burned as offering, 45 capes ornamented with, 40 ears decorated with, I I in head-dress, 38-39 magic, in myth, 162, 163 of shaman in myth, 160 on chief's cap, 4 See DOWN; DUCK-FEATHERS; EAGLEFEATHERS; GOOSE-FEATHERS; HAWKFEATHERS; MALLARD-FEATHERS; OWL-FEATHERS; SEA-GULL FEATHERS; WOODPECKER-FEATHERS Felice Adventurer, a ship, xi Fern-roots used in feast, 87 See BRACKEN-ROOTS; FOOD Finger. See LITTLE FINGER Fir, head-dresses of, 74, 85 used in winter ceremony, 88 Fire burned for dead, 127 creates supernatural beings, I59 food sacrificed to, 187 Haida belief regarding, 128 in winter ceremony, 72, 75, 83, 85, 89, 90, 146 magic, in Haida myth, 164 produced by Nootka, 179 punishment with, in myth, I60 supernatural power of, 136 Fire-arms among Nootka, 55-56 Fire-drill in Haida myth, 158 Fireplaces, Nootka, 13 Fisherman in myth, 99-103 Fishing and curing by Haida, 131 by the Nootka, 15, folio pl. 392 in Haida myth, 156-I57, i6o, I61, 170 in legend, I86 See IMPLEMENTS Fishing grounds, ownership of, 132 Fishing implements affected by menses, I26 how treated at death, I27 of the Nootka, 178 See IMPLEMENTS Fish-rack, how symbolized, 128 Fish-trap, sketch of, Ioo pi. Flattery rocks, a Makah boundary, 3 Floats used in whaling, 17, i8, 26 pi., 30 pl., 3I, 33, 35, folio pl. 395 Flood in Haida myth, 152, 154, 155 Flores island, Ahousaht on, 18I Foam, flood caused by, in myth, I52, I55 Fog in myth, I I Food burned for the dead, 127, 128 of the Haida, 131, I86, 205-207 of the Nootka, 15, 40, 178, 197-200 See FEAST Fool dancer of the Kyuquot, 92 Fort built at Nootka, 4 Fort Simpson mentioned, 134, 135 Friendly cove, Juan Perez in, 4 Meares in, 4 Mooachaht on, 55 trip of the Boston to, 7 Fuca. See JUAN DE FUCA STRAIT Furniture, Nootka, 13 Fur-seal, images of, 79, 84 See SEAL Fur-traders in Nootka legend, 185 See TRADERS {view image of page 220} 220 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Gachigundae, a Haida village, I89 Gado, a Haida village, 189 Gaesigusket, a Haida village, I88 Gagitiit, a Haida dancer, 140, 146 Gahlinskun, a Haida village, I90 Gallatin, Albert, on Skittagetan family, II5 Gamblers, devil's-club bark used by, 139 bathing by, 34 Gambling implements affected by menses, I26 how treated at death, 127 Games of the Haida, 132-133, x87 of the Nootka, 50-52, 179 Gaodjaos, a Haida village, I89 Gasijidas, a Haida dancer, 140, I45 Gasins, a Haida village, I89 Gatgainans, a Haida village, I88 Geese in Haida myth, I6I Genesis of the Mooachaht, 183 See COSMOS; TRANSFORMER Gentes absent among Nootka, 62 See CLANS Ghosts in myth, Io9 See SPIRITS Gidansta, a chief, I25 Gifts at feasts, I23 at puberty rite, 44 at tattoo ceremony, 125 in dance, 148 in marriage ceremony, I79 in myth, 98, 153 in winter ceremony, 71-77, 79, 82-83, 86, 88, 89, 91, I43 mortuary, 44 of slaves in ceremony, 88 to bride, 65, 120 to bride's family, 64, 65 to chiefs, 64 See POTLATCH; PROPERTY Girls, how named, 42 how taught, 41, 65 in winter ceremony, 71, 73, 78 See PUBERTY Gitinkalana, a Haida village, I90 Goat. See MOUNTAIN-GOAT Gods. See DEITIES Gomsewa, a sailor, I89 Goose, images of, 79 myth of the, I68-I7I used in feast, 87 Goose-feathers in head-dress, 39 used with blubber, 40 Goose-skins in Haida myth, I68 Gouge of whale-rib, 129 Government of the Nootka, 63-64 See SOCIOLOGY Graham island in Haida myth, I60 Grass, beds of, in Haida myth, I60 in head-dress, 78 used for purification, 46 Grave-pole. See MORTUARY COLUMN Gray, Robert, at Nootka, xii Grizzly-bear, ears of, symbolized, 128 See BEAR; HAAJI Grizzly-bear Woman, a supernatural being, 45 Guhlga, a Haida village, I89 Gulhlgildjing, a Haida village, I89 Gull-feathers. See SEA-GULL FEATHERS Gum-chewing, when tabooed, 68 Gydtlgai, the Haida afterworld, 187 Haena, a Haida village, I89 Hagatas, a Haida dancer, I40, I46 Hagi, a Haida village, 188 Hahlasuishawihl, the Sea Chief, IO6 Hahlkaiyans, portrait of, I50 pi. Hahlsushawihl, a deity, Io6 Hahlaiphwihwil, the Sun Chief, 45, Io6 Haida, account of the, 115-173, 186-193 Massett name for, 191 tomb of chief of, folio pl. 397 vocabulary of the, 204-210 Haiitlik, a supernatural being, 45 Hair, feathers in, in myth, 158-I59 of the Nootka, 10, folio pl. 390 (description) used as war charm, 54 used on talisman, 49 Hair-cutting in mourning, 45, 127 Hairdressing in Haida myth, I56 of girl at puberty, 43, 44 of the Haida, I28, I86 of the Nootka, 1I-12, 178 Hair-pulling in ceremony, 82 in game, 133 in legend, i85 Hair-seal monster in Haida myth, i65 Hair-seals, bags of stomachs of, 40 bladders of, for oil, 137 hunting of, 31-33 in Haida myth, I6I personated in ceremony, 84 purification for killing, 78 used in feast, 19, 87 See FOOD {view image of page 221} INDEX 221 Hair-seal skins, floats of, 17, i8, 31, 33 Hai'r-wzashing tabooed by shaman, 137 Haiyahl, portrait of, foIo l8 Haiyanuwa, a legendary ancestor, i8i, 183 Hai'yanuwa~htakrimh27'e 74ha, a Mooachaht sept, 90,I107, 8i,i183 Haiyz'qtiztaifht6kmYh, a Clayoquot sept, i8i Halibut fishing illustrated, 76 PI., folio Pl. 393 in Haida myth, i56, IS7 tabooed at puberty, I26 tabooed during ceremony, 68 used by shaman, 50 used in feast, 87 See FooD Hamatsa and iilala compared, I43 in winter ceremony, 92 Handicraft of the Nootka, i terms for, 200-201, 207-208 See INDUSTRIES Hanna, 7ames, visits Nootka, 4 Heipiyarlksa, a Nootka woman, 9 Harploons in myth, 97, 109, 184 illustrated, 30 PI-, 72 PI-, 74 PL., folio PL. 374 in winter ceremony, 78, 79 of the Nootka, i6-i8 prayer to, 37 See IMPLEMENTS; SPEARS H6sakiun, population of, i86 Hafhi'hchihat, a legendary personage, 183 Hat, magic, in myth, I54-155, iS8-i0i, i66 of cedar-bark, 62 pI. of spruce-roots in myth, 153 of the Nootka, 1Ii See CLOTHING; COSTUMES Hawaii', abalone-shell from, I28 Ha'wa'nahat, a legendary personage, 183 mask of, 88 pl. Ha'wih7lae'tla~mi the Moon Chief, 28, 36 Hawihilsui'stimi, the Sea deity, 28, 33, 45 Ha'wihffiowisz~mi, the South Chief, 28, 33, 45 Hawi'yama, the Mountain deity, 28, 36, 45 Hawk-feathers, ears decorated with, ii in Haida myth, i58 Hawk-feather-standing-in-the-water, a mythic personage, i6o Ha'yaaihc~wihJ, the Mountain deity, io6 Hayas, portrait of, i6o pl. Head-dress in winter ceremony, 8o, 85, 89, 90 of cedar-bark, 70, 179 of foliage, folio Pl. 391 of Haida, folio PI. 398 Head-dress of initiates, 74, 78 of Makah whaler, 38-39 See COSTUMES; CROWN; HAT Head-flattening by Nootka, 12 Head-hunting by Haida, 133, 134, i87 by Nootka, 9, S4, S6, 70, i8o Head-scratching during ceremony, 68 Head-washing in winter ceremony, 89 with urine, 77, 78 Heceta, Bruno, voyage Of, 4 Hell-diver. See DIVER Hemlock, ceremonial washing with, 94 costume of, 90 PI. crown Of, 29, 33 huts of, 162-i63 in puberty rite, I25-126 objects of, in myth, 155-IS6 power derived from, 46 tied in hair, 21 used for salmon-trap, 99 used in purification, i6, I9-27, 30, 31, 34, 36, 38, 43, 44, 46, io6, foIo l7 Herring, images Of, 79, 84 songs regarding, 41 when tabooed, 41, 68 Herring-roe gathered in legend, i86 used in feast, 87 Hesquiat attend winter ceremony, 86 berry picker, foIo l7 canoeing, folio PI. 373 habitat of, i8i lullaby Of, 41 Makah name for, 182 medicine-song Of, 48 population of, I77 root digger, folio Pl. 367 Heudao, a Haida village, I88 Hide used on talisman, 49 See SKIN Hihlh7YnnatdathaI a Nootka sept, i8o Hilhukin~an~, a Haida ancestress, I 17 Hihtbkea, a chief, i8i Hihta'kea~htaki~mhil'zUha, a Mooachaht sept, i8i Hi'qis, a Seshart village, 182 Hisnit, a Nootka locality, I83-i85 Hlagi, a Haida village, i88 Hlagilda. See SKIDEGATE Hleiit-hade, a Haida division, 172 Hlakeguns, a Haida village, 190 Higadun, a Haida village, i88 Hlgahet, a Haida village, 189 {view image of page 222} 222 222 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Higai_ ha, a Haida village, 189 Hlgaiu, a Haida village, 189 Hlgihl a-ala, a Haida village, 190 Hihran, a Haida village, I90 Hlielung, a Haida village, 190 Hlke'nuah7l-la'nas, a Haida clan, 123 Hikia, a Haida village, 189 Hlky~nkaikwa-sk6nawai, a mythic being, 163 Hluchhciuqttadku'm~li, a Clayoquot sept, i8i H6chuqtlis, a Uchucklesit village, i8z Hoh, Makah name for, 182 H 6h o, a Haida dancer, 140, 145 Hoko creek, a Makah boundary, 3 Hopping Supernatural-power. See HLKYA'NKAIKWA-SKANAKWAI Horn, rattle of, in whaling ceremony, 36 See DEER-HORN; ELK-HORN Horse-clam monster in Haida myth, 165 Hotao, a Haida village, 189 Hotdjihoas, a Haida village, 189 House-building, ceremony at, 140, 143, 187 coppers given at, 131 tattooing at, 123 House-posts, ceremony at erection of, 140, 143, 187 how made, I30 in Haida myth, i67, i68 in Mooachaht legend, 183 of the Clayoquot, 62 —63 of the Haida, 129, i86 See CRESTS; IMAGES Houses demolished at death, 45 demolished in ceremony, 74, 79 demolished in myth, 98 illustrated, 14 pl., 6o pl., 130 pl. of the Haida, 128-I30 of the Nootka, I2-15 See DWELLINGS Howkan, a Haida village, 115, 190 population of, i86 Hoyai. See RAVEN Hfoya-gundla, a Haida village, 190 Hr'aji, a Haida dancer, 140, 148 Huckleberries. See FOOD Hulagwains, a Haida village, 189 Human flesh. See CORPSE Human sacrifice for whaler, 39 Hunt, George, informant, i8 Hunter, customs at death of, 44 in winter ceremony, 8S purification by, 138-I39 Hunting by magic in myth, 96 Hunting by the Nootka, 15 in myth, 150-152, I58, 162, i68, i86 products of, how disposed of, 11I9, 120 supernatural control Of, 45 See WHALING Hunting implements affected by menses, 12.6 how treated at death, 127 of the Nootka, I178 See IMPLEMENTS Hupachfis, an Opitchesaht village, 182 Hz'pahllainnaka, a legendary person, 184 Hz'pahilaksa', a legendary person, 184 Hz'pah~ratha, legendary person, 184 Hi'ps~tris, a Kyuquot village, i8o Huptdchrikt. See CHAXDI Hi'yaR~, a chief, 91 Ias, a Mooachaht village, 105, i8i I Sratha, Mooachaht sept, 181 Ifiltawat, portrait of, I58 pl. Images in Haida myth, 159, i65, i66 in winter ceremony, 74, 79-81, 84 made in legend, 184 Nootka, 14, 15 of corpse in dance, 144 used by shamans, 49 whale, in head-dress, 39 worn by warriors, 134 See CARVING; HOUSE-POSTS; MORTUARY COLUMNS; TOTEM POLES Implements affected by menses, 126 how treated at death, I27 of the Haida, 186-187 of the Nootka, 15, 178-179 of war, 54 Industries of the Haida, i86 of the Nootka, I 78 Infants, head-flattening of, 12 how named by Haida, 122 See CHILDREN Inheritance among the Haida, 11I8 among the Nootka, 64 dances derived by, 84 in winter ceremony, 70 of camp sites by Haida, 131 of names, 105 of property, 44, ii8 of songs, 145 of timber-making, 130 Initiates. See WINTER CEREMONY Inlaying of labrets, 128 Iphigenia Nubiana., a ship, xi, xii {view image of page 223} INDEX 223 Iron, tools of, among Nootka, 15-i6 Iron river in Haida myth, i6i Islands, Haida belief concerning, 157 mythic creation of, 155 Issa'wista, a Clayoquot locality, i8z Isseiwistazdthatbkz~mYhi, a Ucluelet sept, 182 Ittatso, a village, 182 Iyik haSI'S. See YAHKSIS 7ade, Haida axes of, i86 James island, fight at, 57 Yewitt, John, among Mooachaht, 7, 9, folio pl. 386 (description) YOU'h, a Haida village, 190 Jordan river, Nitinat on, 182 J64sahli, a Haida village, 190 Ju, a Haida locality, 155, I57 Juan de Fuca strait, Clallamn on, 3 Meares in, 5 Nootka on, I77 Jz'keu, a Haida village, i88 Kachkii1Sj~thata'k(jmYhil, a Clayoquot sept, i8i Kadaliwa'-gwai ail creation Of, 149 Kadajans, a Haida village, I88 Kadusgo, a Haida village, 189 Kae, a Haida village, 189 Kdesigas, a Haida village, i88 Kai'di, a Haida village, i88 Kaidju, a Haida village, i88 Kaidjudal, a Haida village, i88 Kaigani, the Alaska Haida, I115,i8 Kaihlkaij'at, a mythic woman, I49-152 Kaisun, a Haida village, i6o, 190 population of, i86 Keiko, copper from, I31 Kakshittle arm, Kyuquot on, i8o Rkanaikenuhiw, a mythic being, 183 Kana'kum, a Seshart chief, 88, 91 Kane, Paul, cited, i86 Kanlet-hbidagai, a division of Haida, 189 Kanikila and Ikanikenuhw compared, 183 Ka'nnoPitka'mYhil'itha, a Kyuquot sept, i8o Kasaan, a Haida village, 115, 191 R1ifhid, a warrior, 6o-6i Kasta, a Haida village, 189 KlasfingYfl, a Haida village, 190 Kaitkdinains, a Haida. village, 190 KaciznYm't, a Kyuquot village, 94, i8o Kaw-welth. See CHAAHL Kayung, a Haida village, 190 warriors from, 135 t[idrlubyt, a Makah settlement, 182 Kelp in Haida myth, iSS 167 Kelp-fish, power obtained from, 47-48 Kelsernaht, a Nootka tribe, 19, 23 habitat of, i8i population of, 177 Ketigi, a mythic person, I52-I55 Kennedy lake, Clayoquot on, 182 Ket, a Haida village, i88 KildLlumaut th. See KELSEMAHT Kill, a Haida village, 189 Killerwhale carved on arrow, 162 crest of the Haida, I117 in Haida myth, 117, 151, i66, 167 personated in ceremony, 84, 86 the drowned transformed into, 128 Kingfisher in Haida myth, I70 personated in ceremony, 84 King George's sound. See NOOTi" SOUND Kish-a-win. See KAISUN Kutk~n, portrait of, 152 pl. Kms~hauitamYla Clayoquot sept, i8i Kiusta, a Haida village, 190 Klahosaht, a former Nootka tribe, I77 Kla-iz-zarts. See KLASSET Klasset, habitat of the, 182 name of the Makah, i8z Kll'klhlahlfk, a Makah, 59 Klinkwan, a Haida village, 115, 190 A'[Yseikak, supplication to, 46 Kloo, a Haida village, 189 population of, i86 Knives in myth, 96, i Io-1I1, i69, I171 in winter ceremony, 79, 8o of the Nootka, i6 used in war, 54 See IMPLEMENTS Koagaogit, a Haida village, 189 Koga, a Haida village, 189 K'gis, a Haida, 135 Ko'hlanna, a chief, S5 f(6'nrl. See SKEDANS Koski'mo, house-post derived from, 63 Kostunhana, a Haida village, 189 Koyains, portrait of, I56 pl. Kundji,1 a Haida village, i88, 189 Kung, a Haida village, 190 population of, i86 totems at, I22 pl., 126 pl., 128 pl. Kungga, a Haida village, 189 Kungi~elung, a Haida village, igo Kunkia, a Haida village, 190 {view image of page 224} 224 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Kuipti. See COOPTEE Kufituuthakamihl, a Kyuquot sept, I8o Kuulana, a Haida village, 190 R.uyan-skanakwai, a Haida dancer, 140, 147 Kwakiutl and Haida dance compared, 143 and Haida marriage, 187 and Haida warfare, 133, 187 and Nootka ceremony compared, 84, 91 and Nootka warfare, 180 ceremony adopted from, 139, I46, 187 house-posts derived from, 63 marriage with, in myth, Io6 Massett name for, 191 of Wakashan stock, 3 on Vancouver island, 3 women dancers of, 71 Kweundlas, a Haida village, I90 population of, I86 Kyuquot, habitat of, 3, I8o Makah name for, 182 population of, 177 winter ceremony of, 92 Kyuquot sound, Nootka warfare on, 55 Kyuquot village, house-posts in, 62 Labrets worn by Haida, 122, 128, I86 Lady Washington, a ship, xii Lakes, mythic creation of, 148 Lanadagunga, a Haida village, 188 Lanagahlkehoda, a Haida village, 190 Lanahawa, a Haida village, 188, I90 Lanas-lnagai, a Haida village, I89, I90 Lanaya, a Haida village, 189 Land tenure of the Haida, 131, I32 Language, foreign, spoken by shamans, 137 of proposal speeches, 120 of the Haida, 115 See VOCABULARIES Legends. See MYTHOLOGY; TRADITIONS Leggings not worn by Haida, 128 See CLOTHING; COSTUMES Lending by Nootka, 67 Lice, mythic source of, 169 Lightning in Haida myth, 164 Lines, materials for making, 16-17 See ROPE; TUMP-LINE Little Finger, myth concerning, 162-168 Long beach, Clayoquot at, 182 Loon in Haida myth, 148, 171 Love-charms of the Haida, 138 See CHARMS Luck, how obtained in myth, Ioo Luck produced by corpse, 39 Lucy island, Haida warriors at, 135 Lulanna, population of, I86 Lullaby in myth, Ioo of Hesquiat, 41 See SONGS Lummi, Makah name for, 182 Magic, death by, 138 Magic power of warriors, I34 See SUPERNATURAL POWER Mafihtis, a Nootka informant, 69 Malkeit, a Kyuquot village, I80 Mahffsutiith", a Clayoquot sept, 181 Makah and Quilliute hostility, 56-61 attack Meares party, 5 basketry illustrated, I6 pl. ceremony of the, 179 character of the, 6 halibut fishing by, folio pl. 393 mortuary customs of, 44, I8o myth of the, Io8 names for tribes, 182 population of, 177 towing song of, 18 vocabulary of, I97-204 wedding ceremony of, 65 whaling customs of, 38-40, folio pl. 395 See KLASSET Maktusis, an Ahousaht village, 181 Mallard in myth, 156, 159, I6I personated in ceremony, 84 Mallard-feathers in Haida myth, 158 Manosaht, population of, 177 Maquilla. See MAQUINNA Maquinna, a Mooachaht chief, 4, 54-56, 69 in myth, Io8 Tsihwasip so called, 8 Marriage among the Haida, 118-121, 126-128, 187 among the Nootka, 64-67, 179 dances obtained by, 92 Marten in Haida myth, 154 Marten-skins, blankets of, 168 Martinez, Estevan 7ose, builds fort at Nootka, Xii, 4 MasaAstakumhl, a Clayoquot sept, 181 Masks of dancers in ceremony, 84-86, 88 pi., 9I, 139, 145, I47 Massett, a Haida village, 115, 190 bear totem at, 124 pl. chief canoe at, 187 {view image of page 225} INDEX 225 Massett in Haida myth, I62 population of, I86 trade with Tsimshian, I34 vocabulary of, 204-2IO warriors from, I35, I36 Massett inlet in Haida myth, 158 Matchilaht, a Nootka tribe, 177 Matilda creek, Ahousaht on, I8I Mats as roofing in myth, 155 curtain of, 73 dance skirt of, 162 doors covered with, 54, IO8, 162 hut lined with, 41 initiates covered with, I45, I46, 148 in winter ceremony, 75, 76 of the Nootka, 13, 14, I79 used at feast, 36 used for bedding, 35, 126 Mauls of the Nootka, 179 See IMPLEMENTS Ma'wunni, a Mooachaht village, I8I Ma'wunutha, a Mooachaht sept, I8I McKay on Vancouver island, xi Meares, 7ohn, among the Nootka, xi, 4-7 on Clayoquot houses, I4-I5, 62 on Nootka chiefs, 63 on Nootka population, 177 on Nootka warfare, 54-56 Meares island, Clayoquot on, I8I Medicine, invisibility given by, 54 Medicine-men of the Haida, 136-138 practices of, 48-49 See SHAMANS Medicine-women, illustrations of, 50 pi., 54 pl., 56 pl., 58 pl.; folio pls. 376, 380 song of, 48 Menses, implements affected by, I26 power of shaman blighted by, 137 Mentality of the Nootka, I I Metlakatla, Haida warriors at, 135 Mica, bodies sprinkled with, 55 faces powdered with, 6 Mice, sorcerers commune with, 138 See MOUSE Mink. See QATIAT Moccasins not worn by Haida, 128 See CLOTHING Modesty, how induced in girls, 126 Monster in myth and legend, 105, 107, I65, I85 Months. See MOONS Mooachaht, Captain Cook among, 3 VOL. XI-15 Mooachaht, chiefs of the, 55 habitat of, 4, 55, i8i myth of the, 104-I08 population of, 177 principal deity of, 45 traditions of the, 182-186 venison tabooed by, 68 winter ceremony of, 69 Moochatlaht, a Nootka tribe, 177 Moon, ceremony influenced by, 39, 54, 90 Haida names for, 210 prayers influenced by, 45 prayers to, 46 symbolized on face, 128 symbolized with feathers, 39-40 whaling controlled by, 34 Moon deity of the Clayoquot, 45 prayers to, 28, 36, 53 song to, 32 Morality of the Haida, I I6 of the Nootka, 65 Moresby island, Haida on, 172 Mortuary columns of the Haida, 44-45, II8, 127, 128 Mortuary customs of the Haida, 126-127, 128 pl., folio pi. 397 of the Nootka, 44-45, i8o Mosquito harbor, Clayoquot on, I82 Moss, use of, in myth, Io6 Mossette. See MASSETT Mossy point in Haida myth, I50 Mountain deity in myth, Io6 of the Clayoquot, 45 prayers to, 28, 36, 54 song to, 32 Mountain-goat in Haida myth, 154 Mountain-goat skin, blanket of, 64 Mountains, mythic origin of, I70 Mourning among the Nootka, 44-45 in myth, 96-97 See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Mouse carved on arrow, 163 in Haida myth, 169, 170 See MICE Muchalat at winter ceremony, 87-88 habitat of, i8i mentioned in legend, 183 population of, I77 Muchalat arm in legend, I84 Muchh7i, a fishing station, I8I Muiqatuhl, a Mooachaht, 7, 8 Muqinna. See MAQUINNA {view image of page 226} 226 226 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Murder among Haida, i i6, 121I how accomplished, 54 Music. See SONGS Mussels in Haida myth, 158, 159 not ridiculed by Haida, 136 Mussel-shell, arrows pointed with, i86 harpoon-blade of, i6, 27 hide-scraper of, I79 knives of, 1 79 spear-points Of, 5, 6,~ 178 spoons of, 15 Muwci'cha, a Nootka locality, i 8i, 1 83,i8 Muwb'chaitha. a Nootka sept and tribe, i8i See MOOACHAHT Myers, X. E., acknowledgments to, xiii Mythology of the Haida, I48-I73, i87-188 of the Nootka 94-I 12, i 8o Nagus, a Haida village, i88 Nadhgyu, a fishing bank, 156 Nbi~diin, population of, i86 Naikun mentioned in myth, 149 population of, i86 Nhiflaop, an ancestral chief, i8i N61f.laoptakamhll~tdha. a Mooachaht sept, i8i Names among the Haida, I22-123 changed in ceremony, 68 inheritance of, 105 personal, of the Nootka, 42 Nadnanahkanz'dw in legend, i83,18 Ncinika, a supernatural being, 45 Nas, the Sun deity, 45 Natural phenomena, terms for, 201-202, 208 Neah, Klasset at, 182 Neah bay, village scene, 14 pl. Neah Bay creek, Makah on, 182 Neck-rings, cedar-bark, in dance, 147 Needles for tattooing, 125 Net. See DIP-NET; FiSHING Nettle-fibre used for wrapping, i6 Nigh-tan. See NA'!DON Nimkish, dance obtained from, 92 intercourse with, 3 Ninstints, a Haida village, 188 people of, obtain dance, 143 Nissadk, a Mooachaht village, i8i Niss~kctha,. a Mooachaht sept, i8i Nlstu, a Haida village, I72 Nitinat, habitat Of, 3, 182 Makah name for, 182 population of, 177 No-coon. See NAIKUN Nootka, account of the, 3-112, I77-i86 application of name, 3 early voyages to, xi, 4 Massett name for, 191 mode of spearing, folio pl. 374 village of, illustrated, 4 p1. vocabularies of, 197-204 Nootka, a ship, xi No'otka sound, warfare near, 55 view on, folio pl. 389 Nootka village. See YUQUOT Nose pierced by Nootka, i Nose-pendants of the Haida, 128 Nose-rings of the Nootka, i i, frontispiece, folio pls. 366, 388 Nucha'tl, a Nuchatlitz village, i~o Nuchatlitz, habitat of, i8o population of, I77 Nuhilchi'sta, a Haida dancer, 140, 146 Ntihlym, a Nootka ceremony, 92 Nz'Ri~hm, a Haida dancer, 140, 146 Numerals of the Haida, 208-209 of the Nootka, 202 Nu~nhi~tsYsta, a Kwakiutl dancer, 146 Nz~nkflslils, a mythic person, 148-I50 NankfIsks-hRi~ai, the Haida transformer, 1 17, 150-155 Nilnr~kten'k, a ceremony, 92 Nutumz~kstiihtcike~mYhl, a Clayoquot sept, i8i Obscenity in winter ceremony, 73 Ochre, bodies painted with, S5 face-paint Of, 4, 5 Octopus in myth, io6, 156, i65 Offerings to deities, 45 See GIFTS Oiaht, habitat of, 182 population of, 177 Oil as food, 14, 40 as gift in winter dance, 143 cod, used by Haida, 131 contained in bladders, 137 how preserved, 40 infants anointed with, 40 in Haida myth, i6i, 169 oulachon, traded to Haida, 134 used on faces, 5 See COD OIL; FOOD; DOGFISH OIL: OULAcHON OIL; WHALE OIL Oke, an Ehatisaht village, i8o 6ta a locality, 105 Omen in owl's hoot, 54 {view image of page 227} INDEX 227 Opitchesaht, habitat of, 182 Makah name for, 182 population of, 177 Opitsat, a Clayoquot village, 181 Ordeal in legend, 20-21 in winter ceremony, 74, 78, 82-83, 85, 87 of whaler, 25, 30-3I Ornamentation of wooden chests, 13 Ornaments of girl at puberty, 43 of the Haida, 128, i86 of the Nootka, Il, folio pl. 379 OsumYch defined, 46 See BATHING; PURIFICATION Oftihta, a locality, I84 Otter in Haida myth, 154 in winter ceremony, 72 personated in dance, 92 See SEA-OTTER Otter-skin, blanket of, in myth, 152 given in ceremony, 88 Oulachon oil at house-building, 130 traded to Haida, 134 Ououkinsh inlet, Chaicclesaht on, 97 5was, a locality, 99 Owl, hoot of, an omen, 54 in myth, 107, I09 power derived from, 48 spirit resembles, 49 Owl-feathers, ears decorated with, 11 Oyephl, a young whaler, 25-34 Ozette, a Makah village, 47, I82 scene of myth, Io8 war-parties at, 56-58 Pacheena, a Pacheenaht village, 182 Pacheenaht, habitat of, 182 Makah name for, 182 population of, 177 Pacific Fur Company, vessel of, destroyed, 9 Paitpaqalanoisiwi mentioned in rite, 145 Painting of bodies, IO, 55, 60, 6I, 76, 87 See FACE-PAINTING PaiyasrhtakimrYl, a Clayoquot sept, 181 Pendants of Nootka chiefs, I I See EAR-PENDANTS; NOSE-PENDANTS; ORNAMENTS Perez, Juan, voyage of, xi, 4, II6 Personal terms of the Haida, 209-210 of the Nootka, 203 Phratries of the Haida, I6, 187 relation of, in dance, 140 Physical character of the Nootka, io Pipe, slate, of Haida, I66 pi. Piqianum, a chief, I8I Pitshpaftkum, a mythic woman, o05 Poison used by Nootka, 49-50, 54 Political organization of the Haida, 187 of the Nootka, 179 Polygyny among Nootka, 65 Population of the Haida, 115, i86 of the Kyuquot, I80 of the Nootka, 177-178 of Umiktakimhll'Utha, i86 Porpoise, bags of stomachs of, 40 carved on arrow, 162 Haida belief regarding, 163 in Haida myth, 163 purification for killing, 78 used in feast, 87 Port Cox, Nootka at, 177 Port Effingham, Nootka at, 177 Port San Juan, a Nootka boundary, 3 Potlatch in myth and legend, 98, I83 in winter ceremony, 69, 84, 90, 91 of the Haida, 130-131 of the Nootka, 67, I79 Powell, 7. W., on Skittagetan family, 15 Power, magic, of warriors, I34 See SUPERNATURAL POWER Prayer by girl at puberty, 43 by warrior, 53 by whalers, I6, 23, 28, 29, 33, 36, 37 in myth, o16, io8, 109 to deities, 45, 46, 136 See SONGS Prince of Wales island, Haida on, 115 Prince William sound, Spanish at, 4 Princess Royal, a ship, xii Property, destruction of, at death, 44 destruction of, in dance, I45, I46 distributed at death, 44 distributed at house-building, I30 distribution of, by Haida, II8-II9, I23 distribution of, by house chief, 125 division of, on divorce, 67 gifts of, 62 inheritance of, among Haida, 18, 19 See LAND TENURE; POTLATCH Property-right. See DIVISION; FISHING GROUNDS Property Woman, a spirit, I37 Puberty customs of the Haida, 125 of the Nootka, 42-43, folio pl. 379 Puffin-bills on mythic rattle, i6I, 162 {view image of page 228} 228 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Puffin-bills, rattlers of, 145 Puffin-stood-on-the-water in myth, 159 Puget sound, Haida visits to, 187 marriage custom of tribes of, 65 Punishment. See ORDEAL Puqanum, a chief, I8I Puqanumhtakumhl'tha, a Mooachaht sept, 181 Purgative taken by warriors, 133 Purification, bathing for, 46, 48 by hunters, 138-139 by medicine-men, 136 by warriors, 53-54, 133, 180 by whalers, 16, 37, folio pl. 370 in winter ceremony, 78, 79, 84 power derived by, 62 See BATHING; EMETIC; HEMLOCK Qaktlis, a locality, 182 Qaktlisuthatakumihl, a Clayoquot sept, I82 Qatiat, the Makah transformer, 180 Qafitwi, a locality, 182 Qafiiwiiuthatakumh-l, a Kyuquot sept, 182 Qehak, a village, I80 Qidichchaatli, Makah native name, 182 QiAhqfshi. See BLUEJAY Quadra, 7. F., voyage of, 4 Quartz crystal in Haida myth, I56 See CRYSTAL Quatsino, Makah name for, 182 Quatsino sound, Nootka neighbors on, 3 Nootka warfare on, 55 Quee-ah, population of, 186 Queen Charlotte, a ship, II6 Queen Charlotte islands, Haida on, 115 mythic creation of, 149 warfare of Indians of, 55 Queenhithe. See QUINAULT Queets, Makah name for, 182 Qui-a-han-less. See KWEUNDLAS Quilliute and Makah hostility, 56-61 Makah name for, 182 Quilliute river, war-party on, 57 Quinault, Makah name for, 182 mentioned, 177 Races. See GAMES Rattle employed by shaman, 49, 138 pi., 142 pi. in Haida myth, 161 in whaling ceremony, 36, 37 in winter ceremony, 71, 83, 89, 90 of clam-shell in myth, 162 Rattle used in dance, 147 Raven, a Haida phratry, 116, 117, 187 a mythic person, 152, 155, 158 crest of the Haida, 117, I I8 in myth, 151-152, i6o-i6i, I71-I72, I8o, I85 not imitated by Haida, 136 power derived from, 48 song to, 32 tattooed, 125 totem at Yan, 118 pl. Raven chief of the Haida, 146 pl. Relations among the Haida, I 18, I20-121 terms for, 203, 209-21I Religion of the Haida, 136, 139-148, I87 See CEREMONIES; WINTER CEREMONY Rings, balsam, on initiates, 74 See NOSE-RINGS Rivalry among chiefs, 24-25 Rivers, mythic creation of, 148 Robes deposited with dead, 44 of bear-skin, 19, 22, 27, 31, 33, io8 of cedar-bark worn at puberty, 43 of sea-otter skin, 27, 172 of the Nootka, 178 See BLANKETS; CLOTHING; COSTUMES; SEA-OTTER SKIN Roe. See HERRING-ROE; SALMON-ROE Root digger, Hesquiat, folio pl. 367 Roots, invulnerability given by, 134 See BRACKEN-ROOTS; CLOVER-ROOTS; DEVIL'S-CLUB-ROOTS; FERN-ROOTS; FOOD; SILVERWEED-ROOTS; SPRUCEROOTS Rope in Haida myth, I66, 167, 169, 170 materials in myth, 99 of cedar withe, 22 of elk-hide, 27 See LINES Russians on Northwest coast, xii Sachaakuh7, a locality, 95 Sacrifice at house-post erection, 130 of bowl at puberty, 44 of coppers, I31 of food for dead, 127 of food to fire, 187 of slaves, 44 mortuary, 44-45 See HUMAN SACRIFICE; SLAVES Sahldungkun, a Haida village, 190 Saiyachautha, a Mooachaht sept, 69, 18I {view image of page 229} INDEX 229 Salal, switches of, in ceremony, 146 Salalberries. See BERRIES; FOOD Salatrass, Peter, with Meares, 7 Salish and Nootka warfare, I80 Massett name for, 191 tribes on Vancouver island, 3 Salmon, food of spirits, 44 images of, 79 in Haida myth, I70, 171 songs regarding, 41 used in feast, 87 when tabooed, 41, 68, 126 See DOG-SALMON; FOOD Salmonberry bush, magic, in myth, I60 Salmonberry shoots as skewers, I29 Salmon-roe in Haida myth, 169, 170 used in feast, 76, 87 Salmon-trap in myth, 99 Salter, Captain, among the Nootka, 7 Salt water drinking in myth, 149 taken as emetic, I33, I38, I39 Sanetch, Makah name for, 182 San Yuan river, Pacheenaht on, 182 San Lorenzo bay named, xi Safiakfoksis, a Mooachaht boy, 69 SaSfikahl-lanas, a Haida clan, 162 Scalp-dance of the Haida, I35 Scalps preserved by Haida, 134 Schwinke, Edmund, acknowledgments to, xiii Scratchers used during ceremony, 68 Scratching, body, in myth, I54 how performed, 43 Sculpin on totem poles, I17 Sea deity in myth, io6 of the Clayoquot, 45 prayer to, 28, 36 song to, 32 Sea-gull in Haida myth, 155 mythic creation of, 171 not imitated by Haida, 136 Sea-gull feathers in head-dress, 39 moon represented with, 39-40 Seal, charm for hunting, I39 See FUR-SEAL; HAIR-SEAL Sealing, bathing for, 34 Sea-lions, bags of bladders of, 40 in Haida myth, i65 Seal-skins, receptacles of, 14 Sea-otter carved on house-post, 62 hunting illustrated, 68 pl. in Haida myth, i66 personated in dance, 85-86 Sea Otter, a ship, xi Sea-otter bone, scratchers of, 68 Sea-otter skin, clothing of, 4, 5, 27, 55, 80, I72 gift of, 44 in ceremony, 83, 88 in myth, I50 taken in war, 56 Seaweed gatherers illustrated, 78 pl., 98 pl., folio pl. 369 in Haida myth, I56, I57 mythic transformation into, 154 See FOOD Septs of the Nootka, 62, I80 See SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Seshart, dance of chief of, 88 habitat of, 182 population of, 177 Sexual laxity during ceremony, 68 Sgilgi, a Haida village, I88 Shahmashtakamhl'atha, a Mooachaht sept, 181 Shamanism among Nootka, 45-50 Shamans in Haida myth, I59-I60 power acquired by, I60-I6I represented in slate carving, 136 pi. See MEDICINE-MEN Shark crest of the Haida, I 17 Sharks, bags of stomachs of, 40 Shawispa, a Kyuquot village, I8o ShidagifS, meaning of, I 5 See SKIDEGATE Shell, knives of, IIo-I I See ABALONE-SHELL; CLAM-SHELL; MUSSEL-SHELL; DENTALIUM SHELL; ORNAMENTS Shinny. See GAMES Shitlapatha, a Kyuquot sept, I8o Shiwua, an island, 181 Shiwuaathatiakaimhl, a Clayoquot sept, 181 Show-a-gan. See SUKKWAN Sichuiniyhamiuahtiakumlh, a Clayoquot sept, 18I Silverweed-roots in Haida myth, I68 Sindaskun, a Haida village, I88 Sinew, harpoon-line of, I6 on harpoon, I6 on talisman, 49 spear-points fastened with, 178 Singa, a Haida village, I90 Sitadu, a Quilliute warrior, 57-59 Skae, a Haida village, I88 Skanajat-htidagins, a mythic person, i60 Skanajat-kida-katlhaskas, a mythic person, i58 {view image of page 230} 230 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Skanakakwankidas, a mythic being, I66 Skainakwai. See SUPERNATURAL POWER Skangwai. See NINSTINTS Skaos, a Haida village, I90 Skates, bags of stomachs of, 40 Skedans, a Haida village, 189 dance belonging to, 148 in Haida myth, 163, I64 population of, i86 winter dance at, 144 Skeena river, tobacco seed from, 131 Skena, a Haida village, I89 Skidegate, a Haida village, II5, I89 population of, i86 Raven chief of, 146 Fi. vocabulary of, 204-2IO Skhmljadai, a spirit, 137 S'kdlketlas, a Haida name, 162 S'kdlkyiwat, a Haida name, 125, i62 S'ktltkahfi7u, a Haida name, 162 Skin. See BAT-SKIN; BEAR-SKIN; DEERSKIN; ELK-SKIN; GOOSE-SKINS; HAIR-SEAL SKINS; MARTEN-SKINS; MOUNTAIN-GOAT SKIN; OTTER-SKIN; SEAL-SKINS; SEA-OTTER SKIN; WEASEL-SKINS; WOLF-SKINS Skin-dressing by Nootka, I79 Skit-e-gates. See SKIDEGATE Skittagetan family, II5, I86 Sk6hokona, a mythic person, I50, I52, I53 Skudus, a Haida village, 189 Skulls, human, in Nootka house, 15 Skyaldagwdi, a Haida village, I88 Slate, Haida carvings of, 136 pl., i66 pl., folio pl. 400 Slaves among the Haida, I87 among the Nootka, 9, 63, I79 at marriage proposal, 64 exchanged for copper, 131 given in ceremony, 86, 88 given to bride, I20 given to chiefs, 64 in myth, 103-Io4, IIO, I51, I55, I72 in war, 54 in winter ceremony, 78, 80 murder compensated with, 121 sacrifice of, 44, I30, I80 taken in war, 60, 63, 133, I34, I8o, I87 Sleep, mythic cause of, 107 Sleight-of-hand in winter dance, 143, I45 See TRICKS Slings used in war, 70 Smallpox among Nootka, 6i See DISEASE Snares of the Nootka, 178 Snipe personated in ceremony, 84 Snohomish, Makah name for, I82 Snowbird in Haida myth, 157 Social organization, Haida, 62-67, I87 Nootka, 179 Societies, ceremonial, 84-85 secret, of the Haida, I39-I48 secret, of the Kyuquot, 92 secret, of the Nootka, 68 Songs at house-building, 130 bathing, of whaler's wife, 36 before whaling, 35 dance, of the Clayoquot, 52-53 for girl at puberty, 43 for initiates, 81-82 for twins and cripples, 41 in ceremony, 71-74, 78-80, 83, 84, 87-90, 139-I41, I44, 145 in myth, 0oI, III, I54, I59, I84 mortuary, of the Haida, 127 mourning, in myth, Ioo mourning, of the Nootka, 44 of Haida shamans, 137 of the Haida, 191-I93 of the Makah, i8 of the Nootka, 4, 5, 66-67, 179 of whalers, i6, 31-38, 40, I05 of women during war, 54 secret, in winter ceremony, 68 secret, of the Clayoquot, 92-93 shamanistic, 48 spirit, in legend, 31 tabooed in ceremony, 68 tattooing during, 123-124 Tsimshian, in Haida dance, I46-I47 See LULLABY; PRAYER; WAR-SONG Sooke, Makah name for, 182 Sorcery practised by Haida, 138 See SHAMANISM Sounding-board in war, 54 in winter ceremony, 71, 74, 76, 84, 91, 146 See DRUM South deity in song, 81-82 of the Clayoquot, 45 prayer to, 28, 36 song to, 32 Spaniards in Nootka legend, 184, I85 voyage to Nootka, xi, xii, 4 Spears in marriage ceremony, 64 {view image of page 231} INDEX 231 Spears in myth and legend, 97,169-I71, 73, I85 of the Makah, 5, 6, folio pl. 395 of the Nootka, 178, folio pl. 394 used in ceremony, 71-74, 78, 79, 82, 85, 145, 146 used in fishing, 178, folio pl. 392 used in war, 54, 70 See HARPOONS; IMPLEMENTS Speeches at marriage proposal, 120 Spirits, belief regarding, 44 exorcised in ceremony, 89, 90 forest, in ceremony, 86, 92 guardian, represented in painting, 61 Haida belief in, 136 how invoked, 46, 62 human, form of, 49 in myth and legend, 103-IO8, I83-I84 invocation for, 46 in winter ceremony, 70, 72, 142-148 Nootka beliefs regarding, 44-46 whalers commune with, I6, 19-36 wolf, in ceremony, 79, 84, 89, 91 See GHOSTS; MYTHOLOGY; SUPERNATURAL BEINGS Spittle used by sorcerers, 138 Spoons of mussel-shells, 15 Sproat, G. M., cited, 3, 177 Spruce in Haida myth, 154 Spruce-gum, faces smeared with, 127 in harpoon making, I6 in myth, 151 spear-points fastened with, 178 wagered in game, 133 Spruce-roots, baskets of, 178 hats of, II, 128, 153 in Haida myth, I49 rope of, 99 Squirrel, power derived from, 48 Staff in tattoo ceremony, 125 in winter ceremony, 72, 91 Stcangwai, a reef, 160 Stikeen river, dance from, I48 jade from, I86 Stlina, portrait of, 148 pl. Stlindagwai, a Haida village, I88 Stone, implements of, 179 magic, in myth, 149 personified in myth, 151 used as pillow, 126 used in dance, 74-75, I45-146 See SLATE; WHETSTONE Story-telling in myth, 155 Stunhlai, a Haida village, 190 Sudntl'suas, a Haida name, 162 Sucking, healing by, 48 Suez river, Makah on, I82 war-party on, 57 See TZUES Suicide of a Nootka, 6I Sukkwan, a Haida village, 191 population of, I86 Su-lan-na. See LULANNA Siilk6t-skanakwai, a mythic being, 164-168 Sulustins, a Haida village, I88 Sun, influence of, on ceremony, 94 prayers to, 46, 136 Sun deity in myth, Io6 of the Clayoquot, 45 prayer to, 53 Sun, a mythic personage, 156-158 Sun-skanakwai, a mythic personage, 136 Supernatural beings control hunt, 45 how created in myth, I6o in Haida myth, 148-173 of the Haida, 117, 187 See MYTHOLOGY Supernatural experiences in myth, 104-IO8 Supernatural power, how obtained, 46-47 in myth, Io3-104 in song, 37, 92 myths regarding, 16I-I68 of chiefs, 19 of hunter, 62 of implements, 127 of initiates, 141 of shamans, 136-137 of whalers, 16-40, I09 supplicated, 136 See TLIGWANA Suqitlaa, portraits of, 46 pl., 48 pl. Suquamish, Makah name for, 182 Sususfshitlik, a supernatural being, 45, Io6 Suwany creek, Nitinat on, 182 Su'yaktls, village on Bligh island, 69 Symbolism of eagle-down, 135 of face-painting, 128 See CRESTS; IMAGES Ta, a Haida village, I90 Taiatis, a Mooachaht village, 181 Taatisutta, a Mooachaht sept, i8i Taboo at puberty, 126 during winter ceremony, 68 of herring and salmon, 41 {view image of page 232} 232 232 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Taboo, religious, of the Haida, I36 Tad ji, a Haida village, I88 Tahsis mentioned in legend, 183 See TASIS Tahsis canal, Nootka on, I85 Taku, copper from, 131 Talismans of shamans, 49 See CHARMS Ta/low in Haida myth, i66, 167 Tbslhis. See TASIS Tasi's, a Mooachaht fishing village, io6, I85 Tatooche, a Makah chief, 5, 6 Tatoosh, a Makah village, 56 Tatoosh island, Makah on, 5, 177 Tattooing at house-building, I30 by the Haida, II7-II8, I23-I25, I 86 by the Nootka, I I Tihla I a legendary infant, 12 7 Teeth, chest ornaments of, 13 Teskiu{hkafh, a Haida village, I88 Te'sqanaya,, a mythic being, i63-i66 Thi st/es, body rubbed with, io6 Thompson, John, among the Nootka, 9, folio pl. 386 (description) Thunderbirds in myth, io6 in winter ceremony, 83 Tigun, a Haida village, 190 population of, i86 T.7 I th, a Kyuquot sept, i8o T'ji'ihkaga, a mythic woman, o Timbers. See HOUSES; WOODWORKING Tldasritha. the Makah, 182 Tlao'qi, a locality, i8i Thifhitowantfh, a chief, 70, 78, 79, 91 Tlasmabs, a chief, i8i Tlasmacisjtitha, a Mooachaht sept, 105, 181 Tl hmamit, a mythic person, i8o Tlg9unghung, a Haida village, 189 Tlhingus, a Haida village, 189 Tli'chi~fithatakg~myh7, a Clayoquot sept, i8i Tlingit and Haida warfare, 133, 187 coppers obtained from, 131 Massett name for, 191 mythic origin of, I53 shamans of, imitated by Haida, 136 Tlif6iyt'psa, a Mooachaht, 69 Tl16gwana defined, 92 in myth, I o6, I184 See WINTER CEREMONY Tluis, a chief, i8i TlIszt, a Mooaclhaht sept, i8i Tlupana arm in legend, 184 Tlupana arm, Nootka on, i8i, 185 Tli~pananuhd in Mooachaht legend, 183 in winter dance, 87, 90, 91 Tlupf~qiko~'h7, a legendary personage, 183 Tlztlupakannzis, a rock, 107 Toads used as charm, 138 Tobacco, use of, by Haida, 13I1-132, 136 Tohlka, a Haida village, 190 T61jug~ns, a Haida village, I88 T6mesz~n, Nootka for Thompson, 9 Tongs used by Nootka, 14 used in cooking, ioo Ton quin, a ship, 9, folio PI. 378 (description) Too. See TIGUN Toquart, habitat of, 182 population of, I77 Torches borne in marriage proposal, 64 in canoe-making, 22 of cedar, 69 of pine in myth, 163 Totem poles illustrated, I 18 PI., 1 20 pI., 122 PI.., 124 PL., 126 pI., 128 PI-, folio PI. 400 of the Haida, II17, II 8 See CRESTS; HOUSE-POSTS; MORTUARY COLUMNS To'wik, a chief, i8i a mythic person, I05 Trade, Haida and Tsimshian, 134 Traders among the Nootka, xi, 4, 7, i85 Traditi'ons of the Mooachaht, 182-I86 See LEGENDS; MYTHOLOGY Training of boys, 126 Transformer of the Haida, I117, 148, I8N of the Makah, i8o Traps, bear, in myth, 102, 103 See DEADFALL; FISHING; HUNTING; IMPLEMENTS; SALMON-TRAP; SNARES Treaty of Nootka, xii Tree-burial by Nootka, 44 See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Trees, Haida names for, 210 how felled, I79 Nootka names for, 203-204 personified in myth, I51 Tricks in winter ceremony, 79-81I See SLEIGHT-OF-HAND Tsahasis a Mooachaht village, i8i TsahashthI a Mooachaht sept, i8i Tsa'hhua, a Mooachaht village, 181 Tliiai th, a Mooachaht sept, i8i Tsdliwasip, a Mooachaht chief, 8, 9, 69-91 in myth, I04-I08 {view image of page 233} INDEX 233 Tsbhwismia, portrait of, 6 p1. Tsa"Ootatlmi, a Nootka chief, I9-35 Ts6'wunni', a Mooachaht village, ISI, 183, i86 Ts6'wUni~ha, a Mooachaht sept, 82,83ii Tse~ihsot, a Nootka chief, 19, 24 Tsh t/as, a legendary SPY, 31-34 TsikitinIhl, a legendary warrior, 184 Tsi'kmalsqap6hl, a legendary personage, 183 Tsimshian and Haida warfare, I33-I36, 187 coppers obtained from, 13I dances borrowed from, I46-I48 mythic origin of, '53 oulachon oil obtained from, 130 shell obtained from, 128 song in Haida ceremony, 140-I41 source of Haida crests, 1I7 winter ceremony borrowed from, I87 Ts'sa, a Mooachaht village, i8i Tslisaz~tha, a Mooachaht sept, i~i Tsom6as, a Nootka village, I82 Tsomn6asz~tha. habitat of, 182 Makah name for, I82 Tsooquahna, a Nitinat village, i~z Tszka, a Haida village, i88 Tsuyfisztit, a Makah sept, I82 Tug-of-war. See GAMES Tz~hqit, an ancestral chief, i8i Tih qittak~amh~i'tha, a Mooachaht sept, i8i T kwa, a Troquart village, I82 Tdiaa Haida localit,'~ a mythic personage, 155, 157, I58, i6o Turnp-line, baskets carried with, 17,fli l 367 See LINES; ROPE Twana, Makah name for, I82 Twins, how regarded, 41-42 Tzues, a Makah village, I82 Uchucklesit, habitat of, 182 population of, 177 Ucluelet, habitat of, 182 Makah name for, 182 population of, I77 U' Is mentioned in legend, 184 Ulala, a Haida dancer, 140, 143 Umik, a name of Tsaifiotatlme', 20-30 an ancestral chief, i8i, 184, 185 Umiktaka~mlil'a7tha, a Mooachaht sept, i8i legends of the, I183 origin of name, 184 Uon -a-gan. See HOWKAN Uppillh'i6, a legendary person, 184 Upwi1n 6siJ that~kz~mihl, a Clayoquot sept, 182 Urine, bathing by girls in, 126 head-washing with, 77, 78 thrown on dancers, 72 thrown on whaler, I03 used in treating skins, I79 UsaIlhdli, a Makah sept, 182 Usa'El. See OZETTE Utensi'ls, Nootka, 13, 15 See INDUSTRIES Vancouver, George, cited, 62 Vancouver island, early visits to, xi tri'bes on, 3 Vargas island, tribes on, 19, 181, I82 Yen ison tabooed during ceremony, 68 See DEER Viceroy of Mexico, commissions expedition to '.Nootka, 4 Vi'ctoria, Haida visits to, I87 Village island, Kyuquot on, i8o Vi'llages of the Haida, I31 Vocabularies, Clayoquot and Makah, I97-204 Skidegate and Massett, 204-2I10 Wa6'ch'ath, a Makah sept, 182 Jflat~li a Makah, 46-47, 6o-6i W~aatch, a Makah village, 182 Waatch creek, war-party at, 57 JXakashan stock, tribes Of, 3, I77 Wakashi'ans, application of term, 3 War, a result of death, 44 crests obtained by, ii in Nootka legend, I84-I8S legendary, between Haida, I72-I73 Nootka mode of, 8-9 W'ar-club of whale-bone, 172, 179 See CLUBS War customs of the Haida, 11 9, 133-136,I187 of the Nootka, 53-6i, i8o Wfar dancer of the Kyuquot, 92 War i'mplements of the Nootka, I78 Warmhouse, a fishing village, S6 Warriors, ceremonial bathing by, 8 created in ceremony, 8o, 83 War-song in winter ceremony, 71, 8o of the Clayoquot, 6i of the Haida, 134, I35 of the Mooachaht, S5 See SONGS W~ashing, ceremonial, by warriors, 184, I85 ceremonial, for hunting, 8o {view image of page 234} 234 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Washing, ceremonial, in myth, 94, Io6 See BATHING; HEAD-WASHING; HEMLOCK; PURIFICATION Water, life-giving, in myth, 96, 98 Watkadagan, a mythic person, I56-157, I63 -164 Weapons. See ARROWS; CLUBS; IMPLEMENTS; SPEARS Weasel carved on arrow, 163 Weasel-skins worn in dance, 147 Wedges in Haida myth, 169 Weir. See FISHING Wergild among Haida, 122 Whale, bag of bladder of, 40 carved on house-post, 62, 117 images of, 79 in myth and legend, 151, 155, 172, 184 used as food, 36 pl., 131 See BLUBBER; FOOD; KILLERWHALE Whale-bone, club of, 24, 27 Whale oil burned as offering, 45 Whale-rib, gouge of, I29 Whalers, custom of, at wedding, 64 prayers by, 46 Whaling by the Nootka, 16-40 ceremonies for, 20 pl., 22 pl., folio pls. 370, 382, 394-396 in myth, 104-1o8 power obtained for, 46-47, 103-I04 Whetstone in Haida myth, 166, 171 Whistles in myth, 98 in winter ceremony, 73, 74, 77, 78, 80, 85, 89, 142 White man on totem post, 126 pl. White men among the Nootka, 3-4, 62 See COOK; JEWITT; MEARES; SPANIARDS Wicananish, a Clayoquot chief, 6, 63, 177 Widja, a Haida village, 190 Widows. See MARRIAGE; MORTUARY CUSTOMS Wih-im. See NUHLUM Wilala. See ULALA Winachtin'k, a ceremony, 92 Winds, Haida conception regarding, 158 Nootka names for, 199 Winter ceremony by house-builder, I30 of the Haida, 139-I48, I87 of the Nootka, 68-92 See CEREMONIES; WOLF DANCE Witches killed by magic, 138 Wolf in ceremony, 70, 73, 77-80, 82-84, 87-92 Wolf in myth and legend, 20-21, 25, 103, 107, I IO-II2, 184, 185 power derived from, 48 Wolf dance borrowed by Nootka, 92 mythic origin of, 94-98 See WINTER CEREMONY Wolf-heads worn in ceremony, 71 Wolf-skins worn at marriage proposal, 64 worn in ceremony, 71 Wolf-tail on shaman's head, 137 Women and shamans, 137 as chiefs, 55, 119 descent through, 117 during war, 54, 134 games of, 51, I33 Haida, clothing of, 128, i86 Haida, ornaments of, 128 Haida, status of, 118, 187 Haida, work of, 131 hairdressing of, 12 in afterworld, 44 initiated in ceremony, 69 in Nootka warfare, 56 in winter ceremony, 71, 79, 80, 84-87, 142 144, I46, 148 Nootka, clothing and ornaments, I Nootka, physical character of, 10 not tattooed, 125 of whalers, duties of, 35, 38 shamanistic power of, 48, folio pl. 376 traded, 61 Wood, utensils of, 13, 15 Woodpecker in myth, 156, I8o personated in ceremony, 84, 87 Woodpecker-feathers in head-dress, 39 Woodworking by Nootka, 15 See CARVING; HOUSES; INDUSTRIES; TOTEM POLES Work, John, on the Haida, 115, I86 Worm used as charm, I6 Wren in myth, III-112, 156-158, 183 Wrestling. See GAMES Wyah, a Nitinat village, 182 Yaai, a supernatural being, 45 ragun, a Haida village, 190 rahksis, a Kelsemaht village, I8I in legend, 19, 23 whalers at, 34 rThlua, a name of Tsahwasip, 8 an ancestral chief, 181 mentioned in legend, I84 {view image of page 235} INDEX 235 rYfhiua, myth regarding, 104-I08 rah7uafhtakamh'l' atha, a sept, 8, i8i, 183, 185 Yaksiulilatak in winter ceremony, 75-77, 8o, 83 iaku-lanas, a Haida village, i88, 9go Yan, a Haida village, I35, 190 Haida chief's tomb at, I28 pI., folio pI. 397 totems at, iI8 pI., I20 pI., 126 pI., 128 pI. Yanamhium, a Kyuquot chief, 94-98 raogus, a Haida village, 189 raqaahtowa, a mythic person, 99-I03 rYr0ma, a mythic person, I04 ratza, a Haida village, 9go rYswat, a Haida, 135 rew, objects made of, 51, 82, 178, i86 You-ah-noe, population of, i86 rYqathaiatha, the Yuquot, 181, 183 ruquot, a Mooachaht village, i8i Captain Cook at, 3 described, 12 in legend, 184, I85 situation of, S5 the Boston at, 7 Yamflui-htakflmh-1'tha at, 8 Zebellos arm, Nootka on, 180 Zoomorphic beings, 45 See ANIMALS THE END OF VOLUME XI {view image of page List of Large Plates} List of Large Plates Supplementing Volume Eleven The North American Indian List of Large Plates Supplementing, Volume Eleven 365 Bowman 366 Shores of Nootka Sound This plate conveys an excellent impression of the character of much of the Vancouver Island coast, with its rugged, tide-washed rocks, thickly timbered lowland, and lofty mountains in the distance. 367 Hesquiat root digger Nootka women very commonly wore bark cape folded over the head, to protect the forehead from the tump-line, when carrying the burden-basket. The proper use of the cape was to shed rain. 368 Berry-picker – Clayoquot 369 Seaweed gatherer Seaweed of the genus Porphyra is a favorite food among all the tribes of the North Pacific coast. The green, membranous fronds are gathered in the spring from tidal rocks and are pressed into flat cakes and dried. 370 Whale ceremonial – Clayoquot Before daring to practise his dangerous art, the whaler subjects himself to a long and rigorous course of ceremonial purification in order to render himself pleasing to the spirit whale. He bathes frequently, rubs his body vigorously with hemlock sprigs, dives, and imitates the movements of a whale. 371 Boarding the canoe A Hesquiat berry-picker in primitive garb on the bold shores of Clayoquot sound. The barefoot natives make their way without difficulty over barnacle-covered rocks such as these. It will be noted that the canoe has been fitted with rowlocks. 372 Clayoquot girl 373 Canoeing on Clayoquot Sound Two Hesquiat women are homeward bound with the product of their day's labor in gathering food, and cedar-bark to be used in making mats. 374 Nootka method of spearing The harpoon for seals, porpoises, and salmon is double-headed, so that if the point on the main shaft glances off, the other may perhaps lodge in the hunter's prey. 375 Oldest man of Nootka This individual is the most primitive relic in the modernized village of Nootka. Stark naked, he may be seen hobbling about the beach or squatting in the sun, living in thought in the golden age when the social and ceremonial customs of his people were what they had always been. 376 Ceremonial bathing The subject of this plate is a female shaman of the Clayoquot tribe. The ceremonial washing of shamans is much like that of whalers and other hunters, consisting mainly of sitting or standing in water and rubbing the body with hemlock sprigs in order to remove all earthly taint, which would offend the supernatural powers. 377 Hesquiat woman 378 Clayoquot type It was men such as the possessor of this inscrutable face who in 1811 attacked the Astor trading ship Tonquin in Clayoquot sound, so successfully that the only recourse of the remnant of the crew was to blow up the vessel. 379 Hesquiat maiden The girl wears the cedar-bark ornaments that are tied to the hair of virgins on the fifth morning of their puberty ceremony, as described in Volume XI, page 42. The fact that the girl who posed for this picture was the prospective mother of an illegitimate child caused considerable amusement to the native onlookers and to herself. 380 Into the shadow – Clayoquot A medicine-woman, alone is seeking a solitary place in which to perform her rites of bodily purification. Most of the Indian women are no less skillful that the men in handling canoes. 381 Nootka woman wearing cedar-bark blanket 382 Whaler – Clayoquot The spear in the subject's hand is the weapon of a warrior, not of a whaler. 383 Bark gatherer These people still use large quantities of yellow-cedar bark in the manufacture of mats, and formerly this material furnished them their clothing also. The Hesquiat woman in the picture has a bulky pack of bark on her back, and in her hand is a steel-bladed adz of the primitive type. 384 Nootka woman 385 Makah maiden 386 At Nootka The canoe is floating on the waters of Boston cove, where in 1803 the trading ship Boston was taken and burned by the Mooachaht Indians, and the entire crew killed except John Jewitt and John Thompson, who were held as slaves by the chief for three years. Jewitt's brief account of his captivity is one of our most interesting records of life among the Indians. 387 Waiting for the canoe As evening approaches, two women with clam-baskets and digging-sticks gaze across the water, anxiously awaiting the canoe that is to come and convey them home. 388 Haiyahl – Nootka A Nootka woman in profile, with a shell nose-ring and fur-edged bark blanket. 389 Shores of Nootka Sound This plate conveys an excellent impression of the character of much of the Vancouver Island coast, with its rugged, tide-washed rocks, thickly timbered lowland, and lofty mountains in the distance. 390 Nootka man It is commonly believed that the facial hair of many North Coast natives is proof of intermingled Caucasian blood; but that such is not the case is conclusively proved by the statement of Captain Cook, who in 1778 observed that "some of them, and particularly the old men, have not only considerable beards all over the chin, but whiskers and mustachios." 391 On the west coast of Vancouver Island Lacking hats to protect their heads from the sun, women sometimes make use of wreaths of foliage. 392 Fish spearing – Clayoquot The fisherman is taking flounders and other flatfish, which lie half-covered in the sand. At certain seasons, when the water is turbid by reason of the presence of excessive marine growth, objects on the bottom of a quiet bay can be discerned at a surprising depth. It is frequently assumed that the prows of North Coast canoes are carved in imitation of a dog's head, but the natives deny any intentional resemblance. The notch in the top of the prow, dividing it into two sections suggestive of an animal's ears, is simply a rest for the shaft of a spear or harpoon. 393 Return of halibut fishers Huge quantities of halibut are taken by the Makah at Cape Flattery, and the flesh is sliced thin and dried for storage. 394 Whaler 395 Whaler – Makah Note the great size of the harpoon-shaft. Indian whalers implanted the harpoon-point by thrusting, not by hurling, the weapon. 396 Captured whale A small humpback whale (Megapter) lies partially butchered on the beach at Neah Bay. 397 Haida chief's tomb at Yan The remains of the chief rest in a niche cut into the top of the transverse beam. This tomb is of unusual form, and must have been erected at enormous cost to the dead man's family. 398 Haida of Massett The head-dress is a "dancing hat," and consists of a carved wooden mask surmounted by numerous sea-lion bristles and with many pendent strips of ermine-skin. 399 Haida of Kung 400 Haida slate carvings Some of the Haida men are remarkably skilled in carving miniature "totem poles" out of a soft black slate. A column such as those here reproduced simply recounts a myth. {view image of plate no. 365} Bowman [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 366} Shores of Nootka Sound [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 367} Hesquiat root digger [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no.368 } Berry-picker – Clayoquot [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 369} Berry-picker – Clayoquot [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 370} Whale ceremonial – Clayoquot [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 371} Whale ceremonial – Clayoquot [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 372} Clayoquot girl [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 373} Canoeing on Clayoquot Sound [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 374} Nootka method of spearing [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no.375 } Oldest man of Nootka [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 376} Oldest man of Nootka [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 377} Oldest man of Nootka [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 378} Clayoquot type [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 379} Hesquiat maiden [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 380} Into the shadow – Clayoquot [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 381} Nootka woman wearing cedar-bark blanket [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 382} Whaler – Clayoquot [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no.383 } Bark gatherer [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 384} Nootka woman [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 385} Makah maiden [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 386} At Nootka [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 387} Waiting for the canoe [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 388} Haiyahl – Nootka [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no.389 } Shores of Nootka Sound [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 390} Nootka man [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 391} On the west coast of Vancouver Island [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 392} On the west coast of Vancouver Island [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 393} Return of halibut fishers [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 394} Whaler [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no.395 } Whaler – Makah [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 396} Captured whale [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 397} Haida chief's tomb at Yan [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 398} Haida of Massett [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 399} Haida of Kung [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 400} Haida slate carvings [photogravure plate] |
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Last updated April 9th, 2004
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