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Vol.12. The Hopi.{view image of page i} The North American Indian VOL. XII-a {view image of page ii} Chid ttt attf i timritet to tfibe tunttrretf set af tri tMi it Bulmbtr..7-.-" — {view image of Frontispiece} Nova - Walpi [photogravure plate] {view image of page iii} THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN BEING A SERIES OF VOLUMES PICTURING AND DESCRIBING THE INDIANS OF THE UNITED STATES, THE DOMINION OF CANADA, AND ALASKA WRITTEN, ILLUSTRATED, AND PUBLISHED BYEDWARD S. CURTIS EDITED BY FREDERICK WEBB HODGE FOREWORD BY THEODORE ROOSEVELT FIELD RESEARCH CONDUCTED UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF J. PIERPONT MORGAN IN TWENTY VOLUMES THIS, THE TWELFTH VOLUME, PUBLISHED IN THE YEAR NINETEEN HUNDRED AND TWENTY-TWO {view image of page iv} .estern LnA Y 15 1924 4-IR F' I- - I1 3fl 8 COPYRIGHT, I922 BY EDWARD S. CURTIS THE PLIMPTON PRESS NORWOOD'MASS'U'S'A {view image of page v} Contents of Volume Twelve ILLUSTRATIONS.......... ALPHABET USED IN RECORDING INDIAN TERMS INTRODUCTION.... THE HOPI..... General Description... Clan Legends Migrations of the Rattlesnake Clan Migrations of the Horn Clan Migrations of the Cloud Clan Migrations of the Tobacco Clan Migrations of the Reed Clan Migrations of the Badger Clan Migration of the Asa Clans 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 PAGE.. vii..0 ix o.. x1.. 3xi * *. 3 3... 3 * * 74.. 74 l.. 78 *.. 79.. 83.. 89.. 93... 95 *.. 9105.. Io7 ~.. 128.. I3I Religion........... Hopi Deities.... Ceremonies Wdwuafimu, the New Fire Ceremony Soyalanu, the Winter Solstice Ceremony Ceremony of the Warrior Fraternity Ceremony of the Snake and Antelope Fraternities The Flute Ceremony... Ceremony of the Magicians.. Initiation into the Kaftinamu. Kachina Dances 0 0 0 Ceremony of the Departure of the Kachinas Ceremonial Planting and Harvesting.. Origin of the Owakufl-wimi... The Maz6-wimi....... Tradition and Mythology... Origin of the Awatobi Fraternities and the Alosaka Cult Legendary Founding of the Badger Clan in Walpi v I35 I55 I6o I70 172 176 177 I79 183 I84 I84 i88 {view image of page vi} vi CONTENTS Destruction of Sikyatki...... Tihkiyi Creates the Game Animals.. Tihkuyi Creates the Game Animals.. Adventures of the Twin Gods Destruction of the Giantess A Race between Kukuchomo and Oraibi. Destruction of the Winged Snake. Destruction of Nak-viki The Twin Brothers Depart from East Mesa to Salt Lake Corn-smut Maid The Youth and the Sorcerers of Kisakobi. Why Payupki Was Abandoned The Walpi Maiden and the Sorcerers The Poor Boys and the Sorcerers Destruction of the Bird Monster Qatukua A Race between Chicken-hawk and the Antelope Porcupine and Coyote.. Coyotes Fail to Catch the Young Crows APPENDIX PAGE I89 IgO 190 I9I I93 I93 I93 I95 I97 I98 I98 I99 203 206 209 212 213 215 216 TRIBAL SUMMARY......... Names for Indian Tribes and Pueblos. Partial List of Ruins in the Hopi Country List of Principal Informants Sociology..... Genealogies... Interclan Marriages Translation of Personal Names *.. 219. 222 223 224..224 225 229 229 Interclan Relations as Shown by Bestowal of Names Relationship Terms. Summary of Relationship Terms... Secondary Applications of the Terms. Songs. The Maid Who Preferred Death to an Undesired Marriage The Flood at Palatkwabi... Song of the Flute Boy and the Flute Maids. 234 235 236 237 239 239 240 24I 245 255 VOCABULARY. INDEX.. 0 0 0 {view image of page vii} Illustrations Nova - Walpi Frontispiece The Trail to Shipaulovi Facing page 4 Approaching the Gap at Walpi 6 Return of a Trading Party 8 On a Walpi Housetop 10 A Visitor 12 Hotavila 14 Pakavi 16 Gossip at the Waterhole 18 Hopi Architecture 20 Household Utensils 22 On a Housetop - Walpi 24 East Mesa Pottery 26 Oraibi Plaques 28 Hano and Walpi Girls Wearing Atoo 30 A Hopi Flock 34 The Delights of Childhood 36 A Cave at Middle Mesa 38 Hopi Bridal Costume 40 A Cornfield 42 Grinding Meal 44 A Melon Field Walled Gardens at Middle Mensa 46 The Stairway Trail at Walpi 48 Hopi Farmers, Yesterday and Today 50 A Hopi Woman 52 In the Cradle-basket 54 A Hopi Mother 56 A Middle Mesa Albino 60 {view image of page viii} Drying Pottery 62 Potter Building Her Kiln 64 Firing Pottery 66 An Ancient Pottery Kiln 68 Pele - Tewa 70 Tsetsanu - Tewa 72 Puliini and Koyame - Walpi 74 A Load of Wood 76 Shongopavi 78 The Plaza at Walpi 80 An Afternoon Chat 82 The Weaver 84 Good Morning 86 A Peach Orchard 88 Kachina Dolls 100 Shipaulovi Snake Kiva 106 Spectators at the Snake Dance 122 A Snake Priest 124 Walpi Snake Chief 126 Sikyaletstiwa - Shipaulovi Snake Chief 128 The Prayer 130 Snake Priest Entering the Kiva 132 Guarding the Snake Kiva 134 Singing to the Snakes - Shipaulovi 136 Antelopes Starting for the Plaza - Shipaulovi 138 Snakes and Antelopes at Oraibi 140 Snake Dancer and "Hugger" 142 The "Catcher" 144 A "Catcher" Picking up a Snake 146 Picking up the Snakes 148 Depositing Snakes in the Circle of Meal 150 Oraibi Snake Dance 152 Oraibi Snake Dance 154 Awaiting the Return of the Snake Racers 156 Snake Jars in the Kiva 158 Flute Dancers Dressing at Kachina House 160 {view image of page ix} Dressing the Flute Maiden 162 Flute Boys, Priest, and Maidens 164 Flute Dancers Approaching the Spring 166 Dressing at Tawapa Spring, Walpi Flute Ceremony 168 Entering the Spring, Walpi Flute Dance 170 Flute Dancers Returning to Walpi 172 Offering Sacred Meal, Mishongnovi Flute Dance 174 Sumaikuli Katsina at Hano 176 Buffalo Dance at hano 178 An East Mesa Girl 180 Photogravures by Suffolk Engraving and Electrotyping Company, Boston Alphabet Used in Recording Indians Terms [ The consonants are as in English except when otherwise noted ] a as in father ai as in aisle e as in they as in net i as in machine I as in sit o as in old 6as in how o rounded e, as in German bose u as in ruin i as in nut u as in push u rounded I, as in French peu hl the surd of I n as ng in sing q as kw' Z with the tip of the tongue slightly retracted, giving the impression of a faintly perceived r following the fricative a glottal stop {view image of page x} I {view image of page xi} Introduction O collecting the data and making the pictures for this volume far more than the usual time has been given. My first visit to the villages of the Hopi was in the year I900, at which time a substantial number of the pictures were made. I again visited these interesting people in I902, and further work was done during the years I904, I906, I9II, I912, and I9I9. It is most fortunate that a great many of the pictures were obtained so long ago; for, conservative as these people are, there has been a great change in their mode of life, hence many of the photographs here presented could not have been made in more recent years. It should be noted that the copyright dates do not always coincide with the year in which the photographs were made. Walpi, the best-known village of this group, received first consideration in conducting the investigation, and all statements not specifically referring to other villages may be considered as applying to this pueblo. There is a subtle charm about the Hopi and their high-perched homes that has made the work particularly delightful. This was especially so in earlier years, when their manner of life indicated comparatively slight contact with civilization. Certainly no other place in the United States afforded a like opportunity to observe native Americans living much as they did when the Spanish explorers first visited the desert land of our Southwest. The Hopi are strictly sedentary people depending primarily on cultivated crops for their food. This fact makes a study of their ceremonial and religious life particularly interesting, for we see here a striking illustration of the effect of habitat and food supply upon ceremonial development. They are deeply religious, and their life is devoted largely to ceremonial rites, the most spectacular of which is the splendidly dramatic Snake dance. In collecting and preparing the material for publication I have had the continual collaboration of Mr. W. E. Myers, who has shown an extraordinary devotion to the work and has spent much time with the Hopi people. EDWARD S. CURTIS xi {view image of page xii} I {view image of page 1} The Hopi VOL. XII --- I {view image of page 2} A I {view image of page 3} THE HOPI General Description THE Hopi are without doubt among the most interesting of our surviving American Indians, and one of the very few groups recently living in a state similar to that of a hundred years ago. For the anthropologist the complexity of the ethnic elements that in the last three and a half centuries have combined to produce the modern Hopi, and the astonishing richness of their religious ceremonies, present a field crowded with opportunity. Artist and traveller are invariably entranced with the picturesque desert environment of the Hopi, with their ancient, many-storied, cliff-perched pueblos, their dramatic dances and artistic ceremonial costumes, their pleasing pottery and basketry, and no less pleasing manners. They call themselves Hopitu, the Peaceable People, and peaceloving they have always been. True, their history contains pages darkened with the annals of warfare, but their military activities were invariably either for defence of their fields and flocks from the forays of Ute and Navaho, or what they conceived to be just punishment visited upon some component members of the nascent Hopi people. Affability and sunny disposition are apt to be one's first impression of the dominating traits of Hopi character, at least at Walpi, the goal of most Caucasian visitors. Presume on this affability, and you encounter cold reserve, ill-concealed disapproval, or outspoken resentment. The Hopi can be persuaded and led, if you convince his reason; failing this, you will hardly drive him. More than once in his relations with the Government he has shown that force and authority have no terrors for him when he believes himself unjustly assailed. Numerically weak, poor in worldly goods, physically small, he possesses true moral courage. From the time of the Conquistadores the Hopi have been commonly known as Moqui, an alien term of opprobrium originating 3 {view image of page 4} 4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN probably in Zuii Amu-kwe. Apparently cognate terms are found in various Keresan dialects, as Laguna M6'ftia. The Hopi heartily dislike the designation, which, they believe, originated in the error of the first Spanish visitors, when they mistook the Hopi word m6ki, dead, for the tribal name. Although the Hopi are composed of elements that must have spoken several diverse tongues, their speech is readily recognized as a dialect of the Shoshonean language, which in various forms was spoken in a large part of the Great Basin between the Rocky mountains and the Sierra Nevada, in southwestern Oregon, and in southern California even to the coast and on Santa Catalina island; and which furthermore is undoubtedly allied to the great Aztecan language. A linguistic map would represent the Hopi as an isolated people surrounded by alien tongues. Since they first appeared in history in the sixteenth century, these Indians have occupied their present habitat in northeastern Arizona. Their neighbors on the north, west, and east were the predatory Navaho, alternately hostile and friendly, now raiding the Hopi fields and sheep ranges, now visiting the pueblo festivals, sometimes even receiving Hopi migrants and marrying them. From the north and east came also the warlike Ute, to combat whom the Hopi more than once called in Tewa settlers from the distant Rio Grande. Southward the country was overrun by nomadic bands of Apache, who frequently swooped down from the mountains south and west of the present Winslow. About a hundred miles to the southeast were the Zuii villages, the romantic Seven Cities of Cibola of the Spanish adventurers; and beyond them to the Rio Grande, and particularly along that stream, were numerous pueblos, with all of which the Hopi held more or less intercourse. Far to the west, in and about the Grand cafion, were the Havasupai and Walapai, both of the Yuman stock, whom Hopi traders regularly visited for the purpose of exchanging yarn and blankets for deerskins, and who in turn annually brought roasted mescal and piiion-nuts to the Hopi. The reservation of 3863 square miles lies in the eastern watershed of the Little Colorado, but at no point does it extend to the river. In fact there is no perennial stream within its borders.1 The country is typical of the semi-arid Southwest. Broad sandy wastes are broken by rocky buttes and fantastically eroded mesas rising abruptly 1 Since this statement was written, Oraibi wash has been eroded by freshets down to strata so nearly impervious that the water, instead of flowing underground, now courses along like any proper stream. {view image of facing page 4} The trail to Shipaulovi [photogravure plate] {view image of page 5} THE HOPI 5 from the general level. Some seventy-five miles to the southwest the San Francisco mountains are visible, snow-covered in winter. High temperature prevails during the days of summer, but the nights are refreshingly cool. As the country lies at an elevation of about six thousand five hundred feet, the winter nights are fairly rigorous, but delightful, sunny days are the rule. A more healthful climate it would be difficult to find, and the harmonious pastel shades of sand, rock, and vegetation, the huge, cottony billows that float aloft on a summer's afternoon, the glorious cloud effects at sunset, the distant ranges of lavender mountains slowly transformed into turquois as the lowering sun sinks behind them, the incredible blueness of the sky and brilliance of the stars, take hold of the heart and call one back again and again. Considerable moisture is stored in the soil by snowfall, and the frequent heavy rains of midsummer, coursing down the slopes toward the washes, are guided into the cultivated fields and suffice for the deep-rooted Hopi corn and beans. The vegetation is characteristically desert. Sage and greasewood dot the sand in clumps, and the latter furnishes the bulk of the fuel. The principal trees are the juniper and the pifion, the latter yielding edible nuts and house timbers. The distant mountains are clothed with coniferous forests, in which pines predominate, but these were of little concern to the Hopi except at the period of the Spanish missionaries, when the padres induced them to transport on their backs pine beams from San Francisco mountains. The fauna of the Hopi country and the immediately surrounding region included antelope, deer, elk, mountain-sheep, cougar, wolf, coyote, fox, wildcat, bear (both Americanus and horribilis), beaver, porcupine, badger, cotton-tail and jack-rabbit, condor, eagle, buzzard, various hawks and waterfowl, and wild turkey.1 There are now eight Hopi pueblos, all of them on the tops of mesas. On East mesa are Walpi (Wahl-pi,2 "gap place") and Sichomovi (Si-fi6mo-vi, "flower mound place"); on Middle mesa, Mishongnovi (Musanenufvi), Shipaulovi (Siupolavi), and Shongopavi (Sono-pa-vi, "rush spring place"); on West mesa, Oraibi (Ozaivi), Hotavila (Ho-tvelu, "juniperwood slope"), and Pakavi (Paka-vi, "reed place"). Hotavila and Pakavi were established only within the last few years by dissatisfied factions from Oraibi. At East 1 Coronado observed captive turkeys at Zufii and the Rio Grande pueblos, but Espejo in 1583 noted that the Hopi had none. 2 Wyala, gap. Only at Shipaulovi and Shongopavi is this name pronounced, with greater correctness, Wal-pi. {view image of page 6} ! 6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN mesa also is Hano (Hano), a Tewa pueblo founded early in the eighteenth century by emigrants from the Rio Grande. Not one of the Hopi villages occupies the site on which it stood at the opening of the historical period in the middle of the sixteenth century. The first white men in the Province of Tusayan, as the Spaniards called the Hopi country, were Captain Pedro de Tovar, Fray Juan de Padilla, and a small company of horsemen and foot-soldiers, who in I540 were sent to explore the region by Coronado, then at the Zufii villages. To quote from the account of the Coronado expedition by Castafeda: "They informed him about a province with seven villages of the same sort as theirs, although somewhat different. They had nothing to do with these people. This province is called Tusayan. It is twenty-five leagues from Cibola. The villages are high and the people are warlike. "The general had sent Don Pedro de Tovar to these villages with seventeen horsemen and three or four foot soldiers. Juan de Padilla, a Franciscan friar, who had been a fighting man in his youth, went with them. When they reached the region, they entered the country so quietly that nobody observed them, because there were no settlements or farms between one village and another, and the people do not leave the villages except to go to their farms, especially at this time, when they had heard that Cibola had been captured by very fierce people, who traveled on animals which ate people. This information was generally believed by those who had never seen horses, although it was so strange as to cause much wonder. Our men arrived after nightfall and were able to conceal themselves under the edge of the village, where they heard the natives talking in their houses. But in the morning they were discovered and drew up in regular order, while the natives came out to meet them, with bows, and shields, and wooden clubs, drawn up in lines without any confusion. The interpreter was given a chance to speak to them and give them due warning, for they were very intelligent people, but nevertheless they drew lines and insisted that our men should not go across these lines toward their village.1 While they were talking, some men acted as if they would cross the lines, and one of the natives lost control of himself and struck a horse a blow on the cheek of the bridle with his club. Friar Juan, fretted by the time that was being wasted in talking with them, said to the captain: 'To tell the truth, I do not know why we came here.' When the men heard this, they gave the Santiago so suddenly that they ran down many Indians and the others fled to the town in confusion. Some indeed did not have a chance to do this, so quickly did the people in the village come out with presents, asking for peace. The 1 See pages II7 and 158 for the present continuation of this custom {view image of facing page 6} Approaching the gap at Walpi [photogravure plate] {view image of page 7} THE HOPI 7 captain ordered his force to collect, and, as the natives did not do any more harm, he and those who were with him found a place to establish their headquarters near the village. They had dismounted here when the natives came peacefully, saying that they had come to give in the submission of the whole province and that they wanted him to be friends with them and to accept the presents which they gave him. This was some cotton cloth, although not much, because they do not make it in that district.1 They also gave him some dressed skins and corn meal, and pine nuts and corn and birds of the country. Afterward they presented some turquoises, but not many. The people of the whole district came together that day and submitted themselves, and they allowed him to enter their villages freely to visit, buy, sell, and barter with them." 2 The village visited by Tovar was undoubtedly Awatobi (Awatovi, "bow high-place"), the most easterly of the Hopi settlements and now a ruin on the point of Antelope mesa nine miles southeast of Walpi. At that time Walpi was the only one of the present East Mesa pueblos, and it was not on its modern site but on the northwestern slope of the mesa. Its ruins are now known as Kuchaptuvela (Kofiap-tevelu, "ashy slope"). Sikyatki (Sikyat-ki, "bitter house," so called in reference to the alkalinity of the water, or "yellow house," in allusion perhaps to the color of the rocks), now a mere mound of a ruin at the southeastern base of the mesa, had already been destroyed by the people of Walpi. Cardenas, another of Coronado's subordinates, was commissioned by the general to visit the great river of which the Hopi had told Tovar, and after a friendly reception and entertainment by the natives, he pushed westward with the guides and the provisions they gladly furnished him, and discovered the Grand cafion of the Colorado. Spanish exploration in Tusayan made no further progress until 1583, when Antonio de Espejo marched to "Aguato" (Awatobi), and recorded the fact that there were five large "Mohoce" pueblos. The Hopi were still in awe of the strange beasts ridden by the Spaniards, who, quick to take advantage of the situation, warned them that unless they built a stone corral for the horses, the animals would become very angry and devour them. Under direction of the soldiers the natives built a stone wall, which was so arranged that it could be used defensively. Indian tradition declares that 1 This is an error. The Hopi cultivated cotton and wove fabrics in prehistoric times. 2 Winship, The Coronado Expedition, in Fourteenth Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, i896, pages 488 -489. {view image of page 8} 8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN many tortures were perpetrated in the effort to extract the secret of the gold mines supposed to exist in the country. In 1598 Juan de Ofnate, governor of New Mexico, led an expedition from the Rio Grande to the Hopi country. The identity of the pueblos then existing is thus established by Hodge: "In a testimonio forming part of the 'Memorial sobre el descubrimiento del Nuevo Mexico y sus acontecimientos - Anos desde 1595 a I602' (Doc. Ined. de Indias, XVI, 207), which was made in the interest of Ofnate, and which, although apparently pertaining to Chamuscado's discoveries more likely relates to the entrada of Espejo, the following Hopi pueblos are mentioned: Aguato (Awatobi), Gaspe (Gualpe, Walpi), Comupavi (Shongopavi), Majanani (Mishongnovi), and Olalla (Oraibi), thus accounting for all the pueblos occupied by the Hopi at the close of the sixteenth century and indeed for many years later." Thus far, for a century and a half, contact with the white race had been at very long intervals and of a most casual nature; but with the attempt to Christianize the natives a new era dawned. The old gods were threatened. In I629 an expedition left Santa Fe for the purpose of founding churches in the western pueblos, and after accomplishing the first step of their program at Acoma and Zuiii, the Spaniards proceeded to Awatobi, which was christened San Bernardino de Ahuatobi in honor of the saint on whose birthday they arrived. Fray Francisco de Porras was placed in charge of the new mission, and the lay religious Francisco de San Buenaventura assisted him. The two other priests of the party were doubtless given posts at Shongopavi and Oraibi, for at the time of the Pueblo uprising in I680 these two villages had missions, the former with a visita at Mishongnovi, the latter a visita at Walpi. The Walpi of that period is now the ruin Kisakobi, on the terrace below the point of the mesa where the present village stands. Thus each of the five villages was offered religious instruction.2 But from 1629 to 1919, missionary work among the Hopi has never been a sinecure. "Porras is declared to have immediately cured a case of blindness in a Hopi boy by spitting on his hand, rolling a little mud, and placing it on the eyes of the lad while uttering the word 'Epheta' resulting in the conversion of a thousand of the Indians.... But the old men, evidently enraged at the loss of power through the adherence 1 The Memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides, translated by Mrs. Edward E. Ayer, annotated by F. W. Hodge and Charles F. Lummis, Chicago, I916, page 258. 2 Ibid., page 207. {view image of facing page 8} Return of a trading party [photogravure plate] {view image of page 9} THE HOPI 9 of so many of their tribe to the missionaries, poisoned some food, which the Father ate. Realizing his fate, he immediately went to Fray Francisco de San Buenaventura, who administered the last sacraments.... The date of his death is June 28, I633." 1 The missionaries probably had little success. The Hopi resented being forced to carry building timbers from the mountains and drinking-water from distant springs. The traditionists agree that sometimes a priest would demand that a girl be sent to his house, and this was another source of irritation. Like most Indians they probably were tolerant of the new religion and mildly interested and amused by the dramatic features of its ritual; but when the priests attempted to suppress their age-long rites by forbidding the planting of pahos (plumed prayer-sticks), the seeds of revolt were sown. The Hopi mind is unable to conceive that the people can prosper without offering these supplications to their numerous deities. So, although they continued to plant pahos, surreptitiously if necessary, the occurrence of an unusually dry season and consequent partial failure of crops pointed to the attempted overthrow of the old customs as the source of the evil. The Hopi were ripe for the uprising that had been brewing throughout the entire province of New Mexico, from the upper Pecos to the Little Colorado. In i680 messages were exchanged between the chiefs, and at the appointed time there was a concerted attack on the members of the hated race wherever found. In the Hopi country every mission was burned and probably every Spaniard killed. On the Rio Grande success was less complete only because of the relatively large number of colonists, soldiers, and priests, but even so the contest ended in the utter abandonment of the province until the year I692, when Diego de Vargas reconquered the country. It was in this interim that throughout the Pueblo region such villages as were not already established on mesas were moved to these elevated sites as a measure of defence against the sure vengeance of the Spaniards; and numerous bands fled from the Rio Grande to the less accessible Hopi country. Many of these subsequently returned, but others became permanent residents in the west. The Hopi had no collision with Vargas, who in truth acted with commendable and unusual forbearance and received the submission of the Hopi, and of all others who tendered it, without thinking it necessary to inflict punishment. In 1700 the priest Garaicochea found the mission at Awatobi Hodge, op. cit., page 207, after Vetancurt, Menologio, pages 2II-213, ed. I871. VOL. XII-2 {view image of page 10} IO THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN rebuilt by the inhabitants, of whom he baptized seventy-three But he was warned not to proceed to the other villages, where hostility to the strange religion was so strong that in the following November Walpi, Mishongnovi, and Oraibi, spurred on by the extremely hostile Tewa refugees from the Rio Grande, accepted the invitation of the Awatobi chief, Tapolo, and united to destroy the apostate faction, whom they regarded as sorcerers. The conservative element of Awatobi, including the chief, and most of the females, were incorporated in the population of the three avenging villages, and Awatobi has ever since remained a ruin.2 For nearly two centuries longer the Hopi remained practically out of contact with the white race. Occasional travellers and Mexican traders and raiders visited them, but the degree of their isolation during all this period may be deduced from the fact that the Snake dance, the most spectacular of all Indian dramatic performances, was first mentioned in print in i88i by Charles A. Taylor, a missionary among the Hopi, although the first extended account of the ceremony is that of Captain John G. Bourke, U. S. A., published three years later.3 The character of the relations of the Hopi with the Mexicans may be illustrated by the following narration. About the year 1862 came the third successive season of crop failure, which the Hopi attributed to the evil ways of the people, especially as regards adultery. During each of the three seasons only enough corn was harvested to furnish seed for the next planting, and at the end of the third year many of the people left the country, some going to Laguna, Jemez, Taos, San Felipe, and Zufii, and others joining the Navaho bands. What little corn they had harvested they cooked and carried along for food on the journey. Few in those days had burros, and men, women, and children trudged along through the snow. In the various pueblos to which they went the women ground corn for their involuntary hosts, and the men performed whatever labor could be found for them. Only the few families having enough corn to last over the winter remained at home, and among these, as supplies became exhausted, beads and clothing were bartered for corn, until at the end a valuable 1 Fewkes, Expedition to Arizona in 1895, in Seventeenth Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1898, page 6oi. 2 See the native tradition by Hani, a descendant of Tap6lo, pages 86 - 89. 3 See Rocky Mountain Presbyterian, X, No. 4, page 276, New York and Cincinnati, April, I88I; also Bourke, The Snake-dance of the Moquis of Arizona, New York, I884. {view image of facing page 10} On a Walpi housetop [photogravure plate] {view image of page 11} THE HOPI II woman's dress brought only four or five small ears. Dry cactus fruit and grass seeds were gathered, and when these failed the starvlings prowled among the neighboring ruins and dug in the piles of refuse for old bones, which they boiled. Women would snatch the last grain from their weeping children, and some cases of cannibalism occurred. About the month of February people from Rio Grande pueblos, Isleta, Santo Domingo, and San Felipe, as well as some Mexicans, brought loads of corn on horses and mules, which they exchanged for blankets, deerskins, shells, beads, and children. Many Hopi had died, and the living were gaunt creatures prowling about the deserted houses and the refuse heaps, searching for a chance grain of corn or a melon seed. Crows perched on the empty houses, and coyotes skulked about the village streets. Saqistiwa (the narrator) left his sister and her family at Walpi, bought a load of food at Jemez, and returned with others on foot by way of old Fort Wingate and Zufii. Snow covered the ground, and they travelled from early morning until nearly midday, and then rested while the snow was soft, resuming their journey in the afternoon and halting after dark. Many people on their way to Zufii were seen. East of Awatobi they overtook three women and three children who had started for Zufii, but, becoming exhausted, had given up and were returning to Walpi. Learning from Saqistiwa that some eastern Indians and Mexicans were coming with loads of food, the women and children then turned their faces eastward once more to meet the expected caravan. Saqistiwa completed the journey from Jemez to Walpi in eight or ten days, with a load of corn on his back. The distance in a straight line is about two hundred and twenty miles, but the route actually covered was, of course, much longer. Two years after the famine an Oraibi man named Tawahevi planned a certain revenge because someone had seduced his wife. Hointiwa, Polihinniwa, and Pohkya assisted him. P6hkya was sent to a Mexican settlement near Santa Fe to invite the men to visit Oraibi and steal the women and children. The Mexicans arrived during the Soyal ceremony. They came through Keams canion, detoured to the north of East mesa, passed down Oraibi wash to the site of the present village Hotavila, and camped where the Oraibi day-school now stands. Here they remained four days, coming frequently into the village and looking about. At noon on Totokya day of the ceremony, while the men were in the kivas {view image of page 12} 12 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN making pahos, the Mexicans again entered the pueblo. It is believed that the four conspirators had agreed to meet them, for each of the four made an excuse to leave the kiva in order to dispose of the refuse of his paho-making. But in the open streets, before the eyes of the women and children, the Mexicans set upon the four and killed them, in order, as the Hopi now believe, that after the raid the conspirators might not be alive to give evidence against them.1 The Mexicans then hurriedly drove together thirty or forty children and one woman, and took them down into the valley, where they rounded up all the sheep in the vicinity. The shepherds ran for their lives, some of them fleeing to Middle mesa, where the inhabitants flocked out to view from a distance the passing of the raiders with their slaves and spoil. That night the Mexicans camped at Teveskya, a spring west of Walpi, and some of the people ventured down from that village to view the captives sitting despondently about the campfire. Masa, who understood Spanish, recognized the woman captive as a clanswoman of his and saw among the children his niece, who had been living at Oraibi since the famine. They implored him to take them up to Walpi, but he replied that he could do nothing immediately, promising however to see what could be accomplished in the morning. Early next day the Mexicans moved to Tawa-pa ("sun spring"), where they butchered the sheep and bartered the meat for corn, meal, deerskins, blankets, and moccasins. Nearly all the animals were thus disposed of in exchange for goods that could be transported on pack animals. Before they departed, Masa ransomed his niece at the price of a Navaho boy, whom his family purchased from Nuvati for the use of about five acres of farming land. The woman they were unable to redeem, because of the lack of means. After concluding their trading, the Mexicans started for Keams cafion, camping at the spring where Keam later built his first establishment, and ten men of Walpi followed them, intending if possible to rescue the children after nigthfall. They planned to kill the Mexicans while they slept, but nothing could be done. They thought the Oraibi men would surely come to help them, but none appeared except Wikvaia, husband of the captive woman. They openly visited the camp and sat up all night, trying to screw their courage 1 It is more than likely that there was no conspiracy on the part of these four men, but rather that their going out at this time was a mere accident and the Mexicans were forced to kill them in order to carry out their design. The general belief that the raid was planned by invitation is to be expected of the Hopi mind, which can see deep design in the purest accident. {view image of facing page 12} A visitor [photogravure plate] {view image of page 13} THE HOPI 13 to the sticking point, but they doubted their ability to kill all the Mexicans before some awoke. The next day they returned home and the raiders went on. A week or two after these events some people from Oraibi went to Santa Fe, and soon letters came to Walpi from the Taos chief and from the officials at Santa Fe, summoning the Walpi chief Chino; for the Oraibi men were asserting that Walpi had planned the raid and had urged the Mexicans to accomplish it. With about thirty men Chino set out. Oraibi had spread among the eastern Pueblos the false accusation, and when the party reached Laguna they were warned not to go farther, lest they lose their lives, for the government officials at Santa Fe were said to be greatly incensed. It was learned that the Taos chief was the one who had reported to Santa Fe the accusation against Walpi. At Albuquerque Chino's party was coldly received by the natives, and they pushed on to Taos. Semple, the chief, was not well-disposed toward them, but the people fed them and commiserated with them because they were to be imprisoned. They counselled Chino not to be afraid, but to tell the officials a straight story. A meeting was held that very night, and an official came up from Santa Fe. The Oraibi men made their accusation, and Masa, the interpreter for Walpi, informed the council that the Oraibi people themselves were to blame, and showed the innocence of Walpi. Then the Taos chief reprimanded Oraibi for mistreating Walpi and laying a false accusation against them, and Masa related how the Walpi men had waited at the Mexican camp for assistance from Oraibi. The official then asked the Oraibi men if they would go the next day among the Mexican settlements and identify their children, but they were afraid, and the Walpi party volunteered to undertake it as a further proof of their innocence. With official letters directing the Mexicans to release the captives without protest or resistance, they in four days secured and brought to Santa Fe all except a single boy, who had been taken down the Rio Grande. Masa and three others, however, recovered him in two more days. In the meantime another sister of Saqistiwa, who during the famine had gone to Zuii, had been sold to some Rio Grande Indians, who in turn had sold her to a Mexican family living above Albuquerque; and Saqistiwa, following her from place to place, had reached Santa Fe, where he had been thrown into prison on the strength of the Oraibi accusation against Walpi. After the refutation of the charge, he was freed and received a letter ordering the {view image of page 14} 14 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN release of his sister. He found five Navaho girls held as slaves by the same Mexican family, and was informed that they all had run away three times, but always had been recaptured and beaten, and finally shorn of their hair. After the recovery of all the Hopi children, the government official engaged Taos men to carry them on burros as far as the next pueblo below. A soldier with a letter of authority accompanied the party, and so from village to village they were taken as far as Laguna. Most of the Hopi men were afoot, and none had more than one burro. From Laguna all travelled on foot, because the Oraibi people were unwilling to pursue the indirect route through Zufii. The Walpi men met at each village a very different reception from the cold greeting that had been given them on their way to Santa Fe. When the government representative at the Navaho agency at Fort Defiance began to persuade the Hopi to take up modern methods of farming, Tuivi, an Oraibi man, was one of the few to fall in with his plans. But the chief, Lololma, was opposed to the new order of things, and the two quarrelled. The chief said, "If you are going to follow the white man's ways, I do not want you to stay here." So Tfivi took his wife and went to Provo, Utah, where he was baptized by the Mormons. After some years, about I880, he returned and built a house at Moenkapi, and a few Oraibi families joined him. He afterward moved back to Oraibi, where he died, and the other families followed him. Later an old woman, Nasilewi, took possession of his Moenkapi house, and the other families returned from Oraibi. There are now about eighteen houses in the village. The name of Tdvi is the original of "Tuba," the settlement near by, formerly occupied by Mormons, now the seat of a government school. The Hopi reservation was established in 1882, but until the beginning of the twentieth century the people were practically independent of governmental authority. Since that time official supervision, assistance, and sometimes blundering interference in harmless religious and personal customs (witness a futile decree that Hopi men must wear the hair short), have become more and more effective, and the result is a gradual abandonment of the old order. In I906 not a maid at East mesa but scrupulously kept her hair in the picturesque squash-blossom whorls indicative of the unmarried state. In 1912 the change in this single respect was startling. Many saw no indecorum in allowing their locks to hang loosely. More and {view image of facing page 14} Hotavila [photogravure plate] {view image of page 15} THE HOPI 15 more the people are permanently taking up their residence in detached houses in the valleys. They are closer to their fields and sheep ranges, and so the change is a material gain; but it needs no prophet to foretell the eventual and probably not distant abandonment of the pueblos. And when that time arrives, the ancient ceremonies and home customs of the Hopi will be only a memory. Nor is it difficult to predict what will be the last stronghold of Hopi culture. For some years prior to I906 there was a gradually widening rift between two factions at Oraibi, the conservative and the liberal. The determination of government officials to enforce education crystallized sentiment, and the party that favored active resistance to restraint packed up their goods and chattels, marched forth from the pueblo, and built the new village Hotavila about four miles distant. Here they live with only the unavoidable minimum of contact with the white race, whom they unostentatiously but cordially hate. For them a few officious zealots are the American people. Their chief, recently released after a prison term of several years, during which no doubt he had abundant time to ponder on the futility of a Hopi insisting that his children be educated in his own ancient fashion when some individual two thousand miles away ordered him to cut their hair and deliver them at the schoolhouse, is a thoroughly embittered man, quiet in his bitterness, but unyielding. And that spirit pervades all his people. Henceforth they will formally obey orders, because they know of the force that lurks behind them, but many years will pass before they enter into the spirit of American education for their children. Meanwhile they cling to the old order. Desperately poor, they are diligent farmers, surpassing all other Hopi, and as they have more than enough of the best agricultural land on the reservation, lying on the mesa and adjacent to the village, and not in the distant valleys, there need be no apprehension as to their future. The pueblo is most unattractive. Few of the houses rise above a single story, and there is a rather disheartening air of newness. On the same mesa and about a mile from Hotavila is Pakavi, which was established by another Oraibi faction a few years after the founding of Hotavila. The houses are all of one story and are ranged along both sides of a single street. The inhabitants are less morose than their neighbors, and while the village, in its exterior, resembles a Mexican settlement rather than a Hopi pueblo, it has an appearance of order and neatness in distinct contrast to Hotavila. Deserted by these two factions, and by many families who have {view image of page 16} THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN built houses at different places in the valley, Oraibi is practically an abandoned village. So much for recorded Hopi history. It remains to detail the steps by which various migrant groups in centuries past gradually assembled in Tusayan. Mostly the information to be had on this subject is legendary, but the latest of these movements are known also from documentary evidence. How much of fact lies in these clan legends, who can say? The present writer would not be understood as taking the ground that all of the patently unmythical parts is historical truth. On the other hand he does not reject them in toto. He believes that the roots of these legends are embedded in the truth, that they actually indicate the directions from which various groups of people started in a series of wanderings that finally brought them together in the Hopi country. At the dawn of this legendary period we find the Bear people living at Tukinovi, now a small ruin on East mesa north of the Gap. They are said to have come from the east. At Tokonabi (Tokonavi) on Colorado river lived the Cougar and the Dove people, and these were joined by the Horn people from a region still farther north. The son of the Cougar chief, returning from a journey down the river, brought home a Rattlesnake girl, who became his wife and founded the Rattlesnake clan, which eventually predominated in this group. Together the Rattlesnake and the Horn people departed southward and in time settled at Wukoki (Wfik6-ki, "great house"), now a group of ruins on Little Colorado river northeast of Flagstaff, where they found the Squash and the Flute people. The Horn people now separated from the Rattlesnake, Squash, and Flute people, and turning back northward established themselves at Moenkapi (Munkap-ki,."small-stream house") in the wash of that name northwest of Oraibi. Later the Little Colorado pueblos were abandoned by all the others, who in company travelled northeastward to Oraibi wash, where they separated. The Squash people founded successively Mfnya-ovi ("porcupine high-place") near the present Oraibi, and Chukubi (Chukd-vi, "pointed place") a mile northeast of the present Shipaulovi at Middle mesa. The Flute people, after leaving the Little Colorado, settled at Lengyaobi (Lenanovi, "flute high-place") about thirty miles northeast of the present Walpi, where they were later joined by the Horn people from Moenkapi wash. Before the Spanish occupancy the consolidated Horn and Flute people had left Lengyaobi and settled at Kwastapabi {view image of facing page 16} Pakavi [photogravure plate] {view image of page 17} THE HOPI I7 ( Qasta-pa-vi "spring place" ) about two miles northeast of Wipho spring and six miles northeast of Walpi. Here they remained for an extended period. Meanwhile the Rattlesnake people, who left the Little Colorado in company with the Squash and the Flute people, had established themselves in the valley midway between East and Middle mesas. Their next movement was to Kuchaptuvela (Kotfap-tevelu, "ashy slope") on the northwestern slope of East mesa. While these slow migrations were taking place, another eastern group, the Firewood people, had been approaching, and after many years had finally established Sikyatki at East mesa. It was during the occupancy of Kuchaptuvela and before the Spanish entrada that friction developed with Sikyatki, which resulted in the overthrow of that town and the dispersal of its population. At the time when the Rattlesnake and the Horn people were in Tokonabi, the Squash and the Flute people at Wukoki, and the Bear people at East mesa, the Tobacco people built Honui-vi ("junipershoot place") among Hopi buttes, and later Awatobi. Their former home was in the south. By the year I629, when Spanish missionaries began their labors, Ashy Slope at East mesa had been abandoned in favor of Kisakobi (Ki-sak-ovi, "house ladder high-place") on the terrace below the modern pueblo, and here the Snake and Bear people were joined by the Horn-Flute people from Kwastapabi, an event still commemorated in the biennial Flute ceremony. After the uprising of I680 Kisakobi was deserted and modern Walpi founded. In the meantime the Squash people at Middle mesa had abandoned Chukubi and built Mishongnovi, not however in its present location, which was occupied only after the killing of the missionaries. Shongopavi and Shipaulovi, and at West mesa Oraibi, all of which had been established in the valley, were removed to their present sites at the time. While the Rattlesnakes were still living in the valley between East and Middle mesas, the Reed people entered the country from the east and settled at Lome-va near old Mishongnovi. After a quarrel with the Squash people of that village they joined the Rattlesnakes and eventually became a part of the Walpi population. Also from the east came the Badger people, who after long wanderings settled at Kisiu-va ("shadow spring") about fifteen miles northeast of Walpi. Later they moved down Oraibi wash, and halfway to Oraibi built Siu-va ("onion spring") near the spring of that name. VOL. XII-3 {view image of page 18} i8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Ultimately they joined old Oraibi. The Badger clan was established at Walpi by the marriage of a Badger woman, who, contrary to custom, went to live with her husband's people. The Walpi Badgers later founded the adjacent pueblo Sichomovi. After the insurrection of I680 many refugees from the Rio Grande entered the Hopi country, and some of them founded the village of Payupki (Payfp-ki, "river house") on Middle mesa. In 1748 they were taken back and settled at Sandia. About the year I700 the Tanoan clan called Asa ("tansy-mustard"), at the solicitation of Walpi, which was being hard-pressed by the Ute and Navaho, left their homes on the upper Rio Grande, and after stopping successively at Laguna, Acoma, and Zunii, at each of which pueblos they left some of their number,' they built Chakwaina (Chaqaina) on Antelope mesa. After an indeterminate sojourn there, they proceeded to Walpi, but were refused admittance by the Bear and Snake chiefs when they confessed that they had no magic for the common good. Much depressed by the failure of Walpi to keep its promise regarding lands, they settled near the spring Isba (Is-va, "coyote spring"). The ruin of this village is called Sikya-owa-ftomo ("yellow rock mound"). In a battle with the Navaho and Ute they saved the day, and as a reward received all the land north of an east-and-west line passing through the Gap, with permission to build a village on the site of the present Tewa village Hano. Friction arose over the appropriation by an Asa man of the Walpi Crier Chief's wife, and the Asa prepared to leave. At Tawa-pa spring however they were solicited to return, because the Hopi were apprehensive that the two Water Bullsnakes, which the Asa were believed to have deposited in Teveskya spring on their arrival at East mesa, would cause an earthquake if their guardians departed. The Asa were then assigned a building location in Walpi to guard the head of the Stairway trail. Some years later other Tanoan people were induced to join the Hopi at East mesa, and they built the modern village Hano, where the Tewa language is still spoken. Many of the Asa, as well as others, went into the Navaho country at a time of famine in I780, but the second generation of mixed-bloods returned to Walpi, most of them joining the people of Sichomovi, which had been founded by the Walpi Badger clan about the middle of the century. From the south another group of migrants had been slowly adRepresented at Zuii today by the Afaho (Phacelia ivesiana Torr.) clan, which is on the verge of extinction. {view image of facing page 18} Gossip at the water-hole [photogravure plate] {view image of page 19} THE HOPI I9 vancing. The Cloud clan, originating in the distant south, gradually worked northward to Palatkwabi (Palatqavi), which Hopi traditionists identify with a group of ruins on Gila river west of San Carlos. They were accompanied by the Lizard, Rabbit, and Sun people. A destructive flood, which they attributed to the mythical Water Bullsnake, caused them to resume their northward movement, and after various stops they settled at Homolobi (Homol-ovi, "breast high-place") on the Little Colorado near the site of Winslow. There they were so plagued by mosquitoes that they abandoned the pueblo and settled at Pakachomo (Pa-koi-fiomo, "water soil mound ") about four miles south of Walpi. Some of them ultimately joined Walpi, others the Middle Mesa towns. Their entry into the Hopi country occurred after the destruction of Awatobi and the founding of Hano and Sichomovi, probably about the middle of the eighteenth century. To summarize the evidence, legendary and documentary, it may be stated that the Hopi consist of the descendants of various groups that entered the country from the north, the east, and the south, and that the series of movements covered a period of probably three centuries, and perhaps considerably longer. The walls of the many-roomed, terraced buildings of the Hopi are rather rudely constructed of stones cemented with mud. Tradition does not extend back to a period when these people were not dwellers in stone houses. The structures of ancient times, however, are said to have been so much smaller than those of the present day that the occupants were unable to stand upright in the little stone cells. The walls of a modern house are seven or eight feet high and about eighteen inches thick, enclosing an approximate parallelogram. Usually the men provide and lay the stone, while the women apply the mortar, which is simply a puddle of sandy gumbo; but not infrequently women are also the masons. Some of the stones are rudely shaped by fracture, but there is no attempt at dressing them, and the face of the wall is filled out to a comparatively plane surface by chinking the crevices with spalls. After the walls are erected, the women cover them on the inside, and sometimes, though not usually, on the outside, with plaster of the kind used in the masonry, applying it with the bare hand; and finally they finish the inner walls with a coat of white gypsum laid on by means of a large glove of sheep fleece. The gypsum is mined on the top of the mesa north 1 Apparently a contraction of pa-koyan-fiomo. Pa-koyan is the dust raised by a pelting shower. {view image of page 20} 20 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of the Gap, and after drying two or three days it is mixed with water into a thin wash. In some houses the inner walls are covered with a finishing plaster of pink clay, such as is generally used on the floor; and one house in Sichomovi has been so treated on the outside. The roof is nearly level. Beams of juniper, pine, cottonwood, or pinion, resting directly on the side walls, are about two feet apart, and across them is a series of pole battens, usually willow. Over the battens is a layer of skunk-bush (Rhus trilobata) shoots, and a thatch of coarse, dried grass is followed by a layer of gumbo plaster, over which is spread a covering of dry earth of the same kind. This soil is firmly trodden down, and once wet it dries out into a hard and fairly impervious roofing. Generally there are no eaves, the walls extending slightly above the roof in a low coping pierced for drainage, which is discharged over a flat or slightly curved slab of stone, a wooden trough, or a gourd. At one corner of the roof is left a small hole for the passage of a chimney, a feature which is proved by archeological investigation to have been wanting in ancient pueblo structures. The construction of the earliest form of chimney was begun by placing, about three feet above the floor, a short pole across the angle of a corner, the ends being secured in crevices of the walls. Resting on this base, long sticks or green sunflower stalks extended upward to the opening in the roof, forming a roughly funnel-shaped flue, which was thickly coated on both sides with mud. In some cases two stone piers were built against the walls near a corner of the room for the support of the ends of a curved piece of green piion wood, on which the base of the flue rested; and another method was to drive a stake into each wall and support their intersecting ends on a thong fastened to a roof-beam. On wooden pegs driven into the walls inside the chimney were laid bundles of green greasewood for drying. Greasewood and piion were the only fuel. In the fireplace were three or more roundish stones, on which stood the single cooking-pot. In cold weather the elder members of the family occupied the places near the fire, and the children huddled together in the space that was left available. The old people offered a good reason for this state of affairs by saying that the children must accustom themselves to enduring cold in preparation for the time when they must take the war-path or make long journeys for other purposes. It is not recorded that the children ever inquired why their elders, having had that training in their childhood, found it necessary to hover over the little fire. {view image of facing page 20} Hopi architecture [photogravure plate] {view image of page 21} THE HOPI 21 The exterior chimney still consists of a rectangular masonry base surmounted by a stack of bottomless pots cemented together. These primitive fireplaces continued in general use until about I892, when the Government rewarded with a heating stove each family whose children were sent to school. A few years later cooking stoves were distributed, and since about I9IO hemispherical, outdoor ovens of the Mexican type have become quite common. The floor is made by spreading a layer of clayey soil, sprinkling water on it, trampling and beating it down hard and level, smearing over it with the hand a mixture of pink clay, sand, and water, and finally, while it is still moist, rubbing it well with a smooth stone in order to prevent cracking. The result is a fairly hard floor of a beautiful pink tint. Carefully used, such a floor will last a month, and a new coat of plaster must then be applied. When after many such applications the stratum of plaster becomes appreciably thick, it is stripped off, pulverized on the mealing stones, and used again. In some houses, where the rock on which they are built is fairly smooth, the floor of the lowest story is simply this bed-rock surface. The Hopi villages were established on their present almost inaccessible sites for purposes of defence; and with the same object in view the builders formerly never left a door in the outer walls of the first story, access to the rooms invariably being through hatchways in the roof. On the upper levels low doorways were provided. In cold weather the well-to-do hung a deerskin over the opening, and later, say the traditionists, cottonwood shoots and sunflower stalks were woven into rude doors. A further development consisted of pifion slabs flattened on both sides and bound together by means of deerskin thongs. A pinion slab formed the threshold and another the lintel. At one end of both threshold and lintel was a hole, and the projecting, pointed ends of one of the stiles of the door fitted into these holes, so that the door swung as if on hinges. This form of door, the traditionists affirm, was in use when the first clans arrived in the present Hopi country. There is no archeological evidence supporting this contention, however, and such doors are doubtless of Spanish origin. The principal articles of furniture in a Hopi house are mealing stones, earthen pots and water-jars, basketry trays, and bedding. The mealing stones are a series of three flat slabs of sandstone about fifteen inches square, cemented at a convenient angle for the worker in three compartments on the floor. They are of different degrees of fineness. On the coarsest stone the corn is crushed by rubbing {view image of page 22} 22 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN with a basalt or lava muller; on the second the fragments are reduced to coarse meal with a sandstone muller; and in the third compartment a muller of still closer texture produces a meal almost as fine as our wheat flour. Girls and young women grind the corn, kneeling on the floor and working with the movement of a woman at her washboard. The work is generally performed early in the morning to the accompaniment of grinding songs. Even at the present time the bedding is spread on the floor at night and hung across a pole during the day. In primitive times the blankets were made of strips of rabbit-skins, and in some instances of white woven cotton, but sheep fleeces and woollen blankets are now used. A very important adjunct to the Hopi home is the stone on which is baked the paper-like bread called piki. Usually it is placed in a small room of the first story, or sometimes, at Walpi, in a cell built in a niche at the edge of the cliff with its roof and hatchway on the same level as the mesa top. The material for the piki stone (t'rna) is quarried in the foothills about three miles north of Walpi on the south side of the mesa, and it is taken out in four-inch slabs measuring about two-and-a-half by three feet. In ancient times, before the days of steel implements, the workmen doubtless used wooden wedges and stone mauls in splitting the stone. The rough piece is thinned down with an old axe and smoothed with a piece of coarse sandstone, after which it is rubbed with a grinding stone and a quantity of sand. It is now about three inches thick. After a polishing process with smooth, water-worn stones and masticated watermelonseeds, the slab is placed with its longer edges on two low walls of stone in the fireplace, and a small fire is maintained under it all day. Toward evening the ends of the space beneath the stone are walled in and all the crevices are filled up with clay, in order to confine the heat, and pinion-gum is dropped on the stone. After it has burned, it is rubbed off with a bunch of twigs, and another quantity of melting gum is rubbed into the stone with a piece of sheep fleece. Then ground watermelon-seeds and crumbled piki are burned on it, and it is again rubbed smooth and polished with a fleece. Finally the end walls are removed and a fresh fire is built under the stone, and piki is baked on it, the first two or three sheets, which absorb the taste of pitch, being rejected. Each village possesses several or many chambers reserved for the use of ceremonial societies. They are always detached from the dwellings, and either partially or wholly below the general level of {view image of facing page 22} Household utensils [photogravure plate] {view image of page 23} THE HOPI 23 the ground, the entrance being through a hatchway by means of a ladder. To these subterranean cells the native term kiva is generally applied, in preference to the Spanish estufa (stove), which was given them by the Conquistadores on account of their high temperature. Like the dwelling house, the kiva has masonry walls and a nearly flat roof of timbers, thatching, and earth. About onethird of the stone-paved floor is raised ten inches above the remainder, and it is on this raised portion that spectators sit. The sunken fireplace is directly beneath the hatchway and near the foot of the ladder. But the most important feature of the ceremonial chamber is the sipapu, a small pit near the end of the room on the lower level of the floor, covered with a thick slab flush with the floor, in which is a two-inch hole fitted with a wooden plug. This represents the orifice through which the ancients emerged in their ascent from the lower world of darkness. Hopi kivas are approximately rectangular, from twenty-two to thirty feet long and ten to fifteen wide, and the ceiling is seven to eleven feet high in the middle, sloping down slightly toward the ends. Hopi men in primitive times wore shirts, leggings, loin-cloths, moccasins, and head-bands, and women wore tunics, leggings, and moccasins; but when weather and occasion permitted it, men wore nothing but the loin-cloth. The men's shirt (na'pna) was an oblong piece of undyed cloth woven of native cotton with a hole for the head in the centre, like a poncho. Sometimes it was sleeveless, but usually straight, unshaped sleeves, open along the lower edge but tied at the wrists, were attached to the shoulders. The edges hung open at the sides, except for a few yarn ties. This garment fell into disuse about I865, but a modified form with seams at the sides and in the sleeves, and made of white or figured cotton goods, is still worn. The primitive leggings of knitted cotton reached midway up the thigh and were supported by the same waist-string that held up the cotton loin-cloth. These leggings, which were not used in warm weather, have given place to white cotton pantaloons extending nearly to the ankles. The present loin-cloth is of blue woollen cloth. When deerskin could not be obtained, the primitive foot-wear was sandals of woven yucca-leaves with the sharp edges removed. Deerskin moccasins were made like the goat-skin winter foot-wear of today. An oblong piece of skin is doubled over, and where two of the corners meet the material is cut away in a curve to fit the instep. The free edges along the curve and at the back are then sewn together, and the result is a moccasin without a seam at the edge of the sole. The {view image of page 24} 24 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Navaho type, with separate rawhide sole and red-dyed upper, is much used. Women formerly wore the m6o[apu, an undyed cotton robe, which passed under the left arm and over the right shoulder, the two edges meeting at the right side and the edge from behind overlapping the other. It was tied together above the right shoulder, but not at the side. The modern successor of this garment is made of blue-black wool, and the broad belt, replacing the ancient one of undyed cotton, is of blue-black wool with red and white ornamentation. Rarely seen at East mesa, the motfapu is not uncommon at Middle mesa, and is the rule at the western villages. Ordinarily nothing else was worn, the arms and lower legs being bare; and only on ceremonial occasions, such as dances and weddings, did women use the one-piece moccasin with pure white leggings attached. Half of a large deerskin was required for a legging, which was wrapped about the calf in the manner still seen. At the present time Hopi women, copying the Navaho fashion, wear moccasins like those of the men, with rawhide sole of cowskin, red-tanned deerskin upper, and two or three silver buttons at the side. Women used no stockings, but in comparatively recent times, influenced by the Zuii fashion, they adopted the knee-length, footless, blue stocking held down by a string under the foot. Bed blankets of white cotton were thrown about the shoulders in cold weather, but more commonly these were worn by women, while men used robes of nine wildcat-skins, or blankets made of strips of rabbit-skin interwoven with cotton yarn. Bear-skins were used at a later date, and when the Hopi began to make long journeys to the eastern pueblos they obtained a few buffalo-skins from the Comanche whom they met there. Women still make rabbit-skin robes, but men do all the weaving. In dances, and especially in Kachina dances, unmarried girls wore earrings made by smearing pinion-gum on a thin piece of wood about an inch and a half square, and setting bits of turquois in the gum. In reference to the arrangement of the turquois this was called tuoi-naka (tuoi, describing the orderly manner of stacking ears of corn with the butts out; naka, earring). Young men on ceremonial occasions wore fo6zmzum-naka ("blue-long earrings"), which were simply strings of turquois beads. After the introduction of glass beads by the Spaniards, strings of these ornaments were worn about the neck by unmarried girls. Some of these large blue beads remain in the possession of the Hopi. The Spanish introduced {view image of facing page 24} On a housetop - Walpi [photogravure plate] {view image of page 25} THE HOPI 25 also copper and coral, which were used respectively for ear-pendants and necklaces. In ancient times the seeds of juniper-berries were boiled and while still soft were pierced for beads. The red berries of the bush kevepusf(uki (Lycium pallidum) and the black seeds of yucca were made into beads. Formerly the Hopi never made shell beads, but obtained them from Zufii and the Rio Grande pueblos, and from these sources came also, and still comes, their turquois. From the Havasupai was obtained a red ochre already prepared as paint, which men and women rubbed on the face before going out into the wind. The Hopi never tattooed. The modern style of dressing the hair is like the ancient. Men cut it at the sides level with the lobe of the ear, and in front at such a length that when unconfined by the head-band it just covers the eyes; and they part it in the middle and double it up at the nape of the neck, tying it with a string so as to form a bunch about five inches long. Formerly a white down-feather of an eagle was generally worn at the left side of the head. Females part their hair in the middle from the forehead to the nape of the neck. Unmarried girls arrange it in a large whorl above each ear, a very distinctive style symbolic of the squash-blossom; while married women have at each side of the face a shoulder-length club of hair wrapped from end to end with a long, dark-blue, cotton string. The picturesque whorl fashion is so fast disappearing, at least in Walpi, that in three months' observation in the winter of I91I-1912 only one girl was seen with hair so dressed except on ceremonial occasions. To arrange the whorls is too laborious a task for women with a school education. Hopi women of East mesa are moderately good potters, and the men are skilful weavers and successful farmers. The modern earthenware is considerably softer and of coarser texture than the pieces that have been exhumed in large numbers from the ruins of this region. The most successful imitator of the ancient ware, who is not a Hopi at all, but the Tewa woman Nampeyo, of the village Hano, says that its superiority was obtained by the use of lignite, by which the prehistoric potters were able to fire their vessels for several days; but a well-informed traditionist, on the contrary, asserts that it was the result of burying the clay in moist sand for a long time, perhaps two moons, which "caused something in the clay to rot." Probably the excellence of the ancient earthenware is due to both causes. The potter's clay is dug out from under the rocks about the foothills of the mesa. When thoroughly dry it is ground on the mealing stones, and after it has soaked in water VOL. XII-4 {view image of page 26} 26 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN a quantity of pulverized sandstone or potsherds is mixed with it. Ancient, decorated sherds are preferred for this purpose, fragments of cooking-pots not being used. The mass is thoroughly kneaded, and when it is quite homogeneous, a ball of the clay is held on the left palm while the heel of the right hand works it out into a disc of the required thinness, which is placed in a slightly concave form called tavlpi ("layer"). This article is now usually a piece of tinware, such as a hand basin, but formerly it was either a potsherd or a basket tray filled with fine wet ashes pressed into the desired shape. The base of the proposed vessel, having been thus formed, a small ball of clay is rolled between the palms into a thin rope, which is coiled round and round the edge of the incipient and gradually growing vessel. At intervals, as the height increases, the potter smooths the receptacle inside and outside with a bit of gourd-shell. The completed article is set in the sun, or in winter under the stove, to dry for a day or longer, then with a piece of smooth sandstone it is smoothed and rubbed down to the desired thinness, and a very thin wash of clay is smeared over the exposed surfaces. A smooth pebble is rubbed over the vessel to polish it and then the painted design is applied by means of a narrow strip of yucca-leaf. The various pieces to be fired are now set about the fireplace (nowadays under the stove) to become quite warm. In a small charcoal fire are placed several blocks of sandstone, on which the pieces of pottery are set in such a way that the fire will have ventilation from beneath and thus burn without smoking at the bottom, which would permanently blacken the vessels. The pieces are piled up in a rounded heap, and then cakes of dried dung from the corrals are placed around and over the whole, with ample ventilation carefully provided both at the bottom and at the sides. Before sheep, burros, and horses furnished dung for fuel, the Hopi potters used lignite, which is found in various places among the cliffs. Many rounded heaps of debris containing bits of charcoal and sherds mark ancient pottery kilns. After the fire has burned out and the vessels have cooled, they are taken out, but not before, as they easily break while still hot. Hopi pottery is undergoing rapid changes. Raised ornamentation in the form of a serpent, a narrow incised band giving somewhat the effect of lace insertion, new shapes, new designs, greet the returned visitor and shock him with the feeling that all this is foreign to Hopi art. But is it? The inspiration that produced these changes was born within the potter's own soul: it came from no alien source. And shall a Hopi be denied the artist's right of giving form to his {view image of facing page 26} East Mesa pottery [photogravure plate] {view image of page 27} THE HOPI 27 vision? Considering the matter in this judicial spirit, the observer, recovering from the instinctive feeling that any departure from the old is not "Indian," can only admit that many of these new creations are meritorious. Pottery is not made at Middle mesa nor at Oraibi, although adjacent ruin-mounds and burial places are veritable mines of potsherds. The basketry of the Hopi, compared with the work of many other Southwestern Indians, is simple, although it shows a considerable variety of form. The most striking product in this branch is the well-known sacred-meal plaque with the figure of a Kachina in bright colors. At Oraibi these plaques are rabbit-brush twining on a warp of kunk-bush (sivipsi) rods, while at Middle mesa they are coiled work of yucca-leaf strips wrapped about a thick coil of yucca strands with the design in black and orange. The deep burdenbasket with oblong opening and a capacity of about a bushel, was formerly made and used at all the Hopi villages for carrying corn, squashes, and peaches. It is made of skunk-bush shoots, and the technique is twining. At Middle mesa is made a tray about three feet long and nearly as wide, on which piki is piled during the baking. The material is skunk-bush shoots. The Middle Mesa villagers make also rough, shallow trays of yucca strips interwoven like matting, for containing corn and for sifting meal. No basketry is now made at East mesa, and the traditionists declare that formerly only burdenbaskets were manufactured. In the art of weaving, knitting, and embroidery the Hopi are preeminent. In ancient times they wove their cultivated cotton into fabrics the fineness of which excited the comment of the early Spaniards, and indeed the cloth remnants found in the ruined cliffdwellings and burial caves of the country rival the examples of early Peruvian art. Textiles were not dyed prior to the acquisition of sheep, and the white background of ceremonial belts, sashes, and robes is still cotton in the form of commercial cord retwisted into a thin, tight strand. Excellent embroidery in Germantown yarn appears on all ceremonial garments. Since the very earliest traditional times the Hopi have lived mainly by cultivation of the soil, and almost without exception their numerous religious ceremonies have as their principal object the increase of crops. Corn, beans, squashes, and cotton were raised in ancient times, and with the advent of white men the Hopi have added peaches, muskmelons, watermelons, chile, and onions. Corn {view image of page 28} 28 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN remains the principal crop. It is planted very deep and far apart with no more preparation of the thin, sandy soil than removing the brushy vegetation. About 2500 acres are planted annually, yielding about 25,000 bushels. Of other crops perhaps 1500 acres are cultivated, and the Hopi peach orchards are estimated at Iooo acres, a figure which, however, gives an exaggerated impression, as the trees are widely and irregularly scattered. Cotton was once a most important crop, as it was the material for their woven clothing and had an important ceremonial use, furnishing string for the making of prayer-sticks and other offerings, as well as for various ceremonial garments.1 Almost every family had a small patch of cotton among the rocks at the eastern and southern base of East mesa, and some traces of the stone enclosures remain. Native cotton was still raised by a few men at East mesa as recently as about I890, and Lewton, in the paper referred to below, says that near Oraibi "the cultivation of cotton on a small scale is carried on by the Indians as a regular crop." This was published in 1912, and probably refers to a time several years earlier. The cheapness of commercial cotton goods and the increasing numbers of sheep to furnish wool have caused the cultivation of cotton to be quite abandoned. Tradition gives no hint as to the source from which the Hopi obtained their first cotton, and it is a remarkable fact that cotton, as a plant, plays no part whatever in Hopi mythology and religion, nor does plant, flower, or bursting boll appear in esoteric or decorative design. Tradition is silent also as to the origin of the peach orchards. The old men in describing the foods of their ancestors never mention peaches, and are aware that the ancients had none, yet no one of these traditionists can give any information touching the introduction of this fruit. It is known that the large orchard just below fsba, the spring used by the Tewa, was started from trees obtained from Mormons; but these were far from being the first peach trees of the Hopi. It is said that after the destruction of Awatobi in 1700 the Oraibi chief spared a man who "knew how to cause peaches to grow," and thus the fruit was introduced at Oraibi. As Awatobi was the principal seat of the padres in the * Reading from left to right the plaques bear the following designs: Upper row: Ornamental; Tdmas Kafsina; Eagle. Lower row: Cloud; Ani Kafsina; Kohonin (Havasupai) KafSina. Note the diagonal lines across the face of the last named, representing the tattoo lines on the faces of most Yuman females. 1 See Frederick L. Lewton, The Cotton of the Hopi Indians: A New Species of Gossypium, Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 60, No. 6, Washington, I912. {view image of facing page 28} Oraibi plaques [photogravure plate] {view image of page 29} THE HOPI 29 Hopi country, it is there we should expect to find the peach to have been first cultivated. Tobacco is not now, and probably never was, planted and cultivated. The assertion of Fewkes that the Hopi have gardens of tobacco is doubtless based on the fact that in the cornfields the eradication of weeds gives the wild tobacco (Nicotiana trigonophylla and N. attenuata) a better chance to thrive there than elsewhere, and the farmer never destroys a tobacco plant. The nearest he comes to cultivating tobacco is to pluck and scatter the ripened seed as he chances upon it. Only in occasional seasons is there a good supply of tobacco, and in such seasons enough is gathered to last two or three years. Native tobacco, unadulterated, is always used in ceremonial smoking, but the plant is not regarded as sacred. A few Hopi men have learned from the Navaho the art of working in silver, their product being buttons, bracelets, rings, and belt buckles. So little bead-making is done that a reliable native informant said there are no bead-makers among the Hopi; but in the kiva a young man was seen drilling holes through bits of reddish stone by means of a pump drill. The great bulk of stone and shell ornaments, however, is obtained from Zuni and the eastern pueblos. Numerous native paints and dyes are used. In making the red paint called supnala the liquid from boiled red corn is poured over the crushed ripe berries of the skunk-bush, and pulverized white clay of the kind called tu2mo'toka, which is used also in certain foods, is added to give it body. The dried berries are kept on hand constantly, and the paint is made as it is needed for decorating the bodies of Kachina dancers. For yellow paint (sikya-piki) the yellow flowers of sivapi (Chrysothamnus graveolens), a low shrub used in the gardens as a windbreak for beans and melons, and commonly called rabbit-brush, are boiled, and the liquid is strained off. This is then reboiled, and si6na, alkaline salts found in the crystallized state in thin sheets within the clay, is added. Tuwa-kta ("sand excrement"), a spherical ball of agglutinated sand, is pulverized and stirred in along with the alkaline salts, in equal proportion, until the mixture is about as thick as our liquid paint. The coarse sand settles to the bottom and the liquid portion of the mixture is used for painting the body of a Kachina dancer. If the paint is to be kept for future use, it is poured off into small dishes, when the excess of water evaporates and there is left a solid, which, as desired, may be mixed with water. For blue paint, saqa-piki, pinion-gum is melted and strained {view image of page 30} 30 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN through horse-hair cloth into a vessel of cold water, where it becomes congealed. It is then pulled, like candy, until it is quite white, and is boiled in water. Saqa, a very soft variety of turquois obtained from the Havasupai, is now pulverized and stirred into the mixture, and the boiling is continued, with frequent testing, until, when a stick is thrust into the mass and drawn out, the colored gum adhering to it becomes brittle on cooling. The vessel is then removed from the fire, and the paint hardens into a vitreous mass, which on warming becomes viscous. When it is to be used, a piece is broken off by striking it with a stone, and this is ground on a paint stone and mixed with a quantity of masticated squash-seeds. It is used on the faces of certain Kachina dancers and on the horns of Horn fraternity initiates, as well as on certain Kachina effigies. It is a beautiful turquois blue, but one who wears it must be careful not to approach a fire too closely, for heat turns it black. Sifo'novi, micaceous hematite, is rubbed on a stone moistened with water, and then applied to the body by Kachina personators in order to produce white designs. The same material is calcined in flames, then pulverized and mixed with urine and pressed into a ball, when it quickly hardens like cement. This is the ball used in the kicking race. Wivavi, blue clay, also is used by Kachina personators. The black dye t6ko ("lava") has burned pinon-gum for its base. The gum is burned to a cinder in an earthen pot, while a soft yellow substance found between veins of lignite is mixed in gradually. After the burning the gum and the yellow substance are found to be pulverized, and the powder is removed from the pot. Shoots of skunk-bush (Rhus trilobata) are coiled up and boiled, the liquid is strained off, and the black powder is stirred into the boiling solution, in which the wool to be dyed is boiled for a time. This dye was not used before the acquisition of sheep. The liquid from boiled skunkbush shoots is used for the purpose of setting the dye. Yellow dyestuff is obtained by boiling the yellow flowers of hohoisi (Thelesperma gracile) and adding alkaline salts. It is used at Walpi to dye white horse-hair for certain Kachina costumes, and it imparts an orange shade with a slight reddish tinge. At Middle and West mesas it is used by basket-makers to color their strips of yucca-leaves. Black basketry material is obtained by boiling yucca-leaves in the liquid resulting from the boiling of black beans. Before commercial dyes were to be had only orange, blue-black, and natural white were used by basket-makers. {view image of facing page 30} Hano and Walpi girls wearing atoo [photogravure plate] {view image of page 31} THE HOPI 3I The rich brown dye for deerskin is the product of two barks: pofiivi, syringa, and a thicker bark called soku, which is obtained from the Havasupai and is probably alder. Liquid of boiled syringabark, as hot as the hand can bear it, is rubbed over the surface of a deerskin by means of a corncob; pulverized soku is spread over the moist surface, and ashes are strewn over it. After the skin is dry it is spread in damp sand, and when it has become somewhat moist it is worked between the hands, in order to soften it. The result is a beautiful mahogany tint. This is an ancient Hopi process. Since indigo, which, like soft turquois, is called saqa, has been obtainable from the Mexicans, a broad border on the woman's robe has been of deep dark blue. Originally the entire garment was blue-black. The indigo is mixed with urine, the ammonia of which sets the color. In dying native stockings the articles are left in the solution for eight days, and daily a bag of indigo is stirred about in the liquid in order to add color. Sometimes the white wool is dyed before the stockings are knitted. The urine of persons who have recently eaten skunk-berries or juniper-berries must not be used for this purpose, as it would cause the fabric to come out a grayish blue. For the decoration of pottery, asa, tansy-mustard, is boiled down to a waxy paste. When this is to be used, it is moistened with a little water and smeared on the paint stone, tok6-kuyanpi ("lava rub-on"). A bit of lava is rubbed on the moist paint stone, and thus a brown color is produced. The coloring matter seems to come entirely from the lava, the asa essence being used only to give it body. In the burning it turns black. Sikya-itka ("yellow mud") is a yellow clay, probably ochre, which is moistened and used in pottery decoration. After the design is painted it is rubbed over with a stone, in order to force the paint into the pores of the clay, and after the firing it is found to have become a brownish red. The Hopi terms of measurement are quite simple. Tukye'lemi is measured by the outstretched thumb and middle finger; mahmki, from tip to tip of the middle fingers, the arms outstretched. The former unit is used in measuring short strings and the latter for longer strings, such as those employed by women and girls for wrapping the hair, and for making ropes. Iilaki ("step") is used in measuring land or distance. The Hopi pace is about two feet in length. A stretch of cornfield twelve paces wide, but of no definite length, is a tfki, the average being about equal to one-half acre. {view image of page 32} 32 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN There are no units of measurement for long distances. When the necessity for such terms arises, it is met by comparing the distance with that of some landmark visible or known to the speaker. Corn in the ear is now measured by sacks, but formerly the unit was the hoa'pu, a large burden-basket about eighteen to twenty inches in width and three feet long at top, by two or two and a half feet deep. Shelled corn is measured by the tefai'a, a tray-basket, and meal by the p6ta basket, the amount of one grinding. The dog was formerly the only domesticated animal. Only recently, it is said, were turkeys introduced, although the Coronado expedition saw "cocks with great hanging chins" in the Tigua pueblos on the Rio Grande, and "cocks with very big wattles" at Acoma. Eagles and various kinds of hawks were, and still are, kept in captivity from spring until summer for the sake of their feathers. Each of six Walpi clans - Reed, Cloud, Bear, Firewood, Snake, and Tobacco - has definitely bounded territory in which its members have the right to capture eagles, and in each of these clans there is one family which from ancient times has inherited the privilege of making pahos for the eagles and keeping the captive birds. During the winter solstice ceremony the men make imitation eagleeggs of dozy cottonwood, and deposit them with naqaqusi 1 in various places among the cliffs and rocks near the mesa. In the spring pahos and naqaqasi are prepared by the men of a certain family in each clan that has eagle grounds, and small earthen vessels are made by the women of those families and deposited by the men at certain shrines in their respective preserves. The men then proceed to look for eagle nests. The usual method of taking the young birds is to go to the cliff above and lower a man by means of a rope tied about his waist, a blanket being folded under it to prevent it from cutting into the flesh, and a bit of rope about the neck being fast to the main rope so that the hunter may not lose his equilibrium. He carries a curved staff with which to keep himself from being dragged against the face of the cliff and for drawing the eaglets out if the nest is under an over-hanging rock. If the birds are old enough to fly out and tumble to the ground, they are permitted to do so, and men below catch them; but when they are too young to fly, the man on the rope catches them and either ties them to another rope and signals those above to hoist away, or gathers them in and takes them 1 Feathers to which short strings are attached, and used for offerings where such can be tied to an object instead of being thrust into the ground, as the stick of a paho, or prayer-stick, is used. {view image of page 33} THE HOPI 33 up himself. After all the nests in the preserve have been visited, a rude framework of sticks is made for each bird, which is then lashed to it like a baby to its cradle-board. The framework is hung on the saddle, and the party returns to the village and carries the eaglets to the house of the women who made the sacrificial vessels for their clansmen. When three eaglets are found in a nest, one is left, because triplets in a family are regarded as an evil omen, and, the eaglets being treated like newborn infants, the superstition is extended to this case. But men of clans having no eagle preserves are permitted to take the third eaglet if they desire to do so, and this is usually done, the returning hunters informing the people what nests birds were left in, and a hot race between two or more men not infrequently ensuing. After the return of the eagle-hunters, all the clanswomen assemble in the presence of the men of their respective clans to wash the birds with gypsum and to give a name to each one, just as if they were infants. There are no songs nor prayers on this occasion, and after the washing and naming the eaglets are tethered on the housetop. It becomes the duty of the small boys to hunt rabbits and mice and keep the birds provided twice daily with meat and water. About the end of July, on the day after the Niman Kachina dance,1 the eagles are killed (though occasionally a bird not mature enough to furnish good feathers is kept longer) by laying the bird's head in a small, shallow excavation and pressing the thumb on the sternum. The long feathers are plucked, the dead birds skinned, and the bodies taken to the south point of the mesa, where they are interred in one of several crevices with a paho tied to each leg and to the bone of each wing in payment for the feathers and the skin. With the bodies are deposited naqaqusi, wooden Kachina effigies, and small bows and arrows, which have been made during the Niman Kachina ceremony, the effigies being intended as offerings to the eagle children and the weapons for the use of the eagle men in killing game. The spirits of the dead eagles are believed to return to their home, accompanying the departing Kachinas. The long feathers are distributed among the male members of the clan, the skin is kept in the house where the eagle passed its captivity, and the short feathers are freely taken from the skin by any one of the clans for making pahos or naqaquisi. In ancient times adult eagles were taken in the manner employed 1 Not, as has been said, immediately after washing the eagles' heads. VOL. XII-5 {view image of page 34} 34 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN by many other tribes. There are now standing in the Hopi country the remains of two small stone enclosures much in the form of a Navaho hogan, which are called qa-mak-ki ("eagle hunt house"). One is on a mesa a little east of north from Walpi, the other on a butte toward the south. Having tied the bodies of several rabbits to a loose thatch of sticks laid across the opening in the roof, a hunter took his place inside, and while his companions hunted for other rabbits, he sang his ceremonial songs, in order to cause the eagles to descend to his bait. When a bird attempted to seize the rabbits,. the watcher grasped its legs, dragged it within, strangled it, and at once skinned it. The last bird taken was permitted to escape with a naqaquisi tied to one leg and with circlets of turquois and shell beads about both legs. The flesh of birds thus captured was ceremonially eaten by hunters. Sheep were sometimes captured from the Navaho in considerable numbers, but they were always slaughtered at once, and not until a disastrous famine, occurring about the year I870, had taught them the folly of this course did the Hopi take to raising flocks. Morfi in 1787 recorded that there were some horses and cattle at East mesa, "pero mucho ganado"; but it is probable that the flocks and herds of the pastoral Navaho were responsible for the statement. The local agent in 1873 wrote to the Office of Indian Affairs that "they are much pleased that they are to receive sheep this year"; and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs reported in 1874 that the Hopi had small flocks of sheep and goats. At the present time they possess about 120,000 sheep and goats, 3550 burros, swine, and poultry, 6I50 horses and mules, I29 stallions and jacks, and 8400 horned cattle. When a Hopi child is about to be born, the father's paternal grandmother, or, if she be dead or incapable of acting, his paternal aunt, brings a bowl of water and an ear of corn. The prospective mother lies on a bed of sand, and when the child is delivered the attendant receives it, cuts the umbilical cord, washes the infant in the bowl of water, and wraps it in cloths heated to such a temperature as they think sufficient to kill any vermin therein. She then lays the child on a tray basket, places beside it the ear of corn, which is called its "mother," and carries out the placenta and fetal envelopes, casts them over the cliff upon the piles of refuse, and tosses after them a pinch of meal. For twenty days the room is kept darkened, the door being screened with a shawl or a blanket: for the rays of the sun must not shine on the mother during this period. She {view image of facing page 34} A Hopi flock [photogravure plate] {view image of page 35} THE HOPI 35 receives neither meat nor salt, either of which would cause inflammation. Every fourth day the mother, the child, and the attendant have their heads washed with yucca suds. After the twentieth day the mother and the child are permitted to leave the house, but on the twenty-fourth day they must again have their heads washed with warm water. Not until then may they use cold water. On the twentieth day each of the mother's clanswomen takes to the godmother a basket of meal and some mutton, which they have prepared on the previous day; and at the same time the father's clanswomen assemble at his house, each bringing some small present for the child, and bestowing on it one of the names that belong to their clan. A Hopi name therefore does not refer to the clan totem of the bearer. From all these names one stands forth prominently, and this is the one adopted for the child. But sometimes a woman expresses the desire to have her child, as yet unborn, named by a woman of some other clan than that of her husband.l At the age of about six or seven years all boys, and some girls, are initiated into the Kachina order, and they then receive new names. Occasionally however the childhood name persists, and the new one is not commonly used. In later life, whenever the individual is initiated into a fraternity a new name is bestowed by the ceremonial father, and this may or may not replace the one previously borne. In former times when a boy was disposed to sleep late, one of his grandfathers would seize him, hustle him outside, and roll him in the snow or dash cold water over him. Then when the child, released, came running to the fire, another old man would repeat the punishment, and this was kept up until the boy evinced no wish to seek the fire. At all times children were admonished not to crowd too closely to the fire, and not to eat too much, and constant watch was kept to see that they observed this latter injunction. Daily they were made to practise running, boys of five or six years doing their mile every morning. This Spartan training was intended to render the children capable of resisting the Navaho and other hostile tribes, and untiring in hunting. At night when the elders were talking, boys were told to listen carefully, and if any manifested a desire to sleep he was sent outside to "breathe in the spirit of the stars." At the age of eight or nine the boys began to take a daily morning plunge. At Walpi Tawa-pa spring was used. On rising, men and boys, clad only in breech-cloths, would run down the trail to the 1 See INTERCLAN RELATIONS AS SHOWN BY BESTOWAL OF NAMES, page 233 {view image of page 36} 36 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN spring, make an offering of meal and prayers to the sun for good luck and long life, throw off their breech-cloths, and leap into the water. Then, quickly scrambling out, they would don their scanty garments and run up the trail to the village, where each wrapped himself in a blanket and sat outside on the roof or on the ground, leaning against a wall and watching the rising sun. Not all males went to the bath together, but those who happened to rise at about the same moment went in one body, to be followed closely by another group and another. At villages where there was no body of water large enough to permit plunging, the bathers stood at the edge and splashed water up over their bodies. In winter, when snow covered the ground, the bath became a roll in the snow; but if the ground was bare they resorted to the spring, broke the ice, and either jumped into the water or dashed it over their bodies. Always they went to and from the spring on the run. The purpose of the bath was not cleanliness, but physical hardiness for war and the rabbit-drive; for the rabbit played a most important part in the life of the Hopi. While large game was occasionally captured, the task was so difficult that rabbits furnished by far the greater portion of their meat. Even now young men who do not participate in the rabbit-hunt are twitted, and called women. Formerly as now the women did not habitually bathe at the springs, but occasionally washed off the body in the house; and once in a while in very hot weather women who happened to be at some spring remote from spectators would bathe for the sake of cooling the body. They made their daily offerings of sacred meal, as the men now do, at the edge of the cliff at sunrise. The sweat-bath was never employed by the Hopi. Girls are early taught to perform their share of the work of the household. Even as mere infants they play with small grinding stones and make mud piki, and at eight or ten they begin to use the regular mealing stones. Girls of less than three years of age may be seen playing with the mealing stones and actually crushing the corn, and a baby of little more than a year was observed using toy stones and crooning a song. At the age of eight or ten the girls begin to have much of the care of their infant brothers and sisters, and a common sight is a mere child trudging about with a baby in the shawl at her back. When a girl reaches the age of puberty she is sent to the house of a paternal aunt, where for three days, behind a curtain raised for the occasion, she grinds corn for her aunt. This is quite contrary {view image of facing page 36} The Delights of Childhood [photogravure plate] {view image of page 37} THE HOPI 37 to the custom of most Indian tribes, who generally have stringen rules forbidding females in their menses to have a hand in the preparation of food. Other girls not in like condition may come to grind with her, and keep her company. She may not have meat nor salt, and for scratching her head she must use a forked stick with hawkfeathers tied to the prongs. On the fourth day her head is washed with yucca suds by her aunt, who gives her a present such as a belt, a piece of calico, or in rare instances a dress, and the girl then goes home. On the fourth morning of her confinement the girl deposits the head-scratcher on the edge of the mesa and sprinkles it with meal. Marriage usually occurs soon after this period, but it is said that until two generations ago girls rarely married under the age of fifteen or sixteen. This is a common, but doubtful, statement among many tribes. The adolescence of boys is usually marked by initiation into one of the fraternities that participate in the New Fire ceremony, though in many cases they are past the age of puberty when the approximately quadrennial initiation occurs. There is no ceremonial fasting or vigil for the obtaining of spiritual aid. The Hopi are strictly monogamous. The ancient custom, according to which parents arranged marriages for their children, has yielded to a modern practice. The youth now attempts to enter by stealth the house of his beloved. If he succeeds, he awakens her and she calls to her parents, who seize the young man if he has remained, or, if he has run away, take steps to ascertain his identity. This having been done, they summon their relatives to consider whether or not he will make a suitable husband; and if he is acceptable, the girl's mother sends her on the next day with a quantity of piki to the young man's house, and in return his mother gives the girl a tray basket of shelled corn on which lies a piece of meat. This exchange is a pledge of marriage, and other young men cease to pay attentions to the girl. The young man's mother divides the piki among his "brothers," who begin to consider what they will individually contribute. When the youth's maternal uncles decide that the proper time has arrived, they notify the bride's female relatives, and these begin to grind corn, heaping the meal in ten or more large earthen vessels. A sufficient amount having been prepared, the uncles send the young man to notify the girl to hold herself in readiness, and on the third or fourth night thereafter to come to his house. On this appointed night he carries the invitation to her relatives, who soon arrive. bring {view image of page 38} 38 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ing the bride and a small portion of their meal. After partaking of food, they depart, leaving the girl, who remains, but sleeps alone. The relatives of the bridegroom now shell a quantity of corn as a marriage gift, and early in the morning the bride arises and grinds until daylight. After the morning meal a portion of the room is curtained off with a blanket, behind which she remains and grinds corn for three days, or until she has filled with meal three large earthen vessels. Not until that amount has been prepared is she permitted to make her appearance. On the second day the clanswomen of the bridegroom's father pretend that they are greatly vexed because their "sweetheart," as for the moment they call the young man, has deserted them and has brought home another woman. Meeting at the house of one of their number "to hold a council of war," they don old clothing, prepare a vessel of mud and water, and then in a body repair to their clansman's house, where with mock seriousness they vent their pretended spleen on the young man's father, plaguing and teasing him, throwing mud on him, sometimes cutting off his hair. On the fourth night the bride's relatives bring all the meal they have ground, ten large vessels full and heaped up, and late into the night the bridegroom's female relatives on both sides bake piki, using wood furnished by his maternal uncles. In the morning his uncles kill sheep and roast them for the marriage feast, which all the people are to attend. At the same time the bride's head is being washed in yucca suds by her mother-in-law, an act which is taken to signify that the two are now really married. The night after the wedding feast the couple spend in a room apart from the bridegroom's family, and there they live until his relatives have made for his wife two cotton blankets, a marriage belt, and a pair of deerskin moccasins and leggings, which require about ten days. These garments she then dons, and after the bridegroom's father and uncles have advised him how to treat a wife, exhorting him to provide plenty of food and to use her kindly, his mother leads the young wife to her own house, where thenceforth they live.1 Separation is easily accomplished at the desire of either husband or wife. If the man is dissatisfied, he removes his personal pos* In 900o the author discovered this cave at Middle mesa. It was not a burial cave, but was filled with a mass of ceremonial objects, baskets, and jars, many of which were sealed and intact. Circumstances made it impossible to examine the contents of the jars. 1 Since the above description was written in I912, the authorities have at last succeeded in establishing the license-and-priest method. {view image of facing page 38} A cave at Middle Mesa [photogravure plate] {view image of page 39} THE HOPI 39 sessions from his wife's house; and a woman may inform her husband that he is no longer welcome there, or in his absence she may simply but eloquently pile his effects outside the door. After the head of a deceased Hopi has been washed with yucca suds by the paternal grandmother or aunt, or some other female relative, and white grains of corn have been rubbed into the hair, the male relatives on the father's side prepare four pahos, which they bind on the forehead of the body, so that the feathers cover the face, and a po6tavi, which they arrange with the feather on the mouth and the string extending down along the breast and stomach to the navel. This po'tavi is the "breath string," and symbolizes the breath, or soul. To the hair at the crown of the head they tie a downy eaglefeather, which by its lightness symbolizes the soul floating away to the world of the dead. The body is then arrayed in its best garments, and with a small quantity of piki and dried meat on its breast, is wrapped in a blanket from head to foot. A slit is cut over the face for the egress of the soul. Generally a blood brother is the one who digs a grave among the rocks at the base or on the slopes of the mesa and carries the corpse down on his back. The grave is a circular pit just large enough to accommodate the body in a sitting posture with the knees drawn up to the chin; and sometimes it is lined and roofed with stones before the covering of earth is added. Caves also are much used. The corpse is set with its face eastward, and before covering it with earth or roofing it over with stones, relatives drop into the grave ornaments of trifling value and bits of ceremonial paraphernalia once used by the deceased. A gourd of water and a dish of food are placed either in the stone cell or near the earthen grave, that the spirit may have sustenance during the four days it remains in the corpse and the four days of its journey to the home of the dead. Finally they thrust into the earth above the grave a long paho, and a stick to serve as a ladder for the spirit. Four times on their way back to the village one of the men stops, and, without looking back, draws each time four parallel marks across the trail with a bit of charcoal, in order to prevent the ghost from haunting the village and perhaps taking with it the spirit of any other member of the household. On the following day all the members of the family, and those who were present at the interment, wash their heads, and the man 1 Pohu2, road; ta, laid; vi, there. A p6tavi is a cotton string attached at one end to a downy feather. It represents the road of life. hence life itself {view image of page 40} 40 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN who carried the corpse goes down to deposit food on the grave and to see if it has been disturbed. The absence of evidence of digging by animals is taken as a good sign, while the contrary condition portends very bad luck. Nothing however can be done to avert the impending, unknown evil. The outward show of sorrow is limited to wailing on several successive days, in which the women are especially prominent. It is believed that after four days the soul leaves the body and goes to the under world, mas-ki ("corpse house"), wearing the Kachina mask which the living person wore at his initiation into the Kachina order; and a woman who has not been initiated into this order is thought to wrap about her the small blanket that is given to every child at the age of five or six years. Before reaching mas-ki the spirit arrives at the brink of a high cliff, but spreading out his spirit blanket, which accompanies each soul, he floats gently down into the valley and soon reaches a large village of stone houses, the ladders of which are long, fragile, sunflower stalks. Sometimes the spirit of a person not truly dead comes to mas-ki, but on attempting to mount a ladder he breaks the stalks, and the shock of falling sends him back to this world of consciousness. The spirit of one who has committed evil in this life encounters many difficulties, for his trail lies through beds of cactus, and at various places he comes upon heaps of parched corn, where, though he consumes but one grain in a year, he must remain until every grain has been eaten. At the edge of the cliff stands a huge, powerful man, who seizes the evildoer and with four preliminary movements casts him down to the bottom, where he is destroyed against the jagged rocks. But this final fatal punishment is reserved for those who by wrong counsel brought misery and misfortune upon their people. The ordinary misdemeanors, such as lying, stealing, adultery, are sufficiently expiated by the trail through cactus thorns and the heaps of parched corn, and those who have erred only in these matters float safely down over the cliff to nmas-ki. In former times the property of a deceased man or woman was usually seized by the father's clansmen, but occasionally they were merciful and left a portion to the children. When they made away with the whole, the children were cared for by their own clansmen, that is, by their mother's relatives. This custom no longer prevails, and property is regularly inherited by the children. Land is held by the clans, and within the clan by the women. It is cultivated by the husband of the woman who happens to hold {view image of facing page 40} Hopi bridal costume [photogravure plate] {view image of page 41} THE HOPI 41 it for the clan, and is bequeathed to her eldest daughter. There are however some plots that are controlled by certain officials during their incumbency: thus, the chief of the Wuwufitim-wimi fraternity has the use of about twenty acres, and another piece is for the use of the Yoy-asi-taka, who looks after places struck by lightning. If a woman dies without daughters, the land is bequeathed to her eldest son, and when he bequeathes it either to daughter or to son it of course passes out of the hands of her clan. There is some agricultural land not claimed by any clan, and any man who clears and cultivates it becomes its possessor; but as he must bequeath it to his daughter, if he has one, it ultimately becomes a possession of his wife's clan. Land cannot be sold, but the use of it may be sold for the period of the purchaser's life. The house, though largely built by the man, as well as all household furnishings and utensils, is owned by the woman and inherited by the eldest daughter; and if there is not room in the house for the families of the other daughters, they must have houses of their own built by their husbands. The woman is also the sole owner of the crops produced from her land, and if she choose to divorce her husband after the harvest season, she may do so and still keep the entire crop. When she puts her husband's personal effects outside the door as a delicate intimation that she no longer desires his companionship, there must be no delay in his removal of them, lest some passerby appropriate them; in which case there is no redress nor any word of remonstrance from the loser. Women own few sheep. In spite of this apparent exaltation of woman, the Hopi man is the true head and master of his household; and to the honor of the woman it must be said that she seldom abuses her privilege. Corn was the principal primitive food of the Hopi, but because of the crudeness of their implements no great quantity could be raised. Brush and weeds could be removed only by trampling them down and pulling them out by hand. In planting, the dibble was used, as it still is,1 and the ground was broken up by means of the wikya, a stick about three feet long with a broad, fairly sharp end, which was used with a motion like that imparted to a canoe paddle, the sharp edge tearing up the ground. While the process was excessively laborious and limited the amount of land that could be successfully cultivated, another factor was no less important, namely, the constant fear of marauding Navaho or Ute, if the farmer went too far from the village. It is said that a harvest of four or five baskets Since this was written the horse-drawn cultivator is a familiar sight in the Hopi fields. VOL. XII-6 {view image of page 42} 42 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of corn for each individual was the average. Because of the comparative scarcity of food, restraint was necessarily exercised in their eating, so that it is said to have been customary to eat with the left forearm across the abdomen, the first feeling of distention perceptible to the arm being a signal to desist. Cornmeal was commonly prepared in the form of a pudding, or a thick mush, and it was a rule that only the first two joints of one forefinger should be dipped into the common dish. When a child was detected using two fingers, there were remarks concerning greediness, the tone of which was such as effectively to check gastronomic enthusiasm. In fact children were frequently disciplined in the matter of food. About the middle of a meal the small boys might hear this: "You must stop now. Some time you may have to go on a long journey, when you will be unable to carry all the food you would like. You will then have very little to eat, and you must begin now to make yourself capable of living on little." To a small girl her parents would say: "Go now to the grinding stones and finish your meal there!" And the little one would repair to the mealing trough and take up her task. Sometimes a child would desire a drink of water in the middle of a meal; a fatal mistake, for the parent was sure to say quickly: "Do not drink in the house. Go outside to drink." Which of course was only a polite way of intimating that the meal was ended. At the meal no prayer is offered, but each person, including children, throws aside a bit of food as an offering to the supernatural beings, and not to any particular deity. During the meal one of the older men usually cries out, "Tavu ['rabbit']!" and the small boys present reply, "Nu tavu ninani ['I rabbit will-kill']!" For it is supposed that if the boys have rabbits in mind while eating, they will soon kill one. The Hopi maintain that they, unlike the Zuni, have always had the custom of eating thrice daily: a hot meal morning and evening, and a noon meal consisting mainly of piki, which also is the food carried by travellers in a deerskin bag at the belt. The slender store of corn, beans, and dried squash was eked out by the roots and seeds of numerous species of plants. After harvest the ripened ears of corn of all imaginable colors are neatly arranged in stacks, like so much firewood, in the storerooms at the back of the living quarters, and as meal is required it is ground on the mealing stones by girls and young women. Throughout the early part of the day trios of grinders may be seen kneeling at their task, black hair neatly combed and bunched below each ear {view image of facing page 42} A cornfield [photogravure plate] {view image of page 43} THE HOPI 43 or tied in an elaborate whorl above the ear; broad, white-and-red belts confining the short, blue-black, sleeveless tunic; strong, shapely arms bared to shoulders that with slow rhythm rise and fall as the rubbing stones crush the grains and gradually reduce the coarse fragments to fine flour. Occasionally their voices unite melodiously in one of the grinding songs, and bits of gossip are exchanged. Typical of these melodies is the Dragonfly song. Hakami-pa ttamu y6y-nanaqu-sa? where-go we rain go ever Hakami-pa sikya-vatalafli tiyotu, saqa-vatalafi manatH? H??..... where-go ever yellow dragonfly boys blue dragonfly maids AmonYni hawilaina.l K6f1ini-naa k6haya talavahayi.1 excellent growing corn yellow-cornmaids these Hapim.....! Kyaptpal om6u o6rn kiava. perhaps cloud above appear PPo. peo y6y-wunur-toni. Peo, peo y6y-wunti-toni. here here rain stand will here here rain stand will Peo tdwati y6y-wunz-toni nalo'-nenf-vewii. here ready rain stand will four directions in turn side-by-side Hayatalavahayi, ahayai, ahayai! Haiya, haiya, hayatalavahayi, h?! "Where, I wonder, shall we Rains go? Where, I wonder, vvill they go, the Yellow Dragonfly Boys, the Blue Dragonfly Maids? Excellent growing corn! These Yellow-corn Maids Clouds perhaps will appear up yonder. Here, here, the Rain will stand. Here, here, the Rain will stand. From each of the four directions Rain will come side by side." The commonest food derived from corn is piki, a paper-thin bread baked on a smoothly polished stone moderately heated by a fire beneath it. There is usually a small separate room, which at Walpi is commonly below the street level at the edge of the cliff, in which the fireplace and the piki baking stone are found. In making piki the very finest meal is scalded, and water in which ashes of salt bush (suovi, Atriplex canescens), which contain a very high percentage of potash, have been soaking is strained into it through a clean besom. The ashes impart a faint bluish tinge, which, however, is only one of the desired results, the other being the slightly piquant flavor and leavening effect of the potash. The mixture is worked into a dough, and then cold water is added until a thin batter is obtained, a film of which is spread over the heated stone with two 1 Said to be Keres words. {view image of page 44} 44 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN or three swift movements of the hand. In a few seconds the thin sheet is carefully stripped off and laid aside, to be returned in the reverse position above another film of batter. After an even briefer baking on this side it is laid on a basketry tray, to be folded and refolded, with a number of other sheets, into a neat packet, which closely resembles a package of colored tissue paper. Red blossoms of pigweed, kumu (Amaranthus paniculatus), which the Hopi believe, probably erroneously, to have been introduced by the Spaniards, are dried, pulverized, and added to the batter to impart a pink color, and yellow piki is produced by the addition of the yellow blossoms of Carthamus tinctorius, which the Hopi call asapzani. Sometimes two films of different colors are spread on the baking stone, and a two-colored sheet is the result. White, or uncolored, piki is sometimes made of white cornmeal. Pikami ("buried piki") is a baked pudding. Fine meal of white corn is scalded and stirred, and with cold water is mixed into a pasty mass. A small bowl of meal that has been masticated and allowed to ferment by action of the saliva is then stirred in, and half of the batter is poured into a large jar, which is carried out and set on the coals in a pikami pit, in which a fire has been burning all day. The pit is about eighteen inches in diameter and two feet in depth. Then the remainder of the batter is poured in until the vessel is full to the brim, a slab of stone is laid over the pit, the crevices are stopped with clay, and a fire of charcoal is placed on the stone. The pudding bakes all night. Pikami is prepared on Totokya day of all ceremonies and is eaten on the following day, whence an alternative name of this final day is Pikamnovi. This pudding may be baked in another way. In a small stone oven outside the house a fire is built, and the batter is arranged in layers separated by cornhusks until there is a pile about twelve inches high, which is then set in the oven on a bed of stones over the embers, after which the oven is sealed with a stone slab and clay. Sugar instead of masticated meal is now generally used. At the present time wheat flour obtained from traders is much used at Walpi. This flour they make into yeast bread, which they bake in outdoor ovens of the Mexican hemispherical type, or in the stoves that are now found in nearly all the houses. Both ovens and stoves are very recent innovations. Before using the outdoor oven the housewife casts over the heated floor, which has first been swept clean of embers, a handful of moistened corn hulls from the grinding stones and by the length of time required to brown them she judges {view image of facing page 44} Grinding meal [photogravure plate] {view image of page 45} THE HOPI 45 if the temperature is right. If it is still too hot, she sprinkles water over the floor by means of a besom.1 Besides the two staple foods, piki and pikami, the Hopi make a great many less common preparations of corn. The green ears of sweet-corn in the husk are roasted in pits with heated stones, and the ripened grains are parched. Cornmeal balls (piv6hl-piki, round piki) are fine meal mixed with ashes, moistened, and dropped into boiling water. There are tamales of several kinds: the "tied-up piki" (sumi-viki) consists of a paste of fine meal and water from boiled ashes, which is rolled in a cornhusk and baked in hot ashes; tanui-viki is like it, except that the meal is coarse and it is baked in a pit with heated stones; "hot-sand piki" (nak-viki) is green corn cut from the cob, crushed, made into balls, and baked in cornhusks in hot ashes; "double-pointed piki" (chukd-viki) is the same material rolled in corn-leaves, the pointed ends of which give it the name. The water for gruel is either infused with potash, or not. The Hopi have always had both field-corn and sweet-corn. The former is used in the various cooked preparations, the latter is eaten roasted on the ear, roasted and parched, or roasted, dried, and ground into a fine and tasty meal called tosi. Mescal (qani), the roasted fleshy base of the agave, used to be secured regularly from the Apache and the Havasupai, the latter of whom usually sent traders to the Hopi country in the late autumn. Piiion-nuts were an important and nutritious food, and juniperberries and the fruit of the prickly-pear cactus (Opuntia) and the yucca were appreciated. Various wild plants were eaten as potherbs, and salt was regularly used. The principal animals used for food by the Hopi were antelope, deer, bear, mountain-sheep, wildcat, porcupine, badger, fieldmouse, woodrat, squirrel, rabbit, jack-rabbit, and gopher. Rabbits and jack-rabbits furnished the bulk of the meat, the importance of these rodents being shown by the fact that the rabbit-drive is called simply mdkiwa ("hunt"). It is the hunt par excellence. Any man who desires to do so may institute a rabbit-hunt, and become its chief, by going to makchal6u.nwuka ("hunt announce theone"), the rabbit-hunt crier, who is always a member of the Rabbit division of the Tobacco clan, and asking him to announce a hunt. The crier then on the following morning bids the men round up their burros and horses during the day; and in the evening the hunt chief 1 In I9I9 the Mexican ovens observed in I911-1912 had disappeared, but stoves were more common than ever. {view image of page 46} 46 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN goes to the crier, who gives him food and receives in return a cigarette. The crier informs the chief of the hunt just where it will be held, and exactly how the game will be surrounded, going into considerable detail; after which he mounts to the housetop and repeats all this in a public announcement. In the morning the chief of the hunt goes to the selected place and in a small hole in the sand he lays four naqiqiisi so that the four feathers are directed toward the cardinal points. From each feather he cuts the cotton string, thus as it were destroying the life of the rabbits; for these naqaqusi are deposited for the rabbits;' and on the strings he places rabbit droppings, grass (which is the food of rabbits), and sand on which rabbit tracks are found. Then after kindling a small fire in the hole, he builds a large signal fire, and the hunters begin to assemble, each one placing on the small ceremonial fire some rabbit droppings, grass, and sand on which rabbit tracks appear, and then holding his throwing stick in the smoke. All sit around the signal fire and smoke, and when no more men are seen in the direction of the village, the chief of the hunt sends two men in opposite directions around the edge of the ground to be beaten, and when these two pass each other, the others follow them, spreading about the circle at equal intervals. At the same time the chief covers the small fire with sand, leaving a little opening at the top of the mound. The circle completed, the hunters gradually close in, beating the bushes, poking their sticks into holes, and shouting, and when the space is narrowed down to about two hundred yards in diameter, the frightened rabbits run so close to the men that they may be killed with sticks. On the occasion when a boy kills his first rabbit he is, or should be, initiated as a hunter. The following narration illustrates the custom. I was eight years of age, when one day in the cornfield my grandfather and I started for a small spring in an arroyo, having exhausted our supply of water. On the way I saw a jack-rabbit sleeping under a bush, and pointed it out to my grandfather, who threw a club and struck but did not kill it. I ran and seized it, and my grandfather held it up by the legs and made me strike it on the head and kill it. On the way home that evening he told me I must be initiated as a hunter. So he went at once to a man of the Bear clan and asked him to be my father in the initiation, and about sunset the Bear man placed me facing the north and bending over, and he held the rabbit behind me and drew it away toward himself. He turned me successively to the west, the south, and the east, and repeated this act. {view image of facing page 46} A melon field [photogravure plate] {view image of page 47} THE HOPI 47 During the next two days I was not allowed to eat meat nor salt, and each morning for four days my godfather, the Bear man, took me to the spring before breakfast and both of us bathed. On the evening of the third day was announced a rabbit-hunt, of which I was to be the chief, and the next day I was dressed and painted like an initiate into the Kachina order, and accompanied the hunters. Before starting on an antelope-hunt or a deer-hunt, the chief of the party sent two runners to discover where the tracks of these animals were most numerous. At the first camp they made naqaqisi for Masoui, god of germination, and for Tihkuyi, mythical.mother of all the large game animals, for the Suimaikuli, mythical keepers of the animals, for the beasts of prey, such as cougar and those others that understand the art of hunting, for Tuitqa ("land"), and for Tawa ("sun"). Not only the chief but each member of the party made a naqaqusi for each of these deities, and the offerings were arranged in six piles. Then, some hours after dark, five men, including the chief, carried five of these heaps of prayer-plumes from the camp, and standing in single file they deposited them on the ground and listened intently for what sound they might hear, as an indication of what would happen on the morrow. Invariably the five men heard as many different sounds. On the following morning the sixth lot of prayer-feathers was offered to the rising sun. Antelope and deer were hunted in the warmest weather. Each man carried his bow and arrows and throwing stick, water in a small netted gourd with an opening in the stem stopped by a corncob, and a small bag of piki. A numerous party would visit the buttes or mountains and there form a large circle, with a few men inside for the purpose of keeping the animals constantly running, and thus they would drive the animals back and forth until the creatures were so exhausted that they either stood still and were easily shot, or else fell and were clubbed to death. Mountain-sheep were hunted like deer, and were more easily taken because they were found in such places as offered ready means for driving them into a cul de sac. Bears were never the object of a hunt, and the meat was used only when one happened to be killed. Such expeditions as these usually lasted three days, one of which was devoted to butchering the game and cutting the meat into strips convenient for drying. Taboo of the flesh of the animal from which one's clan is named does not exist among the Hopi. There are however other taboos. Girls at the time of puberty, and initiates into the fraternities during the period of their confinement in the kiva, eat neither meat nor {view image of page 48} THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN salt. A lifelong taboo derived from the Navaho is that which is placed upon a person subject to convulsions. Such a one is not to eat the heart nor the kidneys of any animal, for this disease is supposed to be inflicted by the animals, which, if these vital organs were eaten, would be displeased. He must also not break the piece of fried bread, but must wait for some one else to do this before he takes a portion. Here the idea seems to be that the circular piece of bread with a hole in the centre represents a complete thing, and if he breaks it he will be destroying something, and hence by analogy will endanger his own life. A roll of piki, on the other hand, he is required to break before eating of it. The spirits of the animals are constantly watching such a person to see that he does not infringe any of these rules. The Hopi have a considerable variety of games. The game totolospi, a name referring to the checkerboard marking of charcoal on a flat stone, is played by young men. Seven parallel lines are crossed at right angles by six lines, and two diagonals connect the opposite corners. At the narrower ends of the board, opposite each other, sit the two players, one of whom places twenty pebbles, his "men," on the perpendicular intersections at his side of the board, while the other similarly disposes twenty bits of wood on his own side. Thus two vacant intersections are left on the middle lines. Moves are made along either the rectangular or the diagonal lines, the principle of play being exactly that of checkers, except that there are no kings. Ch6makinta, a word referring to the casting of dice, is the name of a men's game very like parchesi. There are three wooden dice about five inches long and one inch wide, flat on both sides, with one face black and one uncolored. Around a stone disc are arranged in a circle forty smaller flat stones, divided into quadrants by four diametrically opposite openings. The players, two or more in number, are divided into two "sides," but regardless of the number of players there are but two "men," both of which start from the same opening and move in opposite directions. One "man" passing or coming upon the other while the latter lies in a gap "kills" him, and compels him to begin afresh. The three dice are thrown end downward upon the central disc. For one black face exposed the count is one; for two black faces, three; for all black, five; for all white, ten, with the privilege of another cast. Once around wins the wager, and in finishing it is not necessary to throw a number that would bring the "man" exactly to the last gap. Sos6otkpi ("guessing at it"), the cup-game, is played only during {view image of facing page 48} Walled gardens at Middle Mesa [photogravure plate] {view image of page 49} THE HOPI 49 the winter moon Pa-mufya. Primarily it is a ceremonial game in which the masked Kachinas play against a number of women, but it is also played for amusement by young or middle-aged men in the kivas. Four cylindrical cups of cottonwood about three inches in diameter and five inches high are called ft6sivi. The game between Kachinas and women takes place in the open. Singing and beating a drum, the women sit closely together, one of their number standing before the others with an outspread blanket, and arrange the four cups in one of a number of geometrical figures, such as a square, a rhomb, a straight line extending either laterally or toward the opposing players, or a triangle with its apex toward the opponents and the fourth cup in advance of the apex. Under one cup a pebble or a grain of corn is hidden. Then the blanket is lowered, and the Kachina leader approaches and deliberately knocks over the cups, one by one. If the pebble is exposed by either of his first two guesses there is no count for either side. But if it is not under either of the first two cups, he then carefully knocks over a third one amidst the most intense excitement. If the pebble is then exposed, his side has won a point and takes possession of the cups; but if not, he has lost a point and the cups are retained by the women, who set them up in a different arrangement. In the space between the two opposing parties is a thin covering of ashes, in which two sets of four parallel marks have been drawn with the finger-tip. A small tally stick (soata, his grandfather) lies at each end of the series, and when a point is won, the winner lays his tally stick in the first finger-mark. If this side wins again the stick is advanced to the second mark, but the moment a point is lost the counter must be returned to the end of the series. In order to win a game therefore, eight consecutive points must be won. In this ceremonial form of the game the Kachinas are careful to permit the women to win, and at the end of the play the women give them the pahos they have prepared, and receive as their reward various kinds of seeds, which are regarded as symbols of abundant crops. Tacchi ("ball") is a form of shinny, in which a ball of wool covered with deerskin is placed in a shallow hole and covered with sand at the middle of a course about a hundred yards long. At each end of the ground is a little three-sided and roofed cell of stones, the tachi-ki ("ball house"), with the open side toward the centre of the field. One player from each side of three to ten men stands beside the buried ball, facing his opponents' goal, while the other players are scattered over the field. At a signal one of the two delivers VOL. XII-7 {view image of page 50} 50 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN a blow at the ball, then the other strikes, and so they continue until it is uncovered and driven toward one of the goals. A point is won by sending it into the "ball house" of the opposing side. This game is played in the spring by men, and young girls sometimes play it among themselves. For amusement men build a small embankment at the base of a slope, and then drive a shinny ball up the hill again and again as it rolls down the embankment. Muziko-nanavo ("stick gambling") is played by men returning from the cornfields, when they divide into two parties, each man selecting a stick for throwing. One casts his stick ahead, and the players of the two sides alternate in throwing their missiles toward it, each endeavoring to place his own closer to the first stick than his predecessor's, until one fails to do so. When one side gains five consecutive points the game is won. A skein of yarn, a pair of woollen leggings, a piece of deerskin large enough for a pair of moccasins, are common wagers. Ho-nanavo ("arrow gambling") is played by two opposing sides of about four men each. Through each of two small mounds of sand about fifty yards apart an arrow is thrust horizontally, with the point directed toward the other mound. A section of hollow, cylindrical bone is balanced on each arrow near the point. Taking their stand at one mound, the contestants shoot in turn at the bone on the arrow in the other, and the side which sends an arrow through the bone wins four points, after which all repair to that mound and one point is claimed by the side whose missile is closest to the arrow in the mound. Eight consecutive points decide a wager, and each member of the vanquished gives one arrow to one of the victorious contestants. In the winter moon Pa-muya, boys, and sometimes girls, play at whipping rather rudely shaped tops of piion wood. A thong or cotton cord attached to a short stick is wrapped about the top, which is set spinning with a quick jerk and is whipped forward in a race about the village or around a group of houses. At the time of the Niman Kachina dance little boys not yet initiated into the Kachina order play a game with the arrows which they suppose the supernatural Kachinas to have brought them, but which in reality their fathers have made. A bunch of corn-leaves three inches in diameter and a foot long, wrapped with yucca-leaves, is thrown forward a short distance, and the boys shoot at it, the first who transfixes it taking all the arrows that have missed it. Then, * The outer point of rock has partially collapsed since the picture was made. {view image of facing page 50} The stairway trail at Walpi [photogravure plate] {view image of page 51} THE HOPI 51 the stalk having been thrown a little farther forward, the boy who has just won shoots at it all the arrows he has taken, and those that pierce the mark he keeps for his own, but those that miss go back to their original owners. For amusement, and not for wagering, young men in two parallel lines would throw at a rolling hoop of cornhusks wrapped with yuccaleaves a corncob with a sharp stick in one end and two flight feathers at the other. The hoop was rolled back and forth between the lines by two men, who stood at opposite ends. Sozno-wunpa ("corncob kicking") is a contest between men of the same kiva. In winter-time the men gather in their respective kivas to pass the time in spinning yarn, weaving cloth, and telling stories; and to break the monotony they sometimes divide into two parties and choose leaders, each side providing itself with a so6n6, a bunch of four corncobs to which a cord is attached in such manner that there is left a loop into which the toes fit snugly. One soin6 is black, the other white. Then the two leaders lie on their backs at the foot of the kiva ladder with their heads toward the fireplace and attempt to fling their sozn6 up through the hatchway. Usually many attempts are necessary before success is attained. When a missile goes flying out through the hatchway, those to whom it belongs rush after it, and the first one to reach it throws himself down on his back and kicks it over his head toward the beginning of the Stairway trail. In this fashion the two parties race down the trail, around Tawa-pa spring at the foot of the trail, and back into the kiva. It occasionally happens that on the return a sozno is accidentally flung over the edge of the cliff, and it must then be recovered and brought back in the usual way. Before the start they roll balls of blue cornmeal about small pebbles, making them the size of the fist, and place them in the fire to bake, and these "round piki" are claimed by the winners. The "kicking race" (wiunpa-nancmatunwta) is a contest between the members of the different kivas, and is held only in the spring. Each kiva has a ball somewhat smaller than the fist and made of stone, pifion-gum, or a micaceous mineral that has been calcined, powdered, mixed with urine, and formed into a ball before it hardens. The leaders of the respective parties take position near the foot of the western trail that descends from the Gap, and the other runners spread out ahead of them. At a signal the leaders throw the ball forward by means of the bare foot, and the other contestants run after the missiles, each party kicking its own ball forward along a {view image of page 52} 52 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN course that encircles the southern end of the mesa, crosses the valley eastward as far as the wash, follows the wash to the Keams Canyon road, turns westward along the road, and mounts the trail past the ruin Kisakobi to the first terrace. The distance is said to be about six miles. There is no ceremonial significance in the contest, which is merely a trial of endurance and fleetness between the members of the five kivas. Sometimes this race is run over a course of about fifteen miles, starting at the same place, but proceeding to the foot of the mesa that lies to the northwest, then southward to the arroyo between East and Middle mesas, to the foothills southeast of Walpi, northward to the Keams Canyon road, and back toward the village and up the trail to the first terrace. In these days few of those who enter the race are able to finish the course. One hears remarkable stories about Hopi distance running, such, for example, as that familiar one of the man who used to run forty miles to his cornfield, hoe it, and return home for a late breakfast! But there is no doubt that the Hopi of former generations were stouthearted runners. Letayu, now an old man, avers without apparent pride or boastfulness that he once carried an official letter from Keams Canyon to Fort Wingate in two days, spending the first night at Fort Defiance. On the third morning he left Fort Wingate before "gray dawn" and arrived at Fort Defiance before sunrise. Setting out again at sunrise, he reached Keams Canyon a little after mid-afternoon. The air-line distances involved are: Keams Canyon to Defiance, sixty-three miles; Defiance to Fort Wingate, thirtyeight miles.' The belief in sorcery is firmly held by the Hopi, and though there are no persons openly accused of practising witchcraft, still there are sometimes vague rumors that some certain person, recently deceased, worked in magic. When engaged in their evil practices, these magicians are believed to go about in the form of various animals, such as cats, dogs, lizards, and owls, and usually they are in evidence only about the houses of persons whom they have afflicted with sickness. There are no self-confessed sorcerers, and it is perhaps doubtful whether any person among the Hopi believes himself to be a sorcerer. The healer who works by alleged magic is called posi-taka ("eye man"), because by looking keenly at a patient he learns the nature and seat of the disease. Formerly the medicineSee page 72, where a war-party travels from Walpi to Ganado, about fifty miles in an air-line, without a camp. Hough, in American Anthropologist, X, 36: "To my knowledge, an Oraibi man made a continuous run of I6o miles as bearer of a note and answer." {view image of facing page 52} Hopi farmers, yesterday and today [photogravure plate] {view image of page 53} THE HOPI 53 men composed a fraternity called p6s-wimi, the members of which met in a kiva at the end of the winter solstice ceremony to make pahos for all the supernatural beings, but especially for the Bear and the Badger, two creatures supposed to have special power over disease. Occasionally they permitted spectators to be present while they sang and ate the medicine that imparted power to see what sickness might be affecting the people as a whole. When an individual patient was being treated, the medicineman sang his own songs "in his mind"; but if disease was rife among the people, or if the medicine-man, fearing that an epidemic threatened, desired to "look into the people," he had several singers to assist him. In ancient times neither shamans nor herb doctors would take pay for their services. They would accept gifts of food, but not of property, and if a patient gave a healer an article of value, it was left on the ground and the first person who happened along took it for his own. The subject of shamanism among the Hopi can perhaps best be discussed by quoting Loma-si ("pretty flower"), the only surviving member of the fraternity at Walpi. When I was a little boy my father died, and though my mother was living, I was a kind of outcast. Nobodv,paid any attention to me. My mother had a cornfield northeast of Os-teika [osvi, promontory, near the place now called Five Houses], but some of our relatives wanted it for themselves because it was a piece of good land. I spent most of my time there, taking care of the field; and because the soil was good, my mother and I managed to come through the time of famine when so many people either moved away or died. There was a certain man named Kani, a member of my father's clan and therefore my brother, who was posi-taka. He befriended me, and when he had won my confidence I went to live with him. I was arriving at manhood when one night he said: "I have been studying the people, and I have been studying you, and I cannot find anyone else worthy of my secrets. Tell this to your mother, and see what she says." But when I told my mother, she said very little, only: "Hao! It is a difficult thing to be a medicine-man, for one must endure blame and accusations." She did not wish to encourage me. When my relatives knew what Kaini proposed, they made objections; nevertheless in a short time he sent me again to my mother, who merely remarked, "Hao!" I continued to live with Kani, and during this time he assured me that it is not difficult to be a medicine-man, only that the people make it hard. My relatives, he said, were trying to frighten me, and unless I consented to be a medicine-man they would always oppose me on account of {view image of page 54} 54 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the land. "But if you will be one of us," he said, "they will respect you and will give you no more trouble." For the third time then I asked my mother for her permission, but still she said only, "Hao!" My relatives however kept actively opposing me, while Kani continued to urge me to accept his offer so that I might get out of trouble. For the fourth time he sent me to my mother, and at last she consented. At that time there were three powustu [irregular plural of p6sitaka]. My relatives on my father's side still opposed my purpose, but they could do nothing, and it was understood that at the coming celebration of the winter solstice ceremony I would become one of the medicine-men. When the ceremony was over, on that very night they called me into Wiqalvi kiva, where they always assembled. With the three medicine-men were five men who sang for them when a patient was being treated. They knew nothing about the secrets. I was placed before the three medicine-men, and after the singers had been dismissed, three smooth crystals, each somewhat larger than a bean, were laid in a row beside the fire. They told me to remove my clothing and sit beside the fireplace, and Kani, the leader, took one of the crystals, and while singing he slapped it against my breast over the heart. This was to give me a heart as hard and strong as the crystal. He rubbed it about over this spot and then asked if I felt something, and though I answered no, he nevertheless said aloud, "It is well done!" Then the next man did the same thing, and thus I received the heart of a posi-taka. This ceremony they called untan-vana ["heart put-in"]. At the conclusion Kani told me that at the next winter solstice ceremony I would have my head washed and would take naha ["medicine"], and that before that time my mother and my female relatives on her side were to fill four new baskets with cornmeal, to procure a new cooking-pot, a new jar, a deerskin without holes, and a new piki tray, all of which were to be given to him in return for making me a medicine-man in his place. During the next year my uncles kept trying to make me afraid of being a medicine-man, and when winter came, on the night my head was to be washed all relatives in the Badger clan assembled at my home to dissuade me. "It is not well for you to be posi-taka," they said. "You will have a hard time all through your life. If you do this, one of our family will die." For it was believed that when a man joined the medicine-men one of his relatives would soon die, and that by means of the life of this person the medicine-men accomplished their cures. Kani said nothing, and after they had talked for a time, I became afraid, and declined to go further in my initiation. So the next day I did not go to the kiva for the headwashing. A little while after that Kani explained to me that this discouragement by the relatives was always a part of the initiation, and he took the blame upon himself in that he had failed to warn me to sit quietly {view image of facing page 54} A Hopi woman [photogravure plate] {view image of page 55} THE HOPI 55 and let them talk. But he said I could complete my initiation at the next winter solstice ceremony, and at that time he would have another medicine-man talk for me and answer the objections of my relatives. In the course of the year, however, the man who was to talk for me died, and Kani began to tell me the secrets of his order, fearing that he and the other medicine-man might die and the secrets be lost forever. He said: "Do not go among the people to cure them. Wait until they come to you and ask you to help them in time of sickness. If the first one is of the Bear clan, that is best, and if he is of the Firewood, that is all right. But the'Bear is first. If a Bear clansman is the first to come to you, make every effort to cure him, and if you succeed you will always be successful; for the Bear is a very strong medicine-man. It is by thinking hard and constantly of curing the sick man that you will succeed. Thinking of nothing else, you will cure him." Kani died before the next winter solstice ceremony, so that there was no posi-taka living at Walpi, as the remaining one of the three lived at Shongopavi, he having been in the habit of joining with the Walpi medicine-men in their meeting because there were no others at his own village. Though my initiation was never completed, nevertheless I was a medicineman. From that time on I waited according to the advice of Kani, and nobody came to be cured. At last all the other medicine-men in all the Hopi villages were dead. I began to wonder about the sayings of Kani. One day I was chopping wood, when somebody spoke to me. I turned and saw one of the Bear clan of Hano, a woman, who said: "I have brought this little boy to you. He is very ill." I took the boy into my house and looked at him, rubbed him with my hands and blew on them to dispel the sickness. Constantly I was thinking of healing the boy, and soon he was well. Since that time I have been practising this constantly, curing many people. For twenty years after my initiation I was silent, but since that boy was brought to me I have been healing the sick. All the medicine-men among the Hopi have died, except me. The Hopi herb doctors (tuhikya) make use of a very large number of roots and leaves, as well as some earthy substances and animal excretions, practically all of them empirically. Open sores and inflamed eyes are treated by the application of crushed green leaves of m6o'ntoshave (Poliomintha incana), a small brushy shrub. Pulverized tokototi'ka root is spread around the edges of a cut, and a small bit is eaten. It is not put into the cut, lest the wound grow together before it has healed inside. When the cut is very bad, the roots of flozo-si ("bluebird flower," apparently larkspur) and wihqapi are pulverized and placed about it, and if the cut is slow in healing, pulverized beans are used. Incipient boils are treated by {view image of page 56} 56 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN applying the root of anchiaivi, previously warmed on a hot stone. This checks the boil (pino), which does not "come to a head." If however the remedy is not employed in time, a leaf of the large prickly-pear cactus (Opuntia) is split and one-half is placed on the boil. This draws out the pus. To aid in bringing the boil to a head a very hot poultice of cornmeal is sometimes applied. The leaves of sivapi, rabbit-brush (Chrysothamnus, graviolens), are moistened and applied with heated stones to swellings and bruises, and crushed leaves of ma'ovi (Chrysothamnus filifolius) are used in the same manner for swellings and sprains. Bruises are sometimes treated by the application of a warm stone, which in some cases is wet with urine. When a bruise swells, juniper-leaves are applied. To reduce a swelling of the legs, kunya, kawik-na (Croton texensis), and pamnavi, snakeweed (Gutierrezia juncea), are used. A heated stone is placed in a clay vessel and water is poured in. Then the herbs are added and the vessel is set under a blanket which covers the bare legs of the patient. This is a Cloud clan secret. For broken bones the flesh is bathed with a decoction of the roots of masi-lafti (Solidago missouriensis), and water in which crushed roots of pala-na have soaked is drunk. The bones are set and bandaged with splints, and a root of palad-na is tied to the splints to allay inflammation. After the fracture has knitted, a decoction of the roots of tokototi'ka, kos-na, and pasip-na (Astragalus pictus filifolius) is drunk, in order that the "flesh may fill up again." It is said that until very recent years there were among the Hopi some skilful bonesetters, who were exceedingly well acquainted with the human anatomy as regards the bones, tendons, and ligaments. They treated nothing except fractures and dislocations, and were known as oka-tuhikya ("bone doctor"). Maovi (Chrysothamnus.filifolius) is a yellow-flowering herb, the boiled roots of which yield a liquid that is drunk to cure constipation, an ailment known as qita-ftini ("excrement sticks"). The decoction of the roots of mu'yitka and wihtaiinwa (Psoralea micrantha) is taken as a physic. Ma'ovi root is chewed to overcome indigestion (tnan-tuya, heart sick), and in combination with the root of kotoksulvi (Parryella filifolia) for belching caused by overeating. Diarrhoea (pa-qu'fii, water running) is cured by the decoction of the root of pamnavi (Gutierrezia juncea). The roots of pamnavi, poawi (Eriogonum effusum), navu/ (Opuntia), and yo6n (a small Opuntia), are mixed and boiled with cobwebs found in the burrows of mice, and the decoction is administered for diarrhoea {view image of facing page 56} In the cradle-basket [photogravure plate] {view image of page 57} THE HOPI 57 and vomiting, a condition called naqa'myama ("both ways comes out"). This medicine is used also for measles, because diarrhoea accompanies this malady. There is no name for measles, the diarrhoea and not the eruption being regarded as the serious thing. The decoction of the roots of a small, gray-leaved plant called chachak-tavotka (Eurotia lanata) and the roots of pivan-na ("weasel medicine") is administered to those suffering from inactive kidneys, a condition believed to be caused by cruelty on the part of the sufferer toward the rabbits. The malady is called sisi-uiate ("urine shutup "). After childbirth women drink a decoction of the roots of o'Svi (Ephedra torreyana), poawi (Eriogonum effusum), wihtaiinwa (Psoralea micrantha), and chachak-tav6tka (Eurotia lanata) to check the hemorrhage (uanchavoti, blood flow). Juniper-leaves also are boiled, and the water is taken internally to heal the inflammation and stop the discharge. A decoction of the roots of palaks'6-na and poawi is used for the same purpose. If the patient catches cold, a decoction of the entire plant tS6-si is drunk. For swelling of the womb a decoction of wihtaiinwa (Psoralea micrantha) is administered internally. To increase the flow of milk tuwuipki (Boerhaavia purpurascens) and pi-na (Asclepias verticillata) are boiled and the liquid is drunk. Roots of t6tima ("boys") and koffii-totimu ("white boys") are boiled to make a medicine for sterility. For rheumatism (napdlni) the Hopi employ a decoction of the root of napal-na (Artemisia tridentata), and for gonorrhoea (qasituyu, penis sickness, and lowa'-tuyu^, vulva sickness) a decoction of the roots of napa'l-na, masi-tusaka (A rtemisia bigelovii), kotoksulvi (Parryella filifolia), and uyo6u-na is drunk. The Hopi have the belief current among the Kwakiutl and allied tribes that a woman afflicted with this disease gets rid of a small portion of it each time she has intercourse, and that finally by this means she can entirely rid herself of the malady. For fits (tutskyavu) the pulverized roots of tanuna and wih-tanu'na ("greasy tandna") and the pulverized leaves of pas6mi and wikyaimuiit are dissolved in water, which is taken internally. When the case is very serious, the roots of ndksopsiwi, hesi (Calochortus aureus), pald-na, and the mosses tuawd-si ("earth flower") and owua-si ("rock flower"), are all crushed and mixed with water, which is drunk. When the patient is very ill with this affliction, the healer takes the leaves of six plants, fills a pipe and gives him four puffs, which usually cause fainting. Then the healer smokes the pipe and blows the smoke VOL. XII-8 {view image of page 58} 58 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN on the patient. These six plants are two varieties of sage, chachakviva ("small tobacco"), wuhakwuii-viva ("large-leaved tobacco"), kufitpso (Dithyraea wislizeni), and su'ovi (Atriplex canescens). Kidu"pso (kufiipsi, armpit) is so named because children sometimes in play place the leaves of this plant under the armpit. It produces a stinging, burning sensation like the sting of a bee. When the sufferer from fits falls back in a faint from the smoke, yellow cornmeal is sprinkled on a live ember held on a potsherd, which is placed beneath the patient's nose, and this restores consciousness. Occurring in women, the malady is believed to be caused by some man who takes this means of causing a woman to become irresponsible, so that he may take advantage of her and seduce her. If, however, he is unsuccessful, the disease will react on him. Therefore when a man is thus afflicted, it is thought to be the result of his failure to control and restrain the woman's will-power after he has by magic obtained influence over it. The belief as to the cause and the proper treatment of fits is derived from the Navaho. Yitp-na root is pulverized and mixed with food and thus administered to children suffering from yu'vi, a condition supposed to result from inhaling the breath of a pregnant woman. Women in this condition carefully avoid breathing into the face of a child. Fat of the bear and of the cougar is eaten and is smeared over the body in cases of smallpox (paayoi, sores). Mumps (qap-osanu, neck swelling) is treated by binding on the jaws and neck a hot poultice of the spongy contents of a gourd (n6sipta-na) or of squashblossoms. Pa-mio'ntoshave (Mentha penardi), m6'ontoshave (Poliomintha incana), and tuiitma are crushed and soaked in water, which is then used both internally and as a wash for the head in cases of headache. Urine also is employed as a head-wash. Maovi (Chrysothamnus filifolius) root is crushed and inserted in the cavity of an aching tooth. Tanti-qita ("rainbow excrement"), a greasy, waxy substance, usually blackish, covered with pebbles and sand and found adhering to the surface of a rock, is sometimes rolled into a cornhusk cigarette, the smoke of which the healer blows into an aching ear. This is a secret of the Cloud clan. The gummy substance is supposed to be decomposed pollen of all kinds, the excrement of the rainbow, and to be found wherever the foot of the rainbow has rested. The rainbow must never be pointed at, for this causes a sore finger. To heal such a sore, sheep-dung is warmed and applied. Fresh human excrement is smeared on the side to counteract sharp pains in that region. {view image of facing page 58} A Hopi mother [photogravure plate] {view image of page 59} THE HOPI 59 Letting of blood is practised as a remedy for severe pain, the incision being made directly over the seat of the pain. Formerly a sharp piece of flint was used, but more recently the instrument has been a sliver of glass bound between the ends of two bits of wood. The sharp point of the lancet is held just touching the skin, and the operator gives the other end of the instrument a smart thump, causing the point to penetrate the flesh. The cut is permitted to bleed until it ceases naturally. Snake bites are treated with four roots, the identity of which is known only to the Snake chief, who gathers and prepares them for use by his fellow Snake priests. Snow-blindness (chamoki) is treated by covering the head with a blanket and placing beneath it a pot containing a few live embers and some pieces of honeycomb. Similar treatment, with paint scraped from a Kachina mask substituted for the honeycomb, is employed against ophthalmia. It is evident that the Hopi pharmacopoeia is extensive. More than sixty vegetal remedies, besides several animal and one mineral product, are mentioned, and some thirty-five maladies. Fantastic remedies and imaginary ailments are remarkably few. Women are never herb doctors, but there are a few women who treat stomach cramps by massage and assist at childbirth. If parturition is easy, no professional assistance is summoned, but in the few difficult cases either an old man or an old woman may be called in. The midwife gives assistance by placing the arms around the woman's chest from behind, and half lifting her, and sometimes at the same time pressing the knees into the small of her back. The woman sits upright on the floor. Hot applications and hot drinks are not administered. As a rule delivery is easy, the woman simply sitting on the blankets until the infant is born. Albinism is very common at Middle mesa and Oraibi, but does not occur at the East Mesa villages. The Hopi attach no particular significance to the phenomenon. There are twelve clans, as follows: Clan totem Clansman, clansfeople Synonyms, or alternative names I. Chda, Rattlesnake Chi-winwa,Chd-nyamA T6hoi, Cougar; Howi, Dove; Navui, Opuntia Cactus; Pivani, Weasel 2. Ala, Horn Al-wtLnwa, Al-nyamu Lena, 1 Flute; Sowiinwa, Deer; Tsovioi, Antelope; Pinwi, Mountain-sheep; Tsaiizisa, Elk; AnU, Red Ant Fewkes calls this Lengya, which apparently is a mispelled form arising from the derivative collective term Lena-nyamtl. {view image of page 60} 6o THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Clan totem Clansman, clanspeopi 3. Patana, Squash 1 Patan —wnwa, Patan-.nyamfi 4. Patki, Cloud 2 Patki-wunwa, Patkinyami 5. Tiwa, Earth TUwa-wlnwa, Tdwanyamfl 6. Piva, Tobacco Pip-wfinwa, Pip-nyam 7. Asa, Tansy-mustard 3 As-winwa, As-nyamil 8. Kaftina, Kachina Kafsina-winwa, Kaftir nyamit 9. K6kop, Firewood K6kop-wtnwa, K6kol nyamt Io. Pakavi, Reed Pakap-winiwa, Pakal nyami It. Ho6no, Bear Hono-winwa, H6no nyami I2. Honini, Badger Honani-wfinwa, Honan nyamut le Synonyms, or alternative names At6ko, Sandhill Crane Kao, Corn: Pihkyasa, Green Corn; Pamosi, Fog; Paqaa, Frog Kikufti, Lizard 1l Tivu, Cottontail Rabbit; S6wi, Jackrabbit Hospoa, Roadrunner; P6siw'f, Magpie; Qinvi, Oak na- Sihovi, Cottonwood; Kyazo, Paroquet p- Isoi, Coyote p- Qahu, Eagle; Tawa, Sun; Masi-qayo, Gray Hawk; Koyunu, Turkey - Hekpa, Hemlock ii- P6li, Butterfly; Wisoku, Buzzard; M6ny6li, Porcupine These clans have heretofore, as by Fewkes and A. M. Stephen, been described as phratries with numerous subdivisions, or clans, some of which correspond to what are here termed synonymous names. Many of the so-called clans of these early investigators, however, cannot be called even alternatives of the actual, primary clan designation, but are merely the names of objects employed by members of the clan as bases for some of the personal names bestowed by them. Kroeber4 has already called attention to the patent impossibility of seventy-eight clans in a population of a little more than three hundred; and as the Hopi population was never vastly greater than it is now, it cannot be said that this long list of names represents ancient clans. The simple fact seems to be that the use of what are here called alternative names for the clans arose from the Hopi custom of bestowing personal names referring not only to the clan totem but to associated objects as well. In the course of time some of these nameobjects, those that appeared most frequently in personal names, became more or less synonymous with the true clan designation. The qualification "more or less" is made advisedly; for the Hopi themselves do not know just where to draw the line between these alternatives and those less frequently used words that are employed 1 The Squash clan is the only one not represented at East mesa, although the Bear is practically extinct there 2 Pitki, literally "water house." 3 Sisymbrium canescens. 4 Zuni Kin and Clan, American Museum of Natural History, 19X7, XVIII, II, I36. {view image of facing page 60} A Middle Mesa Albino [photogravure plate] {view image of page 61} THE HOPI 6I in the invention of personal names. And of course in the very nature of the case no hard and fast line could be drawn. It must be admitted that on the subject of clans there is a good deal of confusion and vagueness in the Hopi mind. Asked to repeat the names of the clans, some informants mention Rabbit in addition to Tobacco; Coyote, as well as Firewood; Flute in addition to Horn; and even Cottonwood, Hemlock, Roadrunner, Corn, Lizard, and other names seldom heard as clan designations. Almost invariably as the conversation proceeds the informant grows more and more uncertain and ultimately finds himself off the trail and completely at a loss to explain discrepancies which he can readily see when they are pointed out to him. As a matter of fact, many persons, questioned as to their clan affiliation, reply "Is-wunwa [Coyote]" and not "Kokop-wunwa [Firewood];" or "Tap-wiinwa [Rabbit]" and not "Pip-wunwa [Tobacco];" or "Lena-wiunwa [Flute]" and not "Al-wunwa [Horn]." On the other hand it is doubtful if one would ever, except by dint of pressing and leading questions, be told that an individual is a Buzzard, a Porcupine, a Corn, or a Crane clansman. The explanation of this situation seems to lie in the statement that in recent years those who call themselves Rabbit people have been striving for recognition as a clan distinct from the Tobacco people, asserting that they were so in ancient times. This contention, that the Tobacco and Rabbit were once distinct, is in line with Kroeber's argument in the work previously cited, that "a characteristic and remarkable feature that runs right through the Pueblo clan system is the grouping of clans in pairs, or perhaps a tendency toward polarity within what is really one clan." The origin of the connection between Tobacco and Rabbit is shown in the statement of the Tobacco clan legends, that when the Awatobi Tobacco women came to Walpi after their sojourn among the Navaho, their sons married into the Rabbit clan. And in this connection it should be noted that the Tobacco clan legend definitely states that the Rabbit people were still in the south with the Cloud people at the time when the Tobacco clan lived at Awatobi; and the Horn, as well as the Snake legend, describes the Flute people as a group long entirely distinct from the Horn clan. It has been intimated above that these names upon which personal names are based came into usage by a natural association of ideas. The reason for the association with Cloud of Corn, Fog, and Frog is obvious. Lizard is naturally linked with the Earth, so close to {view image of page 62} 62 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN which he lives; Coyote is found where Firewood is obtained; Bear frequents Hemlock forests. Cougar and Weasel are predatory, like Rattlesnake, and move swiftly and stealthily; and Cactus not only has a thorn resembling a snake's fang, but is found in the same localities as Rattlesnake. The association of Dove with this predatory group is not so readily explained; but in the light of the native elucidation of the connection between Buzzard and Badger, we may be confident that there was good reason for it. Because of the digging proclivities of Badger, men of this clan are believed to understand better than others the use of medicinal roots, and hence are frequently shamans. In exorcising disease, a bit of ashes is placed on a buzzard's feather, which is waved about the patient's head before the ashes are tossed away; hence the appearance of Buzzard as a Badger totem. Hopi clans are strictly exogamic, and descent is matrilineal. There are five village officials. The position of chief (m6onwi) is always filled by the head of the Bear clan, while kik-monwi ("houses chief")1 is the principal man of the Flute division of the Horn clan. Lavaiya ("talker") is head of the Firewood clan, chaiak-monwi ("crier chief") of the Rattlesnake, and kaletak-monwi ("warrior chief") of the Reed. These five compose the council. That this is not a modern institution we have proof in the narrative of Castafieda, historian of the Coronado expedition in I540-I542, who says that the Hopi village visited by Pedro de Tovar and the Franciscan friar Juan de Padilla was "governed like Cibola [Zunii], by an assembly of the oldest men. They have their governors and generals."2 The Houses Chief is a deputy of the Chief, and is charged particularly with the close supervision of the affairs of the village. Any matter to come before the council is usually presented by him. The duty of the Talker is to advise the Chief. If the latter agrees to the proposal before the council, the question is regarded as settled, provided the Warrior Chief does not object; if he protests, the proposal is not carried. If the Chief himself, however, first objects to the proposed action, nothing more is to be done, except that the Talker may endeavor to persuade him. The Crier Chief makes public the decisions of the council, and gives notice of impending ceremonies as well as of other public functions. 1 The name has almost the same meaning as Zuiii Kyaqe-mosi ("house director"), and the similarity in sound is suggestive. The Kyaqe-mosi is the principal one of the six rain priests. 2 Winship, op. cit., page 489. {view image of facing page 62} Drying pottery [photogravure plate] {view image of page 63} THE HOPI 63 The council deals with all questions of any possible public interest, such as the problems arising from the contact of Indians with white men. It was this council that discussed the question whether the Spaniards should be permitted to enter the country, and what would be the probable effect on the Hopi. Traditions indicate that, before the arrival of white men, the Houses Chief, observing in his rounds the behavior of the people and noting that they were becoming uncontrollable, would call a meeting of the council and there propose that, inasmuch as the people were becoming so demoralized, runners should be sent to the Navaho or to the Ute and invite the enemy to raid the village, in order that the shock might bring the erring ones to their senses. Then the Talker would speak on the question, and the Chief and the Warrior Chief would decide it one way or the other.l Kaletak-monwi is not only the Warrior Chief and the head of the Warrior fraternity, but also the peace officer of the village. Formerly it was his duty to intervene in any quarrel, and to bid slandering, garrulous women cease their trouble-making. If he were resisted, he could use force, beating and whipping the offender. At the present time he very rarely plays the role of peacemaker, and only when the other officials direct him to do so. Even in ancient times he had little occasion to perform this duty, because of the peaceable disposition of the Hopi. At intervals of a few weeks he would go about the village, usually preceded by the Crier Chief, who would exhort the people to live in harmony and happiness. Then the Warrior Chief would assemble them in the plaza or some other enclosure formed by the walls of the houses, and address them forcefully on the same subject. The most common burden of such harangues was the evil of adultery. In times long past the Warrior Chief at the solicitation of any person could punish a man or a woman accused of sorcery by beating on the back with a war-club made by inserting a wooden handle in the rawhide of a cow's tail weighted with a round stone. As the special guardian of his fellow villagers, the Houses Chief every morning arises before sunrise and offers a prayer to the sun as it appears, asking for the good health and prosperity of all. When he scrupulously performs this duty, he is regarded as a careful and a satisfactory kik-monwi. The council is supposed to have complete knowledge of the tribal 1 See the traditions of the destruction of Awatobi and Sikyatki, and the reasons assigned for these acts, pages I88 - I90. {view image of page 64} 64 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN laws as they have come down from the ancients, and consequently when there is any dispute regarding land boundaries, land ownership, or rights to the flood water with which the Hopi irrigate their fields, the council settles the question, for they know what those rights were in the beginning. The council confirms the choice of a fraternity's members for the position of leader of the order. After making their choice the members send word of their action to the council, who discuss the matter and confirm the selection. The confirmation however is practically perfunctory, as is the election itself; for the members never fail to elect the man whom the deceased or retiring chief has for years been training to become his successor, and the council never fails to consent to the choice. In a similar manner they confirm the selection of that Cloud clansman who has been selected by his predecessor to become the Sun Guardian. This priest is called tawa-twi'ka ("sun bring-along"), in allusion to the fact that it is he who watches the course of the sun and determines the date of the summer and the winter solstice, thus figuratively bringing the sun back from the north to the south, and vice versa. When a Sun Priest dies, his successor is summoned by the council, who expound his duties and fill him with advice. At the summer solstice the Sun Priest and the Cloud clansmen assemble in Mon-kiva and make prayer-sticks for the Sun. This is the last day on which corn may be planted. There is scant political relationship between the villages of the different mesas, but on occasions of great public calamity, such as a long drouth or an epidemic, the chiefs of the various villages sometimes meet secretly at some remote place in the lowlands and discuss the situation, its probable or possible causes, and the manner in which it is to be met. Then they pray, and separate. *The five village officers individually choose their successors, who are confirmed by the council itself, which thus is a self-perpetuating body. Each chief, looking about among his clansmen, and studying especially his nephews, selects one who seems to be most fit for the position, and as he begins to age and to feel that his time is approaching, he instructs the younger man in the duties of his office. Sichomovi has no council and recognizes the officials of Walpi. In case of war, offensive or defensive, the Warrior Chief had full authority, and every member of the Warrior society of fighting age was expected to join him; but others of course were not barred from participation. A hostile expedition having been organized, {view image of facing page 64} Potter building her kiln [photogravure plate] {view image of page 65} THE HOPI 65 the Warrior Chief was expected not to turn back until he had found and defeated the enemy or met his death; and so long as he went forward, every other member of the party was bound to follow. He had authority to demand warrior service not only from his clansmen, that is, from the Warrior society, but also from the fighting men of the Tewa and of the Asa clan, because these two peoples had been given permission to build on the mesa with the understanding that they would act as guards in time of danger. Anyone who desired to lead a war-party into the enemy's country had first to secure the consent of the Warrior Chief, who in ancient times, it is said, always accompanied the expedition. Before starting he made naqaqusi, which he offered to the two images of the war gods in his house, at the same time addressing them as one man another: "Now I am going to fight in your name. Give me strength and courage, and let me be successful. Go with me and help me." At the first camp he sang his songs in order to make his men courageous. For the Warrior Chief possessed many songs: one for a great wind, another for cold weather, another for bravery. Bad weather was desired in order that the Navaho might be surprised in their hogans, and that the wind might obliterate the Hopi trail. If in the attacked camp everybody was killed, the party remained there until the next day before moving on to another place, but if only a few were killed they departed at once in order to protect themselves from the survivors and possible reinforcements. When any man secured a scalp, he would shout, while tearing it off his victim's skull: "In the name of- [here naming any member of the Warrior fraternity], I scalp this Navaho!" It then became his duty to join the Warrior society, if he were not already a member. After the party had started homeward, each one who had taken a scalp-chose some female relation in his father's clan, usually an unmarried girl, to meet them at the foot of the mesa, and the runners sent on to the village from the last halting place took the news of the expedition and the names of the women so chosen. When the warriors arrived at the foot of the mesa, they were met by these women, ceremonially arrayed. The Warrior Chief then drew on the ground with meal four parallel lines extending toward the village and capped with an arched line - the symbol of a cloud and falling rain,-and each woman received from her warrior relative the scalp he had secured and cast it forward upon the symbol, while the scalp-takers themselves walked slowly behind them in single file. All this was repeated a short distance up the trail, and the VOL. XII-9 {view image of page 66} 66 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN procession made its way slowly up the trail and into the village to Mon-kiva, into which the scalps were cast. On the floor of the kiva the cloud symbol was made four times, and the women still threw the scalps upon it, after which they withdrew; but the men who had taken the trophies had to remain in the kiva twenty days, leaving it only for necessary physical reasons and, once each morning, under the guidance of the Warrior Chief, to make offerings of meal at the spring Tawa-pa. Each night they danced for a while, and people gathered in the plaza to dance at the same time. On every fourth day each man washed in a bowl of yucca suds the scalp he had secured, just as newborn infants are treated during their first twenty days. Similarly on the nineteenth day a feast of meat and piki was prepared, the piki being spread on the baking stone with the left hand, and on the morning of the twentieth day the men themselves had their heads washed by the warriors in whose name they had taken their scalps. The clanswomen of each scalp-taker then carried meat and pikami to the house of the warrior in whose honor he had secured the trophy. Then the Warrior Chief carried the scalps to the plaza and there set up a pole, at the top of which he hung them, and the scalp-takers, each one followed by the female relative whom he had named, danced around the pole, one behind another. After a while they all retired to the kiva for a rest, and then emerged for another dance; and so it went throughout the day, until finally the Warrior Chief took down the pole and carried the trophies down the trail below the ruin Kisakobi to Sivip-teika ("skunk-bush promontory"), where he cast them into a certain fissure. Thereafter every night so long as he lived, each scalp-taker was expected to visit the house of the Warrior Chief, where they all would sit waiting for the people to retire; and in turn they would go singly around the village to note when all had gone to bed. Finally one would report, "All our children are in bed." Then after waiting a while for all to fall asleep, one of the men would be sent to the fissure in which scalps were deposited, there to throw meal upon them. The offering of meal was simply carrying out the idea of according to scalps the treatment given to newborn infants. This duty fell to them in turn, evening after evening. So arduous was this enforced watching every night during a man's life that in the later years of intertribal warfare no Hopi would take a scalp. It is said that when the membership of the Warrior fraternity became reduced the Warrior Chief would make a personal canvass of the {view image of facing page 66} Firing pottery [photogravure plate] {view image of page 67} THE HOPI 67 members of his party, trying to find one who would consent to take a scalp, if an enemy were killed, and then join the fraternity. The ancient enemies of the Hopi were the Ute and the Navaho. About the year I860, when the Navaho became so active, the Hopi and the Ute, and sometimes the Apache, would combine against the common enemy; but after many of the Navaho had been removed to the Bosque Redondo in New Mexico, and later to San Juan river in northern Arizona, and the country near the Hopi left comparatively unoccupied, parties of Ute would roam about the region searching for ill-defended hogans, and they would occasionally visit the Hopi villages for information concerning the location of Navaho camps. Sometimes the Hopi would learn of a proposed ceremonial assembly of the Navaho, and they would then send word to the nearest Apache or Ute, and the allies, guided by signal fires, would meet and swoop down on the enemy. Attacks on the Hopi villages have been made by each of the two tribes mentioned above. Occasionally war-parties of Hopi encountered Ute in the Navaho country. About I860 the Navaho even made an attack on the very top of the mesa. A Navaho slave, having escaped with a war-party of his tribesmen, returned, leading another band against his former masters. Leaving their horses at a water-hole in the valley two miles distant, they climbed the Stairway trail and lay in wait until two men passed on their way from Sichomovi to Walpi. At the little water-hole in the rock between the two villages, the Navaho fired, and shot one of the men through the body and the other through the wrist. The former fell unconscious, but the latter fled, and they pursued him and forced him over the edge of the cliff. He did not fall far, however, and came off with a sprain. About I895 this escaped Navaho slave visited the mesa, and was invited to play the clown in a Kachina dance at Hano. As the days of tribal hostility were past, the Hopi could not take the measures they would have liked to employ, but they retaliated by playing various pranks on him. They placed him, naked, in an iron wheelbarrow that had been standing all day in the glaring sun, and wheeled him about the village. Then the young men personating Kachinas drove him about, whipping him with yucca-leaves, throwing water on him, and otherwise harrying him until the old man wept aloud. Finally they caught a huge bullsnake and wrapped it around his neck, and tried to thrust its head into his mouth. Within comparatively recent years, since obtaining horses, the Hopi have made trading expeditions to "Paso" (El Paso), where {view image of page 68} 68 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN they dealt with the southern branch of the Isleta people; to the Kiowa in Oklahoma; to the San Carlos Apache; to the Ute and the Paiute in Utah; to "Peski" (Prescott), where they met other Indians assembled at that town for the purpose of trading; to the Walapai and the Havasupai at the Grand canion; to the Mohave and the Pima, Zuii and the Rio Grande pueblos. Woven goods, principally the robes worn by Hopi women, were the principal commodity of these traders, and deerskins one of the things most desired. Even before they had many horses the Hopi made considerable journeys on foot. They visited Prescott, and once, at the time of the great famine, many of them walked to the Rio Grande pueblo of San Juan. The character of Hopi warfare against the Navaho is illustrated by the following narrations. On a summer morning about the year I870 while hoeing corn in the valley south of the mesa, we were preparing to remove the ears of green corn from the roasting pits and eat our midday meal, when, discovering that a party of Navaho were surrounding us, most of us hid among the bushes, but three ran toward the mesa. Two were overtaken and killed, but I [Nuiva-oyi] outran the enemy, and when men from the village came hurrying out to meet me, the Navaho withdrew. At once the Hano men planned a raid into the Navaho country. They were joined by many of the Hopi, and going by way of Shipaulovi to Oraibi they stopped at the place now occupied by the new village Hotavila, northward of which were some hogans. But finding that the Navaho had gone, they returned home. On the way a Walpi man, Silewtiwa, uncle of one of the two that had been killed in the cornfield, said, "I will lead another expedition." They arrived home the next day, and in the evening he went to the Warrior Chief's house where the members of the Warrior society were as usual assembled to talk and smoke. The Chief gave him a pipe, and the others did the same, one after another. Then Silewtiwa said, "My fathers!" And the Chief answered: "My son! What do you wish?" "Yes! I have come for permission to lead a war-party." "Hao!" said the Warrior Chief. "We do not want to lose our children." "Yes, but I want to go." The Chief was silent. Then again Silewtiwa said: "I want to go, because the Navaho have killed my nephew. This is why I am angry in my heart." And the Chief answered, "You must take good care of the men who go with you, and bring them back, safe and unhurt." "Anchaai ['all right']! I will do so." And having thus obtained {view image of facing page 68} An ancient pottery kiln [photogravure plate] {view image of page 69} THE HOPI 69 permission to lead a war-party, Silewtiwa informed the Warrior Chief that he would start in four days. When he returned to his house he performed natuwanpi ["experiment"], a magic practice borrowed from the Navaho, who call it nadihlni. A woman was placed in the middle of the room, sitting with one arm outstretched. He sprinkled fine ashes on her arm, and a line of it down her breast and along her legs and the other arm. Then a Navaho song was chanted for the purpose of placing some magic power in the woman. Her head drooped. The second song commanded her spirit to start out, the third to go, the fourth to speak. At the end of the fourth song the woman's arm and head began to tremble, and she made signs, the import of which was that some Apache coming into the Hopi country to trade had been attacked by Navaho at Como springs and had been driven back, and that the Navaho had then gone northward from that place. The next morning it was announced that on the fourth day, following Silewtiwa and Hoyo, uncles of the two slain men, and Isou, a warrior, would lead a party against the Navaho, and when the time came about forty men departed, each one having made pahos for Maso6i and the war gods, and having planted them at the appropriate shrines. We wore moccasins, knee-length leggings, shirts, and blankets, and each carried a small quantity of food and a deerskin pouch of sacred cornmeal, which was used in praying to the stars, to the spirits at various springs on the march, and every morning to the rising sun, that we might have success and a safe return. Food and tobacco were used sparingly. In preparation for fighting we wrapped the shirt and blanket about the waist, so as to leave the arms unencumbered. On the first day after marching about twenty miles we camped, and sitting in a circle we smoked while the warrior encouraged us. The second day's march was about thirty miles, and again we smoked and were encouraged by the warrior. During the night two scouts brought in a horse, and said they had found sheep tracks, and about daylight we heard a lamb bleating. We knew a Navaho camp was close, and we said to one another that the sheep were ours. Our attacks were always made at sunrise, because the Navaho watched their flocks all night, and then fell into a sound sleep from weariness. One division of the party went around to the south, the other to the north, in order to surround the enemy, and just as the sun rose we rushed in with shouts. Small groups of about ten men surrounded each of the several hogans and shot down the Navaho when they ran out. Three young men and an old man who was wounded got into a hogan, the sides of which were very strong, and we could do nothing with them. So we left them and drove away the sheep and several horses, having killed a few people, I do not know how many. No scalps were taken, because, when a scalp was taken, it was necessary to initiate the scalper into the Warrior fraternity, and at that time initiation into the society had ceased. {view image of page 70} 70 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Our last halt on the way home was on a mesa about six miles from the village. After we had eaten at noon, we saw five Navaho on horses, each with a companion behind him, and a fight occurred, in which one of them was wounded. We were too many for them and they withdrew, but as they were mounted we could not follow them. About three miles from Walpi we sent a runner into the village to ask permission to enter, and one of the Warrior fraternity said to him, "Yes, if you have taken no scalps, you may come in." When a war-party returned with a scalp it was necessary for them to wait outside the village before entering. So we went in. Five sheep were apportioned to each house in the three villages, and the remainder were rushed upon and slaughtered, and the meat was taken by those who could get it. The horses were killed, and the flesh distributed equally. Captured horses were never kept alive, because there was no way of dividing them equitably. On the next three days there was dancing for a short time about the middle of the afternoon by the members of the war-party, each of whom was followed in the dance by a woman of his father's clan. We wore only loin-cloths and ceremonial kilts, and were daubed with perpendicular stripes of white, like the members of the Warrior fraternity, and each carried bow and arrows, while the women wore tabletas [symbolically painted boards worn upright on the head] as in the Butterfly dance, and white, ceremonial blankets, and had an arrow in each hand. We danced forward in a circle, singing to the time of a large drum. On the fourth day the dance occurred at sunrise. Each warrior took a pinch of ashes, moved the hand in a circle before his face, and cast the ashes over the cliff toward the east, the country of the Navaho. Then the Warrior chief took a reed arrow and stuffed into the hollow of it bits from the clothing and the accoutrement of a Navaho, and shot it toward the east, thus ending the victory dance. Both of these acts symbolized the wish that the Navaho might be destroyed. Six days later two of the men who had been left unharmed in the Navaho camp came to make peace, and the Hopi assembled to determine whether the two should be killed or merely driven away. It was decided to kill them. So the two were caught, tied up, and shot, and the bodies, filled with arrows, were rolled over the cliff. Several male Navaho slaves took fright at this and ran away, but they were pursued, caught, and killed. In another council it was determined that it would be well to send another expedition against the enemy, in order to kill any more of this group from whom the messengers had come, lest they avenge the death of the two. The same three leaders organized this party, which late in the afternoon of the very day on which the messengers had been killed set out unobtrusively in twos and in threes for the entrance of Keams cafion [Pon-sikya, round caion], to which the trail led. At dark a start was made from Keams cafion. There {view image of facing page 70} Pele - Tewa [photogravure plate] {view image of page 71} THE HOPI 7I were about sixty of us. At midnight we were in Steamboat canion [Wfpa-sikya, long caion]; and at daybreak, about three miles west of Wdko-vaka-vi ["big reed place"], where Ganado is now, we smelled fire.1 Scouts were sent out, and they soon returned with the news that some Navaho were encamped about one mile west of Wduko-vaka-vi. We attacked the four hogans and killed all the people, about eight in each hogan, except a little boy, whom we kept for a guide. I myself killed three. The boy conducted us to a camp of two hogans, and we killed the nine occupants. Then he led us to a third place, and after killing two men, three boys, and two women, we captured a number of horses and cattle and drove them homeward. But at night while we camped in the mountains east of the valley, the Navaho drove off our stock, and though we followed them in the morning we could not overtake them, mounted as they were. There was no dancing after the return of this expedition. In the autumn of the same year ten Mexicans one day pitched camp near the mesa and inquired if we knew where any Navaho could be found. They said they were going into the country north of San Francisco mountains for slaves, horses, and trinkets, and without delay the same three leaders raised a party of thirty men and joined the Mexicans. Our first halt was near Bill Williams mountain, where the scouts found two hogans near the foot of the mountain. We killed two men, a woman, and three children, and spared an old woman until she had given us information about other camps. Some were in favor of letting her live, but in the course of the argument some one struck her on the head with a club and killed her. We found another camp and killed the few who were there. One man hid in a treetop, and when the combat was over he shot a Hopi in the back with an arrow. We then killed him, and he tumbled down out of the tree. By this time the other Navaho in the neighborhood had been warned by signal fires, and we could not surprise any others in their hogans. A party of Hopi returning from Fort Defiance were attacked by Navaho at Wuko-vaka-vi, near the present Ganado, and five were killed. Hani, one of those that escaped, bears the scars of many wounds received there. Some time after this Nuva-ti (the narrator), at work in his cornfield, decided to lead a war-party against the Navaho. Returning to the village, he was told that his wife had gone to Kanel-va spring, so he followed her, and found her at the spring with the peach gatherers. Here he announced his intention, reminding the men, "If we do not retaliate on these Navaho, they will become so bold that they will not be content with raiding our cornfields and camps, but will attack our village." Some at once agreed to accompany him, and he 1 In an air-line the party had travelled, from dark to daybreak, about forty miles. {view image of page 72} 72 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN sent a runner back to Walpi with the message that a war-party would start out that very day.' When Nuvai-ti returned to Walpi he found some already prepared, and the others soon got their bows and arrows ready, and with a small amount of food they all started toward a thin column of smoke, a signal which they sighted to the south of Keams cafion. At the fire they found Wiki, chief of the Antelope fraternity, whose uncle, his predecessor, had been killed by the Navaho in the recent encounter. It was his intention to accompany this party and exact revenge, and he was taking the Antelope t6poni2 in order to bury it with the body of his uncle. Too angry and restless to wait for the others, he had started as soon as the announcement was made. When the leader and his men arrived, he refused to let Wiki go on with the tiponi, because if it were buried with the body of the slain chief the Antelope ceremony could not be performed again. Wiki therefore drew out of the tiponi two eagle wing-feathers and gave them to Nuva-ti, and he himself turned back. The other ten went on at a dog-trot. When they were south of the place where Keams Cafion school now stands they saw far away in the east a great many buzzards soaring in the air, and they judged that this meant they were too late to bury the bodies of their friends. They went on past the ruin Akuka, which the Acoma people are said to have built in their migrations, and at sunset were at Wdko-kaha-vi ("big willow place").3 Still they did not stop, but went on up Steamboat cafion, running as always, and about midnight they were on the ridge of hills west of the present Ganado. Here they waited for daylight, having travelled from Walpi to Ganado, nearly fifty miles as the crow flies, without a camp. During the remainder of the night they took turns at watching. It was not long before day broke, and leaving a sentinel on the hill with instructions to walk westward if he saw an enemy to the east of the Hopi party, and vice versa, the others started down the slope. Soon they came upon the scattered remains of their friends, and saw the spot where they had camped, with the cobs of roasted corn and bits of pumpkin rind. There were five bodies. Beside the corpse of Masale, the former Antelope chief, they placed the two feathers 1 It will be observed that Nuva-ti did not first interview the Warrior Chief to obtain his permission. 2 See page I22, footnote. 3 Now called Pete's spring, from a Navaho whom Keam, the trader, named Pete. {view image of facing page 72} Tsetsanu - Tewa [photogravure plate] {view image of page 73} THE HOPI 73 from the Antelope tiponi; on it they laid some piki, and then covered it with brush. After sprinkling crumbled piki on the other bodies and piling brush over them, they returned to their sentinel in the hills, and all proceeded northward. At Chinlee, the mouth of Canion de Chelly, they discovered several mounted Navaho, who easily eluded them. Scouring the country west of Chinlee for Navaho, they found an old man, so helpless that they would not harm him.' Then they came upon a camp where an old man, pounding green roasted piiion cones, said that all the Navaho in that vicinity had gone southward, to attend a "sing." Numbering but ten, the Hopi were afraid to attack so large a camp as there would be at such a ceremony. Later they saw a Navaho horseman in a valley, and one went alone as if to parley with him. As they talked, he seized the Navaho, and the others dashed out of their concealment. Still on his horse, the man struggled mightily with them. He snatched an arrow from a Hopi and thrust it into the back of one of his enemies, and at the same moment another Hopi let fly an arrow, which accidentally struck the same man in the head. Then while one on each side held the Navaho's arms, another shot two arrows through him. He spat at them, and the spittle was bloody. They threw him from his horse, still fighting, and killed him with his own spear, a staff with a piece of metal bound to the end, and two remained to loot their victim of his arrows and his silver belt, his coral beads, and a little pouch, the others fleeing in a sudden panic lest there be other Navaho lurking in the neighborhood. This was the only man killed by the expedition. On the way home, encamping at the spring P6psiu, they opened the little bag taken from the Navaho and found a quantity of turquois. It was at the meal eaten in this camp that Nufva-ti, mixing water with a double handful of piki and eating out of his hands, noticed an unusual taste, and saw that he was eating out of bloody hands, a circumstance to which he attributes his present baldness. He thinks that as he is only seventy years of age his hair should not fall out. 1 Considering the savage treatment of helpless Navaho described in the preceding narrative, one must conclude that the condition of this old man was sad indeed I VOL. XII —IO {view image of page 74} 74 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Clan Legends Migrations of the Rattlesnake Clan When all the race of human beings emerged from the lower world at Sipapuni,l the tribes scattered, each going in the direction it chose. The Cougars and Doves proceeded northward along the east side of the cafion, and on a high mesa at Tokonabi 2 they built a village of stone houses, and called it Tokona. One day the son of the Cougar chief stood looking down at the rushing river, and he began to wonder whither all this water went. With such a volume constantly flowing into it, a place should soon become full, and overflow. He decided to find that place and ascertain why it did not overflow. When he mentioned the plan to his father, the chief said, "My son, you cannot go." "Yes, but I must find whither this water goes." "When, then, will you start?" "I shall start in four days," said the youth. "Now I am going to devise something in which to travel. I want my sisters to prepare food for my journey, and you must make pahos." Then the youth descended to the stream and found a large cottonwood log, which he hollowed out with fire and provided with a round door for each end. His father summoned the head men and they prepared pahos, and on the fourth day the chief's son placed in the hollow log his food and his pahos, a gourd full of water, and a short, pointed stick which his father had given him with the advice that if the log became stranded he should prod its side in order to cause it to start on. While his sisters and the people wept, he entered the log, and from the inside he sealed the doors with pinion-gum. The men rolled it into the stream, and it drifted away and soon disappeared. For many days the log was carried onward, but at last it stopped and failed to move when he prodded the side with his stick. Cautiously, little by little, he opened the door, and no water entered. He removed the door altogether, and found himself on the edge of a great expanse of water, where the waves had cast him up. Then he crept out, and said to himself: "I wonder where I shall go? It is my own fault that I am here alone. But I will do the best I can." He beheld a ladder projecting from the middle of the ocean, and he 1 Located by the informant in the Grand caiion above El Tovar hotel. 2 Somewhere above Lee's ferry. {view image of facing page 74} Pulini and Koyame - Walpi [photogravure plate] {view image of page 75} THE HOPI 75 said to himself, "I wonder if that is the place to which I am going?" He opened his bundle of pahos, selected the one that had been made for the person who lived in the ocean, and fastened it to his belt. He made a ball of meal and cast it toward the ladder. It rolled away over the water, straight to the ladder, down which it disappeared. Behind it the waters divided, and on this path the youth proceeded to the ladder, dry of foot. A voice invited him to descend, and in a moment he found himself in a kiva, in the presence of an old woman who merely remarked, "Have you come?" "Yes," he answered. "You arrived a long time ago," she said, "but you did not know it. I am Hufzdin-wuhti ['shells woman']." The youth gave her the paho, saying: "This is for you. My father made it for you." "Thank you!" she said. "Nobody has made for me anything like this for a long time, and I am very glad to have it." Soon the ladder began to shake, and a handsome man came down with many pahos and much cornmeal, all of which he gave to the woman, who sorted out the pahos, muttering to herself, "This is for good crops, and this is for rain, this for children, this for game." Some she angrily threw aside, because they had been planted for evil [that is, for sorcery]. Now the Sun spoke to the youth: "For a long time it has been your desire to come, and now you are here. You must look closely, and heed what I say. Your father has made these pahos for Nananivo-monwituiyui ['world-regions chiefs']. It will be that there will be plentiful crops, and all will be well with your people. It is a long time you have been travelling, and the people are growing anxious. You must go home. I will take the rest of these pahos to those for whom your father made them, to those who live underground. You have seen what I brought. I have brought pahos for both good and evil, and you have seen the scalps I brought. There has been a fight this day, and I am always the first one in any battle: I get the first scalp, and after that the warriors may take scalps. People who ask for good, for long life, for good crops, and everything that is good, shall always ask in the morning, and people who ask for the bad shall always ask at any time of the day, at noon or at evening. These bad things I have sometimes granted." Then the Sun descended through the floor of the kiva, and on the following morning Huzdin-wuhti told the youth that he would find his home by directing his course to a certain mountain in the {view image of page 76} 76 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN north. So he returned to the shore over a path made by casting another ball of meal, and started northward, following the river. Now when he arrived at the foot of the mountain in the north, he came upon many rattlesnakes lying everywhere. He stopped and inquired if they would harm him, and when they assured him they would not, he went on, picking his way among them. More and more numerous they became, and on the top of the mountain he was compelled to tread on many of them. At the very peak of the mountain he found a ladder, and descending it he beheld many people, relatives of the reptiles he had seen on the mountain. The chief said: "You are a man! You have entered our home. You are the only one who has ever done so." "I do not know," he said. "I do not think I am a man. But you are men." They gave him a smoke, and, having finished, he told them that Huzfzin-wuhti had sent him to ask their aid in getting home. But they said: "We are not the ones to grant this. We are only the guards. We guard our chief, who is below." So they allowed him to pass down another ladder, and there was Isanavaiya, the Rattlesnake chief, sitting alone. He looked up and demanded: "How is it that you have come? How is it that my guards have admitted you? You must be a man!" "No, I do not think I am a man. I have come a great distance, and I will have a hard time returning home. I do not know how to find food, and I come to you for help." Then the chief taught him the Snake ceremony and the songs, and sent him up the ladder. In the upper room he found a girl prepared for the journey, and the two started northward, the Rattlesnake girl carrying food in a bundle on the top of her head. She never ate with the young man, and whenever his food gave out, she would remove her belt and shake her body, and food would fall down from it. For the Rattlesnake people had food under each overlapping scale of their bodies. After years of travelling they reached Tokonabi, and in due time the girl gave birth to many little rattlesnakes, and, though they were reptiles, the people were fond of them. But when the rattlesnakes bit some of the children 1 the people became angry and departed southward, leaving the rattlesnakes behind.2 At every camp, as 1Cf. a similar incident in Volume II. 2 The assumed historical basis of these mythic events is, of course, the acquisition by the Cougar youth of a Rattlesnake wife, probably, as Fewkes has suggested, a nomadic Shoshonean {view image of facing page 76} A load of wood [photogravure plate] {view image of page 77} THE HOPI 77 they journeyed, they erected the Snake altar and sang for rain, and the rain always came. After a long time they arrived at the village Wfko-ki ["great house"], where the Lamati dance was in progress, and here they met other wanderers, the Squash people and the Flute people, and the two bands united. From Wiko-ki a runner Tsamaheya went eastward in search of people, who, it was rumored, had emerged from the earth in that quarter. He reached the mountains in the east, and, going to the top to look for signs of people, he found two little boys playing shinny. These were the war gods P6kan-hoya [" ----- little "] and Palonaohoya [" echo little"]. In reply to their questions he said: "I am searching for people. But I am exhausted. Can you help me?" Although they assured him they were no better travellers than he, going always on foot and driving their shinny-balls before them, they said they would ask their brother, meaning Arrow, the Arrow feathered with feathers from the wings of a bluebird. They shot an arrow southward, and it travelled far onward to an inhabited place, and there thrust itself into the ground. "Somebody has come!" shouted the people, and they gathered around. "I am searching for people," explained Arrow. "Our elder brother has been going about, but he has become exhausted and I am travelling for him." The people said: "We have just come out from the underworld, and we are waiting for instructions from our chief." They sat in a circle about their chief, who was a Kachina. Then the chief uttered the cry of a Kachina and motioned with his head toward the northwest, and the people said, "By the gesture of our chief, we are going toward the place from which your elder brother has come." Then the Arrow took the message to Tsamaheya, who at once started homeward; but at Akuka-vi-tQqi ["Acoma place mountain"-Mesa Encantada] he stopped, and lived with the people there. When the people at Wdko-ki, after waiting long realized that Tsamaheya would not return, they sent Antelope to find him. By following his trail Antelope discovered him at Akfika-vi-tdqi; but Tsamaheya declared that he would remain there, and said that when the people were holding the Snake ceremony they should beat on woman. Her offspring composed the Rattlesnake clan. The traditionist, disregarding these historical facts, if such they are, abandons himself to the mythical, and represents her offspring as mere reptiles from which the people fled. As a matter of fact the Rattlesnakes accompanied the others from Tokonabi. {view image of page 78} 78 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the floor and he, hearing the sound, would come to help them bring rain.1 In company with the Flute and the Squash people, the clans from Tokonabi departed from Wdko-ki, and near Oraibi wash they divided, the Squash clan founding Munya-ovi, near the present Oraibi, and Chukubi. The Flute clan went eastward and settled at Lengyaobi [about thirty miles northeast of Walpi], while the clans from Tokonabi continued their march eastward. Midway between East and Middle mesas they established a village. One day footprints were discovered in the sand, and the chief, searching among the rocks that were piled up on that part of the mesa now occupied by the central houses of Walpi, found there a man, a tall, handsome man living alone. This was Masoiu. He said he had long been wishing that people might come, and promised to visit their village on the following day. The next morning the people saw Masoui start from the foot of the mesa on the west side, masked, carrying a short club filled with all kinds of seeds. When he neared the village, he ran toward the people and threw his club over their heads, in order to frighten them, but they stood fast, unafraid; and the chief ran to him and embraced him. Then Masoui told of a vow he had made, that if they proved to be people of courage, they should have his land.2 "This will be the first and the last meeting between us," he said. "From this time on I shall be invisible. I go below, but I shall always live here." Then he left them and from that time he was invisible, except that very rarely he has been seen dimly at night. Not long after this the people moved toward the mesa and built the village Kuchaptuvela on the northern side of the terrace below the present Walpi. Later they built Kisakobi on a slightly higher level, and after the destruction of the Spanish priests [in I680] they founded Walpi on the very top of the mesa. Migrations of the Horn Clan The Horn people were living in the north, and wishing to find a better country they moved southward across Colorado river,3 1 The asperger in the Snake ceremony bears the official title Tsamaheya. At one point in the rites the mythical Tsimaheya is called upon in the Keres language, the tongue spoken by the Acoma people. See page 143. 2 The Rattlesnake clan holds a strip of land extending from the mesa to the wash between East and Middle mesas. 3 At the point, says the narrator, indicated on maps as "Crossing of the Fathers," near the intersection of the Arizona-Utah boundary. {view image of facing page 78} Shongopavi [photogravure plate] {view image of page 79} THE HOPI 79 and arrived at Tokonabi, where people already were living. After a time all the clans moved southward and settled at Wfiko-ki; later the Horn clan separated from the others and founded the village M6nkap-ki ["small-stream house"].1 But as the region was too restricted in its cultivable area, they started up the cafion seeking a new country, and for a time lived at a place on Oraibi wash, now marked by an unnamed ruin. But the place was even less adapted to raising large crops, being surrounded by pinon-covered hills, and they removed to Lengyaobi [about thirty miles northeast of the present Walpi], there joining the Flute people. They remained in that place for some years, but the country was hilly, without valley land, so they travelled on one day's journey to Qasta-pa, a spring about two miles north of Wipho spring. All along this journey they had been sending out the Deer, their runner, to scout for a good home. From Qasta-pa the Deer travelled southward and ran all around the mesa on which Walpi now stands, and returning to the people he reported that the land was good. So they moved toward the mesa, and while they paused near the spring on the west side, their chief climbed up to ask the Bear chief, who was also the village chief, for permission to enter his village. The request was granted, and about the time of the morning meal the Horn people came along the trail toward the Gap. On the small level space at the head of the trail they found the Bear chief and the Rattlesnake chief awaiting them behind a line of meal across the trail, which signified that they were not to enter. Then the Bear chief asked, "If you enter my village, what good will you do for us?" "We will make rain for your crops," said the Horn chief. Four times the Bear chief repeated his question, in order to make sure that the Horn chief was not deceiving him, and then he gave his permission for the newcomers to enter. The Horn-Flute people brought with them the Flute ceremony. Migrations of the Cloud Clan All the people were living in the underworld, but as there was scarcely room for all it was decided to come up to this world. Moftini [a bird resembling the mockingbird] was sent up to seek light, and when he returned with the news that he had seen light and a roomy place, the people began to plant trees of different kinds, hemlock, 1 The small stream referred to is a wash at the foot of the knoll on which the ruin stands, near Moenkapi. {view image of page 80} 8o THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN oak, spruce, trying to produce one that would extend its branches into the upper world. But all failed. Then they planted a reed, which at last broke through the earth into the light. Down at the base of the reed the Qan-wimi fraternity sang their songs, and during the singing the people were allowed to enter the reed and climb upward; but when it ceased, no more were permitted to leave. So thus the people began to climb upward inside the reed, stopping to camp at the successive nodes, and bringing with them the seeds of corn, beans, watermelons, and squashes. The place of emergence was far away in the south, and there they remained one season. Y6pa ["mockingbird"] gave different languages to the people, and then in various parties they began to move away in various directions. Four divisions came northward in company: the Cloud, Lizard, Rabbit, and Sun 1 people. At frequent intervals the Lizard people would spread sand, and the Cloud men would sing over the seeds planted in it, and thus in one day crops were matured. After each harvest a stalk of corn held upright with its roots on the ground was permitted to fall, and the march was resumed in the direction thus indicated. For many years they travelled before arriving at Palatkwabi ["red place"], where they built permanent homes.2 Here was good farming land, and the people lived well. But among the mountains in the east was a huge bird, which preyed upon them; and so many were carried off, especially of the young men and the girls, that at last the people secured the aid of the war gods, who destroyed the monster. During the following four years the people lived peacefully. Then they became evil. Whenever they hunted rabbits they would quarrel about the game, and would cut rabbits in two - a bad omen. Also the young regarded not the aged, nor respected woman's virtue. When the Houses Chief could bear it no longer, he made a plan. One night a moving light, far away, was seen to start toward the village. When it reached the plaza, it ran about the streets, and at various places where it stopped there was the sound of grinding stones and singing. After a while it rapidly retreated. On the following day a plan was made to catch the sorcerer, for the elders 1 At Oraibi the Sun is said to be still a distinct clan, but at the other Hopi villages it has become incorporated with the Reed clan. 2 The narrator, Saqistiwa, identifies this traditional village with a ruin in Gila valley about west of San Carlos and south of Pinal peak, which mountain the Hopi call Qan-tuqi ("mescal mountain "). {view image of facing page 80} The plaza at Walpi [photogravure plate] {view image of page 81} THE HOPI 8i said that such a light portended bad luck; and after dark the men stationed themselves along the trail. But when the light came, their courage failed. A certain man however remained alone to watch, and when he had caught the sorcerer and the others had come running in answer to his cries for help, it was found that the light was caused by the fiery breath of the sorcerer. They removed the mask, which was like the rabbit-skin mask of Maso6u, and the three Kachina masks that were beneath it, and there stood the son of their Houses Chief. At first he denied that there was evil in his work, but at last he explained that he was doing it to punish them for their base life. He told them to bury him alive in the centre of the village with the tips of the four fingers of one hand projecting above the ground, and on each succeeding day to bend down one finger. All this was in accordance with the plan of the Houses Chief, and all was carried out. But nothing happened until, on the fourth day when all were sleeping, the whole place was violently shaken, and water began to appear in the fireplaces and in the corners of the houses. It bubbled out all around the houses. For the man who had been buried alive had become Pa-lolkanu ["water bullsnake"], and when the Water Bullsnake moved in coming out of the ground, the earth was shaken. Now the people leaped up, gathered what few possessions they could lay their hands on, and fled. The very old people they laid on the shelves, thinking the water would not rise so high. Soon the village was surrounded by water. In the morning a little boy and his young sister, accidentally left behind, awoke and looked out on the water. The boy secured some roasted corn, and thus provided the two started from the house. As they passed through the plaza, they saw the great Water Bullsnake floating on the water, and he spoke to them, "Wait, come to me." "We cannot come near to you," they said, "for there is water all around." " Have no fear, but come along. The water will recede before you." And so it was: when they started toward the Water Bullsnake, the water receded, and they walked on the ground. They stood beside him, and he spoke again, "Follow the trail of your people." "We cannot find it," said the boy. "You can find it by noting the direction in which the grass they stepped on is inclined. Cut off a piece of my flesh." The Water Bullsnake directed the boy while he cut a piece of flesh from its side, and then said, "Use this with singing, and it will bring you rain." VOL. XII —II {view image of page 82} 82 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Then the two children started on, following the trail of the people, and even as the Water Bullsnake had told them that the people would not have travelled very far, so it proved, for they overtook them at the first camp. On the first day after the establishment of this camp, two men had been sent back to note the condition at the village, and these men had found some houses already falling, and the abandoned elders were turkeys and buzzards roosting there on the shelves. After the arrival of the children the people resumed their journey northward, frequently stopping to plant corn, which matured in a day under the influence of their singing. As in their migration to Palatkwabi, so now they determined the direction of their march by the falling of a cornstalk. Sometimes they stopped for only a day or two, sometimes for a few years. At last they built Homolobi [on the north bank of the Little Colorado a few miles east of the present Winslow]. In those days the valley was somewhat swampy, and there were many mosquitoes, and after some years so many children died from the bites of the insects that the people abandoned the village and proceeded northward. About a mile from Homolobi a pregnant woman, exhausted, was left behind, and she became the spirit Tihkuyi, mother of all game animals. A walled-up shrine of this deity is still there, but is now fallen into disuse. At a small knoll in the valley, four miles south of East mesa, they built the village Pa-koi-fiomo. After some years they started toward the mesa, and at the spring Anapo6l-va near the foot of the cliff, the Firewood clan from the mesa met them and asked what they had for the general good. Though the newcomers replied that they could produce rain in summer and snow in winter, they did not receive permission to enter the village, and resumed their journey. Near Tawa-pa spring, not far from the mesa, they halted and sang their songs, and therefore in the ceremony of the Lakon-wimi the women now run from this place to the village. From Tawa-pa the Cloud clan proceeded on up the valley, but before they had gone far a messenger from the Firewood people overtook them; and in reply to the repeated question, what they had for the common good, they set up their altar and performed their rain-making rites with the piece of the Water Bullsnake's flesh.' 1 Fewkes has pointed out that the cult of the Water Bullsnake corroborates the testimony of the tradition, that these people came from the south. He identifies it with the snake cult of Mexico. The fact that these clans brought the winter solstice ceremony is also good evidence that they came from the south, the land of sun worship in this form. The Sun Priest is always of the Cloud clan. {view image of facing page 82} An afternoon chat [photogravure plate] {view image of page 83} THE HOPI 83 Then fell such a rain as had never been known in the valley, and lightning flashed in the sky. And the Cloud clan was invited to join the people of Walpi, which had already been established on the top of the mesa. Besides the rites of the Lakon-wimi, the purpose of which is to produce rain, the Cloud people brought the winter solstice ceremony. Among those who arrived at Walpi in this group was Kofga, the man who possessed the secret of maturing corn in a single day. He used to practise his magic on the bank of the wash east of the village, but with his death the secret was lost. The Cloud clan was the last to be incorporated among the people of Walpi, and it arrived after the destruction of Awatobi.1 Migrations of the Tobacco Clan A great flood in the underworld made it impossible for the people to remain there, and it was decided to plant a hemlock and a spruce tree, which, growing upward, would break through the earth into the upper world. But instead of breaking through the crust, the tips of the trees bent downward, and the people then planted a large reed, the sharp point of which broke through. Then the people gathered around the base of the reed and climbed through its hollow stem; but at the top the passage was too small, and they sent back a messenger to Badger, who soon forced his way through to the surface and then dug away the earth from the tip of the reed, so that it spread laterally into a roomy passage. In the new world was light, but, as below, water was everywhere; so they implored Pokanhoya and Palonao-hoya, two little boys who had accompanied them from below, to devise means of draining the earth. The brothers directed them to feather some small arrows with the feathers of a bluebird [fiozo] and a robin [muzi.nyawu], and shooting these tiny missiles into the great rocks that confined the water, they formed the Grand canion [Pisis] through which the water soon drained off, leaving the earth soft and muddy. Then the brothers ground up many kinds of shells and hard pebbles, and spread the powder over the land, and the ground became hard and dry. 1 This opinion of the narrator is upheld by the fact that the Qan-wimi, a fraternity of the Cloud clan, stands apart by itself in many respects in the New Fire ceremony, as if it was a later accretion. The other three participating fraternities came from Awatobi, after the destruction of that village. That these three were the originators of the ceremony there is no question. This is indicated by the traditions of the Reed clan and by the fact that the ceremony is named from one of the three, while another plays the most important part in the rites. {view image of page 84} 84 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Five clans departed together: Tobacco, Firewood, Tdvis,' Reed, and Badger.2 They passed to the south of San Francisco mountains, and at last built a village at Honu-vi ["juniper-shoots place"] among Hopi buttes. After many years they moved onward and built Awatobi, where good crops were raised and food was abundant. They began to think of instituting ceremonies, and the three fraternities T6-wimi, Wiwfitim-wimi, and Al-wimi were formed. Tapolo, Hoinniwa, and Sakuyeva were the respective chiefs. Among the women they organized two societies, Owakul-wimi and Mazo'-wimi. At Palatkwabi [in Gila valley] were the Cloud, Rabbit, and Sun clans; at Tokonabi [on Colorado river] were the Rattlesnake and Horn clans; and at Wdko-ki were the Squash and Flute clans. At East mesa the only person was Masouii. Tapolo, chief of those at Awatobi, wished to move to East mesa, but Sakuyeva, chief of the Al-wimi fraternity, objected, because their own farming land in Jeditoh valley was good. The daughter of Sakuyeva was a pretty girl, and all the young men desired her; but she refused all. In San Francisco mountains lived Alosaka, who, meeting her at a spring one day, received a drink from her. And as they talked, they fell in love, and she promised to come to him in four days. So she did, and a little later she brought her husband home. Frequently now the people saw lights southward of San Francisco mountains. Each night they were closer, and the chiefs began to grow uneasy; but Alosaka promised to help them on condition that all remain in their houses. The next day clouds covered the mountains, and there was a great cloudburst accompanied by a fall of hailstones as large as shinny-balls. When the flames in the south crept up to Hfikyat-vi [a small butte in the valley near East mesa], Alosaka ran forth from the village and met the wall of fire. He ran his horn into the ground in the path of the flames and tore up the earth in a narrow furrow. There the fire stopped: it could not cross the furrow, and from this line to Awatobi the land was never burned, although all the rest of the country was seared by fire.3 Not long after this event a man seduced the wife of Alosaka, 1 Tuvisala, to censure. This clan is not mentioned in other traditions. 2 The statement does not agree with the legends of some other clans. 3 This incident is perhaps inserted into the traditions to account for evidences of volcanic fires in the region; or it may be one of those touches, not infrequent in Indian traditions, which one is tempted to regard as dim recollections of actual events in the extremely early life of the people. The description of the slowly advancing fire might well apply to a flow of lava. {view image of facing page 84} The weaver [photogravure plate] {view image of page 85} THE HOPI 85 and he departed with their child, a boy of five years, after declaring that, although they had enjoyed abundant crops by his favor, thenceforth they would have to do without his aid. From that time their fields never produced more than enough for mere existence. It was at this time that people were beginning to settle at East mesa, and in response to a message from Tapolo some of them visited him. He had prepared certain sticks, one of which he gave to the Firewood clan as a token that the country in Keams canion should be theirs for hunting eagles. To the Horn clan he assigned the valley north of Keams canion; to the Bear clan the valley lying east and north of East mesa; to the Earth clan the country north of the Bear eagle preserve; and to the Corn and the Reed clans the Hopi buttes. His own eagle grounds were to be the country immediately about Awatobi. Then when the people began to use many eagle-feathers for pahos, crops became better and rabbits increased. There was a kiva of sorcerers 1 at the east end of Awatobi, and at the west end was the kiva in which Tapolo was chief. In a race between the young men of the two kivas, from the west side of Awatobi down the valley to the midst of Hopi buttes and then up Jeditoh valley and back to Awatobi, the sorcerers were the winners; and Tapolo criticized his young men. But one of them, Patoska, angrily bade the chief cease his faultfinding. The old man was smoking. He said simply, "All right!" and continued to puff slowly. He finished his smoke, picked up his tobacco-bag, and left the kiva, and from that time he never reentered it. One day the men of the chief's kiva performed a Kachina dance, and members of the sorcerers' kiva played the clown. One of the Kachina clowns was pretending to be a sorcerer, and the other clowns pursued him among the spectators, who included visitors from the other three Hopi mesas. At last they caught him, and one of them grasped his hands, swung him about with his feet off the ground, and suddenly released his hands, and the clown fell violently to the ground. His Kachina mask fell off, and the clowns quickly threw a blanket over him to prevent his face from being seen by the people. When the mask falls from a Kachina dancer in a public place, the others make a mock attack on the clowns; so Sisivu, the Kachina 1 As Fewkes has suggested (Seventeenth Annual Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, II, 605), this probably refers to the liberal faction, which welcomed the Spanish priests after the reconquest in 1692. The other Hopi towns - Walpi, Mishongnovi, Shipaulovi, and Oraibi -were united in hostility to the foreigners, and the conservative element at Awatobi, led by the chief Tap6lo, appealed to them to punish the "sorcerers," as they called the devotees of the strange religion. {view image of page 86} 86 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN chief, summoned all his young men to the kiva, where they hurriedly dressed, gathering up all the masks they could find. Meantime the clowns too were preparing for the fray, wrapping deerskins about their bodies for protection, and arming themselves with bows and arrows and clubs. About the middle of the afternoon the Kachinas climbed out of their kiva and rushed upon the clowns. In such instances the Kachinas whip the clowns, and if the latter defend themselves it is taken as a sign that they desire more whipping. Some one lost his temper, and the mock combat became a real battle, in which some were nearly killed. The visitors in fright ran away from the village, and the dance broke up in a row. Not long after this there was a quarrel among the rabbit-hunters, who, disputing the possession of a rabbit, cut it in two parts, which is a very bad omen. On account of all these evils [which of course were regarded as the result of the abandonment of the Hopi religion by the "sorcerers"] Tapolo sent a messenger to the chief of the Rattlesnake clan at Walpi, requesting him to destroy Awatobi. "I am a brave man," replied he, "but not for that reason will I consent to destroy Awatobi. I wish to increase the population, not to destroy it." So the runner returned to Awatobi with the report that the Rattlesnake chief refused, and Tapolo sent a messenger to Oraibi with two small images, a male and a female figure. The Oraibi chief asked, "What is it?" "I have come," said the messenger, "to ask if you will destroy Awatobi." He showed the two images, which represented the men and women of Awatobi, bidding him take his choice. The land with the springs of Awatobi was to go with the images. The Oraibi chief selected the female image, signifying that he chose to take the women. After the runner had departed, the Oraibi chief summoned all his officials and informed them that he had consented to destroy Awatobi in exchange for all the females of that village, and the springs and the land. They at once disapproved his course, declaring that they could have no use for land so far away; and so the chief despatched a man to Awatobi with the female image. Next a man was sent again to Walpi, this time to the Warrior Chief, who, it was thought, on account of his office would surely do what was desired. The Warrior Chief gave the messenger a smoke and inquired, "What is it?" "I have come to ask if you will destroy Awatobi." {view image of facing page 86} Good morning [photogravure plate] {view image of page 87} THE HOPI 87 "That is my business," answered the chief, "and I will do it. How many of my people do you want?" He meant by this to ask how many of his warriors the Awatobi people expected to kill' in the battle. The messenger replied: "There is nothing like that. We do not wish to kill any of your people. You will have all the women and girls, and the springs and the land for your payment." "All right. I will do it. When do you wish me to come?" "I will notify you later as to the time," said the messenger. One day Tapolo went up the canon into the Navaho country and requested the Navaho to receive his clanswomen, and after some talk they consented to do so. He directed them to build a signal fire at the appointed time, and then returned to Awatobi. About midnight of the day set for the destruction of his people, Tapolo led his women outside the village, placed his tiponi on the ground, strewed a line of meal in the direction they were to take, and bade them wait in the caiion until daylight and then make their way toward the column of smoke. So it was that the Tobacco women went into the Navaho country.1 The chief took up his tiponi and returned to the village, gathered up his valuables and a little food, and departed toward the north. In a little canion near the spring Totovi he took refuge among the rocks. It was the season of the New Fire ceremony, and consequently all the males above infancy were passing the night in the kivas. Just before dawn the men of Walpi, accompanied by some from Mishongnovi and Oraibi, entered the town, bearing fagots of greasewood, pitchy pifion, and dry juniper-bark. They crept up to the kivas, and at a signal drew up the ladders. Embers were quickly secured from the numerous pits in which pikami was baking, and blazing fagots, followed by armfuls of brushwood from the surrounding piles, were tossed into the kivas. Strings of red peppers were snatched from the walls and thrown upon the flames to add their pungent fumes to the suffocating smoke. Scarcely a man was left alive, and with the few male survivors and all the females and infants, the raiders set out toward Walpi. At a small sandy knoll between Walpi and Mishongnovi they camped, because they thought it better not to enter their villages at night with so many prisoners. On the following day they killed and mutilated the men and some of the women, and after dividing the remaining captives among the men of Walpi, Mishongnovi, and 1 It is well known that Hani, chief of the Tobacco clan at Walpi, is of mixed Navaho and Hopi descent. {view image of page 88} 88 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Oraibi, the parties separated and proceeded homeward. This knoll is called Mas-ftomo [" corpse knoll"]. When they had taken their departure from the raided village, Tapolo crept out of his hiding place in the cafion and went into Awatobi. There was a man left alive in a kiva. He called up to the chief, reproachfully: "Why are you waiting? They have gone. Why do you not go with them?" The chief answered, "The people are to blame for this, and they must bear it." Then he threw more wood down into the kiva and suffocated the man. Tapolo remained four days in hiding, occasionally going to the ruined village. On the fourth day he began to wonder which way he should go. Should he follow his people? Should he go to Oraibi, to Mishongnovi? In the end he decided upon Walpi. He obtained water from the spring and set out westward. Not far from Awatobi he came upon the mutilated bodies of a man and a woman. Later he found four bodies similarly mutilated, and farther on, four more. It was now nearing sunset, and here he waited, for he wished to reach Walpi at night. At sunset he started again, and when he arrived at Walpi he went to the house of the Rattlesnake chief. Food was placed before him, and when he had eaten, he thanked the household, saying: "Thanks for your food, which I have eaten. Now you may do to me what you wish. You may kill me, or you may find some way for me to live with you." "Who are you?" demanded the Rattlesnake chief. "It is I. I am from Awatobi." "Move over into the light where I can see you." When Tapolo had moved into the light, the other at once recognized him and declared, "I will not kill you, because you have already eaten my food." Then Tapolo thanked him, and the chief filled his pipe and handed it to him, and Tapolo said, "f-naa ['my father']." And the chief responded,." f-tii ['my child']." Tapolo smoked the pipe, returned it to his host, and filled his own, giving it to the chief, who said, "f-naa." And Tapolo replied, "f-tii." After the Rattlesnake chief had smoked, Tapolo said: "I will help the people here. I possess the power of bringing rain, and thus making good crops." So he was admitted to Walpi with the understanding that he was to do everything in his power for the good of the people. When it became known that the Rattlesnake chief had admitted Tapolo, there was apprehension that he would cause trouble, because he was believed to be a sorcerer. They said he was a "man of two {view image of facing page 88} A peach orchard [photogravure plate] {view image of page 89} THE HOPI 89 talks." When Tapolo learned what they were saying about him, he assured the chief that he would never practise sorcery; and he complained that some of his accusers were themselves sorcerers. He confessed that he knew something more than the common life, but promised never to do anything but the straight things. From Tapolo Walpi acquired the altars and rites of the five societies: T6-wimi, Widwwuim-wimi, Al-wimi, Owakul-wimi, and Maz6-wimi. At that time the Tewa people had not yet built the village Hano, nor had the Cloud clan from Homolobi settled at Walpi. The Tobacco women who had escaped from Awatobi dwelt with the Navaho near Steamboat canion for a year; then came Tapolo to bring them to Walpi, but the Navaho objected. Much disappointed, he devised a plan by which the women stole away while their husbands slept, and by different routes made their way to Walpi, where they married men of the Rattlesnake clan, and their sons married into the Rabbit clan. Migrations of the Reed Clan In the underworld P6kan-hoya and Pal6nao-hoya, the elder and the younger brother, lived with their grandmother Kokyanwuhti [" spider woman"] near the people, but apart from them. When the Reed people emerged upon earth, and observed that these three had accompanied them, they proposed that all travel together and help one another. To this the brothers consented and soon they were sent to find out a new and better land. They climbed to Nuvaf-tukya-ovi ["snow mountain high-place"-San Francisco mountains], whence they beheld the basin of the Little Colorado covered with pools of stagnant water, and when they reported this condition, the people requested them to get rid of that water. So the brothers descended into the Grand cafion and consulted with another family just like themselves, two brothers of that name and an old Spider Woman. And after all together had prepared a bowl of medicine-water and looked into it to see what should be done, they made six arrows, using one feather each of a bluebird, a roadrunner, a chicken-hawk, an eagle, a paroquet [kyazo], and a tawamanou [a yellow bird about the size of a magpie]. With these the two brothers returned to the Snow mountains, and from the south side they shot the arrows one by one into the sides of the mountains, making small holes through which the water might drain off. But the holes were too small, the arrows too weak. They returned again VOL. XII-I2 {view image of page 90} 9o THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN to the cafion, and after another consultation with their relatives they prepared another bowl of medicine-water. They gazed into it and saw a condor [qatukua], and they shot their arrows at the bird in the bowl. Immediately a sound of fluttering and falling was heard above them, and a great condor fell down before them. With its feathers they tipped four arrowshafts of pine, oak, spruce, and syringa, which they shot one by one into the rocky walls, and through a great hole water began to rush. As it poured through it cut out what is now the canion of the Little Colorado. Though all the water drained off, the ground was too soft to support the weight of a man, so the brothers ground up a quantity of hard shells and stones, and scattered the dust over the mud, which soon hardened. Then they returned to the people, who prepared to move. Making no permanent halt on the way, they reached Middle mesa and built a town of stone houses at L6me-va, on the top of a small, conical butte on that side of the mesa looking toward Walpi. Then the two brothers, after giving to the chief two small stone images of themselves, declared their intention to go, and, in spite of the entreaties of the people, they and the Spider Woman departed to Ona-patupa ["salt lake" -the Zuni salt lake], where they still dwell. While the Reed people lived at Lome-va, others established a town on the other side of the mesa at the place now marked by the ruin of Old Mishongnovi, and thereafter the two peoples would join on such public occasions as dances and rabbit-hunts. A man had a pet cat,1 which would hunt rats at night, and sometimes would bring rabbits to its master. Sikya-fii-tiyo ["yellow bird youth"], the son of the Crier Chief, longed for a pet, and, the people having heard of certain tame animals, he inquired of his father where they were to be found. The Crier Chief objected, "They are in the far-distant east, at Suchap-tuqi." 2 But still the youth persisted, and his father at last gave his consent. "In four days I go," said the youth. "Let my sister grind corn and make piki." On the third day the Crier Chief tied up a bundle of piki and at sunrise on the following morning the youth started. Both day and night he travelled, making brief stops at frequent intervals, and after many days he reached his journey's end. As he neared the mountaintop he saw Pivani [weasel] on guard. He approached. 1 Probably a wildcat is meant, though the narrator is positive it was a pussy cat (pizhYki)! 2 "Shell mountain" -the mountains east of Albuquerque. Suchiava, Olivella shells, are highly valued by the Pueblo Indians for making disc-beads. {view image of page 91} THE HOPI 9I Weasel was angry, and was preparing to leap at him, but he said, "Be quiet!" and offered a paho, and Weasel became peaceable. Thus also he appeased Cougar, and Bear, to whom he gave a red paho: for to Bear a red paho is always offered. On the top of the mountain, at the entrance of the home of the Dog people, lay the huge Snake, Katoye, whom also he placated with a paho. At the very apex of the mountain was a large space covered with water, from the midst of which projected the tips of two ladder-posts; and as he looked downward, he saw human beings, who invited him to descend. He waded through the water to the ladder, which he found completely surrounded by walls of water, but itself untouched. He descended. There was an old man smoking, and he gave the visitor a smoke. After four puffs, the youth said, "My father!" And the old man responded, "My son!" Then the young man filled his own pipe and gave his host a smoke. Meat and piki were placed before him, and when he had finished, the old man inquired, "Well, what is it?" "Yes!" said the youth. "I have come hither a long distance, and I have endured hunger and thirst and weariness just for the sake of obtaining a dog for a pet." "Anchaai!" said the old man. "You shall have a dog. But first we will dance, and while we dance you must look to see which you will take. Choose a pair, a male and a female." Then preparations for the dance were made. All around on the walls hung dog-skins, which the people now put on; and as they danced, the young man sat by the fire observing them. He chose two, the smallest in the party, and when he picked them up all ceased dancing, hung up the skins, and gathered around their visitor, giving him counsel: "When you bring these dogs home, take good care of them; do not mistreat them. If any one mistreats them, he will have rheumatism in the knees: for that is the way the dogs defend themselves." The youth promised, and tied a cord about his waist for a belt, and in the folds of his robe he placed the two puppies. Then he departed. At evening he camped, but before he himself ate, he fed the dogs. And thus he continued to do. When he was nearing home he put them down, and they followed him, but when they cried with weariness he carried them. At last he arrived home, very proud of his dogs, which, as they grew to maturity, helped him to hunt rabbits. After a while the female dog bore four puppies. At night she would prowl about, seeking food for her children, and often she would {view image of page 92} 92 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN go to Mishongnovi and steal the food which was customarily placed in the little open windows. One night she was detected, and the next night the villagers set a watch, and after the dog had entered Mishongnovi they guarded all exits and killed her. Then the Reed people were very downcast; they felt like leaving that place, and the young man, through his father the Crier Chief, announced that in four days they would depart. During the next four days the people ate as much as they could, so that they would not have to leave food behind them; for it would be impossible to carry all with them. Before sunrise on the fifth morning they placed in the flat south of where the mission now stands a long row of bowls containing cooked food, and, returning to the village, they took up their burdens and set out. As they passed the dishes, each person took a bit of food from each bowl, thus offering a prayer that the food might accompany them in spirit. When the people of Mishongnovi discovered their departure, they sent after them messengers, who, overtaking them at the arroyo midway between East and Middle mesas, urged that it would be best for all if they should return; but the Reed people refused, saying that, having once started out, they could not turn back. Then the messengers begged some of their man-medicine,' and the leader of the Reed people placed a very small bit of his medicine in the palm of the other chief's hand; but a puff of wind swept it off into the dust. Unable to find it, the Mishongnovi chief asked for another piece, but the Reed chief replied: "No! I have given you one piece, and if it is lost, that is your fault." He did, however, give an ear of corn: for the Reed people had sacred corn, which yielded more than the corn of the Mishongnovi people. In the course of time a juniper grew up where the bit of man-medicine had fallen, and in later times, when the Mishongnovi warriors were preparing for battle, they came to this place and planted pahos. As the Reed people moved toward East mesa, they found the Rattlesnake people living in the valley, and remained with them for a time; but owing to the attacks of surrounding tribes, the Rattlesnake people built the village Kuchaptuvela on the terrace at the west side of the mesa, and the Reed people founded Kisakobi 2 also on the terrace, but at the southern point of the mesa. 1 The Reed clan controls the Warrior fraternity, and possesses medicines that are supposed to bestow courage. These are used also by the Snake fraternity. 2 Kisikobi is the ruin now sometimes called, as by Fewkes, "Old Walpi." Formerly its inhabitants were called Tsano Wihlpitit ("seven Walpians"), in allusion to the fact that only seven families were in the nartv of Reed neoole who left Middle mesa. {view image of page 93} THE HOPI 93 At a later time, when enemies became so troublesome that there was no safety below the mesa, the Bear chief asked the Reed people what they could contribute to the common good if they were permitted to join the village on the mesa. The Reed chief replied that they had the medicine of bravery, and by this they would be able to defend the village. So they were admitted to Walpi. Migrations of the Badger Clan After emerging from the underworld with all other human beings, the people who afterward composed the Badger clan wandered about the earth and at last settled at Kisiu-va,1 where they lived with the Kafinamiu. They left that place and travelled down Oraibi wash, and about halfway to the site of Oraibi they stopped and built a village, the ruin of which is called Siu-va, because it is only a short distance from the spring of that name. It was at this place that they saw a Badger come out of its burrow, and they began to call themselves Badger people. Porcupine also appeared to them, but they did not take him for their natuila ["relative" -a word applied to the totem of a clan, as well as to a blood relation]. So Porcupine said, " I will do something for you, so that you will be very glad to take me for your natuila." Then he ate pinon-gum, and defecated blue paint. He ate skunk-bush berries, and vomited red paint. He ate flowers of rabbit-brush and defecated yellow paint. So then they took him also for their totem. Some of these people later took Butterfly for their natuila, as he was their messenger. One day Butterfly was sent to seek a new country, and going down the valley he discovered the village Oraibi. When the people received his report they moved toward Oraibi, but as they could not obtain permission to enter they camped for a short time, less than a year, at the foot of the mesa, and then went on down the valley for a distance of about three miles. It was autumn. One winter day the son of the Crier Chief at Oraibi, hunting, pursued a rabbit far down the valley. At last it disappeared in a clump of bushes. The youth had searched long for its tracks without finding them, when he heard a voice: "Here I am!" In the midst of the clump of grass whence the sound came he saw a circular hole in the earth. Said the voice, "Come in!" He asked, "Will there be any harm?" "There will be no harm. Come!" 1 A spring, the princioal home of the Kachinas. {view image of page 94} THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN 94 So he went down through the opening, and found himself in a room with a number of people. He then learned that the rabbit he had been pursuing was one of the girls who now sat there in the kiva. They gave him food and a smoke, and when he had finished they bade him watch the girls, who were weaving a picture of Wiyakote,' uncle of the Kachinas, so that he might learn how to make ceremonial sashes for the Kachina dances. He was to remain all night, they said. During the night they performed the Kachina dances, and in the morning sent him home to tell his people what he had seen. The Crier Chief was absent searching for his son; yet when his father returned the youth said nothing, but passed the day wandering about the streets. That evening after the chief had smoked with his son, he asked the boy where he had been. So the youth related his adventure, how he had visited the people who had been spurned from the village, and had learned their dances, and ended with the statement that the Badger people, though they had not been permitted to remain at Oraibi, still hoped that in return for what they had taught him they might be allowed to enter. Then the Crier Chief summoned the Houses Chief, and it was agreed that the Badger people should join the village. There was rejoicing among the Badger people when the Crier Chief's son brought the message. Four days he remained with them, and when he returned to Oraibi he announced that they would come within four days. "They do not wish to come in the day," he explained, "but at night. And we must give them entertainment during the night." It happened that the Flute clan were to make their pahos on the third day from the time, but it was decided that this rite should be postponed until the day set by the Badger people for their arrival. On the fourth day the youth returned to the Badger people, and found them in readiness for the journey, with quantities of food for distribution at Oraibi. Having informed him that he must marry the girl who had brought him to them, and that he should be chief of the new Kachina clan, they gave him a tiponi and sent him ahead to have his people in their two kivas that night. The uncle of the Kachinas declared that he would remain there as a supernatural being, and the others, leaving him, started on their 1 This Kachina is represented in the design on ceremonial sashes. Two diamond-shaped figures are the eyes, the teeth are indicated, and two parallel straight lines represent upright stripes on the cheeks. {view image of page 95} THE HOPI 95 way. When they reached Oraibi in two parties, wearing their Kachina masks, the first division went into Mon-kiva and danced, and distributed their gifts of food; and as they departed to the kiva Nasavi, the second party entered Mon-kiva. Thus the one party followed the other throughout the night. At sunrise they ran about on the roofs of the houses, and the people, who had gathered there to watch the dance, fled in terror; and while they were hiding in the houses, the Badger people ran to the north side of the plaza, and, removing their masks, appeared as ordinary human beings. In that part of the village they built their homes. After they had lived for many years at Oraibi, a Badger woman on a visit to Walpi during a ceremony failed to return. It was learned that she had married a Walpi man, and thus the Badger clan was founded in that village. This Badger woman bought an apartment in the group of Rattlesnake houses near the rock in the dance place, but later the Rattlesnake people took back this house by force, and the Badger family moved across the mesa and erected a house in the newly founded village Sichomovi, which was established to relieve the congestion in Walpi. The first family to build in this new village was of the Squash clan, the second of the Cloud, the third of the Bear, and the fourth was the Badger family. Last in Sichomovi was the Tansy-mustard clan.1 Migration of the Asa Clans The people from whom are descended the Asa [" tansy-mustard "] people came upon the earth at Sipapun-tuqi ["Sipapuni mountain"], near the head of Hop6k-vayu [" east river " - Rio Grande]. When the Hopi began to have trouble with the Navaho and the Ute, the Crier Chief was sent to East river for help, and these Tewa people at the village Hano said to him: "If you will treat us well, we will come. You must give us land and food." This the Hopi chief promised, and they told him to watch the east, and when he should see a narrow streak of cloud he would know they were starting: this cloud would carry their food and other possessions. The people who left Hano were Chaqaina.2 They took with 1 After the destruction of Awatobi most of the Awatobi Badger women were taken to Mishongnovi, and a few to Oraibi. There is now one family of Awatobi Badgers at Oraibi, but the Hopi think there is no relationship between them and the original Oraibi Badgers, the former having their own separate traditions. The Awatobi Badgers once inhabited a village, now a ruin, between Hathorn's store and the ruin of Awatobi, before they moved to Awatobi. 2 The Asa clan brought into the Hopi pantheon the Chaqaina Kachina, the mask of which personage is displayed in the kiva during the winter solstice ceremony. {view image of page 96} 96 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN them Pa-l6l6kanu ["water bullsnake"], both the male and the female, and for their scouts they had Hospoa [roadrunner] and Posiw'u [magpie]. Acoma was the first pueblo they visited, and some of the people remained at that village. Several times on the march they were attacked by Ute and Navaho. Some of these Tewa joined the Zufii [founding the Aiaho clan], and the rest resumed their long journey westward. On the mesa near Awatobi they built the town Chaqaina-ki, and later went on toward East mesa. Near the place now called Five Houses some children were crying, and flowers of asa [tansy-mustard] were given to them. This was the origin of the name of the clan. Roadrunner and Magpie were messengers of the people, and they also were natuila [totem]. During their journeys some of the people once rested under a clump of oaks [qinvi], and hence arose the use of names referring to oak. South of Five Houses a Hopi met them with the report that he did not know whether or not his people would admit them to their village, because it was not the chief himself, but his brother, that had sent for them. Much disheartened by the thought that they might not be admitted after their difficult march, they nevertheless decided to go on and see what was the chief's intention.1 At the foot of the mesa near the present ruin of Kisakobi the Bear chief and the Rattlesnake chief met them, and, when the Tewa chief confessed that he brought no beneficial ceremonies for the common good, refused to admit them. So they went on to the spring Teivskya, into which they put the two Water Bullsnakes, the male looking toward the west, and the female toward the east. Then they marched on, climbing up the hill and passing through the Gap, and built a village a little west of the spring Is-va, the ruin of which is now called Sikyai-owa-ftomo ["yellow rock knoll"]. From this village the women would go up to Walpi and grind for the Hopi women, but, contrary to a custom that still prevails, they received no meal for their labor, only a little food, which the Hopi women would place boiling hot in their palms. And when the Tewa men worked for the Hopi, they were never paid except with discarded food. But mostly the men passed their time in hunting rabbits. While they lived at this place there was a raid by the Ute, and the Crier Chief came down from Walpi to ask if they would help; but the Tewa men would make no answer, because they had been so 1 The existence of a small ruin at the place where this news was brought leads Hopi traditionists to think that the Asa must have lived there for a time. {view image of page 97} THE HOPI 97 badly used. Again and again he came, but not until the Houses Chief himself appeared and said, "My children, the enemy is coming close to us," did they consent to help. Then they threw off their clothing and painted their bodies from head to foot with red paint, and in the old Tewa fashion they wrapped beaver-skin strips about the braids of their hair and painted their faces with different colors. Then they marched up to the Gap, whence, in the valley to the west, they saw the Hopi fighting the Navaho and the Ute; and they went down the trail to the spring Teveskya. When they drew near, the enemy made a charge, but the Tewa warriors pressed forward, and the enemy, finding them men of courage, retreated, and the Tewa pursued them, killing many as they went up the valley past Wipho spring. There on the side of the cliff at Siqi-teika 1 ["meat promontory," -so called because here they killed all the horses of the enemy] the invaders took refuge among the rocks. When only four of the enemy were left they begged for mercy, that they might go back to their people and spread the news; and they were spared. When the warriors returned to the Gap, the Walpi head men met them and thanked them, and the chief, pointing to Savu, a point on the cliffs at the south side of Keams caiion, and to Owako, a place on the cliff northwest of Walpi, said: "These two places will never disappear. They will remain. They shall be your landmarks. You shall have the land up the valleys above both of these points." On the following day the chiefs of Walpi led the Tewa people to the site of the present village of Hano and left them there. They were still building houses there when another raid was made, and this time they made ready for defence without solicitation from the Warrior Chief of Walpi. They went down into the valley west of the mesa against the large party of Ute, who retreated up the valley. Clear into the cafion above Wipho they were pursued, and about five miles above the spring the chase ceased and a pitched battle was fought. The Ute chief made a mark on the ground, and shouted: "We have had enough of this fighting! The few who are left will go back with the news!" But regardless of this plea, the Hano men continued the battle, and when only three were left, the leader of the trio said, "We three will take back the news to our people." So at sunset the fighting ceased and the Hano men returned homeward. On the way back they removed the hearts from four corpses, and at the mark made by the Ute chief they dug four small, circular holes 1 According to Fewkes, Siqi-tfiqi ("meat mound"), because here the Ute made a rampart of sheep bodies. VOL. XII-13 {view image of page 98} 98 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN to the depth of an arm-length, placed the hearts in them, and piled stones over them. The piles of stones are still there, and any one who wishes to have a brave heart makes an offering at that spot. Some time after this an Asa man took away the wife of the Walpi Crier Chief, and the Walpi people were so angry that they wanted to drive all the Hano people out of the country. The Asa made an offering to the Water Bullsnakes in Teveskya spring and then started eastward toward their former home on East river; but when they were only at Tawa-pa spring the Walpi people, reconsidering the matter, sent the chiefs of the Firewood and Bear clans to lead them back, fearing that if they went beyond the wash the Water Bullsnakes in Teve-skya would move and the mesa would be shaken down. So they were led up the Stairway trail into Walpi and placed at the south end of the mesa, to become the guards at that point. Having learned of the courage of the eastern people and being again hard-pressed by the Navaho and the Ute, the Hopi sent another invitation to the Tewa in the Rio Grande country. Those who answered this call did not come along the usual route through Zunii and Awatobi, but through Keams caiion. They built their houses on the ruins left by the Hano people when they started back home after the stealing of the Walpi Crier Chief's wife, and thus founded the modern village of Hano. After living here for some time and helping the Hopi against their enemies, two of the chiefs desired to return to the eastern country. Some of their people determined to go with them, and they brought their blankets down from the village and piled them up preparatory to departing. This place is now called Tavdp-f&omo [" blanket knoll"]. They set forth, stopping here and there to build villages, in which they lived for a few years. Finally they became extinct. None ever got back to East river.' At the time of the great famine [about I780] some of the Hopi went to Tdpkai-paka ["cafon mouth" -the mouth of Cafion de Chelly], where they lived among the Navaho, still holding their Hopi ceremonies. Many of these migrants were of the Asa clan. The second generation of mixed Hopi and Navaho returned to the Hopi villages, and at first they were taken back into Walpi; but this crowded the pueblo, and many of them joined the recently established village of Sichomovi. These first families in Sichomovi were of the following clans: Cloud, Butterfly of Hano, Asa, Badger, Bear, and Squash. The Hopi believe it is a very bad omen to retrace one's trail, and on this ground they account for the extinction of this group of people. {view image of page 99} THE HOPI 99 Religion The principal Hopi deities are the following: I. Katsinamu (singular, Katsina). The Kachinas are supernatural, anthropomorphic beings inhabiting the water-world that underlies the earth. While a certain spring called Kisiu-va is regarded as their home, they are believed to be present also in all other bodies of living water, the Hopi conception being that all bodies of water are parts of one great ocean underlying the earth, in other words, mere openings through the earth-crust into the water-world. In ancient times these beings sometimes appeared to the people, but when they did so they always wore masks made of yucca-leaves. The first Kachinas were visible beings of supernatural power, but because the people did not treat them with consideration they became invisible. They are now represented by masked dancers. Certain clan legends represent the ancestors of those clans as having been Kachinas who gave up their supernatural attributes and became mere human beings. All Hopi boys and many girls are initiated into the Kachina order and thus become capable of participating as masked Kachinas in the various summer dances. This initiation of children, occurring as a part of the Powamui ceremony, is elsewhere described.2 The Kachinas are of numerous kinds, the most important being: (a) Lena Kaftinamii ("flute Kachinas"). (b) Kiwan Kaftinamii ("all-colors Kachinas"). (c) Muziwus Kaftinamui ("beans Kachinas"). (d) Ka'na Kaftinamu, or Yeho Kafginamui ("throwing Kachinas," so called because they throw boiled corn among the spectators). Their songs begin with the word Ka'na, hence the first name. They dance only in the evening after the daylight dancing of the others. (e) Hehea Kaftinamui (ehhea, a nickname applied to uxorious men). These Kachinas are represented as being very fond of women. (f) Koyemsi Kaftinamui, or Tafo6kta Kaftinami ("knob-head Kachinas," in allusion to the peculiar protuberances on their masks, which completely envelope the head). They 1 Kisiu-va ("shadow spring") is on the east side of the timbered hills to the northeast of Walpi, the spot being known as Kisiuf ("shadow place") on account of the shade cast by perpendicular rocks about the spring. See the myth on page 211. 2 See page 170. {view image of page 100} I00 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN correspond to the Zufi Koyemafhi, and it would be difficult indeed to distinguish between a Zufii and a Hopi mask. (g) Tdmas Katinamui ("female Kachinas"). (h) Hahaii Kafinamui (so-named in allusion to their cry). These last two kinds are called the "mothers of all the Kachinas," but thus far no myth shedding light on the epithet has been discovered. (i) Tunwdp Kaftinamui ("whipping Kachinas"). These ceremonially whip the children at their initiation into the Kachina order. (j) Hee Kaftinamiu. These are personated by women dressed as warriors. (k) Tuvaft Kaftinamui ("weeping Kachinas"). These always weep after speaking. (I) Kokole Kaffinamui (so named in allusion to their peculiar cry). (m) Powamui Kaffinamii. These are called the "uncles of all the Kachinas." (n) Wiyak6te Kafginamii. These also are described as "uncles of the Kachinas." (o) Nataaska Kaftinamiu. (p) Soyal Katinamiu. These appear only in the winter solstice ceremony, Soyalanu. (q) Ana Kaftinamui ("long-hair Kachinas"). (r) Chaqaina Kaftinamu. (s) Wawagh Kaftinamui ("running Kachinas"). These pursue and punish in various ways those spectators who attempt to escape with food brought into the plaza by the Kachinas. See pages I99. 203. (t) Naa'mu Kaftinamu. (u) Suiyuk Kaftinamui ("ogress Kachinas"). Many other Kachinas have been added by late borrowing from other pueblos, such as Zufii, Jemez, and other eastern settlements. Recently a number of Kachinas have been invented by individual Hopi; and this doubtless is a result of the universal desire among primitive people for masked characters. It is not to be believed that a man could deliberately create a dog mask or a sheep mask, * Reading from left to right, the effigies represent the following personages: upper row - Lena (flute) Kaiina, Chiveyu (giant) Kasina, H6t6 (so called from her cry) Kafina, Mialo (referring to its eagle-feathers) Kafsina; lower row - Hehea Kafsina, Qew'd (wolf) KaSina, Pinwil (mountain-sheep), Paiyakyamil (clown), Anai Kafsina. Note the vulva symbols on the leg and side of Hehea. {view image of facing page 100} Kachina dolls [photogravure plate] {view image of page 101} THE HOPI 1OI as has been done recently, and persuade himself that there are any supernatural beings among the Kachinas whom these masks represent. Even Pahana (American) Kafina appears in the dances of today. It is firmly believed that the Kachinas dwell in Kisiu-va. Sometimes the people who visit this spring see what they believe to be evidences that the Kachina children have been making mud piki, in the same manner as human children, and occasionally they see finger-prints on the walls of rock. 2. Tawa, the Sun, is considered to be the father of all life. Every Hopi utters or "thinks" a morning prayer and offers cornmeal to the rising Sun, asking for long life without sickness. Chiefs pray for all the people, while others pray only for themselves. The Sun is the principal deity worshipped in the winter solstice ceremony, which was brought to the Hopi country by the Cloud clan and others from the south. 3. Mdyoui, the Moon, is the Father who guards the people at night. He is not especially worshipped in a ceremony, but any individual in trouble makes pahos for many deities, including the Moon, and deposits them in various unprescribed places. 4. Sotuiu, the Stars, are regarded as supernatural beings. Until about I890 the taboo on drinking water at meals was commonly observed; and when the desire to drink became imperative, one went outside and with uplifted face- " inhaled the spirit of the stars," and thus made oneself strong. When a Hopi happens to pass near a spring in which the stars are reflected, he takes a drink from it for the same purpose. In the winter solstice ceremony pahos are made for the Stars and the Moon, and individuals starting on a journey make pahos for them in order that these deities may guard the travellers at night. 5. Sotuikunani ("star rain god") is a sky deity especially besought for rain. He is a supreme being to whom prayers are offered for general and specific benefactions of all kinds. He is not identified with any visible object, but is said to dwell above, and is sometimes called Ove-monwi ("above chief"). 6. Mdinwa, a god of germination, dwells underground, and having no particular shrine, is supplicated in any place for good crops. Atkyak-monwi ("nadir chief") is said to be another name for the same deity. He is represented as a very large man with a body made up of all the edible fruits and seeds. A successful farmer is said to be a "Mdbinwa man." {view image of page 102} 102 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN 7. Nayanap-tumsi ("all-kinds-of-seeds clanswoman") is another deity concerned with the germination of seeds. As the wife of Mdinwa she lives with him beneath the ground, and both are supplicated by those who especially desire bountiful crops. Like all other supernatural beings they receive prayer-sticks at the winter solstice ceremony. 8. Nalonanui-monwitui ("four chiefs") are rain gods presiding at the four solstitial points, that is, the points on the horizon marked by the rising and setting sun at the summer and the winter solstice. Sotuikunani, the sky god, is the rain god of the zenith, but apparently Mfiinwa takes the place of the nadir deity. Pahos made for these gods are deposited at springs, the suppliant choosing a spring at each of the solstitial points. One going on a journey makes pahos for these deities and places them all in one spring in the direction of his destination. The North Chief controls the cold, and the north wind (qiny6o; cf. qinm'wika, northward) is his breath. These deities manifest themselves to the eye in the form of clouds. 9. Halakvu, or Tfivip-haiyanu, is the whirlwind. The name Halakvu refers to the rattling noise made by the rubbish carried along by a whirlwind; Tuivip-haiyanu to the whirling motion itself. In every ceremony this deity is supplicated that he may remain peaceful and quiet, and permit the ceremony to be finished in good weather. Pahos or naqaqusi are always made for him, but there is no particular shrine at which they are deposited. Warriors ask him to become active, that they may the more easily approach their enemy unseen. IO. Masoui grants both good and evil petitions. When the first clans came into the Walpi country he was a supernatural in human, visible form, dwelling on the spot where Kuchaptuvela afterward was built; but he soon disappeared and became a spirit.' His ancient home among the rocks below the mesa is now his shrine. Mas6ou is one of the principal deities worshipped in the winter solstice ceremony, and indeed few, if any, are to be ranked above him. In a way not yet clearly understood he is connected with fire. He is also in a sense a god of the dead, his name being used as the term for corpse; but the connection here lies merely in the fact that both Maso6iu and the spirits of the dead inhabit the underground region. Most important of all, Masoui is a god of germination; and here the connecting idea seems to be the conception that the growth of plants is dependent on warmth, and warmth is the product of fire. 1 See Index for numerous references to this personage. In spite of this localization, which is recognized at the other villages, both Middle mesa and Oraibi have shrines of Maiso. {view image of page 103} THE HOPI I03 Probably the best statement of the position of Masoui in Hopi mythology is that he is the genius loci in very much the way this phrase was understood by the Romans. He is a beneficent spirit, and answers the requests of all who in the prescribed manner pray for good crops, long life, and health. But also he grants the desires of those who pray for evil purposes; hence he formerly was much supplicated by sorcerers. To summarize: while the several conceptions of the function of Masouii are not perfectly clear, perhaps not even to the Hopi themselves, it is quite plain that his chief function is the care of germinating seeds and growing crops. All the deities mentioned above receive attention in every Hopi ceremony. The following however are supplicated only on special occasions. II. Tihkuyi, or Tuwa-pon-tumsi ("earth around clanswoman"), is a female deity who gave birth to all the species of game animals, from rabbits to elk.l Offerings are left at her shrine in the winter solstice ceremony, that she may increase the supply of game, and when a hunting party is organized she is requested to give the hunters permission to kill her children. I2. P6kain-hoya (pokan, meaning unknown; hoya, little) and Palonao-hoya ("echo little"), his younger twin, are the boy war gods. Two gods bearing these names live in the crater of Zuii Salt lake, and two others at On-tfipka ("salt canon") in the Grand canion, each pair with its grandmother, Spider Woman. When the Hopi make prayer-sticks or naqdqusi for the warrior gods at the Salt lake, they deposit them on the east side of the pueblo, and when the offerings are intended for those at the Salt caion they are placed on the west side of the mesa. The exigencies of story-telling have resulted in the invention of many other homes for the warrior gods, but these two places are the only homes recognized in ceremonies. The twin gods are supplicated for courage, and because of their indifference to suffering, they are requested to visit the North Chief and have him send cold weather, which brings snow and resultant moisture for the fields. As there are numerous myths describing the manner in which the brothers extricated people from all kinds of difficulties, so in actual life they are besought with pahos and prayers to help the sufferer out of his worst troubles. In mythology the war gods travel on the rainbow, or on the downy feather of an eagle, and thus move about with almost instantaneous rapidity. They understand the language of all creatures, and know all the secrets of medicines See pages 190-193. {view image of page 104} Io4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN to cure sickness. They have great power, not only against ordinary human beings, but even against sorcerers, whom they outwit by becoming invisible and concealing themselves behind an invisible but impenetrable barrier; so that the sorcerers, though they also can assume invisibility, can do no harm to the war gods because their missiles of such.ava (Olivella shells) are checked by the unseen wall. Two wooden (?) figurines of the war gods are kept in a shrine on the southern slope of a mesa south of Walpi, and are taken thence to Mishongnovi for the approximately quadrennial initiation of Wdwufimniu. Another pair, made of stone, is kept in a niche in the Walpi Warrior Fraternity house. 13. Tala-tfimsi ("dawn clanswoman"),' a deity supplicated only in the new fire ceremony, is said to be a personification of the female principle. Since women are not admitted to the kiva during the new fire ceremony, the image of the goddess, when brought to Qan-kiva, is set on the roof during a certain number of days, while the initiates are within. She thus typifies the godmother called in to officiate at the birth of a child. While the image sits on the roof, women throw meal toward it and pray to the goddess that they may have children and bear them without pain. I4. Nana-mana ("cornsmut girl") has a shrine at the left of the trail from Walpi to Middle mesa. Like many other shrines it contains a piece of petrified wood. These objects, being somewhat uncommon in this region, are placed in shrines simply to mark them as unusual places, and have no special religious significance. There is a myth2 relating how Nana-mana, after bidding the people pray to her for good crops, disappeared at the place now marked by the shrine. 15. On-wuhti ("salt woman") is supplicated with offerings at two shrines, one at "Salt canon" in the Grand canion, the other near the Salt lake of the Zufii. Supplicants pray that they may obtain the salt easily, saying, for instance, "We offer these prayers to you that you may keep the salt pure, and let us get it easily." The warrior gods also receive similar petitions from the salt gatherers. I6. Pa-l6olkanu ("water bullsnake") is the personification of the water-spirit. This is the so-called "plumed serpent." The cult was brought from the south by the Cloud clan, and another phase of the same cult was imported by the Tansy-mustard clan and other 1 While Fewkes's translation of "Dawn Woman" has been used here, no informant interviewed would concede the translation. Dawn is talavaiya, while tala is daylight, or a period of twenty-four hours. There seems to be no reason for questioning the translation, in spite of the dissent of informants. 2 See pages I98-I99. {view image of page 105} THE HOPI IO5 Tewa people from the Rio Grande valley. The earth is believed to be underlaid by a world of water, and springs are mere openings, or eyes as the Spanish call them, leading out of the water-world. Although the Water Bullsnake inhabits the lower world, while his power is everywhere and offerings to him may be made in any spring, still the spring Tawa-pa is regarded as the real home of Pa-l6l6kanu. Images of the Water Bullsnake are exhibited in any Kachina ceremony in February and March, and sometimes in the winter solstice ceremony. 17. K6kyan-wfihti ("spider woman") is prominent in myths, playing the part of fairy godmother and is possessed of almost unlimited power. She is the grandmother of the twin warrior gods, and appears sometimes in human form, sometimes in the form of various animals, but more often as a spider. In opposing sorcery she assumes the spider form and bids the one whom she is defending to place her behind his ear, from which position she directs his acts. Prayers for help are offered to Spider Woman at any time. Ceremonies The religious and ceremonial life of the Hopi centers in the kiva, which is simply a room, wholly or partly subterranean and entered by way of a ladder through an opening in the flat roof. The five kivas at Walpi, from south to north, are as follow: i. M6n-kiva ("chief kiva"), which, as its name indicates, is regarded as the most important. Its membership is derived largely from the Flute division of the Horn clan and from the Cloud clan. 2. Wiqilvi, or Wiqalap-kiva ("boiling-fat kiva" -so named in allusion to the boiling of a very fat sheep at the dedication), which is closely allied with the Tansy-mustard clan. 3. Nisavi, or Nasap-kiva ("middle kiva"), in which men of the Rattlesnake clan predominate. 4. Al-kiva ("horn kiva"), which obtains its members mostly from the Horn clan. 5. Tsivito (an adopted Spanish word), or Tsivitop-kiva ("ram kiva" a ram having been served at the dedicatory feast); or Qin-kiva ("mescal kiva"), in which a majority are of the Reed clan. While the membership of a kiva consists principally of men and boys from some certain clan or clans, there is no case in which all the members of a kiva belong to one clan - a condition inseparable from the provision that a man may change his kiva membership, and in fact made necessary by the existence of more clans than kivas. It is probable, nevertheless, that originally the kivas were clan institutions. The following is a complete list of the fraternities, or priesthoods, at Walpi, the religious rites controlled by them, and the date of the ceremonial smoke that precedes each ceremony. VOL. XII-14 {view image of page 106} Fraternity Member Wdwufiim-wimi T6-wimi Al-wimi 2 Qin-wimi 8 Soyil-wimi Wdwufsima Titokya Ala-taka 2 Qani-taka 3 Soyal-wimkya Members Wdwuftimttl Taitkyamti Aah1tui 2 Qaqantti Soyil-wiwimkyamtl Ceremony Ceremonial Smoke Usual Designation, or Character of Ceremony Wwidf-imii Fifth day after the end of Mamz6- New fire ceremony Wwfyimiya, November yunya, November o M6ft-wimi 5 M6-wimkya6 M6f-wiwimkyamti Soyalanuf Tenth day before the winter solstice, about December I2 Momfsit-yese 5 Final day of Soyalanfu, about December 21 Powamim-yunya6 First day of the moon Powa-mfiya, February 7 Nimaniw'f 8 July Kafsin-ti 10 Numerous dances from February to the end of Tulv Powamtl-wimi Kaftin-wimi 9 Powamtl-wimkya Powa-wiwimkyamt Kafsina Katinamti Chd-wimi 1 ChI-wimkya Ts'p-wimi 12 Tsop-wimkya Chi-wiwimkyamil Tsop-wiwimkyamd Chd-yiunya Tsop-yfunya LUn-yiunya Len-wimi 1 Len-wimkya Len-wiwimkyamq Lakon-wimi14 Yaya-wimi 16 Lak6n-wimkya Lalk6n-wiwimkyamti Lalk6n-yfinya Yaya-wimkya Yaya-wiwimkyamu 16 Yayi-yunya Fourth to eighth day of summer Pa-miya moon (August) in odd years Fourth to eighth day of summer Pa-muya moon (August) in even years Fifth day after the end of the Snake or the Flute dance About the first of September at irregular intervals Fifth day after the end of Lalk6nyun.ya L6 October, at irregular intervals Winter solstice ceremony Warrior fraternity ceremony Public purification ceremony Niman, or Farewell, Kachina dance Kachina dances Snake dance Antelope dance Flute dance Lakon dance Magician's ceremony Mamzrau ceremony Owakul ceremony 3 z o - z!ZSO Maz6-wimi 4 Maz6-wimkya Mamzo-wiwimkyamd Mamz6-yiunya Owakul-wimi 14 Owaikl-wimkya Owakul-wiwimkyamxI Owiakl-yiunya 1 Also Tatokya-wimi. Tolawi, singing. 2 Ala, horn; ila-taka, horn man; ~ahalti horns. s Qcni, mescal; qani-taka, mescal man; qaqanta, mescals. 4 But when Soyvlanfi is to be a sixteen-day ceremony, involving the initiation of new members, the Smoke occurs on the eighteenth day before the solstice, that is, about December 4. 6 Mofl may be related to Keres Mo'tts8a, Hopi. The individual member of this society is also called Kale-taka, "brave man," plural, Kakal6-taktq. An alternative of the collective Motswiwimkyamui is Momfiitf. Momtfit-yese, "Momfiitdi sit." 6 Yunya, assembly. 7 See Lunar Calendar, pages 250-251. 8 Niman, go home. 9 The Katinamil are not, strictly speaking, a fraternity. 1 10 Kafiin-ti ("Kachina dance") is the generic name of various Kachina ceremonies occurring from February to the end of July. The first Kachinas appear in the Powaiml ceremony in February, and the last appearance is in Nimaniw'f in July. 1 Chua, rattlesnake. 12 Ts.vioa, antelope. 13 Lina, flute. 14 A society of women, with certain male officials. 16 The fraternity of magicians is extinct. An alternative of the collective designation is YayatU. 16 Lalkon-ti, Mamz6-ti, Owiakl-ti, et cetera, merely designate the last day of the respective ceremonies, when the members dance in public (ti, dance), and are not the proper names of the ceremonies themselves. {view image of facing page 106} Shipaulovi snake kiva [photogravure plate] {view image of page 107} THE HOPI I07 Wuwutsimu, the New Fire Ceremony The so-called new fire ceremony, an eight-day rite, occurs annually in November, and is jointly controlled by four fraternities: Wfiwufiim-wimi, To-wimi, Al-wimi, and Qan-wimi, which meet respectively in the following kivas: Wiqalvi, Mon-kiva, Al-kiva, and Qan-kiva.' While the ceremony is named for the Wdwfifim-wimi fraternity, the Tatokyamui play the most important part and hence occupy Mon-kiva. The director of the entire ceremony is the Tatokyamui chief. For a long time Hani, of the Tobacco clan, a lineal descendant of the Awatobi chief who introduced the ceremony into Walpi, has filled the position. At irregular intervals of four to six years initiates are taken into these fraternities, and the ceremony then occupies sixteen days and assumes a more complicated form, owing to the introduction of rites attending the initiation. The sixteen-day celebration is called Na'tna,2 a word that refers to the introduction of novitiates into the kivas. An initiation occurred in I90o and again in I916. These four fraternities include in their membership practically all the adult males of Walpi and Sichomovi. There were in I9II about twenty Tatokyamu, an equal number of Qaqantu, some thirty Aahtii, and perhaps sixteen Wufwufiimtiu. Three of the fraternities, and the rites themselves, were acquired from Awatobi, when that village was destroyed in the year I700 during a performance of this very ceremony. The fourth, Qan-wimi, was an institution of the Cloud clan when it came up from the south and joined Walpi, after the destruction of Awatobi.3 Each of the three villages on Middle mesa, as well as Oraibi, holds its own performance of the ceremony, but Shipaulovi joins with Shongopavi to have its new members initiated. The rites are not practised at Hano, but some of its men belong to the Walpi fraternities. Each day of the ceremony is named, and the names are constant for all ceremonies of the same length. In the following list the calendar date on which the various days fell in I9II is given. Nov. 12 Tsoo6funa ("they smoke") 4 1 Qin-kiva is so named only during the ceremony, at other times being called Tsivato. 2 Naacnaiya of Fewkes is simply the name of the twelfth day, naasna. 3 There is a hint in an Awatobi tradition (page I86) that Wiiwufiim-wimi and T6-wimi originated on the Rio Grande. 4 The first two are preliminary days, and in the Hopi calendar of the ceremony do not count as a part of the performance, which really begins its eight or sixteen days' course with Sds-tala. {view image of page 108} io8 io8 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Nov. 13 Tinava ("announcement") i. Nov. 14 Sfis-tala ("first day") 2. Nov. 15 LO~s-tala (" second day") 3. Nov. i 6 Pa'is-tala (" third day") 4. Nov. I 7 Yfinya (" assembly") 5. Nov. i 8 Sfiskahimii (" one not anything," that is, one day of rest) 6. Nov. 1 9 Komo-k-toto'kya (ko'mokta, to carry a bundle of wood; mo'kta, bundle) 7. Nov. 20 Toto'kya 8. Nov. 21 Tilhiini (" they will dance"), or T'Ikive'ni ("they will dance"), or P'ikamnovi (" they eat pikami") For a sixteen-day ceremony the calendar is as follows, the two preliminary days being understoodi. Sil-tala 3. Pais-tala Tinava nalo~s-tala (" announcement four-days,") 4. Nalo~s-talaJ 6. LO~s-tala Apiyun~w'sni (" from then to assembly") 7. Pais-tala 8. YufiI'ya 9. Sfis-tala 10. LO~s-tala, or Naa-s-komo-k-toto'kya, or As-komo'k-toto'kya (na, reciprocal pronoun; aisz, to wash the head) i i. Pais-tala, or Nadts-toto'kya, or As-toto-kya 1 2. Nald~s-tala, or Naa'sna 13. Sfiskahimii 14. Komnok-toto'kya I5. Toto'kya i6. Tihi-ini, or Pikamnovi Tsoof"iuna, the Smoke (November 12, 1911) Shortly after sunset there met in the house of H'n i 2 the chiefs of the four fraternities: Ha-ni, of the Tobacco clan, for T6'-wimi; The forms Tihil, Tikiv6~, Tot6kp6, and Korn6k-tot6kp~. mean respectively "on Tilhflni," "on Tikiv~ni" "on Tot6kya," and "on Kom6ktoky" 2 The Smoke muist, or should, occur in a house of the Tobacco clan. Some time previous to the year 1911 the only house belonging to this clan was out of repair, and for two years the Smoke took place in the house of a woman of the Tansy-mustard clan, whose cousin (in the Hopi way, her son) was chief of Wwawfifim-wimi and kept his fraternity tliponi in this house. {view image of page 109} THE HOPI IO9 Kav6tima, of the Earth clan, for Wdiwufim-wimi; Wdnuitf, of the Reed clan, and Kotka, of the Bear clan, for Al-wimi; and Saqistiwa, of the Cloud clan, for Qan-wimi; as well as K6yawaima, chief of the Rattlesnake fraternity, who was acting for his uncle Honyi, the Crier Chief. Each man had a bag of native tobacco and a pipe, and after they had smoked, Hani made a potavi 1 by tying a long cotton string to a yellow feather. He then prepared some naqaqusi (feathers to which short strings are tied, and used for offerings when such can be tied to an object instead of being thrust into the ground, as the stick of a paho is used). The p6tavi and the naqdqusi he laid on a tray basket of meal, and then the other chiefs made naqdqusi, which they placed on the same basket of meal. This tray was then passed from one to another, beginning with Hani, and each man in turn, holding the strings of the naqdqusi, prayed silently. When this was finished, each chief took a small handful of meal from the basket and went out, and on the way to his home cast it away at some point, wherever he wished, over the edge of the mesa, uttering a silent prayer for good fortune.2 The Crier Chief took the offerings with him. Tinava, the Announcement (November I3) At sunrise the Crier Chief stretched the string of the potavi across the trail at the narrowest part of the mesa, between Walpi and Sichomovi, and sprinkled meal along the string. It remained there throughout the ceremony, and after. As the long string of the potavi represents long life, it is stretched across the path where most of the people will many times cross it during the ceremony, in order that it may impart to them its sacred influence. The Crier Chief then took the naqaquasi to the roof of a house of the Rattlesnake clan near the rock3 in the plaza, and there deposited them as prayers to the spirits of the six world-regions. It was here that Fewkes observed the Smoke. Hani's house has since been repaired, but is uninhabited. It stands east of M6n-kiva and next to Wiqalvi. Any fraternity chief may attend the Smoke of any other fraternity. The Tobacco clan chief should always be present, and the Crier Chief necessarily attends because he must make the announcement. 1 See pages 6, 148. 2 The meal used for religious offerings is in no way different from the meal prepared for food. It must however be made of white corn, and must not be parched. It is not ceremonially prepared. A woman simply grinds some white corn, and those of the household who wish it take a small portion for prayer meal, the remainder becoming bread or mush. As the priests explain it, the ear of corn is itself sacred, having been given originally by the supernaturals. 3 This rock, known to white people as the Snake rock, because the public part of the Snake ceremony is held there, is called Tdqi ("mountain"). {view image of page 110} I IO THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN A little after sunrise the Crier Chief from this housetop called out the following announcement of the ceremony: Pankae ky~e udmmaa sinomi talahoy....! fmma-pa pMo-indmi Around I suppose ye people have awakened! Ye to to me tikaivastotane... listen! Pdiyan tachltekat ~pni kadyan nanal talat 9pyan Wdwumt imt imi kdkuivani... Now daylight at from eighth day on Wdiwffsimtd fra- will finish! ternity 6vi dmmaa piankae sinom ka nanami hin inainwa-kyakyant1 hoyoydkdni. So ye around people not toward heart (adverb- will go toone an- ial suf- ward it. other fix) Naphakawat qaqat uaninwa takat, aftvl kaas'at tala hiyan... Any one of good heart hav- by his before day we will you ing, effort drink! Pdkiisnfilavafh tyo6-hoya, mnani-hoya, wudhti-hasku, znadnpakiyat-acqa fpt If there be boy-small girl-small woman-old, by his heart with then any such hiyani... we will drink! 6(vi dmmaa panka? sinoma halaikyakyan 6hoyotani... Pazyani.... 2 So ye around people happily go toward it So be it! "Ye people about me have awakened, I suppose. Listen to me. Now on the eighth day from tomorrow's daylight the Wdwuftimtui fraternity will complete its ceremony. So ye people around me will go toward it without ill feeling toward one another. If any one of you have a good heart, by his efforts we will drink before daylight. If there be any such boy, girl, or old woman, by his goodness of heart we will then drink. So, ye people about me, go happily toward it. So be it." Sts-tala, First Day (November 14) Los-tala, Second Day (November 15) Pais-tala, Third Day (November 16) Nothing of a ceremonial nature occurred on these days; they were in fact like any secular days. In the sixteen-day rite, in which new members are initiated, seven idle days pass before Ydnya is reached. Ydnya, Fourth Day (November 17) 3 The four fraternities assembled in their respective kivas, the roofs of which were covered with orderly fagots, principally of greasewood, In the ordinary conversational order the phrase ka nanami hin unainwa-kyakyan would be kahin unanwa-kvakyan nanami. 2 This is the formula used in announcing nearly all ceremonies, with necessary changes for the time of the ceremony and the name of the fraternity having it in charge. 3 The eighth day in the initiation ceremony. {view image of page 111} THE HOPI III brought in by the younger members during the preceding days of the ceremony. Not all the members assembled at this time, and in fact it was not until the last day of the ceremony that they came out in full force. Formerly it was the rule that all should be present from YQ'nya on, except that men with wives about to deliver children were not permitted to be present on this day, when the new fire is kindled. Should such a man be present, the child would be born covered with red sores. Even today, in the initiation ceremony all members a-re expected to assemble on Yfinya. Once having entered the kiva, whether on Ydnya or on any succeeding day, a man must be present on each day and each night following; and he must practise continence until the end of the rites. There is little done in the kivas during the daytime; those present sit about, smoking and talking, and all who have begun their attendance on the ceremony take their meals there, though they spend most of the day in the village and at home. At night they sit up as late as possible, smoking, as a form of vigil and sacrifice for the bringing of good crops. At noon in each of three kivas a bowl of medicine-water was prepared. The water for this purpose is obtained from Tawa-pa, a large spring near Walpi. On a low, square mound of sand was placed the bowl (ni-kuiyi, medicine water-jar), the edge of which, at four diametrically opposite points, rises in a terraced design representing cumulus clouds. About it lay six ears of corn, corresponding in color to the colors associated with the six world-regions; the ears representing the cardinal points being severally at the middle of the four sides, while the one for the zenith lay between the north and the west ears, the one for the nadir between those of the south and the east. These typify not only the corn which it is hoped will be harvested next year, but the variously colored clouds for which the priesthoods constantly ask in prayer and offering. Beside each ear of corn lay beads of turquoise, of coral, and of small blue Olivella shells, and meal was sprinkled about the whole arrangement. Various powdered herbs were placed in the water, and the resultant medicine-water, which remained in the bowl until the end of the ceremony,' was used in frequently asperging to the six world-regions. During the public dances of the Wdwuftimtu and the Tatokyamu, both at Al-kiva and Qan-kiva a Badger man came up on the roof with the medicine-bowl and asperged the dancers as they passed. Six songs, one for each world-region, and all supplicating for rain, were sung while the medicine-water was being mixed and stirred. 1 In Qin-kiva a new mixture is prepared on the seventh day. {view image of page 112} 112 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN While the other fraternities made their medicine-water at noon, the Tatokyamui in Mon-kiva made theirs at sunrise; and the only symbols on the mound of sand supporting their medicine-bowl were six radiating lines of meal. The To-wimi procure their sacred water from the spring T6tovi, near the ruin of Awatobi, to which place one of their members is sent on foot on the day before Ydnya. This was the only spring retained by Tapolo, the Awatobi chief, when he gave up his land and springs to the people of Walpi for their assistance in destroying the inhabitants of Awatobi. About sunset (five o'clock), the Tatokyamui being already assembled in Mon-kiva, the Qaqantui, Aahltu, and Wfiwufiimtui approached, single file and led by their respective chiefs. As each group reached the hatchway, each man threw down into the kiva a ball of meal, thus announcing his arrival. In the order named they entered and took their places in their several corners. In the procession of the Qaqantui the second man carried a slab of stone with three circular holes drilled into it. This was their fire-stone. The second man of the Aahltu carried their fire-board, a long slab of wood with circular holes drilled along each lateral edge. When all had assembled, two Qaqantui held the fire-stone on the floor with a bunch of shredded juniper-bark under it, and two others grasped the fire-drill. On the opposite side of the fireplace two Aahitui knelt with their fire-board, and two with the drill. All the others rose, and the To-wimi chief prayed briefly. Then each chief addressed his fellows, exhorting them to have a fixed and single purpose and good hearts, and to think only of the end for which the rites were being held. "Now go to it gladly," they concluded, and amid a chorus of "Anchaal!" (an expression of approval) the drillers whirled their spindles vigorously, while the Tatokyamui and the Wdwufiimtui sang, the other two fraternities accompanying the songs with bells and rattles. Everybody watched the drillers intently, for if the spark is slow in making its appearance, there is sorrow, since they believe that the growing season will be delayed. The two drillers in each pair relieved each other at very brief intervals, and smoke quickly appeared, and then sparks, which were caught on the bark fibre. Then the bark was carried to the fireplace, where it ignited a pile of greasewood, and the singing ceased. An Alosaka, an Al-wimi member wearing a horn head-dress, lighted a roll of bark and thus carried fire to the other three kivas. One after another the chiefs of the respective societies rose, and, standing beside the fire with a tray basket containing a number of {view image of page 113} THE HOPI II3 pine-needles fastened to short strings, each one prayed, and dropped one by one, six of these offerings into the fire, one for each worldregion. At one side of the room the chief of the Qaqantui had been sitting concealed by a black robe held up by two of his men. He represented the spirit of fire. After the other five chiefs (the Aahltu have two chiefs), the man behind the blanket uttered a prayer, to which all responded, "Anchaai!" After the kindling of the new fire, three fraternities left the kiva and proceeded in a ceremonious procession —Aahltu followed by Tatokyamui and Wdwufiimti - down the trail at the southern end of the mesa to the shrine of Tuwa-pon-tumsi (who is called also Tihkuyi), at the foot of the steps leading down from the mesa to the terrace. After depositing offerings and uttering prayers, they proceeded along the trail to the shrine of Nana-mana on the north side of the ruin of Kisakobi (Old Walpi), to plant pahos and offer meal to this deity. They now retraced their steps for a short distance and then diverged to the ruin Kuchaptuvela, where, after marching four times around in a large circle, they offered feathers and scattered meal to all the various spirits. This place, though a shrine, bears no special name as such, and the feathers were given to various supernaturals, while prayers for good health and good crops were murmured.2 Returning to the village, the procession paused on a high bluff, and one of the Wdwufiimtui said, "Taai ['go ahead']." Another addressed the Aaltui, "Well, how are your friends?" The reference was to the women of the Maz6-wimi. Then one of the Aahltu replied, "They are all right, only they are lazy and dirty," For a few minutes the Aahltu were plied with questions by the others, and in their replies they uttered obscene witticisms at the expense of these women. The air was filled with laughter- This is the only occasion when 1 Fewkes mentions "Muiyunwf-wiiqti, the goddess of germs," as the spirit presiding over this shrine. Apparently there is confusion here with Mdinwa, a god of germination with no particular shrine. 2 Fewkes says that at this place prayers were addressed and naqaqisi offered to the spirits of the Hopi who used to live in this ancient village. The statement is very explicit and positive, and apparently it is made on his own authority as an observer, and not on that of an informant. It would appear not improbable that, since there is no shrine of a specific deity at this place, the offerings might be intended for the spirits of those who once lived here. All informants questioned on this point, however, declared with great positiveness that prayers are never addressed and pahos never given to the spirits of ancestors. In the winter solstice ceremony a paho is made for each deceased member of the family, but such offerings are simply for the use of the recently dead in the spirit world. Neither in the investigation of the present ceremony, nor in any later discussions, was any trace of ancestor worship discovered, unless the Kachina cult is such. VOL. XII — 5 {view image of page 114} 114 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the Aalmtii joke at the expense of the Maz6-wimi women, but in the following days the other two fraternities took their turn. The procession returned to the mesa, and near the hatchway of M6n-kiva they stopped, and the Wuiwufiimtui sang four songs for good crops, while the others stood silent. The Qaqantu were still in Mon-kiva. At the conclusion of the songs the Wdwufiimtui and the Aahltu went to their respective kivas, while the Tatokyamui withdrew a short distance to permit the Qaqantui to come up and go to their own kiva, after which the Tatokyamui descended the ladder into Mon-kiva. From each kiva certain members now went to their homes for watermelons, while the chief of each fraternity brought from his home a tray basket of tosi (meal made of parched sweetcorn), which the members ate uncooked, a bit of meal alternating with a handful of melon. Finally they mixed meal with the juice that remained in the empty rinds, and ate the paste, in this act thinking of themselves as children receiving nourishment from a mother. Ydnya in the Initiation Ceremony, Eighth Day After the new fire has been kindled and distributed among the other kivas, the initiates, except those of Qan-wimi, are brought to Mon-kiva by their ceremonial fathers, who of course are always members of the same fraternities which their respective charges are to join. The novitiates are from twelve to fifteen years of age. They remain in Mon-kiva during the rest of the evening's rites and are then led back to their respective kivas, only the T6-wimi novitiates remaining in Mon-kiva. When the ceremony includes the initiation of new members into the fraternities, there enters into the rites the image of Tala-tumsi ("dawn clanswoman"). This is a rude wooden figurine, about two feet high and ten inches thick, with only the head delineated. On the evening of YCinya a member of Al-wimi, personating the mythic character Alosaka,l goes down to the shrine of Tala-tumsi, which is behind a large bowlder near the eastern foot of the mesa, just below Walpi; and when he judges that all the members have assembled in Mon-kiva, he takes up the image, brings it to Monkiva, and sets it on the roof at the edge of the hatchway. At this moment the drilling for new fire begins, and there the image remains until after the three fraternities have returned from their pilgrimage to the three shrines, as previously described; at which time it is removed to the roof of Qan-kiva. See pageI6 6. {view image of page 115} THE HOPI 115 After Orion has appeared above the horizon, the Tatokyamui begin to sing in Mon-kiva, and when the constellation is about one hour high they go in a body to Qan-kiva, and standing in the street they sing from thirty to thirty-five songs for rain and good crops. The songs are short, but in the aggregate they occupy a considerable part of the night. It is from this act that the fraternity derives its name, which means "those that sing." As soon as the singing begins, the Alosaka who brought the image of Tala-tumsi from the shrine dons his costume, emerges from Al-kiva, carries the image to Qankiva, and deposits it at the hatchway. He remains with the singers, standing behind them as a guard. Then the Qaqantui chief climbs the ladder and gives a lighted cornhusk cigarette of native tobacco to the Tatokyamui chief, who puffs it four times and then tucks it inside the small, ceremonial robe in which the figurine of the goddess is wrapped. Soon he receives from the Qaqantui chief tobacco in a large clay pipe, the bowl and the stem being of one piece and the hole about two inches in diameter and four inches deep. This is passed from one to another of the Tatokyamui as they sing, and if it is not smoked out by the time their singing is finished, they must take it to their kiva and finish it. It is then returned on the next day to Qan-kiva. While most of the songs on this occasion are hymns for rain and crops, one of them refers to the Qaqantui initiates, who, contrary to the custom of the other societies, in which the initiates take part in the dances, must sit constantly during the next three days and most of the remaining nights with their knees drawn close up under the chin. When this song begins, the Qaqantui initiates come up the ladder to urinate at a shrine on the eastern edge of the mesa near the south end of Sichomovi, where also their legs are rubbed by the Qaqantui in order to relieve the stiffness caused by constantly sitting in one position. The Qan-wimi, it should be remembered, were a later addition to the personnel of this ceremony. It is probable that this carrying of the image of Tala-tumsi to Qan-kiva and the singing of the Tatokyamui around the same kiva were originally acts of welcome to the new priesthood. It is significant that these things are done only when new members are being admitted. Sis-tala in the Initiation Ceremony, Ninth Day Each morning of the three days following Ydnya, an Alosaka, stripped to the loin-cloth, leads the naked novitiates, except those of Qan-wimi, to Tawa-pa spring, moving very deliberately in spite {view image of page 116} II6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of the bitterly cold north wind that may be blowing. Another Alosaka guard brings up the rear. At the spring the two grasp the arms of each novitiate in turn and plunge him four times into the water, completely submerging him. Those who are first plunged in must stand and watch the others, and frequently icicles form on the dripping hair. On the return the leading Alosaka subjects them to many pranks, compelling them to stand and toss pebbles at a mark, or leap from one rock to another, like mountain-sheep, which the Alosaka represents. Each Alosaka carries a gourd, which at the spring is filled with water; and halfway back to the village they pour the contents over the shivering boys and despatch two of them back to the spring for a fresh supply. In their absence all must stand still and wait. At the edge of the village the two gourds are emptied over the boys before they are permitted to go into the kiva. If the ground happens to be covered with snow the visit to the spring is omitted, and the two Alosaka guards assemble the boys with the cheering information, "We will now have a bath in that nice warm snow." All descend to the valley and roll naked in the snow. After the return to the village and their respective kivas, the novitiates of Wfiwfitim-wimi, Al-wimi, and T6-wimi accompany the Tatokyamu about the village, singing and dancing. Bathing in the spring or in the snow is repeated on the four following days. Morning and evening the ceremonial father brings his child cooked food containing neither salt nor meat, and at noon an ear of parched corn. At night the novices of Al-wimi and Wdwufiim-wimi are taken to Mon-kiva, whence, with those of To-wimi, they accompany the Tatokyamu, who now repeat their songs at Qan-kiva, with an Alosaka standing guard behind the singers. During the singing the ceremonial father holds his arms about his child, like a protecting parent. With the exceptions here named, the novitiates spend the day in their kivas, where they sit with knees drawn up to the chin. L6s-tala, or Nafs-kom6k-totokya, in the Initiation Ceremony, Tenth Day This day does not differ from its predecessor. Pais-tala, or Nafs-totokya, in the Initiation Ceremony, Eleventh Day On the morning of the eleventh day in the initiation ceremony the initiates of Wfiwfitim-wimi, To-wimi, and Al-wimi form in single file, and, led by one Alosaka and followed by another, and accom {view image of page 117} THE HOPI 117 panied by some of the older members, they go dancing through the village and down the Pofti 1 trail. Once in the valley, the Alosaka men draw a line in the sand, stand the novitiates on it, and instruct them that when they shall see the Alosaka men at a certain place (usually across the arroyo), they shall run to overtake them. So begins a race that ends at Sds-tavan-tuqi ("first western mountain "), the westernmost of the Hopi buttes, about twenty-five miles distant.2 There they gather soapweed to be used in the head-washing on the following day, and with it return running to the village, through which each straggling group dances its way to the kiva. In former times the Apache, knowing this custom, sometimes lay in wait and killed the runners, who of course were unarmed; and the practice of carrying weapons, then begun, is still in force long after the necessity ceased. On the morning of this day all the trails, except one on the east for the use of live stock, are closed by lines of meal across them. The P6ofi trail however is open to the initiates, but after their return at about nine o'clock in the evening it too is closed. The trails are not opened until the following morning. In former times, it is said, any one crossing a closed trail would have been put to death.3 The Qan-wimi novitiates spend this day, like the two preceding ones, in their kiva. The three fraternities pass the night of this eleventh day in Monkiva. Soon after their assembling, a member of Al-wimi goes to Qan-kiva and draws a line of meal about the hatchway, thus closing this kiva and confining the Qaqantii therein. Then begins in M6nkiva a period of singing, which continues until about two in the morning, when the head-washing occurs. The novitiates of the three fraternities seat themselves in a circle, and each ceremonial father, taking his place behind his son with a bowl of water in which yucca-root has been mixed, washes the boy's head and bestows upon him a name, saying, "This will be your name through a long life." Then each member of the three fraternities passes around the whole circle, rubbing the lathered hair of each novitiate and asking, "What is your name?" The boy replies, and the older member says, "Well, if your name is thus and so, may you bring it through a long life." 1 Po0fti, a hard, wooden point used on reed arrows. The trail is so called because such points used to be found in a hole in the rocks along this path, shot there doubtless by hunters as an invocation before setting out on a hunt. This is the trail known to travellers as the Walpi trail, or, from a large rock at the convergence of two branches, the Split trail. 2 This long course has not been taken for many years, though there are two middle-aged men at East mesa who used to cover it. 3 See page 6 for the quarrel between Tovar's Spanish soldiers and the men of Awatobi, when one of the former attempted to cross such a barrier. {view image of page 118} I i8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Then fresh suds are made and the older members wash one another's heads. The Wfwuitimtii and the Aafiltu, including the new members, return to their kivas, the proper individual of the latter society having first obliterated the line of meal about the hatchway of Qankiva. The Qaqantui, who have remained inactive in their kiva, are then free to come out to urinate, and one of their number ceremonially closes the other three kivas with lines of meal.1 Now begins the head-washing of the Qan-wimi novitiates, and when, at its conclusion, the lines about the hatchways of the other kivas are obliterated, the three fraternities go in a body to Qan-kiva and sing. It is now about dawn, and the three fraternities go to the eastern edge of the mesa, where in a certain place the novitiates deposit their body-scrapers. The Qaqantu novices however will deposit their scrapers at a rock below the mesa later in the morning, when the image of Tala-tfmsi is carried back to her shrine. The novitiates are now full-fledged members. From now until the end of the next initiation ceremony four years later, each new member will be dressed for the dances by his ceremonial father, and in Al-wimi, instead of the white curving deerskin horns worn by other members, the novice will wear horns made of long-necked gourds and painted with a pigment made by crushing a soft variety of turquois and mixing it with piion-gum and water. After the next initiation he will make a pair of white horns. Nalos-tala, or Naasna, of the Initiation Ceremony, Twelfth Day At sunrise the Tatokyamui and Aahltiu assemble at Qan-kiva, nine of the latter personating Alosaka. The Alosaka who brought up the image of Tala-tumsi now takes it up and starts off through the plaza toward the Poffi trail, followed successively by the T6 -wimi chief, the Al-wimi chief, the Tatokyamiu, and the Aahltui. In a separate body come the Qan-wimi chief, the Qaqantui novitiates, and the elder members. As the procession passes the kiva of the Wdwufitimtiu, that fraternity joins it, their chief falling in behind the Al-wimi chief and the members behind the Aahltui. At the large rock in the trail the Qaqantui, leaving the others, move southward along a side trail, and passing down some steps to the terrace they 1 Here again is seen the line of demarcation between the three fraternities from Awatobi and the Qan-wimi of southern origin. It may be assumed that when the latter were admitted to participation in the ceremony, the original three societies, by means of this ceremonial sealing of the kiva of the newcomers, kept them from approaching their Mon-kiva during the headwashing, and the Qiqanti then retaliated in kind. {view image of page 119} THE HOPI II9 come to a certain rock, where each novitiate deposits the wooden body-scraper which he has used in lieu of fingernails during his days of confinement. Pahos and meal are left with these objects. Meanwhile the other three fraternities have gone to the shrine of Talatumsi, and the Alosaka who bears the image takes it inside the rock wall that has been built up around the shrine. The Wdwufiimtui now move up in front of the others and close around the wall, where they sing eight songs addressed to this deity for rain and good crops. In the meantime the break in the wall has been repaired, so that the figurine and niche are completely concealed, and finally each man sprinkles meal on the shrine as he silently passes. The procession forms in the original order and returns to the mesa, the,Qaqantui falling in behind in a separate body as before. During the day novitiates of Wfiwufim-wimi, To-wimi, and Al-wimi dance with the elder members; but the Qan-wimi novitiates remain in the kiva until the end of the ceremony, though they are no longer required to maintain their former cramped position. Sdskahimui, Fifth Day (November I8)1 The day was marked by the appearance of the Wuwufiimtii in a public dance shortly after sunrise. They formed at the kiva in two lines facing each other, the individuals being shoulder to shoulder. Their chief, at the end of one line, held the fraternity nachi, which is a bunch of sparrow-hawk feathers on the end of a short stick; his left was clasped in the right hand of the man next to him, and both of these hands were folded over an ear of corn with the fingers interlocked. All the Wiwufiimtii had their hands clasped in this manner over ears of corn, and each man had another ear, his "mother," which is carefully kept as a sacred object. Their faces were smeared with white, and the tips of the separated fingers had been drawn downward zigzag, scraping off some of the white paint and leaving a line for each finger on each side of the face. A yellow band encircled each calf and each thigh, and there were similar bands on the arms and the chest. Loin-cloth and moccasins were the only garments, but a fox-skin hung behind from the girdle. Each line was preceded by an Alosaka and followed by one or more. These personators of Alosaka are the most recent initiates of the Aahltui, and they are distinguished by the slenderness of the fabricated horns they wear as a head-dress, and by the turquois-blue pigment with which the horns are covered. Between the two lines of Wdwufiimtui 1 Thirteenth day of the initiation ceremony. {view image of page 120} I20 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN walked their drummer, with a large drum consisting of an irregular hollow section of cottonwood log covered at both ends with deerskin. It was about thirty inches deep and eighteen to twenty-four in diameter.1 The Aalosaktui (plural of Alosaka) and the Wdiwuftimtii proceeded from the kiva northward along the east street, moving sidewise with rhythmical dance steps, and singing. Before certain houses belonging to women of the Maz6-wimi society they paused, dancing back and forth, still sidewise, and chanting taunts and making suggestive jokes in song at the expense of these women. Some of those thus taunted came running out, usually with laughter but sometimes with pretended anger, and dashed cold water or vessels of urine over the naked men. Some of the men could be seen to shrink and shiver in the cold morning air, others were quite indifferent. This custom is said to have arisen from the deliberate pouring of water over the heads of young initiates, who were thus made to typify young plants. If a woman should happen to throw water on an Alosaka, she would have to indemnify him. After passing through Walpi the dancers walked across the intervening space and then danced through Sichomovi, after which they returned to their kiva. Sdskahimui in the Initiation Ceremony, Thirteenth Day In the sixteen-day performance the novitiates of T'-wimi, Alwimi, and Wfwuifim-wimi assemble on Sdskahimui day in Monkiva. At intervals throughout the day the Wdwuftimtui dance publicly in the manner previously described, being led and followed by Alosaka guards; and the novitiates, except those of Qan-wimi, emerge from Mon-kiva and dance at the same time, usually performing as clowns. On Sdskahimui night and on the following two nights, the Qaqantii and the Aahltui, old and new members, except perhaps one or two old men who remain in the kiva to keep up the fire, run about the mesa to different shrines and leave offerings. On these occasions they carry cow-bells. Kom6k-totokya, Sixth Day (November I9) 2 Soon after sunrise the Wdwuftimtui appeared and danced through the villages as before. About nine o'clock in the evening (and this occurs also in the sixteen-day rites) the tiawaya ("word bearer") of There is only one drum in Walpi, all the others having been disposed of to collectors. Since this was written this last drum was sold, with some secrecy, in I9I9. 2 Fourteenth day of the initiation ceremony. {view image of page 121} THE HOPI 12I the Al-wimi chief, a herald appointed by him for life, visited the other kivas in the following order: Mon-kiva, Wiqalvi, and Qan-kiva. At each he went through the same form. Entering, he was invited by all to sit down, and after smoking in silence the pipe they gave him, he was addressed by the chief: "Taai ['go ahead']. For what are you walking?" He answered: "Owe ['yes']. Tomorrow is the day we will work [make pahos] for our fathers in all directions. If anybody has ill feelings, let him put them away and work happily. That is why I am going around, in order to notify you of this. Paiyani ['so be it']." The chief of the fraternity replied that this would be done, and all chorused assent, "Anchaai!" When the "word bearer" departed, they returned to their planning for the next day. In Mon-kiva the Tat6kyamui were making up their songs and the jibes they would hurl at the women. Having completed his rounds, the "word bearer" returned to Al-kiva, where, after he had smoked, they asked, "How is it?" He reported what he had said to the fraternities, and what their chiefs had answered, and his fellows chorused, "Anchaai!" The Wiiwfifimtu remained up all night, smoking and talking, because on the next day they were to dance; but in the other kivas the men retired when Orion was near the zenith. Komok-totokya in the Initiation Ceremony, Fourteenth Day The Wufwuftimtu appear once in the morning and once in the evening, and they are accompanied by the novitiates of their own fraternity and of T6-wimi, who perform as clowns, and by Alosaka guards. The Al-wimi noviates however do not appear. On this day the members of the three Awatobi fraternities are led by an Alosaka into the valley at the south end of the mesa, another Alosaka following the procession; and near the spring Anipol-va ("short-hair spring") each fraternity builds a little cell of stones, in which the members place their "mothers," the ears of corn carried in the dances. This done, an Alosaka draws a line of meal, sets up his m6n-kuh, or m6n-kohu ("chief stick"),1 a short distance away, and, arranging the novitiates along the line, he bids them throw their rabbit-sticks at it; for if any one strikes it, he will surely kill a rabbit. This is all in fun, and merely a method of badgering the novitiates. As this is called Kom6k-totokya ("wood-gathering Tot6kya"), the purpose of the expedition into the valley is to obtain fuel for the kivas; but at a certain place, as they proceed, the Alosaka bids a 1 A flat stick about eighteen inches long, whitened with gypsum, used as a badge of office. VOL. XII-i6 {view image of page 122} I22 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN novitiate call out the invitation, or challenge, to hunt rabbits. The hunt being thus ostensibly unpremeditated, no pahos have been prepared, and there is none of the usual ceremony before the circle is formed and the drive begun. There is much rivalry among the fraternities. After the hunt they return to the starting point, and early in the afternoon they roast some of the rabbits, and feast, after which each one gathers a fagot of wood, ropes it, and places it on his back. The two Alosaka guards, however, after the novitiates have loaded themselves, distribute their own burdens among them, and then fold up their blankets, rope them like bundles of wood, and carry them on their backs like heavy loads. Arriving on the mesa the novitiates begin to quarrel and fight among themselves for possession of the game, and the women of Maz6-wimi stand by and jeer at the novices of Wiwfitfim-wimi and T6-wimi. This ends in their giving all the rabbits to the Al-wimi novitiates, who carry them to Al-kiva. At night the messenger of the Al-wini chief visits the other kivas, as previously described. Totokya, Seventh Day (November 20) About noon an altar was prepared in each of the four kivas by the respective chiefs of the fraternities. The altar in Al-kiva was begun by spreading a layer of sand on the floor over a space about four by three feet. On it were placed in a row four small, equidistant mounds of sand, and cloud symbols were drawn on the sand by means of meal. The ears of corn, the "mothers" of the members, were placed in three piles between the mounds, and the two tiponi were severally set upright in the two middle mounds.2 In the sand mound at each end of the row was thrust a saqa-vaho 1 Fifteenth day in the initiation ceremony. 2 A tiponi is made by placing a heavy wrapping of cotton string about the quill ends of a bunch of long, white, downy feathers of an eagle. (But the Snake Chief's tiponi has black wing-feathers.) Among the quills and within the cotton wrapping are feathers plucked from many species of birds, and seeds of all kinds of plants that furnish food. Every fraternity chief has his tiponi, and practically all are alike. They are addressed as "grandmother," and represent the same idea as the Zuni ettonn?. Each tiponi remains secreted in a certain house of the clan to which the fraternity chief belongs, and never is taken to the house in which he lives. Nor is it ever touched except at the prescribed ceremonial times. Two tiponi appear in the Al-wimi altar, because in this fraternity there are two chiefs, Al-monwi ("horn chief") and Saqi-al-monwi ("blue horn chief"); and the membership consists of two groups, Saq-aiahltti ("blue horns") and K6fi-Siahltd ("white horns"), each of which has its half of the kiva. New members wear head-dresses, the horns of which are coated with turquois-blue paint; but this fact apparently has nothing to do with the dividing line, for when the next class of initiates is received their predecessors separate and are divided among the Blue Horns and the White Horns. {view image of facing page 122} Spectators at the snake dance [photogravure plate] {view image of page 123} THE HOPI 123 ("blue paho"), a paho with a double shaft painted blue to represent the prayer for green crops.' One was for Tala-tumsi, the other for Qiniinyak-monwi ("north chief"). In the mounds were now set many small sticks to which were attached the naqaqusi made by the members. Similar altars were prepared in the other three kivas, but as the other fraternities have only one chief each, their altars had but three mounds and one tiponi. On the To-wimi altar was a saqa-vaho for Tala-timsi and one for Tavan-monwi ("west chief"). The Wiwfifim-wimi had one for Tala-tumsi and one for Tatkyak-monwi ("south chief"), the Qan-wimi one for Tala-tumsi, one for Hopakmonwi (" east chief"), and a third for Atkyak-monwi ("nadir chief"). No saqa-vaho is made for Ove-monwi ("zenith chief"), because, it is said, all the naqaqusi are intended for all the divine spirits, including this one, as well as for those to whom they are specifically offered. At this time, and so in all ceremonies, pahos are made for Tuviphaiyanui ("whirlwind"), whose shrine is at the south end of the terrace of Old Walpi, and for Masou, whose shrine is on the slope of the mesa northwest of the Gap. The pahos for these deities are not necessarily placed at the shrines, but may be deposited anywhere in the vicinity of them. All these prayer-feathers were to be placed in the shrines and in the valleys the following morning. At noon a new mixture of medicine-water was prepared in Qan-kiva. At intervals throughout Totokya day the Wdwufiimtui passed through Walpi and Sichomovi in the dance previously described; and after their last appearance, at about four o'clock, the Tatokyamui appeared in the open space about Mon-kiva. Their bodies and faces were yellow, and red stripes extended from eyes to ears and from the corners of the mouth across the cheeks; while the hair, interwoven with cornhusks, was tied in a bunch which projected out over the forehead. Some had a phallus painted on the back, chest, legs, and arms; and all, or nearly all, carried, impaled on the ends of short sticks, large pieces of watermelon rind so cut as to suggest the vulva. Accompanied by a drummer and followed by an Alosaka guard, they danced and sang near Mon-kiva and then proceeded, singing, to the plaza, where they stopped in front of various houses, principally, but not exclusively, those occupied by women of Mazo-wimi, and sang and danced. Continuing this performance, they moved along the east street and around through 1 Blue and the green of vegetation are not differentiated. {view image of page 124} I24 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the west street. The songs were obscene, consisting of slurs on the chastity of the women addressed and of challenges to come down from the housetops to the men. Suggestive movements accompanied the songs. Some of the women ignored the singers, others threw cold water or urine upon them, laughing the while, and still others became genuinely angry and heaped abuse upon them while throwing water. One woman hurled a pot at them and followed it with a stone, but it appeared that she did not really try to make her missiles effective. After each public dance of the Wufwuifimtui there went through the village two men each of Qan-wimi, Al-wimi, and T(-wimi, carrying basket trays and begging for meal. These were some of the members most recently initiated. In pairs they stopped at each house and waited silently at the door or at the foot of the ladder until some woman of the household came out and dropped a handful of meal into each basket. After completing the rounds, the beggars returned to their kivas. All the meal was later sent to Al-kiva. After the last appearance of the Wuiwuftimtui, women came flocking to the four kivas with great piles of piki in baskets wrapped in cloths, and vessels containing stews and pikami. Every household in the three villages sent at least one female representative, and the quantities of food they brought were enormous. A bit from each dish and basket was laid aside near the fireplace, and on this heap the chief placed four naqaqusi,1 some meal, and tobacco. Then from each kiva a man who was empowered to personate Masoui took these offerings to the deity and cast them over the western cliffs. About ten o'clock on Totokya night the Wuwuifimtui came into Mon-kiva, and after dancing and singing for a short time, they left, one by one. About midnight this was repeated. When Orion was at the zenith, the Tatokyamu began their songs, and two personators of Alosaka descended and took their stations at opposite sides of the ladder. Each had a large gourd full of water, so that if any singer became too sleepy an Alosaka might wake him by pouring water on his head. The songs continued until dawn. After the Wfwufifimtu returned to their kiva from the midnight dance in Mon-kiva, the Aahiltu came to them in a body and informed them that, having worked hard during the day, they might now go to sleep. All the other fraternities, however, passed the night in singing. In Al-kiva aid Qan-kiva the singing began when Orion In Qan-kiva each member makes a naqiqasi for this purpose. {view image of facing page 124} A snake priest [photogravure plate] {view image of page 125} THE HOPI I25 was at the zenith. Each of these kivas had a watchman stationed on the roof to warn off the curious, but the others had their sentinels below within the chamber. Totokya in the Initiation Ceremony, Fifteenth Day The rites of the initiation ceremony on Totokya day do not greatly differ from those of the corresponding day in the shorter form of the ceremony. Before sunrise the Qaqantu send to Al-kiva the pahos they made on the previous day, and soon six personators of Alosaka emerge from Al-kiva with these pahos and with those made by their own fraternity, and carrying large baskets of the meal collected on the previous day by the beggars. The six go to Qan-kiva and throw meal down into it, a symbolic gift of food from the gods in return for the pahos of the Qaqanti, and proceed to Wiqalvi and to Monkiva, at each place receiving pahos. As they go from place to place, each one scatters a broad trail of meal. Two carry pahos to the shrine of Tala-tufmsi, two to the shrine of Tawa ("sun") at Tawa-pa ("sun spring"), and two to the shrine of the Nalonanui-monwitu ("four chiefs") near the painted rocks in the vicinity of the Gap. Tihuini, Eighth Day (November 21) 1 At sunrise, in each of the four kivas each member placed in a large piece of watermelon rind ashes from the sacred fire, which had been constantly burning in the kiva since it was kindled on Ydnya night. As this fire is sacred, it must not be profaned by common use, as for lighting cigarettes. Matches are now used for such purposes, but formerly smokers went outside for fire. In each kiva the fire-keeper took up the naqaquasi which throughout the ceremony had been beside the sacred fire, and laid it on the ashes.in his melon rind. Then, with the ashes and half-burned embers, the fraternities left their kivas, the Qacqantui going to the end of the mesa overlooking the ruin Kisakobi (Old Walpi), while the other three societies proceeded along the trail toward Sichomovi to a point at the edge of the cliff. At these places each man sprinkled a little sacred meal on the ashes as an offering to the spirit of fire, and then, after vomiting on the ashes, tossed the rind over the cliff and addressed to the rising sun a prayer for long life. In each kiva after the return from the cliff a man of the Badger clan sprinkled on a buzzard-feather some ashes from an ordinary Sixteenth day of the initiation ceremony. {view image of page 126} I26 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN outside fire, and in a low tone sang four songs while waving the feather over his companions, who sat about him. At the end of each song he cast the ashes from the feather. This performance, like the vomiting at the cliff, is intended to rid the members of the influence of the spirit of fire: having breathed the hot air of the kiva, where the sacred fire burns, they think it well thus to purify themselves. A Badger man is selected for this duty, as well as for asperging with medicine-water, because the badger is believed to have special knowledge of medicinal roots and herbs, derived from his habit of digging. The night of Tihiuni and the three following nights were spent by the chiefs of the fraternities in their respective kivas, in order that they might maintain the prayerful state of mind in which the pahos had been prepared and offered, and thus make sure of obtaining an answer to their petitions. This continuation of their vigil is not, as some have supposed, for the purpose of making the number of days in the kiva the same as in the longer form of the ceremony, because even in the sixteen-day rites the same practice is observed. It used to be the rule that shortly after the close of the ceremony each fraternity should engage in a ceremonial rabbit hunt (kivamakiwa), but this was not done in I9II. The rabbits obtained in such hunts were brought into the kivas and eaten with the piki remaining from the Totokya feast. Wdwfiwtimuf is a most solemn and a most important ceremony, inaugurating a new year. Nothing must be left undone to propitiate the supernatural powers, which can send an early summer and bountiful crops, or a late summer and meagre harvests; and during the rites every mind is supposed to think solely and strenuously of the desired end. The purpose of the ceremony is of course to bring warm weather with plentiful showers and abundant crops. As the new fire with its consequent warmth is created by natural means, that is, by two pieces of wood, or by a piece of wood and a slab of stone, one of which is regarded as the mother and the other as the father and the resultant fire as their offspring, so they hope and pray that warm weather will be granted by the beings who are supplicated. Masoui, say the old men of Walpi, is the principal deity worshipped in this or in any other Hopi ceremony; but the statement is scarcely in harmony with what we know of the ritual, in which Tala-tumsi ("dawn clanswoman") certainly plays the most promi {view image of facing page 126} Walpi snake chief [photogravure plate] {view image of page 127} THE HOPI 127 nent part. A logical explanation is that the Tala-tumsi cultus probably came from Awatobi with the ceremony itself, while Masoui, as we know, is a local deity, for whom as such the Walpi people have inherited such a feeling that without conscious error they assign him the first rank. A quotation from Prescott will show an interesting and suggestive parallel in Aztec life. "I shall conclude the account of Mexican science with that of a remarkable festival, celebrated by the natives at the termination of the great cycle of fifty-two years. We have seen... their tradition of the destruction of the world at four successive epochs. They looked forward confidently to another such catastrophe, to take place, like the preceding, at the close of a cycle, when the sun was to be effaced from the heavens, the human race from the earth, and when the darkness of chaos was to settle on the habitable globe. The cycle would end in the latter part of December, and as the dreary season of the winter solstice approached, and the diminished light of day gave melancholy presage of its speedy extinction, their apprehensions increased; and on the arrival of the five 'unlucky' days which closed the year they abandoned themselves to despair. They broke in pieces the little images of their household gods, in whom they no longer trusted. The holy fires were suffered to go out in the temples, and none were lighted in their own dwellings. Their furniture and domestic utensils were destroyed; their garments torn in pieces; and everything was thrown into disorder, for the coming of the evil genii who were to descend on the desolate earth. On the evening of the last day, a procession of priests, assuming the dress and ornaments of their gods, moved from the capital towards a lofty mountain, about two leagues distant. They carried with them a noble victim, the flower of their captives, and an apparatus for kindling the new fire, the success of which was an augury of the renewal of the cycle. On reaching the summit of the mountain, the procession paused till midnight; when, as the constellation of the Pleiades approached the zenith, the new fire was kindled by the friction of the sticks placed on the wounded breast of the victim. The flame was soon communicated to a funeral pile, on which the body of the slaughtered captive was thrown. As the light streamed up towards heaven, shouts of joy and triumph burst forth from the countless multitudes who covered the hills, the terraces of the temples, and the house-tops, with eyes anxiously bent on the mount of sacrifice. Couriers, with torches lighted at the blazing beacon, rapidly bore them over every part of the country; and the cheering element was seen brightening on altar and hearth-stone, for the circuit of many a league, long before the sun, rising on his accustomed track, gave assurance that a new cycle had commenced its march, and that the laws of nature were not to be reversed for the Aztecs. The following {view image of page 128} 128 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN thirteen days were given up to festivity. The houses were cleansed and whitened. The broken vessels were replaced by new ones. The people, dressed in their gayest apparel, and crowned with garlands and chaplets of flowers, thronged in joyous procession to offer up their oblations and thanksgivings in the temples. Dances and games were instituted, emblematical of the regeneration of the world. It was the carnival of the Aztecs; or rather the national jubilee, the great secular festival, like that of the Romans, or ancient Etruscans, which few alive had witnessed before, or could expect to see again." The period of rejoicing over the beginning of a new era is represented in Hopi ritual by the winter solstice ceremony. Soyalanu, the Winter Solstice Ceremony In those seasons immediately following a celebration of the sixteenday form of the new fire ceremony, when new members are initiated into the four fraternities, Soyalanu is announced as a sixteen-day rite; that is, the announcement takes place on the sixteenth day before the final day of the ceremony. The rites in the longer and the shorter form are exactly alike, the only difference being that in the longer form there are twelve idle days intervening between the announcement and Yutnya, and four in the shorter. On the evening of December 12, 91 I, the Soyal-ftoo6funa (" Soyal smoke") was held as usual in the house of Vensi, a woman of the Cloud clan. This is the principal house of the Cloud clan. Those present were Supla, of the Cloud clan, the Soyal-monwi ("Soyal chief"); Chu've, another Cloud man; Tunoa, of the Horn clan, the Houses Chief; Sihtaima, of the Cloud clan, the Sun Priest; and K6yawaima, of the Rattlesnake clan, the acting Crier Chief. Beginning with Suipla each man, after the usual smoke, made a brief speech, the burden of which was that in eight days they would make pahos, and all should go toward that time with good thoughts and with happiness. On the following morning shortly after sunrise K6yawaima made his announcement from the housetop in the usual formula.2 Sfis-tala, First Day (December 14) Los-tala, Second Day (December 15) Pais-tala, Third Day (December I6) Nalos-tala, Fourth Day (December 17) 1 Prescott, Conquest of Mexico, after Sahagun, Torquemada, Gama, Clavigero. 2 See page IIo. {view image of facing page 128} Sikaletstiwa, Shipaulovi snake chief [photogravure plate] {view image of page 129} THE HOPI I29 On these four days nothing of a ceremonial nature was done. Even the Sun Priest did nothing special, having already concluded his observations of the sun when he settled on the proper time for the announcement. Ydnya, Fifth Day (December I8) After the morning meal some of the men went into retirement in their respective kivas. Of the others, all except those whom necessity called away from the village, as, for instance, the shepherds, took their meals in the kivas, bringing cooked food from their homes. This and the next day are supposed to be spent in the kivas, in order that the men may be purified for the making of pahos on the seventh day. Nothing of a ceremonial nature occurred. Continence being compulsory, the night was spent in the kivas in story-telling and smoking. A part of the process of self-purification is to remain awake as late as possible. Komok-totokya, Sixth Day (December I9) Four young men of the Cloud clan, or sons of Cloud clansmen, were selected by the Sun Priest and sent out in the four cardinal directions. From north and south was brought wood for the use of all the kivas in making pahos; from the east were brought earth and sand for use in Mon- kiva. The fourth man, who went westward, merely made offerings in that direction, as did the others also in their quarters. They returned late in the afternoon. In the kivas the day and the night passed like the preceding. Totokya, Seventh Day (December 20) On the seventh day all the men, as well as the boys who had been initiated into the Kachina order and hence were members of a kiva organization, were present in the kivas to make pahos and naqdqusi. In the present instance there were few boys, because of the compulsory attendance of children at school, and a number of men were absent on herding duty. Each person made a saqa-vaho ("blue paho") for the Sun and a number of others to be distributed on the following day among his friends and relatives; a paho with a cross at the top for his sheep; and many naqdqusi, one to be tied to the mane or tail of each of his burros and others to be distributed in the afternoon among his friends and relatives. The naqaqzisi made in this ceremony have two or three pine-needles attached as a symbol of strength, the pine being the strongest tree known to the VOL. XII-17 {view image of page 130} 130 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Hopi; for the purpose of the ceremony is to promote the general good and strength of the people as a whole. It is a time of much good feeling. The men sitting about in the kivas smoked, told stories, joked, and laughed. There was no solemnity apparent. Late in the afternoon they went out, the members of each kiva being in a separate group which slowly and with quiet good nature made its way through the streets, stopping at the various houses and giving, each man of them, a naq'qisi to each member of the household who came out to greet them. Quiet words of thanks and felicitation were exchanged. There was a noticeable spirit of happiness and benevolence. While the naqadqsi were being distributed among friends and tied to the tails and manes of burros and horses, and even to wagons, stoves, and ladders, two men from Mon-kiva with large burdenbaskets on their backs went from house to house, walking rapidly and calling, "Your corn!" From each household in Walpi and in Sichomovi a woman came out with four ears of corn tied together in such a manner that either by the color of the strings or by the manner of wrapping them she could distinguish the bundle from all others. With these the men returned to Mon-kiva, where they deposited them on a bed made of the earth and sand brought from the east by the Cloud man on the preceding day. There the corn remained all night and the next day. The saqa-vaho ("blue paho") made for their friends and relatives were not given away at this time, for the reason that these had to remain in the kiva all night. Each man made a bundle of his saqavaho, and these bundles in each kiva were tied to a stick about three feet long, which a man carried to Mon-kiva. The members of Mon-kiva sat up all night singing, and toward morning each of the other kivas sent a messenger, who gathered up his bundles of saqavaho and brought them back to his fellows. During the night the members of Tsivatop-kiva, joined by a few from Al-kiva, went to Mon-kiva, then to Wiqilvi and to Nasavi, and at each kiva performed an Ana Kaffina dance. They wore ordinary clothing, and no masks. Thliini, or Pikamnovi, Eighth Day (December 2I) While it was yet early the other kivas sent messengers to Monkiva for their bundles of saqa-vaho, and when these were brought, each man, reclaiming his particular bundle of prayer-sticks, went about the village distributing them to the persons for whom he had {view image of facing page 130} The prayer [photogravure plate] {view image of page 131} THE HOPI I3I made them. Each deposited at some spring or in some niche in the rocks the saqa-vaho he had made for the Sun, and the same disposition was ultimately made of those received by his friends. There was no feasting nor dancing, as the name of the day implies there should be, and the time was spent in sleep either at home or in the kivas. In the afternoon three men personating Soyal Kaftina and two personating Soyal Kaftina Girls dressed themselves in Mon-kiva and came out, led by Sdpla, the Soyal Chief. Each personator of a male Kachina carried four ears of corn under one arm,. and each personator of a female Kachina had a tray basket on which was a circle of ears of corn standing on end and held together by a string wrapped around them. In the midst of the circle of corn was a heap of cotton, representing snow. Standing outside Monkiva, they danced and sang for a few minutes, then moved a short distance and danced again. Thus they danced four times near Mon-kiva, and were then led to the ki-son-vi,1 where they danced four times, after which they were led back through the plaza to Monkiva, dancing at each place as before. Finally they went down into the kiva and danced four times. The ears of corn collected on the preceding day were brought out and laid on the roof of the kiva, and the women reclaimed their own. This ended the ceremony. The dance of the Soyal Kaftina refers to the incident related in the legends of the Cloud clan, when crops of corn were brought to maturity in a single day. Ceremony of the Warrior Fraternity The cultus of the war gods, which is in the hands of the Warrior fraternity, M6ft-wimi, was added to the Hopi ceremonial calendar by the Reed people, who were among the earliest arrivals at East mesa, and the head of the Reed clan is always the Warrior Chief, Kale-tak-monwi ("brave man chief"). The members of the society are known as Momfiitui or Kakale-taktu ("brave men"), and are either Reed men, the sons of Reed men, or individuals who have taken scalps in battle. The ceremony is called Momftit-yese (" M6mftitui sit"). According to the Reed legends the twin boys Pokan-hoya and Palonao-hoya, with their grandmother Spider Woman, accompanied the people in their ascent from the underworld, and after getting them safely started on their slow migration toward their future home, they gave the people stone images of themselves and then disappeared. 1 "House enclosed place" - the plaza. {view image of page 132} I32 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The images of the war gods, and a small stone called Spider Woman, are now kept in a sealed niche in the wall of an unused room in a Reed house. As the war gods not only are very powerful against sorcery, but also control cold weather, they are worshipped in the winter, four days after the winter solstice ceremony, in order that there may be abundant snow to store moisture in the ground. The two figurines, and Spider Woman as well, are then removed from the niche and set up on the altar of the Warrior fraternity. The Warrior Chief personates the elder war god. On the evening of December 22, I9II,1 four members of the fraternity met where the images of the war gods are kept in a room beneath the living rooms of Lenho, a young woman of the Reed clan. As her quarters are in the second story, the ceremonial room is really on the ground level, though it is apparently an underground cell, being reached only through a hatchway, like a kiva. Those present were Yoywunui, of the Reed clan, the Warrior Chief; Sami, of the Firewood; Wisti, of the Rabbit division of the Tobacco clan; and Wnfituf, brother of the Chief. During the smoking it was formally decided that "the M6mftitii will sit four days from tomorrow; let everybody go toward it gladly." This is the usual formula in ceremonial smokes. After the Chief had spoken thus, another man followed in the same strain, and so on, each speech being greeted with a chorus of "Anchaa'!" As this is a minor ceremony the days are not named as in more important ones, and no public announcement is made. In the morning of December 25, a young man, son of a Reed clansman, was sent to obtain wood for pahos. It is significant that the material used by the Warriors is syringa, the same as for war arrows, and that the pahos consist of a single stick pointed at both ends. Just after daylight on December 26 the Warrior Chief went to the ceremonial room and removed from their hiding place the images of the war gods, which are rough cylinders of stone twelve or fourteen inches high and five inches thick. Only the face is delineated. Spider Woman is represented by a small stone. In this room are kept hanging all the paraphernalia of the Warrior Chief, most important of which is the toziki, an ancient badge of office consisting of two thin strands of twisted deer rawhide, which at a certain point swell into a thicker rope wrapped with deerskin. Pendent from the 1 The smoke was to have been held on the previous evening, that is, the last day of the winter solstice ceremony, but it was decided to wait for Maho, who was visiting Zuiii. Miho failed to return on the following day, and the smoke was no longer postponed. {view image of facing page 132} Snake priest entering the kiva [photogravure plate] {view image of page 133} THE HOPI I33 strands are a rawhide war-cap, an imitation of the Apache article, if not an original, with suchava (Olivella shells) sewed on it here and there; and two small pieces of cotton netting, which represent the war-caps of the two gods. This badge of office was formerly worn by the Warrior Chief like a baldric, the pendent objects and the two enlarged portions of the ropes hanging at his left side under the arm, and the ropes passing over the right shoulder. Other ceremonial objects are the large and the small tala-wipiki (" light zigzag") lattice-work devices, capable of extension and retraction by pressure on the free ends; the fraternity tiponi; a cougar-skin quiver with bow and arrows; and two small baskets (hoapu), one filled with small, hard pebbles and bits of lava, the other with small shells. On the walls of the chamber are charcoal drawings of several animals, all fierce beasts of prey: a bear on the west wall, a mountainlion on one north wall and a wolf on the other, and a wildcat on the east. Above the wolf is a circle for the sun, the presence of which is accounted for by the statement that years ago the sun's rays struck this spot, while at present direct light cannot possibly enter the room. The north wall is not a straight line, but is broken by a narrow offset, in which is the secret niche. The Warrior Chief, after opening the niche, made a potavi, and in the northwest corner in front of the niche he proceeded to arrange the altar in this manner: In a row from left to right were Spider Woman, Pokan-hoya, the fraternity tiponi, and Palonao-hoya. In front of the elder god was the large lightning-stick, and in front of the younger the small one. Between the two lightning-sticks the p6otavi was stretched on the floor, the feathered end toward the centre of the room and the other almost touching the tiponi. About the middle of the morning the members of the fraternity began to straggle into the room, and each proceeded to make five naqaqusi, one for each war god, one for Spider Woman, one for Whirlwind, and one for Masoui. As soon as finished the first three were placed before the respective images, and the other two on the tray basket of the Warrior Chief, who later was to deposit them at the proper shrines. Then each man made about four pahos, which were finished late in the afternoon, the work proceeding in a very leisurely manner and with much smoking intervening. The pahos, painted with a mixture of water and ground lava, so that they were brown instead of blue-green, like most pahos, were placed in three tray baskets. As soon as his pahos were made, each member was {view image of page 134} 134 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN at liberty to leave the room. In a short time women from the three villages began to flock toward the house with bundles of piki and bowls of stew, and those members who had left the room now returned for the fraternity feast. It is not compulsory to bring food to the Warrior fraternity, nevertheless the great majority of households send food. Many women from Hano were seen in the throng. The men carefully noted the names of the women and kept a close account of their number, and after the conclusion of the meal they counted their pahos. If in such cases the latter are not equal in number to the women who have brought food, enough must be made to supply the deficiency. In the present instance eight more had to be made. In the evening the members sat smoking and telling stories. A young man educated at school entertained the audience with tales from the bible and instruction in the methods of the United States Government. The biblical stories held the men deeply interested because of similarities noted in the customs of the Hopi and those of the ancient Hebrews. When Orion was a little past the zenith, the singing began. Only two men, the chief and his brother, knew the songs thoroughly, but the others were able to assist. The songs, fourteen in number, are supplications to the war gods for snow and rain. The words are said to be in the language of some eastern pueblo, in explanation of which it is alleged that the foreign language is used for secrecy. This is less probable than that the ceremony and songs owe their origin to some other tribe.1 At the conclusion of the singing the Warrior Chief distributed very hard bits of roots, which the men chewed and deposited in a medicine-bowl. The ingredients of this "man medicine" are called hon-napi ("bear medicine"), toho-na ("cougar medicine"), momo-na ("bumblebee medicine"), hoya-na ("bee medicine"), wuko6-chuatantahdata ("big rattlesnake his medicine"), pivan-na ("weasel medicine"), and hekpa ("hemlock"). It will be seen that the animals for which these medicines are named are fierce, or have powerful weapons, or are extremely stealthy in their habits. All are roots, except the hemlock, of which the leaves are employed, and all grow in timbered mountains. The one yielding "bear medicine" is known quite commonly among the Hopi, but the others, with the exception of hemlock, are known to few. Yet the secret is not possessed 1 Fewkes has called attention to the probable connection between the warrior fraternity and a similar Zufii society, and deduces that the Reed people came from the Zuii villages, bringing the war god cult with them. {view image of facing page 134} Guarding the snake kiva [photogravure plate] {view image of page 135} THE HOPI 135 exclusively by the Warrior Chief, but is shared by a number of prominent men, including medicine-men. Shortly before he was interviewed in I9II-1912 the Warrior Chief had made a journey to San Carlos and gathered a large supply of all these roots with the exception of the one that yields "bumblebee medicine," which he always obtains from the Zufii. This plant he himself does not know. During the story-telling the men had removed the bark from many willow shoots and then torn the woody fibre into thin strips, which they doubled up and tied in small, neat packets like the arrangement of a Hopi man's hair in the back. These were now dropped into the medicine-bowl that they might absorb the "man medicine." Four songs were sung in a foreign language.' Orion was about to set. Daylight was approaching. Some old men were sleepy, and the small boys had actually fallen asleep during the story-telling. The others now amused themselves by teasing the sleepy boys and the nodding old men, and in this way the time was passed until daylight broke, when each selected his pahos and an equal number of willow-fibre packets and went up the ladder. The houses of all those who had brought food had been apportioned among the members, beginning with those at the south end of the mesa. A packet and a paho were handed in at the door of each house, and the inmates, who were up and waiting, received them with thanks, placing the medicine-soaked packet in the household water-jar and the paho among the roof-beams. Ceremony of the Snake and Antelope Fraternities The Snake 2 dance, best known of Hopi ceremonies and one of the most spectacular of all primitive performances, is a biennial, sixteen-day rite conducted by the Snake and Antelope fraternities as a dramatized prayer for rain. It occurs in the odd-numbered years at Walpi and Mishongnovi, and in the even-numbered years at Shipaulovi, Shongopavi, and Oraibi, and also at Hotavila, a recent offshoot of Oraibi.3 As the preliminary smoke is held on the fourth day of the Pa-muya moon, the ceremony is a variable one, falling, roughly, within the month of August,4 and generally culminating about the twentieth. It was not possible to record any of these. 2 The ceremony is so widely known as the "Snake" dance that it is so designated throughout this volume, although the Hopi name specifically means rattlesnake. 3 There was no performance in I9I8 at Oraibi, which is well-nigh deserted. 4 In I906 the celebration at Shongopavi was a day later than at Shipaulovi, and in 1919 Mishongnovi preceded Walpi by three days. {view image of page 136} 136 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The Antelope Chief (Tsop-monwi), who must be of the Rattlesnake clan, personates Isanavaiya, chief of the Rattlesnake people who lived, according to the clan legend, under the mountain that was covered with rattlesnakes. As such he is the real head of the ceremony, and the Snake priests are his servants, just as the rattlesnakes on the mountain were the guards and servants of Isanavaiya. This relationship is indicated by these facts: that for each performance the Antelope Chief selects a Rattlesnake clansman, or the son of one, to be his Warrior; that the Antelopes meet in M6on-kiva, the principal kiva; that each morning before the Snake priests hunt snakes, their chief goes to the Antelope kiva for pahos which the Antelope priests have made, and the Antelope Chief says to him: "Now you will go and gather snakes for me. If it should rain, you may drink." (While hunting snakes they are not permitted to drink standing water, unless it fell on that very day.) But the Snake Chief is called Warrior Chief of the ceremony, and his men are Warriors for the time being. Preparations for the Snake dance begin in the winter, not long after the ceremony of the Warrior society, when the leaders of the Snakes and Antelopes make pahos, which are then planted in the four directions as offerings to the chiefs of these world-regions. The extremely dramatic performance of the last day, in which the priests dance publicly with rattlesnakes in their hands, about their necks, and even between their lips, has generally been accepted as a remarkable and inexplicable exhibition, the triumph of primitive philosophy, or craft, or courage, or what-not, over one of Nature's most venomous reptiles. But the most remarkable aspect is that so little scepticism seems to have been aroused. The Snake priests do handle rattlesnakes. But the rattlesnakes have first been rendered absolutely harmless by the removal of their fangs before a hand is laid on them. For the truth of this statement we have only one man's word; but as that man is a Snake priest of many years' standing, there need be no hesitation in accepting it. The roots of broken fangs in a snake drop off in the course of a few days, so that a majority of the rattlesnakes are probably quite fangless at the time of the dance. However, the rattlesnake possesses a considerable number of rudimentary fangs, one pair of which pushes forward to supply the deficiency, and not long after their release the snakes used in the dance are as well armed as ever. {view image of facing page 136} Singing to the snakes - Shipaulovi [photogravure plate] {view image of page 137} THE HOPI I37 Initiation into the Snake and Antelope Fraternities Boys of the Rattlesnake clan, and sons of Rattlesnake clansmen, as well as those who, having been bitten by a snake or afflicted with a disease believed to have been caused by one, have been cured by a Snake priest, are obliged to join either the Snakes or the Antelopes.' Female members of the clan and daughters of male members, as well as those who have been cured of snake-bite or a swelling of the body by a Snake priest, become associate members of the fraternity. The only part played by these women is in preparing water for the snake medicine and watching the boiling medicine during the day; in sprinkling meal on the snakes while the priests dance with them; and in being present for a short time in the Snake kiva after the making of the "man medicine." Nevertheless they are regarded as members, being called Chu-wimkya, just like a male priest. The initiation takes place in early boyhood, and the child is given his choice of entering the Snake fraternity at once, or of joining the Antelopes for a time. Later, as a young man, he will become a Snake priest, provided he is brave enough, and as a very old man he will return to the ranks of the Antelopes. Those who are cured by Snake priests of either snake-bites or diseases supposedly caused by snakes join either the Antelopes or the Snakes, according as they are timorous or courageous. If they fear the snakes, they frankly declare it, and say that while they are willing to do their best, they will have to "go in the humbler way." They remain in the Antelope fraternity to the end, unless they later become courageous enough to join the Snakes. When a boy is ready to join one or the other order, his father goes to the kiva of that fraternity on the seventh day of the ceremony, and informs the chief of his son's intention. The matter is then discussed among the members, and one volunteers to be the boy's ceremonial father. On the following day (Ydnya) he brings the boy to the kiva, where the novitiate remains with the other members and learns what he can from their actions and their conversation. When the snake-hunt begins, if it is the Snake fraternity he is joining t The Rattlesnake clan does not exist at Shongopavi and Shipaulovi, and there the rule is that a boy must join any fraternities to which belongs the ceremonial father who introduced him into the Kachina order. This rule probably applies also at Mishongnovi and Oraibi, although both have Rattlesnake clans. It is generally affirmed at Walpi that the performance there is the norm, because "the Walpi Rattlesnake clan is directly descended from the original Rattlesnakes of Tokonabi "; and that the rather widely variant forms of the other villages, being derived from the Walpi ceremony, are more or less corrupt. VOL. xII -8 {view image of page 138} I38 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN he is taken along and the first snake discovered must be picked up by him. Boys sometimes weep with fear, but they are nevertheless forced to endure the ordeal, although sometimes one of the men must first take up the snake in order to reassure the novitiate and show him how it is done. There is no formal instruction of novices in the songs, traditions, and secrets of the order. These must be learned by observation. The inner secrets of the Snake order are possessed only by the Snake Chief, who, years before he begins to age, gradually imparts them to one, usually a relative, whom he thinks capable of filling his position. There are only seven Snake songs, and they are sung to the snakes, "for their amusement," as well as in washing the reptiles. In the public dance in the plaza the numerous Antelope songs are used. The Smoke In the evening the Antelope Chief, the Snake Chief, the Crier Chief, and a few of the elder members of the two fraternities, meet in a house of the Snake clan near the so-called Snake rock for the ceremonial smoke, and in the usual manner they agree that on the following day shall be made the announcement of the Snake dance, which shall occur "on the sixteenth day from the day after tomorrow."' The evening for the Smoke is set by the Antelope Chief, who, having observed the moon, determines what will be the fifth day of Pa-muya, the July-August moon. The Announcement At sunrise the Crier Chief makes the usual announcement in the manner previously described.2 Absolutely nothing of a ceremonial nature is done in the next seven days. The priests do not yet begin to abstain from food and to practise continence. Yfdnya Assembly, Eighth Day (a) In the Snake Kiva The Snake Chief goes into the kiva called Wiqalvi, usually accompanied by two or three old men. Nothing ceremonial is done, and soon he goes to help the Antelope Chief make prayer-sticks. Formerly all the members entered the kiva on this day and remained there during the rest of the ceremony, except as their ceremonial 1 Counting the "day after tomorrow" as the first day, in the usual manner of Indian reckoning. 2 See page no. {view image of facing page 138} Antelopes starting for the plaza - Shipaulovi [photogravure plate] {view image of page 139} THE HOPI I39 duties called them out. The night is even now passed in the kiva, and at mealtime the members go home for food, which they bring to the kiva. They are careful not to enter the houses, because the odor of woman is believed to be very repulsive to the snakes, which would be much offended if their priests should go near women at this time. (b) In the Antelope Kiva In the morning the Antelope Chief enters Mon-kiva, accompanied by his Honovaiya (" strong servant"), the "Warrior" mentioned previously, and by a few of the elder members. He makes four saqa-vaho and sings over them, and these offerings the Strong Servant takes out and plants in the four cardinal directions, according to the Hopi orientation. Then the chief sets up his tiponi, with that of the Snake Chief beside it. The Snake tiponi remains in this position until Totokya day. Sis-tala, Ninth Day Nothing occurs in the Snake kiva. The Snake Chief and some of his old men are present, usually a few more than on the preceding day. The Antelope Chief, assisted by the Snake Chief, again makes four pahos, which the Strong Servant takes out as before. With the help of the priests who happen to be present the Antelope Chief makes pahos which the snake men will use when they hunt snakes. L6s-tala, Tenth Day This is the first day of the snake-hunt, and all Snake priests enter the kiva immediately after breakfast,' and make naqqaqsi. They strip to the loin-cloth, and smear their bodies and the naqaqaisi with red paint, which is the "pollen of the snakes." At the same time the chief offers a prayer that the snakes may not harm them. Each man is provided with a wooden dibble, a throwing-stick, and sometimes a hoe, all of which are used in digging snakes out of their holes, and catching them; and two eagle-feathers, a cloth bag, and a packet of food. Their practical nakedness is a kind of prayer that rain may fall and incidentally cool their sunburned bodies while watering the fields. The chief reminds his men that they may drink only from living springs and from newly fallen rain. Then with the pahos made by the Antelopes and their own naqaquisi the Snake Nowadays it sometimes happens that a few fail to join in the snake-hunt, on account of fear. {view image of page 140} I40 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN priests climb the ladder and go single-file down the trail to the north. They plant pahos in Teveskya spring, and a little farther on, at the place where on the last day they will deposit some of the snakes, they leave their naqdqtusi, with a prayer to the snakes that they be well disposed. Taai, ita-naa, Pa-lolokanu um-ita muioqiatuwuni. Pa-lolokanu, well our father water bullsnake you us have-pity water bullsnake itamti u-sinomu. (5viya natko taikamui 9p salai-totini. Taa', we your people for-them plenty thereof (?) here enough will-be well itt-naa, chdchu-piho6knani nok ka-haikam himdwa naikiatani. Pai 6llmani. our father rattlesnakes so no where anyone angry-will- that good-will-be pacify be Yokuvant. Amndfvi m 6nvas-totini. Yintanl. rain-will on their benefit will-be so-be-it account "Now, our Father, Water Bullsnake, have pity on us. Water Bullsnake, we are your people. For them let there be here abundance. Now, our Father, pacify the rattlesnakes, so that none will be angry. That will be well. It will rain. On their account good will come. So be it." Then they scatter to the hunt. The people understand, without special announcement, that on this day no one may go into the valley northward from the village. If the Snake men encounter any one during the hunt, they call out, "Do not run!" They go up to him, and holding a snake out toward him they make a downward motion four times with the snake, and then say, "It is done! Go!" 1 When the first snake is found they all surround it, and each throws meal on it, begging: "Do not be angry! Be quiet; do not harm us! May the Sun, our father, help us." Then the one who discovered it tames the reptile by brushing over it with his two eagle-feathers (wuvdipi, whip) until it straightens out and tries to escape, when he seizes it quickly by the neck. If a novice is present, the reptile is then put down, and he is told to catch it. Some boys are afraid, and cry, and some cannot be made to catch the snake, in which case the novitiate is told to hold his bag down on the ground; and the others drive the snake into it. He is not yet, however, a full-fledged member. A little later, when familiarity with the sight of others 1 At Middle mesa the Snake men surround the intruder, and the chief asks, "Who will be his father?" If anyone is willing to be his ceremonial father, which implies that the volunteer will have to provide the new member with a ceremonial kilt, a sash of deerskin fringe, moccasins, feathers, and rattles, the unexpected novitiate is taken along to the hunt. If, however, no one is willing to be his ceremonial father, they have to let the man go. {view image of facing page 140} Snakes and antelopes at Oraibi [photogravure plate] {view image of page 141} THE HOPI 14I catching snakes has made him more courageous, he catches one and completes his initiation. Little boys occasionally are more reckless than older men who are being initiated; for a man thinks more of the possible consequences than a boy, who is inclined to do just what he is told to do, trusting fully in the wisdom of his elders. A rattlesnake is moved about with a stick until an opportunity is offered to catch its head under the stick and press it down on the sand. The pressure causes its mouth to gape, and the blade of a wooden hoe, or of any flat stick, is slipped in between the jaws. Then with the thumbnail the fangs are broken off short, the nail pressing against the fang near the base while the point of the fang rests on the blade or stick.1 Then its body is handled and rubbed At the conclusion of a discussion of the ceremony with a certain Snake priest, the writer, having some years previously observed a rattlesnake with distended jaws trying in vain to effect a hold on a dancer's cheek, abruptly asked the informant how the rattlesnake's fangs are treated before the reptile is handled. When the interpreter had at length been persuaded to put a question so palpably foolish, the old man showed considerable surprise, a speculative surprise as he studied his interviewer's face, endeavoring to determine how much was actually known. When the question was repeated in a matter-of-fact way, as if there was nothing at all mysterious about the subject, his reluctance gave way. After revealing the procedure, however, he was noticeably perturbed, and brought the interview abruptly to a close. The interpreter was more backward. After a few hesitating pauses he gave the information, which was news to him, and at the conclusion he blushed with chagrin that this great bit of Hopi magic had been exposed as a clever trick. Eight years later, in I919, the same informant was asked, without the embarrassing presence of an interpreter, whether for a small sum (five dollars was suggested) he would catch a rattlesnake and break its fangs, permitting photographs of the process to be made. He replied that for six dollars he would willingly do it, provided he might so turn his face or bend his head that his features would not be recognizable. He would- do this, he said, because for eight years his secret had been so well kept that he had great faith in his confidant. He then went on to describe again, in a mixture of Hopi, English, Spanish, and gestures, the manner of removing the fangs, and added the information that when he was initiated as a boy there were two other boys and a youth, none of whom knew the secret; for only after long-tried loyalty and taciturnity were the members informed that the rattlesnakes' fangs were removed. In the course of the hunt this youth, inadvertently left alone for a time, came upon a rattlesnake and proceeded to catch it as if it had been a bullsnake. It bit his wrist, and he was hurriedly taken to the kiva. There he sat for two days and a night, motionless, with bowed head, his arm tremendously swollen and the flesh decaying with a terrible stench. He did not die, but the misfortune threatened for a time to give the death-blow to the Snake dance at Walpi. It should be stated that the only purpose in proposing to photograph the operation was to open the subject for discussion, to observe how the retired Snake priest would react to such a suggestion, and perhaps to acquire some new bit of information. The risk of accident in handling the snake by one long unaccustomed to it, and the practical certainty that the publication of such a photograph would result in serious trouble, perhaps in murder, were the considerations that prevented the consummation of the bargain. For the latter reason also the informant's name is withheld. Subsequently to all this, unexpected confirmation was secured, or rather it came unsought at Zufii. The Chikyaliqe, or Water Rattlesnake people, formerly kept rattlesnakes captive in a new jar in the fraternity house during their rites, and some of the men danced with reptiles tied about their necks and at the back of their waists. The snakes were caught by the neck while the head was pressed down on the ground with a stick, and then, while the reptile was firmly held in the hand, a small stick was employed in breaking off its fangs. Even now rattle {view image of page 142} THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN I42 while the head is still pressed down, and after a while the reptile becomes passive and is easily picked up and dropped into the bag. To catch the first snake quickly is a good omen. At noon the Snake men assemble at Puhd-va ("new spring"), on the north side of the valley lying west of Walpi, to partake of a light meal, and after a brief rest, during which the snakes are shaken out on the sand to cool themselves, while the novitiates keep them together with their "whips," they scatter and return to the village, still searching for snakes. In a certain place at the foot of the mesa they assemble, and thence come single-file into the village and down into the kiva, each one bringing a quantity of sand in a bit of cloth. Usually they hunt in pairs or trios to help one another. A prayer-stick is deposited at each spring and shrine visited by the snake-hunters. In the kiva they spread the sand in a strip about three feet wide, extending laterally across the lower part of the floor between the fireplace and the rear wall, and on this the reptiles are placed and permitted to crawl about. A watchman is stationed at each side of the strip, and when any snake crawls off the sand the watchman whips it back. By and by the snakes cease to attempt to leave the sand. At bedtime they are gathered up one by one and put into earthen jars, which are provided with small ventilating holes, and early in the morning they are again placed on the sand; but before the priests go out to hunt they replace the reptiles in the jars and carefully smooth the sand, so that if any snake escapes from its jar it will leave a trail. There are separate receptacles for the different species. Only the Snake Chief remains in the kiva at night with the snakes, the others sleeping on the roof, or on the ground in the immediate vicinity. The snakes sometimes force the stoppers out of their jars, and crawl about the kiva, and when the Snake Chief hears the sound of a crawling reptile he builds a little fire and summons his men to help catch it. On this tenth day the Antelope Chief makes his four pahos and the Strong Servant deposits them as usual. snakes are said to be caught in this fashion when found by any fraternity man in his field, and released outside the field without mutilation of the fangs. The informant, a member of the Big Ember society, affirms that he has repeatedly done this. Like the Hopi, the Zunii never kill snakes. {view image of facing page 142} Snake dancer and "hugger" [photogravure plate] {view image of page 143} THE HOPI I43 Pais-tala, Eleventh Day As on the preceding day the Snake priests hunt snakes, but this time to the west, depositing their offerings at the shrine Chd-ki ("rattlesnake house") at the foot of the mesa on the trail leading to Middle mesa. The hunt proceeds as usual, but after a short time they assemble at the ruin of the village which the migrating Snake clan built in the valley between the two mesas. After smoking, they scatter and return to the village about noon, and eat their meal in the kiva. Then, while the snakes lie on the sand, they sing, in an unknown foreign language, seven songs "for the amusement of the snakes, because they are the children of the Snake clan," two men wielding rattles of antelope-skin containing grains of corn. Of frequent occurrence are the words "Sipapuni Tsamahiya awahiya yomahiya sinahaya." Tsamahiya is the song form of Tsamaheya, the name of the scout whom, according to the Rattlesnake legend, the people at Tokonabi sent over the country to find people with whom they could unite; and Sipapuini is for Sipapuni, the place of the mythological emergence of the Snake people from the lower world. The language is Keres. A Zufii informant avers that he has heard the same song in the Ant fraternity at Santo Domingo; and a man at Laguna, another Keres pueblo, says that he has heard old men employing all these words in supplication as if they were the names of deities. While singing, the priests sit about the sand strip, marking the rhythm with their feather "whips" and keeping the reptiles constantly moving. By the time the singing is finished the reptiles have become lethargic, and the priests sit and smoke. At bedtime the snakes are replaced in jars. In the Antelope kiva the chief makes the four pahos as usual, and the Strong Servant places them in the appropriate places. Nalos-tala, Twelfth Day The Snake priests, gathering snakes in the southern quarter, plant their offerings at the spring Tawa-pa, then proceed to Os-teika (south of Five Houses), where they drink and eat their noon meal. They turn back to the spring fs-ba, where they drink, and then go to Tala-teika ("dawn point"), a rocky promontory on the Tawa-pa trail, to rest a short time before returning to the kiva early in the afternoon. Again they sing the seven songs to the snakes, "amusing their children." {view image of page 144} 144 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN In the Antelope kiva the usual four pahos are made, and offered in the four quarters. Suskahimii, Thirteenth Day This is a kind of feast day in the snake hunting, and formerly the priests prepared a goodly amount of food at "gray dawn," and at the "yellow dawn" made their start from the village toward the east. But now the start is not made before sunrise. At Waila, the Gap, the younger men give their food to a few old men, who at once go to the spring Kanel-va, where they sit smoking and waiting for the others. Some of these proceed in their hunting along the top of the mesa; others go among the rocks at the foot of the mesa up through the ruin of Sikyatki, then up through the sand hills and down on the northwest side of the mesa to the spring. Then while the novitiates watch the snakes, the younger priests gather fuel, and soon they have their noon meal. It is about midday when they meet here, though by the Hopi reckoning it is two hours before noon. It is on this day that the most snakes are caught, because the start is earlier and the hunt more vigorous. Probably similar effort is not exerted on the three preceding days for the reason that it is not desired to have the care of too many reptiles for so long a time. Sometimes men make extra bags of cloth and rags taken from scarecrows in the cornfields, in order to hold the snakes caught on this day. An informant remembers that a certain man, after filling two bags and lacking material for a third, took several snakes into the folds of his loin-cloth. After the smoke at Kanel-va they return to the village, proceeding this time along the west side of the cliff, and about sunset they assemble at the Gap, from which place, after the chief has counted the catch, they come into the kiva in a body. On previous days a count is made in the kiva There is no singing on this day. In the Antelope kiva the usual preparation and offering of four pahos occur. Kom6k-tot6kya, Fourteenth Day (a) In the Snake Kiva In the Snake kiva the morning is passed in the preparation of costumes for the dance, painting, repairing, making anew. At noon the chief and an assistant begin to arrange the altar, the basis of which is a sand mosaic about thirty inches square. In the middle and facing the east is the mountain-lion, surrounded by four differently {view image of facing page 144} The "catcher" [photogravure plate] {view image of page 145} THE HOPI I45 colored snakes parallel to the sides. At regular intervals along each side of the mosaic are placed eight nol6kpi, which are syringa shoots about thirty inches long, curved like a shepherd's crook at the upper end, where a down feather hangs. The lower ends are embedded in hemispheres of clay prepared by novitiates. At each corner stands an arrow embedded in a ball of clay, and at the back of the mosaic the Snake Chief stands his tiponi. The altar being completed, the preparation of the "man medicine" begins. Previously on this day the Snake Chief has gone to the room in which is kept the paraphernalia of the Warrior fraternity, and brought thence the various roots used by the Warriors in making their "man medicine," as well as the shells and bits of hard stone which the Warrior Chief keeps as a symbol of the hardiness of his Warriors. The Snake Chief now distributes about the four sides of the altar, and at two corners for zenith and nadir, the six species of root, each of which has its prescribed position, according to the world-region to which it figuratively belongs. The reason for using the "man medicine" of the Warriors is that the Snake ceremony is not only a prayer for rain but an exhibition of manliness and fearlessness.1 The baldric of the Warrior Chief is then coiled up on the figure of the cougar, and the medicine-bowl of the Warriors is set on it. This "bowl" is really a pifion-gummed Apache basket. Now the singing begins, and a Snake priest of the Cloud clan pours water into the vessel from each of the six directions corresponding to the six world-regions, finally filling it. Another member takes an arrow from a corner of the altar, and holding the point of it in the bowl with both hands grasping the shaft, he stirs constantly and with much firmness while the Snake Chief, with ceremonious motions toward the six world-regions, puts in the various roots. The singing is continuous. Toward sunset the Antelope priests and the Snake women come into the kiva, the reptiles having been previously replaced in the jars, which are set on the raised portion of the floor behind a curtain, in order that the snakes may not see the women and become offended. Each person swallows a sip of the medicine, ejects a second mouthful on his hands, and rubs them over the body. Then the Snake Chief, passing behind the curtain that conceals the jars of reptiles, brings out a rattlesnake, and pausing in front of each one of the Antelopes The fact that the Rattlesnake clan, and presumably the Snake fraternity, entered the Hopi country before the Reed clan, and presumably the Warrior fraternity, indicates that at one time the Snake fraternity did not use this medicine. VOL. XII-19 {view image of page 146} I46 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN and the Snake women, who sit in a row, he holds it in both hands and moves it rapidly up and down several times, as if it were dancing. Then one of his men carries it away and releases it at one of the shrines where the snakes are to be liberated on the last day of the ceremony. This act is regarded as a form of initiation into the Snake fraternity of the Antelope novitiates and the female Snake novitiates. After its completion the Antelopes and the Snake women withdraw. The unused medicine remains in the bowl, awaiting the last day, when it will be mixed with gypsum to make the white paint with which the Snake men smear their bodies and faces. Some of this mixture of medicine-water and gypsum they also will form into small balls, which they will stick to their baldrics (toziki). (b) In the Antelope Kiva In the Antelope kiva the chief makes the four pahos, which the Strong Servant disposes as before. After darkness has fallen, the Antelopes, one of them carrying a netted gourd, descend to Tawa-pa, where they plant pahos and then sit about the spring smoking and talking, until near dawn, when with the gourd of water they return to their kiva. This is intended to bring rain. Soon after dark on this night the Crier Chief makes the announcement of the Antelope race: "Tomorrow, ye boys and ye young men who have not yet gone to bed, tomorrow we will run for the Antelopes from below Tawa-pa! So ye boys and ye young men must go down early in the morning!" Totokya, Fifteenth Day (a) In the Snake Kiva Before dawn the Snake priests go to the other kiva and remain there, singing the Antelope songs until the end of the Antelope race. Later in the morning the Snake Chief goes to recover his tiponi, which during the singing has been standing beside the tiponi of the Antelope Chief, and he sets it up in his own kiva behind a sand mosaic on the lower level of the floor. The morning is spent in making naqaqusi, and in the afternoon the Snake men join in the Antelope dance. After the Snake priests have had their evening meal, the chief says, "Now decide among you what you are going to do tomorrow." Then they arrange themselves in threes, by choice, and each trio discusses the question, who shall dance with the snakes (kya'fanma, having-in-mouth), who shall be the "hugger" (mavopumaka), and {view image of facing page 146} A "catcher" picking up a snake [photogravure plate] {view image of page 147} THE HOPI I47 who shall be the "catcher" (ponimaka). The discussion lasts far into the night, for most men are reluctant to hold the snakes in their mouths; indeed there are some priests who never have handled the reptiles in the dance. But at last some one in each group loses patience and recklessly declares that he will take the part, and when all is settled, they partake of a meal, and the chief selects four of those who are to handle the snakes and sends them to plant pahos in the four quarters. Each goes in a different direction, but each makes a complete circuit and leaves pahos in the four quarters. Three of them leave the kiva with their offerings at once, but the one who is to start eastward goes at dawn, accompanying the men who participate in the Snake race and returning to the village with them. Because of their dislike for travelling about the rocky trails in darkness, they sometimes delay the assignment of parts even beyond the time it would be expected to occupy. When the three men have gone with their pahos, the others roll themselves in their blankets and sleep; for the Snake priests do not remain up all night on Totokya as do the members of many other fraternities. From now until the end thev neither eat nor drink. On Totokya night there is a public announcement that the young men will race early in the morning for the Snake priests. (b) In the Antelope Kiva When the Antelope priests return from their vigil at Tawa-pa it is almost daylight, and in a very short time, still before dawn, the Snake men join them. One of the Snakes, a boy in full costume, carries a reptile, and with him is a Snake girl bearing an earthen bowl in which are two bunches of cornstalks. Both the boy and the girl have the chin painted black. In the Antelope kiva the boy takes his place on the south and the girl on the north side of the altar, and while the two fraternities sing the Antelope songs, the boy and the girl rhythmically move the snake and the cornstalks up and down. This continues until the first of the racers reaches the mesa, when one of the Snake priests takes the reptile down into the valley and there releases it. (c) The Antelope Race Tsovi-yutui ("antelope running") occurs on this Totokya day. A man of the Horn clan, selected by the Antelope priests (or, if there is no Horn man willing or available, a man who has married into the clan), comes to the Antelope kiva shortly before dawn. {view image of page 148} I48 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN He is called Pdsukna-taka ("bursting man"). He brings a netted gourd, and receives from the Antelope Chief a bundle of five pahos and a potavi. At Tawa-pa spring he ties a paho to a stick, which he thrusts into the mud at the edge of the water, sprinkling meal about it and praying that there may be rain that day. Then he dips up ooze and water in his gourd and runs to a point about three miles east of the mesa, where he plants the other four pahos in a northand-south row, extending the line by drawing a furrow in the sand at each end of the row. As a rule pahos are placed with the "face" toward the rising sun, but in this case they face the village, for the reason that they typify the spirit of the rain which is desired. The potavi he stretches in front of the pahos, the feather end being toward the village, and along the outstretched string he sprinkles meal, which with the potavi symbolizes a road for the rain. While doing this he prays: "Sun, our father, grant that all may go well this day. May the rain come. May the young men who are to run have good hearts. May nothing untoward happen today." Just before sunrise come the racers. Participation in this ceremonial contest is a matter of choice, and does not depend on membership in any clan, fraternity, or kiva. Formerly many young men took part in it, but now there are sometimes only two, although others waiting in an arroyo near the mesa or among the rocks at the foot of the cliff join at the finish in order to give the end of the race a semblance of reality. Bursting Man smears his ooze on the sole of each runner's left foot, so that as they run they will leave traces of mud on the ground, which symbolizes the muddy feet of one walking after a heavy rain. The racers take their stand on the lines at the end of the row of pahos, and Bursting Man stands in front of them, facing the east. Just as the sun appears, he raises his gourd successively to the north, west, south, east, and zenith, and finally, with a downward swing for the nadir, he lets it crash to the ground. The instant it breaks, the racers dash forward, leaping toward the feathered end of the potavi and running across it; for they represent the rain gods and the rain which is desired to follow the path of the pStavi toward the village. The course leads up the trail past the ruin of Kisakobi (Old Walpi) to the top of the mesa. Each runner goes to his home without ceremony. Bursting Man runs after the racers, and, arriving in the village, goes to the house of a clanswoman who is custodian of the string of deer-hoof rattles which he wears about his waist. He removes the string and hands it to the woman, who thanks him. {view image of facing page 148} Picking up the snakes [photogravure plate] {view image of page 149} THE HOPI 149 (d) The Antelope Dance About midday the Snake priests go into the valley for leafy cottonwood boughs, with which they build in kisonvi (the plaza) a circular booth called kisi ("shade"). The doorway is covered with a cloth, and the top is open to the sky. Meanwhile the Antelope priests have prepared two bundles of green shoots from all kinds of plants used for food, and these one of their number carries into the kisi. As the sun sinks, the Antelopes come out of their kiva, single-file, and march into the plaza, where with martial step they pass four times about the space, singing and shaking their antelope-skin rattles. Each time, as they pass the kisi, they drop a sprinkling of meal on a bit of board that covers a hollow in the ground, and stamp vigorously on it with the right foot. This simulation of thunder is designed to bring thunder-clouds and rain. After their four circuits, the Antelopes form in a long line, shoulder to shoulder with their backs toward the kisi. They are still singing and shaking their rattles, when the Snake priests appear and march in the same manner about the plaza, sprinkling meal on the board, stamping, and singing. The difference in the bearing of the Antelope and the Snake priests is marked, the Snakes moving with determined masterfulness as if they were the very lords of creation. Their four circuits completed, the Snake men stand in a row facing the Antelopes, and both fraternities begin to sing in low tones, shaking their rattles gently; but gradually the volume of sound increases, in simulation of the approach of distant thunder. Now another song is begun, and an Antelope priest of the Corn clan, followed by a Snake priest of the Cloud clan, goes into the kisi, from which he emerges with a bunch of green stalks and vines. He dances around the open space four times, holding it in his hands and mouth just as the Snake men handle snakes; and the Snake priest dances behind him with his left arm about the Antelope's neck, like the "hugger" in the dance with reptiles. At the conclusion of the fourth circuit the Antelope brings out the second bunch and dances with it, finally replacing it in the kisi, after which the fraternities return to their respective kivas, and women bring food to the Antelopes. After the meal the Strong Servant of the Antelope Chief carries the two bunches of green stalks from the kisi into the valley, and leaves them in the cornfields as an offering and a supplication for the maturing of all plants. The Antelopes are required to pass this night in the kiva. At dawn they will sing for the Snake race, and at sunset they will assist in the Snake dance; but, the rigor of ceremonial rules being now {view image of page 150} 150 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN considerably abated, the intervening time may be spent at work in the fields. They must not, however, approach a woman. Tihiuni, or Pikamnovi, Sixteenth Day (a) The Snake Race Chd-yfitui ("rattlesnake running") occurs on the last day of the ceremony. Before dawn a Horn clansman, permissibly the one that acted in the Antelope race, but preferably a different one, brings to the Antelope kiva a netted gourd, and receives seven pahos and a potavi, which the Snake priests have made and given to the Antelopes. He then goes along the western side of the mesa and plants a paho in Anwus-pa ("crow spring"), another in Kanel-va, a third in Wipho; and from each spring he takes ooze and water in his gourd. Then he returns to a place about half a mile south of Wipho and five miles from Walpi, where he plants the remaining four pahos and lays out the p6tavi as in the Antelope race. The procedure is now exactly the same as in the Antelope race, with this one difference: At the foot of the mesa below the Gap is the shrine where, according to the Rattlesnake legend, some old men were turned into stones. Here an old man of the Rattlesnake clan stands with a short stick, on the bent end of which a paho is tied. This represents an old hunchback. When the runners approach, he urges them on, crying, "Run! Run!" As they pass him, each touches the crooked stick, and when the last runner has gone he hurries after them. Meanwhile the Antelopes have appointed four Horn clansmen, who separately go in the four cardinal directions to place in the dry watercourses pahos and round balls of mud, such as are found after heavy rains. They gather the debris washed down by the last freshet and scatter it over the ground as they run toward the course of the racers, to join them and enter the village with them. On their way to the starting place some of the runners visit the gardens about Wipho and there gather bunches of cornstalks, bean-vines, and pepper-plants, and as they come running into the village, women pursue them with shouts and laughter, and take the green stalks from them. The little boys on this morning are naked and painted white, and they have their hands full of cornstalks, melons, and other plants and fruits. As soon as the racers come in sight, the boys run about fhe mesa, while little girls pursue them and take away their plants and fruits. Thus is expressed the desire and the prayer that crops may grow rapidly. On the four days following, the men go about with various articles {view image of facing page 150} Depositing snakes in the circle of meal [photogravure plate] {view image of page 151} THE HOPI I5I in their hands, such as melons, corn, baskets, or even objects bought in the stores, and these the women are privileged to take. Sometimes they confiscate things not intended to be taken, such as an entire load of melons being brought from the fields. This is a survival of a former custom, when young men brought from the valley garlands of squash flowers, which they would fling about their heads as they ran hither and thither with the women in pursuit. 'b) The Snake Washing Early in the morning the men who are to handle snakes in the dance go into the valley to deposit naqaqusi that were made on the previous day, returning about the time the racers arrive. At the same time the Snake Chief goes for his medicine-roots, which are not of the same species as those used for the "man medicine." Nobody but the Snake Chief and the man whom he trains for his successor knows their identity. Sitting apart from the others, and working in the concealment of a blanket drooping from his shoulders, the Snake Chief pounds up the roots; and while it is still morning he takes the pulverized substance to the principal house of the Rattlesnake clan, there to place it in vessels of boiling water, which the Snake women have provided and which they watch as the water boils during the rest of the day. Early in the afternoon occurs the washing of the reptiles. A man of the Cloud clan pours water, with ceremonious gestures toward the six world regions, into a very large earthen bowl, or sometimes into two or three bowls, thus supposedly influencing the rains, Then the Cloud clan Snake priests gather round the vessel and beat up a lather of yucca-root, while the snakes crawl on the sand. The singing of the Snake songs is begun when water is poured into the vessel, and is continued with great vigor during the act of washing. Two of the Shipaulovi snake-washing songs run as follows. The few significant words are in the Keres language and mean nothing to the Snake men. The second song is the one used during the actual washing of the reptiles. Though chanted in low tones, it is very spiritedly rendered with double tempo beginning with the second line. Haiiyv haiivy haiiye, haiyi! Haiiy6 haiiy6 haiiye, haiyi! H6ohkU hos6hk pinawi masaiwa 1 toni! Yeh~ bye ye, a u haiiye, a u haiiye, haii, haii, ye ai u haiiy! Yeh6 eye ye, a u haiiye, a u haiiye, haii, haii, y ai u hafiiyv Y'eh6 eye y6! Siyapatf siyapatf yoyo! 2 Ni u haiiye, na u haiiye, i u haiiye, haiy! 1 Masaiwa is probably for Miaswi, a Keres mythological personage. 2 Y6yo is probably for Oy6yai, one of the Keres hero-brothers. {view image of page 152} 152 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN While the lather is being made, the other priests begin to gather up the reptiles, catching them carefully by the necks and holding them just as carefully, two, three, or four in one hand and all together, not between the fingers as the catchers and the Antelopes hold them in the dance. When the lather is ready, each man passes his handful of snakes to one of the Cloud clansmen, who grasps them carefully, with both hands as close to the heads as possible, and dips them into the suds, moving them about in the water and still holding fast to their necks. Then he lays them away on the altar, where the novitiates with their feather "whips" keep them moving about over the sand until the mosaic is obliterated and the snakes are dry. Each Cloud clansman takes his turn in washing a handful of snakes. At the conclusion of the snake washing, the Cloud clansmen say, "Now may our clansmen.[the clouds] soon wash us!" The purpose of the washing is said to be threefold: first, "because the snakes are our children;" secondly, "because we think that by washing the snakes, who are very powerful, we may be repaid by them in the form of rains, which they will send to wash us in return;" thirdly, "because we wish the bodies of the snakes to be clean when we put them in our mouths." (c) The Snake Dance Now the members begin to prepare for the dance. Pink clay is smeared over moccasins, kilts, and other parts of the paraphernalia to be worn, and cornsmut mixed with some of the "man medicine" made on Komok-tot6kya day is rubbed over the body. Then pink clay mixed with "man medicine" is smeared on the forearms, the calves, and the upper right side of the head. The chin is whitened, the rest of the face blackened. By the time the painting is done, the snakes are dry, and they are put into two bags (one for rattlesnakes and one for other species), which are carried to the plaza and placed in the kisi. Very small snakes are not put into the bags with the others, any such being kept by the dancers, who sometimes carry them into the plaza in their mouths, with the head protruding. Any very large snakes that are to be reserved for certain men, at their request, are placed in separate bags. A message is sent to the Antelopes, who come out of their kiva and, as in the Antelope dance of the preceding day, dance four times around the plaza, stamping on the board and throwing meal on it. The Snake men follow in the same manner, and there occurs a period of singing, during which the two frater {view image of facing page 152} Oraibi snake dance [photogravure plate] {view image of page 153} THE HOPI I53 nities stand in lines facing each other. One of the songs runs as follows: Ayamo tavane o6m6-kivP e Sipapini-ndsave o6m8-vonya. yonder west-in cloud house-at Sipapuni center-at cloud altar Ayam-omYi y6y-holdoma. A-peo y6y-ncnaqusa, nalonanui siwati nikyanwu tu'inan.-manata. yonder up rain rise from rain goes four younger those rain-god maids there sisters Pavai-toho koma-am yoy-uif2i makyano. water cougar something- rain shut there. on-face there Pi-ta!a-vontya, ma i-tala-va, ni-paipi-namusa. Haia haia yo water light moon light? that-way will be altar water Sflili, timani, y6y-dmumu2-timani! Hiwai! L6lomi. 2 Hiwai! Lolo, lolomi! lightning thunder rain rumbling thunder Ahai aihai yahi ya! Haiiy haiiye hlahai!l\ Hapime! Hapim!3 Takmzi, Saqa-pu, i-nizu, "tamui talahoi-nani kiki-nawita. yellow blue corn my mother us waken will houses among corn (Repeat 11-11) "Yonder in the west, at the house of the clouds, at Sipapuni, center of the world, is a cloudaltar. Yonder, up there, rain is rising. Thence goes the rain, those four younger sisters, the Rain-god Maids. Water-cougar is there with something on his face, a streak of rain-clouds. Water-light altar, moon-light water, that way it will be. Lightning, thunder, rain-rumblingthunder! Hiwai! Running water! Hiwai! Running, running water! Yellow Corn, Blue Corn, my Mother, will awaken us among the houses." Soon the Snake men begin to move about without any particular order. The chief looks about in the crowd of spectators, and if he discovers a Snake priest who is not participating in the ceremony, he summons that man to enter the kisi and hand out the reptiles to the dancers. While the Antelopes sing and shake their rattles, the Snake men in trios begin an extremely thrilling dance around the plaza. As each group arrives at the kisi, the dancer receives a snake, which he holds in his two hands and from time to time places about his neck or between his lips. The "hugger" dances close behind him with his left arm about the dancer's neck, and with his eagle-feather "whip" he constantly makes stroking motions over the reptile as if to pacify it. After being carried four times around the plaza, each snake is tossed aside, and the "catcher," who, not dancing, walks 1 trfi, shut or locked. Yoy-uit1 refers to a black band of clouds presaging rain. 2 Lolomi, an onomatope much used in songs, the sound of running water. 3 Haipme, a vocable commonly used as a prelude to the second stanza. VOL. XII-20 {view image of page 154} I54 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN a few steps behind his two fellows, takes it up and grasps its neck between two fingers of the left hand. If there are so many reptiles that the catchers cannot hold them all, and usually this is the case, handfuls of the harmless species are given to the Antelopes, some of whom are noticeably distressed by this duty. All the snakes having been handled in this way, an Antelope of the Horn clan draws a circle of meal on the ground and casts meal to the six world-regions, and the Snake Chief in like manner makes a superimposed circle. Then the reptiles are cast carelessly into the circle, and the Snake men rush wildly forward to seize handfuls of them at random, and dash away down various trails into the valley, arranging the snakes in a more orderly manner as they run. Very old men, after going down over the edge of the cliff, often relinquish their snakes to younger men. Before the dance it is decided in what quarter and at which of various shrines near the mesa each priest shall deposit his snakes. In the northern quarter the place is at the foot of the mesa among the rocks near the peach orchards; in the western quarter, near the shrine Chti-ki ("rattlesnake house"); in the southern, a little below the shrine of Tala-tumsi ("dawn clanswoman"); in the eastern, on the mesa north of the Gap. Each of the four men who on the preceding night deposited pahos at the four cardinal points carries his snakes to one of those places where the prayer-sticks were left. Meanwhile, the elderly men, and the boys who take no part in this distribution of snakes, form in line and, as at first, march four times around the plaza and then to their kiva. The Antelopes do likewise. The others, returning from the valley, go to the edge of the mesa west of Mon-kiva, and there, the Snake men from the kiva having joined them, all bathe with the snake medicine, which has been boiling all day, and drink from another vessel. The medicine is an emetic and a purgative, and its purpose is to rid them of any evil influence of the snakes. After thus purifying themselves, they retire to the kiva and sprinkle snake medicine over every object that has been used in the rites. The Snake women bring food, and, taking the clothing the men have worn in the kiva, they carry it into the back street, dip it into bowls of medicine, wring it out, and bring it back. Each woman takes home from the kiva a cup of medicine, of which each member of her household takes a sip; and other women are permitted, but not required, to do likewise. The priests as usual sleep outside the kiva, and the chief remains inside. {view image of facing page 154} Oraibi snake dance [photogravure plate] {view image of page 155} THE HOPI 155 (d) In the Antelope Kiva The Antelopes no longer fast. On the preceding day, after the completion of their dance, they began to take their meals at home, though they spent the night in the kiva. Even on Tihiini day they eat at home, and only their chief spends the night in the kiva. They do not participate in the ceremonial washing and vomiting, but after this has been observed by the Snakes the Antelopes go to the Snake kiva and obtain some of the medicine, of which they drink a little. (e) Four Days of Purification On the day after the dance, the Snake Chief takes up his tiponi from the obliterated altar, and the members spew snake medicine over every article used in the ceremony. During four days and four nights the chief of each fraternity remains in his kiva as the completion of the long prayer for rain. It is expected that rain will fall within these four days; if it does not, the Hopi believe that there was some mistake in the performance of the rites. As the ceremony takes place in the midst of the rainy season, they are rarely forced to this explanation. The connection between serpents and rain is easily seen in the fact that among primitive peoples, including the Hopi and many other American Indians, the symbol of lightning is a zigzag line, the conventionalized picture of a serpent.1 From the similarity between the sinuous gliding of a snake and the broken course of a lightning flash came naturally the concept of serpents as messengers of the rain deities. There are vestiges of a Snake ceremony at many other pueblos, including Acoma, Laguna, Sia, Cochiti, and other Rio Grande villages, as well as Zuni. Mythology also gives a hint here and there of the former existence of the Snake dance at these places, and even history occasionally speaks. Thus, Espejo at Acoma in 1583 saw the Indians perform "many juggling feats, some of them very clever, with live snakes,"2 and an illustration in Sahagun's Historia indicates that the Snake cult was practised in Mexico. The Flute Ceremony The Flute ceremony as performed at East mesa is in minor part an historical play dealing with the legendary encounter between the 1 See Volume X, where the personification of lightning in the monster, double-headed serpent Sisiutl is plainly indicated. 2 Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, Bolton ed., New York, I916, page i86. {view image of page 156} I56 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN newly arrived Horn-Flute clan and the chiefs of the Bear and Snake clans, when the latter stopped the newcomers and demanded to know what they could do for the common good, if admitted to Walpi. In larger part however it is simply the rain-making rites which the new clan brought as its contribution to the ceremonial life of the community. The fraternity comprises all members, male and female, of the Horn-Flute clan, as well as children of Horn-Flute men, and those whose houses or possessions have been struck by lightning. The principal officials are four: the Crier Chief, the Rattlesnake clan chief, Yoy-asi-taka, and the Flute Chief, who is always the head of the Horn-Flute people and, as such, the Houses Chief. The duties of Yoy-asi-taka consist in purifying any place that has been struck by lightning. When this phenomenon occurs, the people retire within their houses and there remain until he has finished his work. He at once goes to the place and sings, and on the following day some of the Horn-Flute people accompany him to the spot, when again there is singing of the Flute songs. This finished, the place is regarded as purified. The office is hereditary in the Cloud clan, the incumbent selecting a younger man whom he instructs in the duties of the position. At the winter solstice ceremony the five village officers appoint the successor of a deceased Yoy-asi-taka, but they always name the one whom the Cloud clan have agreed upon and whom the deceased official has himself originally selected and instructed. The Y6y-asi-taka owns a tiponi, which, so far as can be ascertained, is used only in the Flute ceremony. The etymology of the word Yoy-asi-taka is said to be: y6yanz, rain; asi, to wash the head; taka, the one having; hence, "the one whose head is washed by rain." The four tiponi of the officials of the Flute ceremony are used in making the altar. The rites occur at the same time of the year as the Snake ceremony, but in the alternate years; that is, the smoke takes place on the fifth day after the appearance of Pa-muya, the July-August moon, in the even-numbered years at Walpi and Mishongnovi, and in the odd-numbered years at Shipaulovi, Shongopavi, and Oraibi.1 The Flute Chief is charged with the duty of observing the moon and summoning the others to the smoke. The smoke is held in the house of the Flute Chief, who, after 1 It is said that at the villages other than Walpi, the rising of the moon at a certain landmark on the horizon determines the date; and the date is not the same at Walpi as at the other pueblos. {view image of facing page 156} Awaiting the return of the snake racers [photogravure plate] {view image of page 157} THE HOPI I57 consulting formally with his three fellow officials, declares that the dance shall be announced for "the sixteenth day from the day after tomorrow." The usual announcement by the Crier Chief is made on the next morning, and then follow seven days without ceremonial activities. Ydnya, Eighth Day In the morning the Flute Chief, his Servant, and the three who were present at the smoke, assemble in the upper story of Kikyamui, the house of the family of the Houses Chief, who is also the Flute Chief. This building, on the west street at the edge of the cliff, is the one in which the front wall of the upper story is lacking. The upper story is vacant in winter, but is occupied in summer by the family of the Flute Chief. He himself of course lives with his wife's family. In this room where the officials assemble are kept the tiponi of the Flute Chief, the rattles used in the dance, and certain stone slabs on which are painted cloud designs. It is used just like a kiva. Those who enter spend the day and the night there, going out only for necessary purposes, such as obtaining food, which they bring to the house and eat there. When the chiefs have seated themselves, the Flute Chief makes four pahos, which, when they have been consecrated by four songs, his Servant carries out and deposits in the four cardinal directions. The tiponi of the Crier Chief, and those of the Rattlesnake chief, Yoy-asi-taka, and the Flute Chief, are set up in the order named. Later in the day a few men of the Flute society straggle into the room, and day by day, as the ceremony advances, more and more members assemble. During the night they practise their songs. Sis-tala, Los-tala, Pais-tala, Ninth, Tenth, Eleventh Days On each of these three days four pahos are made and consecrated in the usual manner, and deposited at shrines by the Servant. Nalos-tala, Twelfth Day Before sunrise, singing as they go, the three chiefs and all members who have thus far come to the ceremonial room carry to the housetop a gray fox-skin and the four sandstone slabs with painted cloud designs. These are about tWelve inches square, and are respectively yellow, blue, red, and white. They are deposited around a central point, about three feet apart, yellow stone at the north, blue at the west, red at the south, and white at the east, according {view image of page 158} 158 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN to the Hopi orientation. In the centre, pendent from a stick held upright by a small heap of stones about its base, is the fox-skin, which represents the gray dawn. Then all return to the room below, where the usual pahos are made and consecrated with singing. The cloud stones and the fox-skin remain on the roof in position until the end of the ceremony. Stskahimiu, Thirteenth Day Ceremonial activities are confined to the usual work with pahos. Kom6k-tot6kya, Fourteenth Day The Flute Chief prepares four very short pahos, which the Servant disposes at the outskirts of the village. During the morning all men of the Horn-Flute clan go to Wipho spring to eat the midday meal, and then proceed in a body to a place near the spring Qasta-pa, where they pass the night in singing. Tot6kya, Fifteenth Day Early in the morning they move on to Qasta-pa and plant their pahos in the water, after which they start homeward, and at Teveskya, a traditional resting place of their clan in its migration, they stop to rest and smoke. From earliest morning an Alosaka personator has been on watch in the village. He goes to the mesa north of the Gap to look for the people who are expected, but soon comes back to the Gap and stands, like the mountain-sheep he personates, on the point south of it, and then returns to the village. His next observation is made from the cliff at the edge of Sichomovi, and his fourth from the north end of Walpi. In his observation at Sichomovi he finds the people making their stop at Teveskya, and in his last he sees them starting up an obscure trail said to have been followed by the Horn-Flute people in their original ascent of the mesa. When the procession reaches the mesa it is met at the narrow trail into Walpi by the Rattlesnake Chief and the bear Chief, the former of whom draws a line of meal across the trail, signifying that the newcomers are prohibited from entering the village. The Rattlesnake Chief speaks: " Taa! What have you to help the people along?" "Nothing, " answers the Flute Chief. "We have just come. We have come from an humble life." {view image of facing page 158} Snake jars in the kiva [photogravure plate] {view image of page 159} THE HOPI 159 The other objects, "Now we are having our Flute ceremony, and this is our Totokya.' We cannot let you in." "But we want to come in. We will do nothing to cause your people trouble." "Well, if that is so, and if you are willing to be the chief of this Flute ceremony, I will admit you. You must be my Houses Chief." "AnchaaJ! I will do this," the Flute Chief promises. Then the same conversation ensues between the Bear Chief and the Flute Chief, after which the Alosaka sentry brushes aside the line of meal, and the Horn-Flute men pass on to the ceremonial room, accompanied by the Snake Chief and the Bear Chief. Songs are sung, and the chief of the newcomers, having now become the chief of this ceremony, places his tiponi in front of those of the other three officials. It is now the middle of the morning, and the Flute men eat their breakfast and then turn to making numerous pahos, which are to be deposited in every little gully and watercourse in the valley. The day is spent in this way, the night in singing to the pahos. During the night each goes to some man or boy and requests that on the following day he deposit the pahos at a certain place, and in payment for this service the Flute priest makes a paho for him. Tihiini, Sixteenth Day The men and boys who have been requested to carry out the pahos for the Flute priests come in the morning to Kikyami house, and receive the prayer-sticks, which the men deposit in arroyos far from the mesa, and the boys in the small dry watercourses near by. The Flute race occurring on this morning is conducted almost exactly as the Snake race, which has been described.2 At midday all the Flute priests dress in their ceremonial robes and march down to Tawa-pa spring. At the other villages a fluteplayer, or several, if there be more than one capable of playing the instrument, accompanies the procession, but at Walpi there is no longer any one able to play the flute. The Flute Chief leads, and behind him, in single file, are two girls in white ceremonial blankets, with a small boy between them. The others, including the Crier Chief, Rattlesnake Chief, Bear Chief, and Yoy-asi-taka, follow in a throng, and behind all comes a man playing Warrior and whirling 1 Note the discrepancy between this statement and the assertion of Horn traditionists that their clan brought the Flute ceremony with them. 2 See pages150-151. {view image of page 160} i6o THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN a bullroarer, in simulation of thunder. At the spring the pahos are planted 1 and songs are sung. Then a man is sent to a neighboring cornfield for stalks of corn and sunflowers, and soon, with wreaths of sunflowers about their heads and with cornstalks in their hands, they all start toward the mesa. Four times the Flute Chief stops to make cloud symbols of meal on the ground, and each of the two virgins and the boy throws a ball of cornhusks beyond the clouds. These represent the mud balls that are found in the arroyos after a freshet, and thus the act expresses the desire for heavy rains, which will form these mud balls. The Flute Chief arranges the three cornhusk balls in a row, pointing to the village, and with the little cornhusk handles directed upward. Then he marches on and the girls and the boy follow, each one picking up his ball by thrusting a black stick through the handle. After entering Walpi they repeat this act four times before reaching the plaza. As they march through the street, women snatch the cornstalks from their hands and the sunflowers from their heads. At the plaza the Flute Chief enters a kisi (booth), and the others crowd together before it, with the girls and the boy in front, and sing all their songs, while the chief remains inside.2 After the singing he leads the girls and the boy, and is followed by the others, to Kikyamui house, where the costumes are removed. The ordinary members of the society now go to their homes, but the four officials pass the next four nights in the ceremonial room. They are permitted to go about during the day, and to work if they wish. The fox-skin and the four stone slabs remain in position on the housetop during these four days. Ceremony of the Magicians The Yaya-wimi was a fraternity of workers in legerdemain. At the last ceremony of the society, about the year I86o, there was an unfavorable ending in one of their tricks, and the people in anger decreed that there should never be another public performance of the Yaiya magic. The fraternity continued to exist, however, and initiates were received, meetings being held at intervals of two or three years. In I907 Naka, an old man of the Kachina clan, died, and the tiponi of the Yaya-wimi was buried with him. He was not 1 At Mishongnovi the pahos are deposited by a man who walks down the stone steps that wall the spring until he is at the very bottom, where he thrusts the sticks into the mud. 2 What he does in the kisi is not known. It is believed that he sprinkles his pahos with medicine. {view image of facing page 160} Flute dancers dressing at Kuchina house [photogravure plate] {view image of page 161} THE HOPI i6I a member of the fraternity, yet, being the oldest man of the Kachina clan, he had constantly been urged by the Yaya priests to become their chief. But he had always refused, probably fearing that there might be an attempt to perform magic feats that would fail and cause the anger of the people to fall on him. Tsaza, the last member who understood how the tricks were accomplished, died about I908. The Yaya-wimi chief was of the Kachina clan, the second chief of the Reed, the third of the Badger; and the chief possessed a tiponi, the second chief a nachi, and the third had charge of the medicinebowl and the roots used in connection with it. The ceremony was a sixteen-day rite, occurring about the beginning of September at irregular intervals. Thus, at the conclusion of a performance the chief would say: "In two years [or three, or four, as the case might be] we shall meet again. In the meantime we will think only of rains and of good crops. Then after the rains and the harvests have come, we will assemble." The Yaya priests fasted four days, beginning with Assembly day (Ydnya), and the public exhibition of magic occupied the last day. In the kiva they sat in four groups, those who understood sorcery occupying three corners, and the others the fourth corner; and each group decided what feat it would exhibit to the people. In the evening of the last day, after the conclusion of their public performance, the Yaya chief addressed his men thus: "Now, my boys, you must all go out and endeavor to secure a woman. If you fail, you will have to forego sexual enjoyment the rest of your life." So departed all except the chief. Although the sixteen-day ceremony for the exhibition of tricks occurred at irregular intervals, the fraternity met annually in the moon Oso-mfiya, about the first of September, to generate fire by friction and to build four fires at the foot of the mesa as a supplication for warm weather. This rite was last observed about I905. In I9IO the surviving members met to make pahos, but there was no one to direct them in the fire-making ceremony. The following myth purports to account for the origin of the society. A long time ago little boys from the village used to go to the waterhole about a mile and a half northeast of Walpi, and there build mud houses on the banks, and sometimes roll one another down the sides of the arroyo. As they tumbled down they would shout, "Yahu!" [This is the cry uttered by the Yaya priests.] One day Spider Woman VOL. XII-21 {view image of page 162} 162 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN appeared on the bank in the form of a spider and said, "Oh, my little children, are you playing here?" "Yes, we are playing here." "I will play with you," she said, and sat down with them. A little later Mockingbird came up and addressed them, "Oh, my children, are you playing here?" "Yes," they said, "we are playing here." "Then I will give you some medicine, and you will have more spirit in your play." She gave them something, which they ate; and thereafter they played with greater abandon, scarcely knowing what they did. They rolled one another more recklessly down the banks of the arroyo, and nobody was hurt. They continued to visit that place each day, and though they ate no more of the Mockingbird's medicine, the effect remained. One day came Mouse with the greeting, "Are you playing here, my children?" "Yes, we are playing here," they answered. "Well, try my way," said Mouse, and gave them medicine, which they swallowed. Then he proposed that they cut off one of his legs and one of his arms. They did so, and then replaced the members, but interchanged them; and they found that they could remove and replace them at will. Mouse advised them to try it on one another, and they were no less successful, even cutting off heads and placing them on backwards, and then adjusting them properly. Mouse finally told them to organize a fraternity, and with Mockingbird and Spider Woman he led them into a cave which the boys had dug out in the side of the arroyo and covered with brush. There Mockingbird taught them songs, and the others imparted the secrets of healing wounds inflicted in performing their magic feats. Spider Woman healed by spreading her web over the wound, and Mouse used herbs and roots. After the boys had practised for a time, they decided to exhibit their magic in the village. The three supernatural persons accompanied them and assisted in the first performance of the fraternity Yaya-wimi. Surviving members of the fraternity give the following description of the Yaya magic, as they heard it from men who actually performed the tricks. On the south side of the now-ruined kiva next to Al-kiva was prepared a hole about thirty inches in diameter and three feet deep, and a Yaya priest, coming to the top of the ladder, held toward the sun a bunch of fibrous juniper-bark, which soon smoked and burst into flame. Then he ignited some wood in the excavation, and when stones had been laid on the fire, the members of one of the four groups appeared and ran hither and thither, casting down movable objects and pursuing one another, until at length all united in catching one {view image of facing page 162} Dressing the flute maiden [photogravure plate] {view image of page 163} THE HOPI I63 of their number. They wore only a small patch of cloth in front, supported by a string about the waist. Another man having in the meantime lifted out the hot stones, the prisoner was thrust into the hole, the stones were piled in after him, and the remaining space was filled with earth. Then the relatives of the man gave chase to the Yaya priests and beat them with clubs, but the magicians were indifferent. To those who wept and upbraided them, they only made grimaces, or stooped with the buttocks toward them and making insulting gestures. After a time they unearthed the captive, whose fingers were found shrivelled and his feather ornaments consumed. On a white cotton robe they carried him to the kiva, tossed him down precipitately, and threw one another down into the kiva. There they sang over the body for a long time, finally bringing it to life, and, washed and dressed, he was exhibited to the people. Then another group came out and played for a time. Suddenly they stopped, and gazed down into the valley at a scarecrow made of deerskin clothing and a sheepskin face. They began to call to it, and soon the scarecrow was seen to start toward the mesa, and in a short time, the magicians all the while urging it on, it ran up the trail and into the village. When it reached Al-kiva, the Yaya priests met it and tried to talk to it, but it would not answer. Then they asked the man from whose field it had come if he had ever given it water or food. He of course answered that he had never thought of doing so. Then the women brought water and piki, and the scarecrow, after eating, asked, "What do you want with me?" "Yes," the Yaya chief replied, "we want to talk to you." "Yes, I have been down there all summer, and my master has been very hard on me. He has never given me food nor drink. You people who have scarecrows in your fields must give them watery for we stay in the fields all summer in order that no harm may be done to your crops. Now I am going back." So the scarecrow went back to its place in the cornfield, and the Yaya priests threw one another down into the kiva. When the third group appeared, one went up to the highest housetop and began to call the Kachinas from Kisiu-va; and soon four Kachinas appeared at Tfikinovi, the knoll on the mesa north of the Gap. They brought to the plaza all kinds of seeds for the people to plant during the coming season, and little gourds containing water, and after receiving naqaquisi from the priests, they withdrew. {view image of page 164} I64 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Now the last group left the kiva, and near the place where the man had been roasted in the pit they made a fire, first kindling a bit of bark by the rays of the sun. They boiled a pot of water, and from a little basket tray poured meal into it. One of the priests stirred the mush. He drew out his stick, and on the end of it was what appeared to be a ball of meal. He drew it upward, and hanging from the point of the stick was seen a cotton string, which, as he walked toward the plaza, constantly lengthened out behind him. Through the plaza and back to the fire he went, and the string continued to grow longer and longer behind him. Then the empty pot was exhibited. All the mush had become a cotton string. The first performers, reappearing, went to the west street, and from a house about midway down the street they brought away a stew of hominy and rabbit meat. They wrapped the bowl in a white robe, and sang over it, shaking their rattles. From time to time they looked under the robe, and the fourth time a man put his hand under it and brought out a live rabbit, and then two more rabbits and three hares. They exhibited the empty pot, and a man carried the animals to the valley and released them. The second group also went to the west street, and returned with a skull, which they placed just outside the kiva. They asked it to talk, and the skull said, "What do you want of me?" "Yes," they answered, "we want you to sing." The skull sang, and then said: "This is my song. That is the way I sing. You people must be good. You must not be cross, nor have bad feeling toward one another. That is the way you will live long. I have been cross, and have had bad feeling, and so I am living below in the valley.", They tied some naqaqusi to the skull, and one carried it down to the valley, whence it had been brought on the preceding day. The third set of magicians then took two belts from the women, and from some visiting men two of the small bands that men wrap about their calves and tie on the outside. These they placed between two white robes, and after singing, they lifted the cover. There lay two bullsnakes and two sidewinder rattlesnakes. The men attempted to distribute them among the owners of the belts and bands, but of course the snakes were not accepted. So they replaced the reptiles between the robes, and sang, and soon the belts and bands were uncovered. But the owners refused to touch them, so they were again transformed into snakes, which were liberated in the valley. {view image of facing page 164} Flute boys, priests, and maidens [photogravure plate] {view image of page 165} THE HOPI I65 The last group, coming out for the second time, ran about in the usual way and then began to call Salt Woman from the Zuii Salt lake. In a little while a figure was seen in the distance. It came up the trail, a very old, short woman wrapped in a white robe. While she approached, the Yaya priests dug a small hole on the north side of Tsivato, and encountered water about two feet below the surface. Salt Woman had a little tray containing salt, and all kinds of seeds, -and when the priests asked her to do something to the spring so that they could obtain salt from it, she threw a handful of salt into the water. The priests thereupon removed from the hole a large quantity of salt, which they put into bags and distributed among their female relations, just as is done by salt gatherers returning from the Salt lake. By the time they had finished distributing the salt, there was no water left in the hole. They then gave pahos to Salt Woman, who went down the Dawn Point trail to Tawa-pa spring and there disappeared. Other feats said to have been performed by the magicians were these: dancing barefoot on burning embers; leaping over the brink of the cliff and returning uninjured; calling a deer from the mountains to the foot of the mesa, where they attached prayer-feathers to its legs; transforming a long line of meal, which led across the housetops, into a cotton string, the string having been secretly laid out and covered with meal paste; removing their limbs, and fastening legs to shoulders and arms to hips; sailing through the air on a circular shield, which, pushed from the edge of the cliff, landed gently in the valley; causing the face of the most westerly of the Hopi buttes to become dazzling white, by extending toward it a rabbit-skin dipped in gypsum wash, and then, by a gesture, removing the paint from the mountain; washing the hands and arms in fire that streamed upward from a pot, and pouring it back from the hands to the vessel as if it were liquid. With the exception of the last three, all these feats of the Yaya priests are readily explainable. Substitution and the use of lay figures and various pieces of apparatus were the commonest tools of deception. And if more circumstantial accounts of the feats of sailing through the air, painting the mountain, and washing in liquid fire could be secured, they would doubtless be found quite as simple as the others.' 1 Since this was written, LUtayu, an old man, says that the last of the magicians informed him the mountain was "painted" by confederates who at a prearranged smoke signal spread a large number of white blankets on its face. {view image of page 166} i66 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The Powamfi Ceremony of Purification The purpose of the Powamui ceremony becomes apparent when it is stated that the name is derived from powata, to purify ceremonially. Only a brief outline can be given here. This ceremony is the first, in point of time and elaborateness, of the performances in which Kachinas participate. The rites are presided over by the Powamuimonwi (" Powamui chief"), who always is a member of the Kachina clan. When the winter moon Powa-muya becomes visible, he proceeds the next day to make pahos in Mon-kiva, with the assistance of the other members of the Powamui fraternity,' in which Kachina clansmen predominate. At noon one of the men takes the bundle of pahos and goes out, first to the north and then around the usual circuit, depositing them in various shrines as a supplication for snow and rain; and on his return a herald notifies the women in a loud voice that the Powamui fraternity has finished its work, and food is brought to Mon-kiva. In the evening all the people assemble in their respective kivas, and later a party of Kachina personators makes the rounds of the kivas until midnight, dancing in each. Then, the women, children, and those men who are not members of the fraternity, having left the kiva, the fraternity dress one of their number as Ah6hl Kafiina (sometimes called Wd-taka, old man), who with a tray of meal passes from one side of the kiva to another, smearing on each wall a perpendicular streak. After this invocation to the Four Chiefs, he removes his costume and the members sleep. At the earliest dawn on the following day the personator of Aho6hi Kaftina, accompanied by Powamui-monwi, goes to Wala (the Gap) and there dons his costume. The two carry some of the stalks of beans and corn which have been growing in Mon-kiva.2 From Wala he starts up the trail just as the sun appears, the Chief preceding him. They go first to the two Hano kivas, and at each place a man comes up the ladder to sprinkle meal on the Kachina and give him a paho. The Kachina in turn presents from a bag at his side 1In this ceremony the Powfimi fraternity meets as such only on this first day, at other times participating merely as members of M6n-kiva. The other ceremony of this fraternity is Nimaniw'u, which occurs in August. Thus the Powaimi fraternity opens and closes the long season of Kachina dances. 2 The seeds are planted at the full of the Pa-mfva moon, which in I911 was on December 28, and the plants are protected by occasional fires of brushwood. A few such fires during the day and night keep the underground room comfortably warm. During the Pa-muya moon there is much frequenting of the kivas, especially of Mon-kiva, which for the reason just cited is warmer than the others. The cup game, sosotukpi, is played, much weaving and beadwork are done, and many men and boys sleep there. Not only the members of M6n-kiva are to be found there, but others as well, for one may go freely from one kiva to another so long as no ceremonial rites are in progress. {view image of facing page 166} Flute dancers approaching the spring [photogravure plate] {view image of page 167} THE HOPI I67 a small, wrapped bunch containing two or three bean and corn stalks, and proceeds to each house inhabited by a civil or religious official, from whom he receives a paho, and to whom he gives not a packet of plants, but one of the loose stalks held in his hand. After visiting the houses of Hano, the Powamui Chief returns to his kiva, leaving Ahohl Kaftina to finish his rounds among the kivas and the houses of Sichomovi and Walpi, which he completes not long before noon.1 In the evening of this second day, or at any time within the next four days, each adult male in the three villages brings up from the valley a quantity of sand, in which, placed in a small box in his own kiva, he plants a few beans. If a man fails to do this, it is taken as a sign that his crop in the coming season will fail to mature. During the first eight days the men are free to watch their boxes or pots of seeds in any way they please, but beginning with Yfnya day one must not lounge in the kiva nor have any appearance of idleness; for during the time of maturing crops and harvest one must be very industrious. Yet it is not necessary to remain all day in the kiva: one may come in only to look after his plants, but while inside one must appear to be busily engaged in work. In the evening, however, each male member of the kiva is expected to be present, and if any is absent, young men or boys dressed as Kachinas search him out. Then when all are assembled there is Kachina dancing in each kiva without masks and costumes, each personating whatever Kachina pleases him; and sometimes parties of dancers go from one kiva to another. This is the procedure on each night following Yunya. On Kom6k-tot6kya night all the members of one of the kivas,. dressed in Kachina costumes without masks, visit all the other kivas in the three villages and dance, and after they have finished, the members of another kiva do likewise, until each kiva has sent its members to visit those of every other. Thus most of the night is spent. This rule is now not always observed. Very early in the morning of Tot6kya, after but little sleep, the men "gather their crops," either cutting off the stalks or pulling them up by the roots. The crops are regarded as ripe on the night of Kom6k-tot6kya, previous to which time nobody may break a 1 In recent years the young people have usually held a Buffalo dance (recently acquired from Pueblos of the upper Rio Grande) or some other pastime dance on this day, but formerly such was not the custom, as Pa-muya, the Pastime moon, is on this day really past. In 1912 a young man educated at various non-reservation schools and then entering earnestly into Hopi ritual, persuaded his elders that this modern way was wrong, and therefore a Kachina dance was held. It is at this time that the cup game, sos6tikpi, must cease to be played until Pa-muya moon of the next year. {view image of page 168} 168 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN stalk; and if by accident this occurs, word is at once sent to M6nkiva, and two men personating Tinwfip Kafina ("whipping Kachina") and Tdmas Kaftina ("female Kachina") come thence with yucca-leaves and whip the offender. The crops having been gathered, the sand is carried out of the kiva, members of Tsivato and of Al-kiva burying theirs north of Tsivato in a hole dug in alternate years by members of the two kivas. The others throw their sand over the cliff. It is said that Tsivato and Al-kiva bury theirs only because they have no convenient place to dispose of it otherwise. During the days preceding Tot6kya the men are busy making tihu (dolls representing Kachinas) for their girls, various toys such as rattles and shinnyballs for their boys, and moccasins for all. After the crops have been harvested and the sand buried, each man binds his plants in small sheaves, making one for each of his young children, and to each sheaf attaches the gifts made for the particular child to whom it will be given. Then from each kiva one or two men in Kachina costumes come out, laden with these bunches of plants and presents, which they distribute among the children, returning to the kiva as many times as may be necessary to complete their work. This is a considerable task on the memory, and sometimes a capable man cannot be found in the membership of a kiva, so that they must carry their sheaves to some other kiva and ask the Kachinas there to distribute them. Usually, but not always, the gifts are distributed only to children who have not been initiated into the Kachina order. On the following morning at dawn the personator of Suyukwuhti ("ogress woman") takes his place below the mesa on the terrace near the sheepfolds east of the village, and kindles a small fire. After the distribution of gifts, the little children who have never been initiated into the Kaftinamu are told to look over the cliff at the ogress, and they are warned that if they are not good she will carry them away and roast them in her fire. As the sun rises, Suyuk-wuhti starts up the trail Tala-teika, and approaching the top begins to mumble vague phrases, how the children are to be caught and roasted. In one hand is a large knife and in the other a curved stick with which the ogress of the myths is said to have caught children by the neck. The children flee in terror. Sfiyuk-wfihti goes to each kiva, last to that of which her personator is a member. About nine o'clock all those in this kiva who have been appointed to personate Kachinas go from house to house through the village, and in the other villages to houses where Walpi men live, at each dwelling announcing that they have come for their children. If {view image of facing page 168} Dressing at Tawapa Spring, Walpi flute ceremony [photogravure plate] {view image of page 169} THE HOPI 169 the inmates have no uninitiated children, they give the Kachinas food, such as piki and sweetened meal, and the maskers pass on; but uninitiated children must themselves give the visitors sweetened meal and meat. Then the Kachinas visit each kiva, and the chief of the kiva comes up the ladder to inquire, "What do you want?" They announce that they wish children to roast, but the chief, protesting that the children are good and should not be killed, offers them a small piece of meat, which they refuse, saying, "You have eaten all around it." So the chief gradually increases the amount, until at length they accept the meat and go on. They retire into their own kiva with the food. Later in the day there is a dance in the plaza, at the conclusion of which Suyuk-wuhti declares that they are going to depart by way of the under world. So they go down into the kiva where they plant their pahos in the sipapuni and remove their masks, and all the members of the kiva feast on the food that has been collected. From sunset to about midnight the men in the kiva are engaged in preparing their costumes for the dance, in which half are to personate male Kachinas and half female, the latter wearing on their heads sinqa, which are large, artificial squash-blossoms made of cornhusks. A messenger from the directors of this part of the Powamui ceremony, that is, the kiva which is to give Nimaniw'u in the coming summer, now passes from kiva to kiva through the three villages, bidding the men prepare. Four times the word is taken, and then about midnight the members of the various kivas begin to come up the ladders and go to Ho6fi-wa (" entrance gap"), the narrow place in the trail leading into Walpi from the north, where each kiva chief stretches along the trail a p6tavi with the feathered end toward the village. The five p6tavi are placed together, and then each chief and after the chiefs each member, sprinkles meal along them, uttering a prayer that the Kachinas may come along this trail.2 Then they walk along the potavi and stop at the beginning of the east street in Walpi, where, standing in groups according to their kiva membership, they practise their songs for a time, and then each group enters another kiva than its own and there sings and dances. Thus they go from one to another, until each group finally dances in its own kiva. This continues until dawn, at which time the women begin to come out into the streets and take their bowls of p'kami out of the ovens. 1 The covered hole that represents the opening through which the first people emerged from the underworld. 2 The men of the kivas in Sichomovi and Hano perform the same rites near their own villages. VOL. XII-22 {view image of page 170} I70 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN On the stoves in the houses are pots of meat, which have been cooking during the night, and the men now come home to their breakfast. Initiation into the Katsiinamu In the winter following an initiation into the four fraternities that participate in the new fire ceremony, S iskahimi day of the Powamui ceremony is devoted to the initiation of children of both sexes into the order of the Kafinamu. Every child must undergo this ordeal, which is in effect an initiation into the tribe. The parents of each child of appropriate age, that is, about seven to eleven years, selects a ceremonial father or mother for the little novice. Occasionally a ceremonial father, and not a mother, is selected for a girl, but this is not usual. In many cases the identity of this godparent has long been settled. Thus, the parents of a very sick boy may say to a certain man: "We will give this child to you. If he recovers, he shall be your child." In any case a boy is bound to join his godfather's fraternity in the new fire ceremony; but he becomes a member of his clansmen's or other relatives' kiva, not necessarily of his godfather's. Not all women belong to a ceremonial society, but when the member of a woman's organization becomes godmother to a girl, her protegee is thus pledged to join that society when she arrives at a suitable age. While this is true at Middle mesa and Oraibi, a Walpi girl is conducted through the initiation by a paternal aunt, and she is not pledged to the aunt's ceremonial society. Toward evening of SCiskahimui these godparents lead their protegees to Mon-kiva, where are assembled all the members of this kiva as well as the other male and female relatives of the novitiates. Shortly before sunset three costumed and masked Kachinas - Tdmas Kaftina ("female Kachina") and two Tunwdp Kaftinamu ("whipping Kachinas") -go from Kaftin-ki ("Kachina house"), where they have been dressing, to Kikyamui house. 2 As they stand in the street, the woman of the house comes out to inquire why they have come. Tidmas Kaftina answers, "We have come to whip the children that are bad." "No," she replies, "I do not want my children to be whipped." "Yes, but they are bad, and we have to do it." "Well, if you have to do it, whip me first." Then they beat her on the back vigorously with bunches of yucca1 See pages 115-116. 2 The house in the west street, in which the Flute fraternity meets. See page I57. {view image of facing page 170} Entering the spring, Walpi flute dance [photogravure plate] {view image of page 171} THE HOPI I7I leaves, and go thence to Mon-kiva, which they encircle four times, and Tdmas Kafsina leads the way down the ladder. Here the Powamui Chief asks, "Why have you come?" "We have come to whip the children." "No," says the chief, "we do not want our children whipped." "Yes, but they are bad, and we must whip them," the Kachinas insist. "Then, if you must whip them, whip us first." But, refusing to whip him, because he is the father of the Kachinas (that is, he is the chief of the Kachina clan), they nevertheless go about and make the motions of whipping the principal men of Monkiva. The godparents, with their children, are sitting in a row at one side of the kiva, and now one by one each takes his charge out before the two Whipping Kachinas, one of whom stands at each side of the altar, while Tdmas Kaffina is stationed behind it as if to prevent the frightened children from escaping. The ceremonial parent gives a pinch of meal to the Kachina whom he wishes to whip his child, who then stands before the altar and, slightly stooping, receives on the back four vigorous strokes with the bunch of yuccaleaves. Boys are stripped of all clothing, but girls retain their dresses. The screams of the novices are probably no less of pain than of fright After the scourging of the children, all the men come forward one by one and are whipped. The Powamui Chief now gives naqaqusi to the three Kachinas, who go up the ladder, march about the roof four times, and then proceed to Hotfi-wa, the narrow place in the trail from Sichomovi, after which they start to encircle the village four times. In the course of their progress, any one who wishes to be purified steps before them, gives a pinch of prayer-meal to either of the Whipping Kachinas, and stoops to receive four lashes. The passage around the village is designed to give the people an opportunity to avail themselves of this rite of purification, which is regarded as effective not only to drive off sickness but to induce spiritual and moral cleanness. At the conclusion of this lustration, the Kachinas go down to Kaftin-ki 1 and remove their costumes. In M6n-kiva after their departure a man personating Kuwan Kaffina ("many-colored Kachina") appears from behind a curtain and distributes boiled corn among the novices, who are then led from 1 Walpi and Sichomovi dancers use for Katin-ki a ledge between the mesa top and the terrace on the eastern side of the cliff, and Hano dancers use Wila (the Gap). {view image of page 172} I72 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the kiva. During the next two days they have liberty of movement, but are not permitted to eat meat nor salt. On Tot6kya night in the kivas the novices for the first time see the Kachinas unmasked, and learn that these are only men, not supernaturals. After the women have gone it is explained that formerly the Kachinas lived among the people, but since they have disappeared, it has been the custom to represent them in dances; and the novices are sternly warned not to reveal this to the younger children. On the following day the godparents take the children home with them and have their women relatives wash the heads of the novices and give them new names, which completes the initiation into the Kaftinamiu. The initiates are now regarded as members of the tribe, and the boys have the freedom of the kivas and may participate in the Kachina dances, just like their elders. When a boy puts on his first Kachina mask he is again held by his ceremonial father, while a Kachina whips him four times. Kachina Dances The activities of the masked personators of the Kachina gods begin actually at the winter solstice ceremony, in which Soyal Kaftina, whose cult was brought from the south by the Cloud clan, makes his appearance. Theoretically, however, the Powamui ceremony in February is the time when the Kachinas return to the village; and from that time until the July ceremony Nimaniw'u (niman, to go home), the so-called Niman Kachina, or Farewell Kachina dance, the only ceremonies are the dances by the personators of these deities. There are no prescribed dates for these performances, nor any prescribed number of them. Any man may inaugurate a Kachina dance, a favorite time for the announcement of such an intention being the winter solstice ceremony. If a man wishes to hold a Kachina dance during the coming summer, he addresses the men of his kiva on the subject, saying, "At about such and such a time I wish to hold a Kachina dance." He name the kinds of Kachina he wishes to have personated, and designates the men whom he has chosen for assistant, for song leader (kukuiinaaiva, starter), and for two assistant song leaders (one of whom will take the leader's place if he is unable to act); and, if a girl is required in the performance, he names his choice for the position. All of these are selected from the membership of the kiva, and when they have consented to act, it is settled that the dance will be held. {view image of facing page 172} Flute dancers returning to Walpi [photogravure plate] {view image of page 173} THE HOPI I73 On Totokya night of the winter solstice ceremony, when all the men are assembled in their respective kivas, these five or six leaders come out of their kiva (the man who is to hold the dance being last), and proceed to Mon-kiva, where they inform the assembly that at about a certain time, for example, the time of mature melons, they will give a certain kind of Kachina dance. "Anchaal!" cry the men in a chorus of approbation, and the visitors file out and proceed to all the other kivas in Walpi, Sichomovi, and Hano. If on the other hand the announcement is not made during the winter solstice ceremony, it may be done at any later time. In such case the one intending to hold the dance tells his desire to his kiva chief, who summons the members of the kiva for consultation. There is then no formal announcement to the public, who learn about the proposed dance by asking the kiva members the reason for their summons. In most of these dances only one kind of Kachina is represented, and any one who has been initiated into the Kachina order may perform. Thus, if the giver of the dance decides that he will give the Hehea Kaftina dance, then all men who participate must personate the Heheamiu. But there is one dance in which all kinds of Kachinas are represented, or at least as many as there are available performers, namely, Soyohim Kaftina ("all-kinds Kachina") dance. At least two weeks, and sometimes a full month, before the appointed time, the leaders and the dancers assemble daily in their kiva to practise songs and dancing; and from that time until the dance the leaders spend their nights in the kiva, although they are permitted to eat at their homes. It is said that ancient custom required all members of the kiva thus to pass their nights. Toward the end of this period of preparation it is announced in the kiva that the dance will be held on a certain day, which may be either four or seven days later. There is no public announcement. If the interval is seven days, these are named Sds-tala, Los-tala, Pais-tala, Nalostala, Kom6k-tot6kya, Totokya, and Tihiuni. If the interval is four days, they are Sds-tala, Kom6k-totokya, Totokya, and Tihiini. On Stis-tala the chief and his assistants go from house to house and collect the masks that will be required in the dance. These are individual property, and are borrowed by the dancers. Anybody has the right to make Kachina masks of any kind. The painting is renewed each time they are used. The days are spent in the kiva in practice of the songs and dancing. On Komok-totokya or Totokya two men are sent to the timbered hills, and on Totokya they bring {view image of page 174} 174 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN back a large spruce bough or a small spruce tree, which is laid beside the fireplace along with the baskets of pahos. The chief and his assistants and two men called namatu ("fathers"), who, unmasked, lead the dancers from and to the kiva without themselves dancing, make pahos and naqaqusi on Tot6kya day, and pile them in trays. When the spruce is brought in, they tie the naqaquisi to its twigs. There is no sleeping on the night of Tot6kya. About midnight the singing ceases and the chief, still sitting, says: "Tomorrow our friends, the Kachinas, will come from Kisiu-va, and they will come with all kinds of seeds and will bring good rains and lightning and thunder, so that the ground will be moistened; and at the time of planting we will plant our seeds and they will grow, and the Four Chiefs will again bring rain on them, so that they will grow and in time produce fruits, which will mature; and our children will eat the fruits, and when they have had their fill we all will eat; and what is left will mature and we will gather it and have it for food, and will come to this time of the year again. Everybody must live a long life with his children." Then each of the other leaders repeats a similar prayer, and the other men respond with such words as: "Yes, so let it be. We all will have this mind and work together, that we may have good fortune." Then after smoking they go into the plaza, to cast meal toward the home of the Kachinas and address a silent prayer to them. They dance once, but as they are not masked, the people are not expected to observe them. It is now almost daybreak, and they return to the kiva and begin to paint their dance kilts. If the weather is not too cold they go to Kaffin-ki ("Kachina house") to dress; and if dawn is at hand they must go there regardless of the temperature, for if the people should see the Kachinas coming out of the kiva, the pretense of supernatural beings coming from the home of the Kachinas would be destroyed. After painting themselves and donning their masks and other paraphernalia, the performers dance on the ledge of rock at Kaftin-ki and then start up Dawn Point trail. Entering Walpi from the north, they dance in single file before the first houses in the east street and then walk on to kisonvi (the plaza), where they dance. Then passing on they dance around Mon-kiva, proceed around the kiva roof, and return to the plaza, where they dance agian. Then the two "fathers," one after the other, repeat: "Now, last night we found you here, and the people here see you and are glad. We do not want you to go home yet. We want you to come and dance all day and amuse the people." They lead the dancers back to Kaftin-ki. {view image of facing page 174} Offering sacred meal, Mishongnovi flute dance [photogravure plate] {view image of page 175} THE HOPI I75 Now the women carry food down to Kaffin-ki, and after the dancers have eaten, the two "fathers" are invited to eat. The performers then smoke and come again to dance in the plaza, going through various evolutions, and return to Kafiin-ki. Thus they enter the village and retire to Kaffin-ki several times before noon, at which time they go to the narrow part of the trail at the north end of the village, where, by recent custom, they rest and eat the food brought by female relatives of the chief of this dance. During the preliminary preparations for the ceremony the chief appoints a certain man to be the principal clown, and four or five others to be his fellows, and these meet in their own kiva to plan their conduct during the dance. The clowns go unmasked, and appear in every Kachina dance except the first and the last of the year, that is, Powamui and Nimaniw'u. On Totokya they make pahos for each Kachina that is to be personated, and in the night bring these offerings to the kiva where the Kachina performers are assembled. They spend the rest of the night there. When the dancers leave the kiva just before dawn, as described above, to go down to Kaftin-ki, the clowns suddenly appear beside them at the plaza and utter a great shout, as if to frighten them. The dancers go on, and the clowns retire to their own kiva, not to reappear until noon. Then while the dancers rest in the trail north of the village, along come the clowns chattering and gesticulating, and apparently not seeing the Kachinas. Suddenly they become aware of their presence and run up to them, gathering round, pointing, and talking excitedly. Their actions indicate that they have found some very valuable thing, and they urge the Kachinas not to depart, reiterating many times their opinion that these new friends will give them abundant food. The afternoon the Kachinas spend in dancing, returning to Kaftin-ki after each dance, and in the intervals the clowns go about playing their pranks and amusing the people. It is late afternoon when the dancing ends. The two "fathers" then ask the Kachinas to stand a while, and they pass among them, giving a naqaqusi to each, the clowns following and doing likewise. Each of the " fathers" and then each of the clowns takes his turn in addressing the Kachinas, somewhat as follows: "Now, we have had the dance all day, and we are tired. I want you to go back to your home and ask your fathers and mothers to send us rain. We think we have earned it. May all live, and may you go home happily, taking care of one another as you go along. That is all." The Kachinas then file away, the {view image of page 176} I76 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN "fathers" and the clowns sprinkling them with meal as they pass, and at Kafsin-ki they remove their masks and bathe before returning to the village. The clowns resume their clothing in the kiva, and divide the food which their paternal aunts have given them in the plaza. On the following day the Kachinas go to the kiva, and all the food left from yesterday is distributed among them, and on the fourth day the chiefs of the dance gather in the kiva to smoke and talk about the ceremony, congratulating one another if rain has fallen, or mourning if it has not. In the latter contingency the man who gave the dance is regarded as an unlucky man. This is the general procedure in any Kachina dance except Powamui, but of course each kind of Kachina has its own songs and its own style of dancing. All songs, however, refer to rain, seeds, and crops. Some have Zuii words, others Keres; and Tasap Katfina ("Navaho Kachina") has some songs with Navaho, others with Zuni or Hopi words. Zuii is the predominating foreign language in Kachina songs, a fact which points to that pueblo as the source from which the Hopi derived the cult. Ceremony of the Departure of the Kachinas The announcement of Nimaniw'u, the ceremony that marks the close of the season of Kachina dancing, is made when the sun, after the summer solstice, has reached a certain point north of a gap in a mesa to the eastward. The Powamui Chief, noting this position of the sun, summons the members of his society, and they smoke formally. They instruct the Crier Chief to make the usual announcement on the following morning, that or the sixteenth day from the day after tomorrow they will dance; the intention being that on the last day, the day of public dancing, the rising sun shall appear exactly in the middle of the gap above mentioned. Sometimes the calculation is slightly at fault. On Ydnya the members of the fraternity, who include women as well as men, assemble in Mon-kiva. What they do there during the next eight days besides making saqa-vaho is said to be unknown outside the fraternity. Male members sleep in the kiva, but the women do not, and though all take their meals there, none is compelled to remain inside all day. Each of the kivas takes its annual turn in charge of the dancing in this ceremony. It was given in I91I by the membership of Monkiva, and in the following years by Wiqalvi, Nasavi, Al-kiva, and {view image of facing page 176} Sumaikuli Katsina at Hano [photogravure plate] {view image of page 177} -THE HOPI 177 Tsivato successively, and in I916 the duty fell again to M6n-kiva, beginning once more the progress from the south to the north end of Walpi. On Sdskahimii day the one who has been chosen for chief of the Kachinas goes about collecting the Kachina masks from various. houses, and the dancers begin to paint them afresh and to renew the feathers and other appendages, an occupation that continues up to the end of Tot6kya, as the labor involved is considerable and comparatively few of the men are competent to paint. The others make Kachina dolls for the girls, and bows and arrows for the little boys. The members of the presiding kiva spend Totokya night awake, part of the time practising singing, and before dawn they go uncostumed to the plaza and dance, and then return to the kiva. Then if daylight is not too near at hand, they don their costumes in the kiva and go down to Kaftin-ki, but if there is danger that they might be observed they carry their costumes down and dress there. They return to the village, and the day passes with various public dances by the masked characters. Ceremonial Planting and Harvesting Swelling of the neck is believed to be caused by the god Masoui, and when such a case arises, one of the men who personate this deity is summoned. He opens the affected part and sucks out the pus, and the person thus cured becomes empowered to personate Masoui. The manner in which one may get this disease from Masoui is illustrated by the following incident: Momi, a priest of Masoiu, in the course of his ceremonial duties had to make a circuit of the mesa on four successive nights, and as he was a very old man, partially blind, and the nights were very dark, his task was a difficult one. Heya, meditating on the old man's blindness, thought that he would like to take the place of Momi and relieve him of his task. Of course he was net able to do this, but the mere thought was immediately known to Masoiu, who therefore sent the swelling of the neck as a sign that Heya was to be one of his priests; and it then became necessary for Heya to personate the god four times in a ceremonial planting of corn for men of good standing. Such an occasion is announced by the Crier Chief during the winter solstice ceremony, when many other ceremonies also are announced. Four days before the planting, the personator of Masou goes into retirement in his kiva, and usually another Masou man VOL. XII-23 {view image of page 178} I78 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN retires into his own kiva at the same time. During the next four days he remains there, eating only once a day, and even then partaking only of gruel; and each night he passes around the village, starting at the shrine of Masoiu and coming up to the mesa by the trail from Tawa-pa, and deposits pahos to the god at various places. When there are two priests acting, one follows the other at a distance of about four hundred yards. The first night they travel in the valley, the second along the foothills, the third along the first terrace, and the fourth on the mesa itself just outside the village. The man who is to personate Masoi may, if he choose, request the members of any kiva to assist him, and he then passes his four days of partial fast in that kiva, regardless of his own kiva membership. Then when he makes his nightly rounds, the members of the chosen kiva must perform a Kachina dance, first on the terrace near the ruin Kisakobi, then on the level next above the ruin, on the third night at a still higher level, and finally on the mesa itself. Each night after making his round the Masoiu silently creeps up on the dancers and utters a shout, as if to frighten them, thus imitating the fabled acts of the god who lived there when the first clans came. The shout terminates the dance. On the day before the ceremonial planting a rabbit hunt is held, and the meat is eaten by the men of the kiva to which the Masoiu belongs, while the skins are used to make his mask. On the morning following the fourth nightly circuit the man whose corn is to be ceremonially planted goes to his field, and many accompany him. Spectators from the other Hopi pueblos are usually present, and occasionally they assist in the planting. About noon the Masoui priests, having again partaken of their daily gruel, descend the trail to the ruin Kisakobi and there don the rabbit-skin Masoui masks and old native dresses. Each has a basket, a deerskin bag filled with seeds, and a club about ten inches long and two inches in thickness, which is hollow and filled with seeds of all kinds known to the Hopi farmer. They proceed to the field, arriving there in the early afternoon, and at sight of them the people scatter and run away, simulating great alarm. The Masoiu men plant a few hills of each kind of seed, and now and then they seize hold of those who approach out of curiosity. When it is time to start homeward, the people are pursued by the Masoui men, and sometimes they fire a gun, at the sound of which the Masoui men fall as if killed by the shock. In the village men variously costumed run through the plaza, and the two give chase, striking at them with their seed-filled {view image of facing page 178} Buffalo dance at Hano [photogravure plate] {view image of page 179} THE HOPI I79 clubs, and any man who is struck falls as if dead, and they strip him of his costume. About sunset a gun is fired, and they fall. Four men lift each personator of the god, carry him to the western edge of the mesa, and pretend to throw him over the cliff toward the shrine of Masoui; but actually they lay him on the edge, and then withdraw. The Masoui men then rise and go down the trail to remove their costumes and to wash, and then return to the kiva, where the female relatives of their fathers have provided food. In the meantime the man whose field was thus planted is giving a great feast to the people, beginning immediately after the return from the field. On a recent occasion this feast required fifteen to twenty sheep and a thousand pounds of flour. The same rite is occasionally observed when the people are harvesting their crops, or are merely gathering edible wild herbs. In such a case the ceremony must be publicly announced, and must be preceded by four days of partial fast and four nights of encircling the village by the personator of Masoiu, and when the people go to the harvest, he pursues them with shouts, and they flee. Thus is represented the ancient genius of the place defending his crops from the newly arrived Hopi clans. Those who have personated Masoiu compose Mas-wimi ("Masoui fraternity"); but it seems that this society never held meetings nor performed a ceremony. On account of the arduous duties of this office in travelling among the rocks and along the edge of the cliffs in darkness, men are usually loathe to fill it. The people are very careful, when the personators of Masou are dressing, not to approach them, for if any one were to observe them at such a time, he would be seized and required to act in the character of the god. The Crier Chief issues a warning to pass on the other side of that locality while the Masoui men are dressing. Origin of the Owakul-wimi At Homlewiwiuta, not far from Awatobi, lived two little orphan girls whom everybody disliked. One day, wandering about on the mesa in their daily search for fuel, they saw a beautiful butterfly, and as it was not yet the season for butterflies they followed it as it fluttered away, alighting here and there and apparently waiting for them. All forgetful of their fuel, they at last came to Sam6-ftomo ["giant-yucca knoll," about four miles up Jeditoh cafion], where among the giant yuccas the butterfly disappeared. They searched diligently, and discovered a hole in the ground, whence came a voice {view image of page 180} I80 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN inviting them to enter. Inside they were kindly greeted by the people who sat there, and after they had eaten, the chief said: "We have known about you. We know that you are not liked by the others, and that you have been longing to enjoy pleasures like theirs." "It is true," said the girls. The chief continued: "That is why the butterfly came for you. For we are Butterfly people. When you go home you will make four naqqausi and a p6tavi. Take them to the Crier Chief and tell him to announce a dance in eight days. This will be Owakuil-ti ['Owakul dance']." He told them how to name the days of the new ceremony, and said that on Ydnya day others should be given the privilege of joining. Finally the Butterfly people dismissed the orphans with melons, watermelons, and pahos. That night the two girls made four naqdqusi and a potavi, securing the feathers and the string by stealth from their grandfather, with whom they lived, and took them to the Crier Chief. His wife, displeased at their presumption, grunted and said nothing, but the Chief himself invited them to sit down, and reproved the woman, saying: "These girls are not without some reason in coming to the house of the Crier Chief. Give them food." So she unwillingly placed food before them, and after they had eaten, the Crier Chief said: "Taai! What is it?" They gave him the p6tavi, the naqaqusi, and some meal, and answered: "Owe! The Owakuiltu will finish their wimi [ceremonial rites] in eight days. So we would like you to tell our children about it." "Anchaai!" exclaimed the Crier Chief. Then the two little girls went home. At an early hour, when the boys and young men were lounging on the housetops and on the edge of the cliff in the manner of the ancient people, the Crier Chief appeared, and they said to one another: "Now our father has something for us. What will it be? See the potavi!" Then, just as the sun appeared, he made the announcement, but when the name Owakultiu was mentioned, the people were perplexed, for none understood the word. On Ydnya the two little orphans went into the kiva, and when the people learned of this they laughed and scoffed, thinking that this could be nothing more than children's play. As the day progressed, a little girl of the Tobacco clan leaned over the coping and looked down into the kiva. The two orphans said, "Come in." And the Tobacco girl joined them. Her parents laughed and teased {view image of facing page 180} An East Mesa girl [photogravure plate] {view image of page 181} THE HOPI I8I her about it, not displeased, but amused. All night these three remained in the kiva, and on the following night an old man who lived close to the kiva took up his pipe and tobacco-bag, announcing his intention of joining them, and to his wife's reproaches he replied: "Well, I am going! They can do nothing without a man." So he took his pipe and his blanket to the kiva. In the morning they went to their homes to procure food, and the old man brought meal balls, the girl a stewed rabbit, and the orphans the melons and pahos of the Butterfly people. When the old man saw the melons he smiled broadly, and said to himself, "I thought there was something in this!" After they had eaten, he gathered up the remnants and carried them in a bowl to his wife, who in great surprise exclaimed, "They must be little witches!" But he said: "Witches do not like melons. They want things that are bad, but these two little girls are wonderful. That is why I have told you not to offend them." So the old woman and all her household entered the kiva that night. The orphans said there was nothing to do but remain awake all night. On the next day, which was Suskahimui, they sent the old man for some greasewood sticks and yucca-leaves. When he had sharpened the sticks, the girls drove them into the kiva walls for pegs. The following day they sent him for two long juniper shoots. In the evening an old woman peeped down into the kiva, saw them eating melons, and immediately went home, got some food, and came down the ladder to join them. Still the people in the kiva were wondering what they were to do, and outside the villagers were still joking and scoffing. On the evening of Totokya the Crier Chief came and was received kindly. He remained and smoked. All this time the Butterfly women had been preparing for the dance, making many trays and dance costumes, as well as the tiponi and the other sacred things for the society, and now, shortly before midnight, they started from their home and soon reached the kiva. Young men sleeping outside saw many strange women entering the kiva, and wondered. The Butterfly women brought with them a bundle, and when all were seated their chief asked, "Are any Tobacco.people here?" They told her that the little girl and the old man were of that clan, and he at once filled a pipe for the Butterfly chief, while the girl filled one for the two orphan chiefs of the society. Then, the smoke finished, the Butterfly women opened their bundle and revealed the painted sticks and other objects which now make up the altar of the Owakuil-wimi, and after hanging on the {view image of page 182} I82 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN pegs in the wall the ceremonial clothing and trays, they mixed medicine in a bowl and erected the parts of the altar, singing as they worked. The remainder of the night they passed in giving instruction in the songs and dances for the following day. Early on the morning of Tihuini each person in the kiva, Butterflies as well as others, washed her own head, then all went out to scatter meal, offering the usual morning prayer, after which they began to dress for the dance. The people of the village were in a state of wonderment about the strange newcomers in the kiva, but still they doubted that this society of the two orphans could have any serious import. At sunrise the dancers went to the plaza, and there danced in a circle. Behind them went two girls called Owakulmana ("Owakul girl"), who rolled basketry trays along the ground and threw feathered corncobs after them. After the dance, all returned to the kiva, and the Crier Chief told the old man to command the people to bring food and cease to utter reproaches against the two girls. Throughout the day the dance was repeated at intervals, and soon after nightfall the Butterfly women departed, leaving the objects that compose the altar of the society. While the Owakul society is known as a "child's society" (flakowimi), this term refers only to its mythical institution through the medium of children. For the same reason the term is applied to Yaya-wimi, a fraternity of elderly men. A female may join this society at any time of life, either before or after marriage. Men also may join, but they take no part in the public dancing. There are several male members in each women's lodge, their presence being regarded as necessary because the women are not used to being in a kiva and the men have certain duties to perform, such as smoking, gathering wood, caring for the fire. The purpose of the ceremony is to bring rain and good crops. At East mesa it is not performed annually, nor even at regular intervals, being given only at the request of some male member, who thus obligates himself to have the dance performed four times in all, and each time he will officiate as chief. His appearance in public is limited to leading the procession of women into the plaza and to asperging the medicine-water toward the six world-regions. At Oraibi the ceremony is said to be biennial. The society, as the myth indicates, originated at Awatobi, and was introduced into the present Hopi villages after the destruction of that pueblo. {view image of page 183} THE HOPI I83 The Mazo-wimi The founding of the Mazo-wimi in Walpi occurred in the following manner: Among the survivors of the destruction of Awatobi was a h6va (berdache). The tiponi of the Maz6-wimi was in the possession of this youth's family. After the destruction of the pueblo he went back to search among the ruins, and in the house he found the tiponi, which he decided to take to some village, believing that because of this sacred object he would be protected. He took it to Walpi and gave it to the Rattlesnake clan, because they were the chiefs at that place; and he said that the Rattlesnake women should be the chiefs of the society. "So long as the Rattlesnake people will care for this, the Maz6-wimi will continue," he said. "But when they do not care for it, the society will pass away." The purpose of the ceremony of this women's society is the bringing of rain. It is very difficult to secure information about it, because of the belief that revealing its secrets will cause one's body to break out in a rash, the immediate cause of which, it is thought, is a small worm. At the Smoke that precedes the sixteen-day rites three persons are present: Wiki, an old Rattlesnake clansman, and two women, Saha of the Firewood clan and Kanya of the Reed.' It occurs four days after the conclusion of the ceremony of the Lakon-wimi. The Smoke is followed on the next morning by the public announcement, and then after the customary interval of inactive days, which bear the usual names, comes the Assembly (Yuinya). The members, men and women, do not have to spend the entire day in the kiva, but they take their meals there. The women attend to their usual housework. In the evening all assemble in the kiva and practise the songs which they will sing in their public dances, interpolating jokes at the expense of the several Wuwufiimtii. For that fraternity and the Mazo-wimi regard each other as brother and sister societies,2 and just as the former in their public dances make sport of these women, so the latter now jeer at the Wuiwufiimtui. The night is passed in the kiva by both men and women. The altar 1 In 1912 Wiki and Saha had died since the last performance, and as Kanya was the only old member of the society it was somewhat doubtful if the rites would ever be repeated. 2 The only explanation offered for the statement that the Wdwufiim-wimi and the Mazowimi are brother and sister societies is that they came from the same place, that is, Awatobi. This is hardly a satisfactory explanation, inasmuch as the Al-wimi and the T6-wimi also originated there, yet they are not called brothers by the Maz6-wimi. {view image of page 184} 184 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN is erected on Yinya. There are, it is said, no images representing supernatural beings, nor any painted slabs such as are used in the altar of the Owakufl-wimi. The principal object in this altar is the tiponi. The next four days are spent in the same manner as is Ydnya. In the public dances occurring on Pikamnovi the women dress like male personators of the Kachinas, the lower legs being bare and painted. They go from Al-kiva in the morning, and dance in the plaza somewhat like the dancers of the Owakul-wimi. They carry cornstalks, which at the end of the dance they throw to the spectators. In the other dances later in the day each woman carries in each hand a maz6-paho, which is a slab of wood about two feet long and four inches wide, painted with symbolical figures. On Sdiskahimi, Komok-totokya, and Totokya, the women come out of their kiva several times daily, dressed in various fantastic costumes, and go through the village making sport of the Wdwuftimtu. Tradition and Mythology Origin of the Awatobi Fraternities and the Alosaka Cult 1 Long ago 2 at Awatobi there was a Crier Chief who had a daughter, but no sons. His planting and his hoeing were all finished, but when the crops were ripening, the crows began to do damage. He could not spend all his days watching the field, because he was much of the time embroidering ceremonial robes. He watched in the field in the morning and embroidered in the afternoon. One day he asked his daughter to watch in the field while he worked on his robe, and she consented. He carried a jar of water down into the field, which was some little distance from the village, and gathered fuel, and after kindling a fire he returned home. So the girl went to the field, taking piki and qip-tosi [white corn boiled, then parched and ground into meal, which is mixed with water and used as a beverage]. She roasted some corn, and as she sat in the shade of the little booth eating, a man came to her. When she looked up and saw him, she said, "Eat!" They ate together. The man's body was smeared white with gypsum, and he was dressed just as the new members of the Horn fraternity now dress. After they had eaten, they began to play, pursuing each other in the cornfield, and hiding from each other. At evening the youth said he must go home, and the girl asked, "Where do you live?" "Oh, just a little way to the west," he said. "All right, come again tomorrow," she invited. After the youth had gone the girl went home, feeling very happy. She told her father that she would go into the field the next day, so again on the morrow the Crier Chief went out Narrated by Yoywiunt, of the Walpi Reed clan. 2 Traditions are called wuytilvaiyi ("old-man talk"), and, being regarded as true throughout, are opened with the word y5hisato ("long ago"). Tales recognized as inventions for the amusement or instruction of the audience, even though the invented elements are added to a groundwork of fact, are called tdwuati ("story"), and the Walpi narrator invariably begins with the exclamation "I-tiwuit1? ('my story')!" The audience respond, "Owu ('yes')!" At Middle mesa and Oraibi such tales begin with the term AlIksai (all, delightful, the exclamation with which one contemplates good food)!" Simple folktales, usually regarding animals and children and teaching a moral lesson, are distinguished as ftak6-tiwufii ("child's story"). {view image of page 185} THE HOPI I85 to the field with water, and kindled a fire. Again the youth appeared just as the maid was beginning to eat, and as before they ate together and played among the corn. That evening she told him, "Tomorrow I will go with you." "All right," he agreed. "If you are willing to go with me, you may do so." When the girl arrived home she told her parents that she was going away with a young man, and they consented, for it was their desire that she marry, in order that their son-in-law might help them in the field. So during the night they prepared meal, and early the next morning the maid started for the cornfield. When she reached the valley, the youth joined her, and together they started westward. She was carrying the meal on her back, and when she became weary they stopped at a small butte in the valley and rested. When they reached the Little Colorado [Pali-vaya, "red river"] she was so exhausted that she could go no farther, and the youth took up the burden and carried it to the mountains east of San Francisco mountains. As they neared the hills, the girl felt a desire to defecate, and stepped aside. To her Spider Woman cried out: "Do not defile me! Go a little farther!" So the girl moved. Then Spider Woman gratefully said: "My poor grandchild, you are going with a bad man. He intends never to bring you back. But we can arrange it so that I will go with you and help you. Place me behind your ear." She then gave the girl four turkey-feathers and some medicine, and the girl placed her behind her ear and returned to her husband. They went on, and near the butte Alosak-tfqi ["Alosaka mountain"] they passed through many cornfields, in which were men at work. As soon as these men saw them coming, they would run toward their home in the butte to carry the news that their uncle was bringing a wife. These were Heheamu [singular, Hehea, a Kachina represented as extremely uxorious]. When the young man and his wife reached the top of the hill, she saw a lake. [There is water at the top of this volcanic peak.] From the water projected a ladder. The man made a ball of meal and rolled it toward the ladder, and the water parted. They passed through without wetting, and descended the ladder, and in the house below they found Hahaii-wfihti, the mother of all the Kachinas. She invited them to enter, and took the burden of meal and set it away. Next she placed food before them, and while they ate, Spider Woman whispered, "Give me some food." So when nobody was looking, the girl fed her. Then Spider Woman told her to eat all she could hold. It was evening. Hahaii-wfhti had the Heheamu dance for the entertainment of the bride, and after this was over, the people in the house began to make up their beds, and the girl waited for them to prepare one for her. After they had finished, Hahaii-wfhti told one of the Heheamui to open the door of the north room, and the girl went in. She expected to find wildcat-skin robes, but there was nothing but ice. Spider Woman said, "Lie on two of the feathers I gave you, and place the other two above you." When she had done so, the feathers became feather robes, and she slept warmly during the night. The next morning while the Heheamt were eating theit breakfast, Hahaii-wuhti said to one of them: "Open the door of the north room and throw that girl away. I think she must be dead by this time." But when he opened the door and peeped in, he saw that she was alive, and closing the door he reported this to the others. The woman said: "What kind of girl is she? She is not yet dead! Bring her out." She was led out, and they gave her the remnants of their meal. Then Hahaii-wuhti brought from the north room a basketful of ice, which she poured on the mealing stones and bade the girl grind. But the ice only rolled up and down and would not be ground. Then Spider Woman whispered, "Take some of the medicine 1 gave you." The girl chewed some of the medicine, rubbed it on her hands, and spat on the ice, and when she began to grind, the ice soon was melted. She dipped the water up with a gourd and poured it into a jar that had been set before her. All day there was nothing to do. She waited for orders from the woman, who, however, spoke to her only to scold. She received no food. When evening came, she expected that they would give her food again and dance for her, but she was disappointed. They made up their beds, and this time sent her into the west room, where she found nothing but ice. But she knew what to do, and using the feathers she slept warmly all night. In the morning the events of the previous morning were repeated, except that this time she received icicles to grind. These she melted with her medicine. The third night she spent in the south room, where also there was nothing but ice, and in VOL XII -24 {view image of page 186} I86 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the morning she was given hailstones to grind. The fourth night she was put into the east room, again in the midst of ice, and the following morning received sleet to grind. When this was done, Hahaii-wfhti for the first time was glad and thanked her for having finished this hard labor, and called her daughter-in-law. The girl remained in the house four days longer, during which time they prepared ceremonial robes and moccasins for her, and her husband taught her songs now used by the Horn fraternity, all of which are concerned with rain and the raising of crops. On the fourth day they filled baskets with corn and other seeds, and earthen jars with the water from the ice she had ground, and in the evening they all started for Awatobi. On the morning of this day, the eighth since she had left home, her father stood on the mesa at Awatobi watching the mountains to the south. He saw a streak of clouds forming, and he said, "I think my daughter is coming home." Soon rain clouds were seen approaching. These were the Kachinas. The end of the rainbow rested first in the gap in the long mesa south of Walpi, and the Kafinamd, led by Hahaii-wihti and accompanied by the girl, walked along it and came down at that place. Next the end of the rainbow rested on the mesa of Awatobi, and again they came walking along it. From here they walked over the mesa a short distance, carrying their baskets of meal, and as they entered the village, each kind of Kachina uttering its characteristic cry, the people flocked about. When they saw the girl, they understood that this was her wedding. Hahaii-wfhti informed the Crier Chief that during the night he was to go through the village and leave at each house an ear of corn, a melon, and a watermelon.' The Kafinamd at once returned to Alosak-tiqi, and that night the Crier Chief distributed the corn and the melons. In the morning when the people awoke, they found that their houses were filled with these fruits, and they rejoiced that they had a son-in-law with such supernatural powers. From that time on the people raised abundant crops, for there was always much rain in the summer and snow in the winter. In one year the wife of Alosaka was ready to bear a child, and he went to his home at Alosak-tfqi to inform his mother, Hahaii-wuhti. But she said that it was so far away she could not come to help her daughter-in-law, and he must do the best he could without her. So Alosaka returned to Awatobi, and a few days later his wife was delivered of a male child. Alosaka himself washed the child and cared for it during the twenty days in the place of his mother, and on the twentieth day he washed the child again and named it Siqieva ["greenness" - referring to the greenness of the fields covered with flourishing crops]. In another year the young woman bore a second child, whom Alosaka named Sisivf ["cooking-pots" - implying the desire that everybody have full cooking-pots]. In the third year another son was born, and him they named M6mua ["mouths" - signifying that the mouths of the people would be full], and in the fourth year yet another, who was called Htiinniwd ["winnowing"]. The firstborn was now four years old, and the people, knowing that Alosaka, its father, had supernatural power, began to talk of giving this child some office, so that if the father should leave them the son would continue in his place. A fifth son was born, and was called Wuktima ["stepping"], and the sixth son was given the name Patdskasa [signifying the sound made by thumping a watermelon to determine if it is ripe]. Now the people one day sent the nephew of Tap6lo, chief of the Tobacco clan, to pueblos in the Rio Grande valley to learn their language and make rain songs in that language, so that those outside the fraternity would not understand them. By magic he would go almost instantly to the eastern pueblos, spend the night there, and return in the morning; and when he had learned the language, the people organized the Wuwufitfim-wimi and the T6-wimi, and made their songs. These two fraternities were organized from the men of the Squash and the Tobacco clans respectively. The men of the Reed clan organized the Al-wimi, and Alosaka was one of the members. His eldest son, though only six years old, was made the chief of this society. During the four years of this boy's chiefship there was always abundance of snow during the winter, and the crops were good. At the end of this fourth year the people became evil. When an old man or an old woman I Melons and watermelons were introduced by the Spaniards. {view image of page 187} THE HOPI I87 went to defecate, the children would follow and rub the excrement over the aged person. The people would spit on each other, and quarrel. The young men respected none of the women, but waylaid and ravished them. The sorcerers of Awatobi had a special kiya, and they were nicknamed Qitamo [qita, excrement]. They believed that the children of Alosaka had had nothing to do with the prosperity the people had been enjoying. They were jealous, and desired to kill the Crier Chief, his wife, his daughter, his grandchildren, and Alosaka. So their chief went to the house of the Crier Chief, and after they had eaten, the Crier Chief filled his pipe and gave it to the sorcerer, who smoked, and then filled his own pipe and handed it to the Crier Chief. After this pipe had been smoked, the Crier Chief said: " Taai! What do you wish?" "Owe! In four days we are going to behead all of you, and so you must eat up all that you are holding back!" "Anchaai! So long as our own children are going to kill us, it is well," said the Chief. The sorcerer chief then returned to his kiva and told the others what had been said. That night the family of the Crier Chief began to shell their corn. They dug a large hole in the ground within the house, mixed the corn with ashes so that it would not become moist and rot, and buried it. On the third night they finished, and Alosaka took his youngest son, Patuskasa, to his home at Alosak-tfqi. The others remained up all night, and early in the morning began their preparations. Each one put a feather on his head, and each boy placed a ceremonial kilt about his waist. The sorcerers were making clubs, and as they worked, they would say which one of the boys that particular club was intended for. As the sun rose, the family of the Crier Chief arranged themselves in single file. First was the Crier Chief with his tiponi, then Saiqieva, then the chief's wife and the other children, and last their mother. The sorcerers came out of their kiva, approached the house, entered, and with their clubs killed them all. They carried the bodies to the south side of the mesa and threw them over the cliff. "Now," said they, "we can live on in our own way, happily. These people were not the cause of our living well." But from that time, whenever they planted, something happened to destroy the crops. Fhe wind would blow the seeds out, and they would have to replant again and again, but by the time the wind ceased the season was too far advanced. During the summer and the winter there was nothing but dancing, and consequently a great deal of food was consumed, so that in three years they had exhausted their reserve supplies, and in the fourth year there was scarcely any corn. The people scattered about the country to dig roots and gather cactus fruit, and not enough were left to perform the ceremonies. And now the people began to talk about Saqieva and his father and brothers, and they realized that their former prosperity had been due to them. " It is because we have murdered our fathers," they would say as they wept, "that we are having these hard times." On Tot6kya day of the Wiuwufimu ceremony, Alosaka and his son Patuskasa came over to Awatobi from Alosak-tiqi, and when they entered the deserted house that had been their home, they wept. Alosaka opened one of the caches, took out some corn, and parched it, and after they had eaten, they filled their fawn-skin bags and went to the kiva. It was morning, and they found a few men lying about the room at the point of death from starvation. Alosaka and his son began to dance around the kiva, and after they had finished, they scattered some corn on the floor and went out. The men picked up the corn and ate. At noon Alosaka and his son returned to the kiva, danced, and scattered corn, this time a little more than before. Again they departed, and the men ate the corn without stopping to cook it. In the evening the two again appeared and scattered still more corn. Then some of the men began to grow stronger, and after they had eaten the third time they were strong enough to smoke. Alosaka now sent his son into the kiva at night, and the men gave him a smoke and begged him to become their chief, as his brother had been; but the boy could neither accept nor decline for himself, so he went to his father, who consented that he remain. He gave his son counsel, taught him the Alosaka songs, and made a tiponi for him. On the next morning the little boy went to the kiva with more corn, which he had parched during the night. On this night also he had gone about the village, leaving a single grain at each house, and in the morning after he had given the men in the kiva his parched corn, he told them to go out among the houses to see what they could discover there. When the)y found the houses full of corn, they cried with joy and remorse. There were a few old women living in {view image of page 188} I88 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the village, and all day they were busy parching corn. Some ate too much, and died from the effects of overeating; the others, however, grew stronger, and when they were again themselves they went about the country searching for their relatives who had scattered about the land in quest of roots and cactus fruit. From that time on, so long as the son of Alosaka was chief, the people of Awatobi had good crops, for there was plenty of rain and snow. This continued four years, and then again the people grew evil, regardless of the promises they had made their young chief. In the fifth year they became so bad that Tap6lo, chief of the Tobacco clan, secured the aid of the Horn clan at Walpi in destroying most of the people at Awatobi. Patiskasa was among those killed, but some members of the three fraternities were spared and taken to Walpi, Mishongnovi, and Oraibi, and by them the ceremony of WuwufiimU was continued.1 Legendary Founding of the Badger Clan in Walpi 2 A boy of the Oraibi Kachina clan excited the jealousy of the other young men because of the attentions shown him by two girls of the Badger clan. They determined to put him out of the way, and with that intention planned a ceremonial visit to the spring Kisiu-va, where the Kachinas lived. Many pahos were prepared, and when all was ready the youth was invited to accompany the party. He thought it a fine thing to be taken along on such an occasion, and gladly joined them. When the spring was reached, they gave him the prayer-sticks to take down into the water, expecting that he would be drowned in the deep pool. But as they stood there a long slender tree was thrust up out of the water, and down this as a ladder the youth made his way to the bottom of the spring, where he planted the pahos. All about him he saw many Kachinas, who informed him of the evil designs of his companions, and assured him of their friendship, advising him to remain with them for a short time until his enemies should have returned to Oraibi, thinking him dead. "But they will not cease to try to take your life," they warned him " and when you return, we will send some of our people with you. They will take with them two pine trees, which they will plant at night in your village. Your enemies will ask you to climb up into the top of a tree to make prayers, hoping that the wind will blow you out and kill you. You must insist that one of them go up into the other tree, and when the wind blows, he will be the one killed." The youth followed their instructions, and in the night returned to Oraibi, going at once to the kiva, where his enemies were feasting and congratulating one another on the ease with which they had rid themselves of their rival. "Whose footsteps do I hear?" asked one of them suddenly. They listened. Some one descended the ladder, and there stood the youth. They were greatly astonished, but endeavored to conceal their feelings, pretending to be glad that he was not, as they had feared, drowned in the spring. "Tomorrow," they told him, "we hold a dance, which we are just arranging. You shall have the post of honor. You shall climb to the top of a tree and there offer prayers." "Where is the tree?" he inquired. "We will find one," they said. He replied: "I saw two trees when I came, two very tall trees. If I climb one, then one of you must climb the other." 1 The above tradition clearly bears out the internal evidence of the ceremony itself, that the Qin-wimi originally had no part in WdwfitfimU. Other traditions show that this fraternity was brought from the south by the Cloud people, who, having a sacred performance that would assist the people in their constant quest for rain and snow, were admitted to the village and were permitted to join the other three fraternities in their annual ceremony. The line of division between the three original fraternities and the Qan-wimi is clearly seen in the progress of the ceremony, the original three acting much in concert, but the Qan-wimi keeping largely apart. Asked to reconcile the statement that it was the Reed clan at Awatobi which organized the Al-wimi, and the statement in his migration story, page 89, that the Reed people did not settle at that place, the narrator explained that these were two distinct groups of Reed people. Just so, he says, the Reed clan at Oraibi has its own migration legend, distinct from that of the Walpi Reed clan. 2 Narrated by Siwihon6onma, a Sichomovi woman, daughter of a Badger clansman. {view image of page 189} THE HOPI I89 To this they agreed, and the next day the youth and a man climbed into the tops of the two trees that the Kachinas had planted. Then the wind blew fiercely, and the tops of the trees swayed from side to side. But the boy held on tightly. Soon there was a crash. The other tree had snapped near the base, and the man was dashed to the ground and killed. The wind ceased, and the boy climbed down unhurt. The following day the men took counsel together and decided that they would set upon the youth and kill him at a Walpi Kachina dance, which the youth, the two Badger girls, and many other Oraibi people were going to attend. The day of the dance arrived, and the Oraibi party set out. Now one of the two Badger girls discovered the plot, and soon after the beginning of the dance the three left the kiva and went into a house where there was a great pile of corn. The youth lay down on the floor and the girls completely covered him with the ears of corn. After the dance some of the men asked the girls where their young friend was, and they said: "We have not seen him. Perhaps he is in the kiva, perhaps he went home." So the men decided that if they found him before sunrise they would kill him, but if not, then it must be that the Kachinas were unwilling that he should die, and the attempt to take his life should be abandoned. They began to search the mesa, and when they had gone to the northern end where Hano now stands, the girls removed the corn and the boy wrapped himself in a blanket and lay down in a hollow in the rocks. By and by the men returned, just after sunrise, and found him. "Where have you been?" they inquired. "Why, I have been right here sleeping all the time since the dance," he said. They were astonished, and felt sure that he must be especially guarded by the Kachinas, so they assured him that they would not molest him further. The youth and the two girls returned to Oraibi with the rest of the people, and at once he married them. They lived in that village for some time, but the two wives were dissatisfied on account of the trouble they had had with their husbands' enemies, and after a while they moved to Walpi, founding the Badger clan in that village. Destruction of Sikyatki l-tdwzuii! There were people living at Kuchaptuvela and at Sikyatki, and for some time there had been bad feeling between the two villages. Two young men of Sikyatki went to the other pueblo, and while a maiden was parching meal they shot her in the side. The arrow passed through the body and killed her, and the meal, untended, burned, and smoke filled the room. The parents of the girl in the room below smelled the smoke, and the mother went up to see what was the matter. Thus they discovered her body. The brother of the murdered girl was very angry, and having planned his revenge began secretly to practise running at night. Winter passed and spring came, and he began to go to Sikyatki occasionally to ascertain if there would be a Kachina dance soon. After a time he learned that there would be an evening dance of the Kaftinamu.2 The next day he secured a mask, and painted it to represent Homson-Kaftina, and in the afternoon he took his mask and went along the side of the cliff on the west side of the mesa, so that nobody at Sikyatki might see him. At a point opposite Sikyatki he waited until late in the afternoon, and when the Katfinamu started dancing, he crossed the mesa, went down into the village, and entered the plaza from the south side while the dancers were performing. With his mask on he ran about the plaza for a time, personating Homson Kaftina and when he caught a youth he would cut off a small lock of hair and put it under his sash. Then looking up at the spectators on the housetops, he singled out the chief's daughter, and ran up to the roof. All the girls fled into the houses, and he followed the chief's daughter. The girls who had taken refuge in that house were huddled together in one corner. He leaped among them and dragged out the chief's daughter, and cut off her head. Back to the housetop he dashed, brandishing the head so that everybody could see it, and then leaped to the ground and fled, with the young men of Sikyatki in pursuit. The avenger ran along the cliff on the east side of the mesa, and when the pursuers were at M6nwi-va ["chief spring"], he was already at Wala ["gap"]. So they gave up the chase and returned to Sikyatki. 1 Narrated by Lomasi of the Walpi Badger clan. 2 The Wawaih Kafsinamiu always performed in the evening. {view image of page 190} Igo THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN When the young man got back home with the head, he went into the kiva, where the old men were smoking. He placed it beside the fireplace, removed his mask, and said: "Now I have carried out my plan. I have been getting ready for this through all kinds of weather. I have been enduring the hardship of cold weather, and running about the country while you have been sound asleep. Just to do this I have been practising running. Now I have fulfilled my plan. I am relieved." When he had removed all of his Kachina costume, he took the head out and buried it. The people of Sikyatki, and especially the chief, mourned greatly, and about planting time he one day went to Kuchaptuvela. The chief of this village inquired, "Why have you come?" "I have been wondering about our lives. There has been trouble between us, and I do not want either village to stand. My village will be the first one to be destroyed. After that the people of your village may do as they please regarding the destruction of this place. You will be notified when to come." This matter was a secret between the two chiefs, and soon after this it was announced at Sikyatki that the people were to plant corn for the chief.' On the day of the announcement the chief went again to Kuchaptuvela and reported that on the fourth day following his people would go forth to plant corn for him. He directed that the warriors of Kuchaptuvela should enter Sikyatki after the people had gone down into the valley, when only women and children would be left in the houses. The signal would be given by the chief's wife, who would appear on the roof of her house and throw out some refuse. At this instant the warriors were to rush down into the village from the top of the mesa. She was then to wash her head, and while she was doing this they were to behead her, and then treat the others likewise. These were the instructions given by the chief of Sikyatki. His wife was in the secret, but none other among the people of Sikyatki knew it. On the morning of the appointed day the warriors set out from Kuchaptuvela, and on the top of the mesa above Sikyatki they waited, watching the people descend into the cornfields. Soon the chief's wife appeared on the housetop and threw out a basket of refuse. This dirt represented her people, whom she was consigning to destruction. Then they rushed down straight to the chief's house and cut off the woman's head while she was in the act of washing her hair, after which they proceeded among the houses and killed all the women and children. They set fire to the woodwork of the houses, and when the people below in the fields saw the smoke, they hurried back and met the warriors at the foot of the mesa. But having no weapons they were easily killed. Only a few escaped, and these went'to Oraibi and to Kuchaptuvela. Paiyasava ["this how long"l! Tihkuyi Creates the Game Animals 2 There were people living at Oraibi. A Si6-yaya ["Zuiii magician"] dance was announced. The Yiyatu met in one kiva, and the women and the other men in another. Every night in rehearsal the Yaya chief would lead the Sdmaikuli Kaftina 3 into the kiva where the people were, and while singing would lead him around inside the circle of people four times. Then they would return to their own kiva. While they were practising thus the Warrior Chief would never enter the kiva. But his wife did so, and on returning home she would tell h r husband what good times the people were having. He would reply: "All right! Let them have their fun!" When the time of the dance was near, the Warrior Chief was thinking about large game animals. In those times the people depended on mice and rats for their meat. He was thinking also of Misocu and of Tihkfiyi, and wondering if they could not be made husband and wife, so that large game animals would come into existence. On the day before the announcement of the dance he went to the kiva and told the people of his idea, and the plan was communicated to the Yiyatl, who deemed it good. 1 It is still customary for men, boys, and women to go out in a large body and plant corn for people of prominence. 2 Narrated by Wisti, of the Rabbit division of the Walpi Tobacco clan. 3 See footnote, page I9I. {view image of page 191} THE HOPI I91 The announcement of the dance was made, and on Tot6kya day the Warrior Chief went again to the kiva. In both kivas the people and the Yivatd used t6si [sweet-corn meal] in making effigies of animals. The people sent their effigies to the kiva of the Yiyata, and on this night of Tot6kya the people and the priests remained up all night. The Yiyatul placed the images on a ceremonial robe and covered them with another, and then the priests spent the night in singing, trying to bring life into the effigies. But they remained inanimate. On the following day the dance was held. The women and the girls were dressed in the Zuni fashion, and as they danced in a circle, the Yayatu and the Sumaikuli walked around inside the circle. There were six Sumaikuli, one for each world-region, and each was led by a Yaya. Kawikuli, the fire-carrier, also performed. After each dance the women and the men dancers, who alternated in the circle, returned to their kiva, and the Yiyatu with the Sumaikuli returned to theirs. At the end of the day the Sumaikuli were led back to the kiva for the last time, and then they came out carrying the images, which they took into the plaza. As they walked around the plaza, the people offered naaquqsi and prayers to them. Boys asked for good luck in hunting mice and rats, and young women for good luck in bearing children. Then the Yayatu led the Sumaikuli down to a shrine of Tihkiyi at the west of the village. The Sumaikuli placed the effigies, the pahos, and the naqaqgsi in the shrine, saying that the people desired to have large animals created by Tihkfyi. Then they removed their masks and went back to the village. On the following morning before sunrise the people, especially the young men and boys, went down to the shrine of Tihkfyi, asking that their wishes might be granted. This they did also on the next three mornings. On the fifth day the people saw Tihkfyi at the shrine, and they distinguished the forms of large animals, such as they never had seen before. During the day Tihkfiyi in person came into the village and told the people that it would not be well for the animals to remain so close to them, and as they had asked her to be the mother of the animals and she therefore had created them by turning the effigies into living beings, she would raise them as her own children. She would take them off a little way into the country, where there was good grazing. Masofi, she said, had consented to be the father of the animals. Whoever among the young men wished to kill game, would always succeed through offerings made in the morning. That is why young men in former times always went early in the morning to make offerings to Tihkuyi and to Masou. On the sixth day Tihkfiyi led her children away into the wild country. Thus all the larger animals, from the rabbits up to deer and antelope, were created. A little while after this, people going about the country began to find large game animals. A tiponi was made for a Badger man,' who then announced that in four days there would be a hunt for large game. During this time the young men repaired their bows and their clubs, and on the appointed day they went down the valley and formed a large circle. Two men were chosen to pursue the surrounded deer and exhaust them, and when the animals were tired out, the other men rushed in and killed all they needed. A long time after this a rabbit-drive was planned, and a tiponi was made for a Rabbit man. And since that time the man to announce a rabbit-hunt is always of the Rabbit clan.2 Tihkuyi Creates the Game Animals 3 A party of boys were trapping mice, which was the only meat of the first people. The trap was a flat stone propped up on a short stick, the base of which rested on a grain of corn. When the mouse gnawed at the corn, the stick was disturbed and the stone fell. At night after the traps were set the boys roasted some ears of corn, which they had brought from home, and the leader of the hunt said that they would burn the cobs and in so doing would 1 A man of the Badger clan used to be the announcer of big-game hunts. 2 The Sdmaikuli are believed to be the keepers of all the game animals. East and Middle mesas are said to have derived the Sumaikuli cult from Oraibi, where it is no longer practised. The present myth indicates clearly a belief that the cult came to Oraibi from Zunfii, which is in fact the case. 3 Narrated by Saqistiwa, of the Walpi Cloud clan. {view image of page 192} I92 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN call upon some one, and they would see if any one would come. The cobs were put into the fire, and in a little while a wailing voice was heard. The chief of the hunt said: "Listen! Somebody is coming!" He filled the little pipe with which his father had provided him, and handed it about the circle. All smoked, and then the chief ordered more wood put on the fire. A larger fire was built up, and in a short time somebody came in from the darkness. Now the boys were frightened, and huddled together. The chief, however, said: "Do not be afraid of her. I think she is our mother." It was Tihkfyi. She spoke: "Little boys, do not fear me. You have called me by throwing cobs into the fire, and I have come to help you. You are here catching mice. But mice are too small for meat. I am going to sing and see if we can provide larger game." She began to sing. After she had finished, she said: "Try to remember this song, and when you go home, tell your sisters to sing it while grinding corn. If the Four Chiefs [of the solstitial points] have heard our song, we will know it tomorrow. When you get up in the morning and look about for larger game, look for this." She made on the ground marks like rabbit-tracks. "So follow these marks, if you see them, and pull the animals out of the rocks." Then she went away, after the boy chief had given her a paho. Before the boys went to bed, snow began to fall, and in the morning there was a depth far over the ankle. When they got up, they were surprised to see this white substance on the ground; for it had never before snowed here. They made moccasins of rags and the bits of blankets in which they had carried food from their homes, and then took sticks and went out to hunt. A little way from the camp they found rabbit-tracks, and each boy followed a trail. Many rabbits were dragged from their holes among the rocks, and when they returned, they waited for Tihkfyi to come and instruct them. After the evening meal they roasted corn and threw the cobs into the fire, and again Tihkuyi appeared. She said: "Those are cottontail rabbits, and this is the way to dress them." She showed them how to skin a rabbit and how to clean it, and she told them to dry the skins and take them home in order that their mothers might make rabbit-fur robes. "Since you have me for your mother," she said, "let one of you call your father." Then the boy chief stepped aside and called, "If there is anybody about here that is our father, let him come!" In a little while they heard a voice in a long-drawn wail, but in a lower tone than the voice of Tihkfyi. Footsteps were heard, and the chief ordered a larger fire built. When the newcomer approached, the boys were greatly frightened, but their chief was calm, and invited the man, "Come, our father, and sit down." They saw that it was Mais6. Then Tihkfyi said: " You have the rabbits, but tomorrow there will be more snow, and you will go out into the valley and see if you cannot find still larger game." Both she and Tihkfyi and Masou marked on the ground the tracks of a jack-rabbit, and Misou said: "When you go home, try hunting the jack-rabbits in the valley near your village. But if you want still larger game than that, go into the valley below Hfikyatvi [a small knoll in the valley south of East mesa]." Then the boy chief gave a paho to Mas6o, who at once disappeared with Tihkfiuyi. The next morning there was twice as much snow as before, and the boys had to tear up some of the blankets to make leggings. In the valley they found tracks of jack-rabbits, and trailing the animals to their lairs under the bushes, they killed many, striking them on the head with their sticks. The following morning they started for home, piling the meat on frames made by lashing two sticks parallel, and covering it with the skins. When they were nearing home they built a fire, and the fathers of the boys started out to meet them. From a distance they saw that the children had something larger than mice, and quickly sent a runner back with word that all the fathers should come down and carry the burdens home. The men were eager to hunt where the boys had hunted, but the boy chief said: "Just wait. We will try here." "There are none here," they said. But the boy insisted that they should try near the village, and a few days later he told the village chief that on the following day they would have a rabbit-hunt. The chief agreed, and the announcement was made When the hant began, some of the young men who had joined the party without really expecting to find game so close to the pueblo expressed their doubt; but when the circle had been made, and the men gradually came together, many rabbits were found and killed. From that time rabbits lived in the valley, the children of Tihkuyi. One day the boy chief told the village chief that they would look for larger game in the {view image of page 193} THE HOPI I93 direction of Hfkyitvi. He asked to have it announced that on the morrow they would go to that place for rats and mice, but the men should carry heavier clubs than rabbit-sticks. So at the appointed time the hunters went forth, and on the south side of Hukyitvi they made a circle and gradually drew the lines together. The boy chief went inside, and there he found Masou surrounded by deer and antelope. Immediately Mais6 disappeared, and called to the boy to shout. When the boy shouted, the antelope and the deer were frightened and ran round and round in the circle. He directed the men to draw together at the points where the animals were trying to break through. When the antelope and deer were becoming weary, the men drew in toward the centre, and when the animals finally fell down, the men rushed in and killed them with clubs. All came home heavily laden with meat and skins. From that time the people lived on the flesh of rabbits, deer, and antelope, and they used rabbit-fur robes. Adventures of the Twin Gods 1 Destruction of the Giantess I-twuif2i! People were living in Kisakobi. Pokan-hoya and his younger brother Polonao-hoya lived with their grandmother Spider Woman at Si'kpi on the trail that goes down the south point of the mesa. The two boys used to go down on the slope of the mesa to play with their shinny-balls. Suyuku [ogress] lived on the terrace. She used to steal little children, roast them in her firepit, and eat them. She had made away with most of the children of the village. Spider Woman often warned her grandsons not to go near that place to play. "Now, my grandchildren," she would say, "do not go over there to play ball any more, for fear S6yuku will catch and roast you, just as she does the little children from above." But they would answer: "She cannot do it! She will not be much of a person." One morning they started out as usual to play ball on the slope, and as they moved back and forth along the terrace, they gradually came to where the giantess lived. She came out and spoke to them, "My little grandchildren, where are you going?" "We are just playing along here," they told her. "Do not go very far," she said: "a little way from here there is a giant woman. You had better come in and wait before you go on." Thus spoke Suyuku. The boys went into her house, and she gave them mumus-piki and meat; and they ate the mumis-piki, but the meat they only pretended to eat, throwing it on the ground, for it was the flesh of children. After they had finished, the old woman closed the door, seized the elder brother, and dragged him outside. Already she had the firepit heated. But the boys knew what danger threatened them, and Pokain-hoya had already said to his brother, "When she throws us into the pit, you must urinate into it and I will spit my medicine into it." So when Pokan-hoya was cast into the heated pit, he spat his medicine, and when Palonao-hoya was thrown in he urinated. Thus they checked the heat, and were not destroyed. After putting them into the pit, Siyuku closed it and sealed the opening with clay, and laid fire on the top; and when the sun vent down, she began to grind corn. She had two young granddaughters, who were sleeping when she caught the brothers. After finishing her grinding, S6yuku went to bed, and when all was quiet, the boys opened the pit and crept out. They went into the house, and each chose one of the sleeping girls and cut off her head and dropped the body into the pit. The elder brother threw in some medicine that made it red-hot, and they sealed it up and placed the heads in the bed. In the morning when Suyuku awoke, she called to the two girls, but there was no answer. She scolded them, but still there was no reply, and the children did not move. She came to the bed to drag them out, but found only two heads. Then she knew that the two brothers had done this, and she wept aloud, and said that she would never take another child from Kisakobi. Paiyasava! A Race between Kukuchomo and Oraibi I-tdwu2ii! People were living at Oraibi and at Kukuchomo. There was a young man at Kukuchomo who always won in the races between the runners of these villages, and the people at Oraibi became jealous of his success. So they took counsel, and decided to have a 1 Narrated by Y6ywfin, of the Walpi Reed clan. VOL. XII-25 {view image of page 194} 194 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN race on which they would wager everything they possessed, including the heads of all members of the villages. Their messenger reached Kukuchomo at sunrise and went down into the principal kiva. He had a string of deer-hoofs around his waist for rattles. As he stood at the foot of the ladder, the men asked him, "What is it?" "Yes," he said. "In four days we will have a race, and on this race we will wager everything of value, and the heads of all the males in the villages. The winners will behead all the male losers and will take all the women." "Anchaai!" said the men of Kukuchomo, though their hearts were heavy. After the Oraibi messenger had gone, the men asked their best runner how fast he could run. He replied that he felt he could run well. But the messenger had stipulated that each side should use magic, and on the third day the runner asked the people to make pahos for him. They did so, and that night he came to Wfuk-maisou ["big Maiso," the shrine of the deity]. At his fire sat Maisi, and as soon as the young man arrived it was known to him. "Come in!" he said. The young man entered. MasoUi gave him some squash, and when the runner had eaten he gave his guest a smoke. Then he said, "Taai [' go ahead']!" "Ow ['yes']!" answered the young man. "We are to have a race tomorrow, and the Oraibi men say that the winners will behead all the male members of the losing village, and take all their girls and women, and all their possessions. I have come to ask help of you. This is what I have brought for you." He gave Mais6o four pahos, and Mas6of was glad and thanked him, and said he thought he could do something. He said, "Now go to Pokan-hoya and Palo. nao-hoya, and see what they think about it." So the young man went to Sa'kpi, where the two brothers lived with their grandmother. When he stood at the door, they invited him to enter, and Spider Woman gave him some "round piki." When he had finished eating, she said: "Taai! What is it?" He answered: "Ow! Tomorrow we are to race with the men of Oraibi, and they have announced that the winners shall behead the male members of the losing village and take their girls and women and all their possessions. This is what I have brought for you." He gave a shinny-ball and a sling to the boys, and a small ball of red paint to Spider Woman. They were pleased with his gifts, and thanked him. They gave him a smoothly polished disc of white stone, and a suchava [an Olivella shell, which is supposed to have been a deadly missile in the hands of magicians]. They told him to wear the stone disc on his back during the race, so that when he was running it would prevent his opponents from throwing any suchava into him and thus disabling him. When he was ready to go, Spider Woman told him to go down to where Mas-k6te ["corpse head "] lived, and see what he thought of the matter. When the young man stood at the door, Mis-k6ot said, "Come in!" He entered, and received food, and after he had eaten and smoked, Mas-k6ot said: "Taai! What is it?" "Ow!" said the young man, and he repeated what he had already told to Mis6ou and Spider Woman. He ended by giving Mis-kot/ some pahos, and Mas-kot6 thanked him and said that something could be done. He gave the runner a ko'n6 [ball of pulverized micaceous hematite, used in certain races] to use in the contest. Then the runner returned to Kukuchomo, where he found all the men awaiting him in the kiva. They gave him a smoke, and asked: "1Om hin nav6ta ['how did you hear']?" "Pai nu qan nav6ta [' now I well heard ']," he answered. Then the men were glad, and everybody slept well. Early the next morning the young runner took some pahos that had been made the previous day, and carried them away from the village and offered them to the Sun. While he was so doing he saw the bright rising sun, just like fire, and heard something roaring like thunder, and when he returned, he reported that all was well. Even as he entered the village there was a messenger from Oraibi, to remind them that the day had arrived. The messenger departed, but after a brief interval another came, telling them to make their preparations. Soon came a third, bidding them make ready to start, and quickly a fourth appeared, telling them to start. So they all went out to the race course, and the people from Oraibi came to the same place, bringing all the property they possessed. The runner for Kukuchomo went up on the mesa and crossed to the other side, the west side, near the spring, as this was to be the starting point. With him were eight men from the Kukuchomo kiva, and with the Oraibi runner were likewise eight companions. {view image of page 195} THE HOPI i95 Early on the morning the two brothers, Pokin-hoya and Palonao-hoya, with Mais6, Mas-kote, and Spider Woman, had started for the race course. They were invisible. The two boys went to the beginning of the course, Mais6 stopped to the east of them, Spider Woman to the east of Misou, and Mis-kote to the east of Spider Woman. The terms of the race had been publicly announced. Each runner was to kick his stone ball once and then pick it up and run with it down into the valley, where he would drop it and kick it forward. So the runners started. The two little brothers, being invisible, dodged in and out between the legs of the Oraibi runners and tripped them up. When they came to Masod, he kept throwing his club at their legs, and thus made them heavy. Spider Woman, when they reached her station, tangled her threads about the Oraibi runners' legs, and finally Mis-kot& used his club and made them lag still farther behind. So the Kukuchomo runners remained in the lead. The others kept throwing their suchava at them, but the stone disc stopped them all. When the race ended, the Oraibi men were full of mourning. The winners beheaded all of them and took their wives and children and possessions. After this, when Kukuchomo was harassed by enemies, the people moved to Oraibi. They were the ancestors of the present population of that pueblo. Paiyasava! Destruction of the Winged Snake I-tdwulfti! A long time ago there were many young men, who, going out into the mountains to hunt deer, never returned. They would set out with a little piki tied up and fastened to the belt around the waist, and with water in a small netted gourd, and were never seen again. Then at last it was discovered that K6hpa-mana ["winged-snake girl"] 1 was responsible. There was only one young man left in the village, the son of the Crier Chief. In spite of what had occurred, he one morning set out hunting. Among Hopi buttes he was chasing a little fawn, when K6hpa-mana carried him away. She took him, like the others, to the mountains where she lived, at Powa-ki ["sorcerer house" - east of Comer springs], and placed him in a rocky cave from which it was impossible to escape. When the young man failed to return, the Crier Chief knew that the Winged Snake had caught him, and he wondered what he could do to save his son. His first thought was of the two brothers, those who lived at Sa'kpi, and of the other two brothers who lived at Salt lake and of the two who lived at On-tfpka ["salt cafion"- a place in Grand canion above El Tovar hotel, where the Oraibi people sometimes gather salt]. And he thought also of Wfik6 -chfa ["great rattlesnake"], who lived in the valley south of Tso-pa ["antelope spring" -Jeditoh]. He made pahos for the grandmothers and for Great Rattlesnake, and of a deerskin he made six shinny-balls and six slings for the brothers. Then he started on his journey, going first to Salt lake. In the crater in the midst of the lake the two brothers lived, and there he found them. A voice said, "Come in!" He entered. The two little boys were there, and the grandmother, Spider Woman. She gave him a smoke and set food before him. Then she asked why he had come. "Owe!" he said. "I have come to ask for your help in finding my son. This is what I have brought for you." He gave the pahos to Spider Woman and a ball and a sling to each of the brothers. They were pleased with the gifts, and promised their assistance. Then he told them that he had made gifts for all the other war gods, and a long paho for the Great Rattlesnake. He asked the brothers if they could go on a journey and obtain -he help of the others, and of Great Rattlesnake. They agreed to do this, and told him to return home, where they would notify him of their success. So the Crier Chief started homeward, and after he had gone Spider Woman placed a long, soft, white eagle-feather before the two boys, who stepped upon it. As they did so, it rose in the air and carried them over among the Zufii mountains [H6nyap-tevelui - honyavi, the yellowwooded bush that the Zuni call tahiluptfi; tevflu, slope] and rested on them. From there it floated to Kaha-vi ["willow place"], where again it rested before starting to the home of Great Rattlesnake, which was south of Tso-pa. When they arrived at the home of Great Rattlesnake, he did not speak to them, or even look at them. They inquired: "What is it, grandfather? Why do you not speak? We are 1 K6hpa is a winged serpent, very long, that travels only at night, moving with great swiftness. {view image of page 196} I96 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN in haste. They have called on us to find the son of the Crier Chief, and they have called also on you. This is what they have sent to you." And they gave him the long paho. Great Rattlesnake spoke: "All right, I will help you, because I am glad to have this paho." Then the two boys stepped again on the feather, which started for the home of the two brothers at Si'kpi. The two boys at this place were glad to see their brothers, and as the visitors were in a hurry they immediately told what their business was. When they produced the shinny-balls and the sling, the Sa'kpi brothers were happy, and Spider Woman was pleased with her pahos. All three promised to be ready at the proper time. From there the feather carried the brothers away toward Salt canion, resting first on Aponivi [" pointed peak" - southwest of Oraibi]. The brothers at Salt cafion were well pleased with their gifts, and quickly promised their assistance. So these three accompanied the brothers of Salt lake, each family flying on an eaglefeather and carrying their implements for working magic. When they reached Kisakobi, Spider Woman of Salt caiion told the Crier Chief that he had forgotten four persons, and he must make pahos for them at once. These four were: Pachipqasa ["buffalo-skin dress," alluding to the rough skin], the great lizard; Pail6ono [echo]; Mdyi [mole]; and Piaiki [caterpillar]. Besides the pahos he took some tuberous roots for Mole and a soft eagle-feather for Echo, and green leaves for Caterpillar. When the Crier Chief went to these four with his gifts, they all promised their help. Early the next morning the three from Salt caion and the two from Salt lake set out with the Crier Chief, and in the valley they met Lizard, Echo, Mole, and Caterpillar. One of the brothers went on to notify Great Rattlesnake and urge him to make an early start, because he was slow of movement. They assembled at Sorcerer House, all except Echo, whom they left at Sota [one of the Hopi buttes], and Mole, whom they left at the foot of the mountain where the Winged Snake lived. The door of her house was in the middle of a high cliff, and up to it led a stair of stones as sharp as knives. But Lizard rubbed the slime of his rough coat across the stones and dulled them, the edges melting away. In the same manner he removed the sharp edges that formed the door of the house. All the helpers whom Great Rattlesnake had brought with him were left at the foot of the cliff, but he himself went up with the war gods. When they entered the house, K6hpa-mana did not notice them. She was grinding corn and singing. Down below Echo kept repeating the song after her, and this annoyed her. After a while it became unbearable, and she went outside. She came back, and for the first time noticed the people in her house. "What are you doing in my house?" she demanded. "Nobody ever enters my house. What are you doing here?" "Ow/!" said one of them. "We have come for this Crier Chief's son." "He is here," admitted K6hpa-mana, "but I will not give him up." One of the war gods said, "We will see!" "Yes, we will see," she replied. She went to one corner of the room and got out a large bag of tobacco and a clay pipe as large as a cooking-pot. She poured tobacco into the pipe, packing it down with her foot. She lighted the pipe and passed it to the Crier Chief, saying that he must inhale the smoke and not blow it out. But in the meantime Mole had been digging his way under the mountain, and was now making an opening in the floor under each person, so that when they smoked and inhaled, the smoke simply passed through them and down into the burrow. So the pipe was passed around the circle, and nobody was harmed. Then K6hpa-mana filled the pipe again and passed it around. She wondered what kind of people these were that they did not become sick. Again she said, "We will see who is wise!" She sprinkled sand on the floor and planted all kinds of seeds and spread a robe over them. She removed the robe and opened a door leading into an adjoining room, and out from it came clouds, which watered the garden. The seeds sprouted and grew up, but when the corn was in the ear and the melons were formed, the war gods blew their breath and froze them.1 Then K6hpa-mana told them to show their power. The war gods with the help of their grandmothers cleared the floor and spread fresh sand, in which they planted their seeds. They spread a robe over the garden and then soon removed 1 The war gods control the cold. {view image of page 197} THE HOPI 197 it and opened a bowl, from which rain came to water the seeds. Beans and corn grew and ripened. Then Kohpa-mana was astonished, yet she would not give up. She spread fresh sand, threw a robe over it, and went into another room, saying, "When you see this robe lifted from the floor, that is the time for you to wrestle with me." From the other room she crept under the floor until she was beneath the robe, which she then raised, and all the others began to wrestle with her. But Great Rattlesnake quickly summoned all the Snakes he had left below, and they threw themselves on the blanket and weighted it down. At last Kohpa-mana was completely exhausted and criedt "Get off! I am tired, and I give up this wrestling." Then the Snakes hurried out before she could return to the room and discover how she had been overcome. After she had recovered her breath, she said: "There is one more trial. I will run a race with one of you." It was then about noon, and she said they would race to the sun, pass around it, and return to Sorcerer House. All went outside, and a line of meal was sprinkled for the starting line. One of the war gods from Salt caion placed a feather on the line and stood on it, and K6hpa-mana in her form of winged snake took her place beside him. The three Spider Women, one after another, blew through a reed upon the feather as it carried the boy swiftly along. When they were weary, Lizard blew, and then Caterpillar and Great Rattlesnake took their turns. When the racers had passed the sun and were returning, the Spider Women, one after another, drew in their breath through the reed, and then the others did so. Thus the war god won the race, and K6hpa-mana was forced to admit her defeat. The war gods cut off her head and chopped her body into small pieces, which they scattered in all directions, and these Fieces became the snakes that now exist. Next they opened the cave and found many young men, most of them mere skeletons. The son of the Crier Chief was the only one alive and well. The gods took out all the bodies and bones and administered food and water, and thus restored them to life and sent them to their homes. Paiyasava! Destruction of Nak-viki I-tdwufi! Nak-viki [" hot-sand piki "] lived in a hole in the cliff at the narrow part of the trail that now leads into Walpi from the north. There were people at Kuchaptuvela, and little boys and girls used to go to play along the terrace. One day something suddenly flew at them and cut off their heads one after another. They could not see anything. In this way the children of Kuchaptuvela were almost exterminated, and the chief of the village was at a loss. He made two balls of deerskin and two shinny-sticks, and all these he painted red. He took then four corncobs and eight feathers and made four n6to'va [a cob with two feathers stuck into one end and used as a toy missile]. The next day the Houses Chief went to the two war gods, who lived alone with their grandmother at Poli-ki ["butterfly house," the point of the mesa west of the ruin Kisakobi]. He entered their house, and found the brothers fighting each other, and rolling on the ground. They were covered with dirt, and their faces were smeared with nasal mucus. Their grandmother, Spider Woman, said to the chief, "Katuu ['sit down']!" Then she scolded the boys, but they paid no attention and kept on crying and biting each other. She hobbled over to them and slapped them on the back, and then they desisted and sat down in the corner, while Spider Woman fed the visitor. After he had eaten, she inquired, "What do you wish?" And the chief answered: "Yes! Something has been killing all my little boys and little girls, and I have come to ask you to look for that something. These are what I have brought for your children." He laid on the floor the toys he had made. The elder brother seized them all, but Spider Woman said, " No, that is not the way." And she divided them between the two. She promised that they would go on a hunt for this something, because the chief had already paid them for their services. Then the chief went home. When he had gone, Spider Woman directed the two brothers to get two pieces of huzt-wa ["hard stone" - basalt], and to pound them into shape, so that they could place them on their heads like caps. At this they labored all day. The next day immediately after breakfast they put on their stone caps and went toward Kuchaptuvela, walking along the terrace. The breakfast of the brothers always consisted of p6v6oiEl-piki, of which Spider Woman never made more than two pieces; but whenever a bite was taken and the piece laid down, there it lay whole again. The meat of the war gods was a {view image of page 198} I98 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN small bird, chizo. As the two brothers played along the terrace, knocking their shinny-balls before them, something came flying at them. But when it struck their stone-covered heads it crumbled to pieces. Thus they destroyed Nak-viki, and from that time the children at Kuchaptuvela increased. Paiyasava! The Twin Brothers Depart from East Mesa to Salt Lake I-tdwufiti! People were living at Old Mishongnovi. The chief had a daughter, whom all the young men wished to marry, and they would constantly go to her house to ask for her, but she refused them all. The two brothers who lived at Poli-ki heard of this and told their grandmother that they were going to ask for this girl. She said: "Do not go. She has refused handsome young men." Still they said they would go, if only to see what kind of girl she was, So they departed. It was the custom of this girl to get water at noon, and knowing this, the brothers went straight to Tuzi-va [Tureva spring]. At the spring they saw the girl, and they asked if they might drink from her dipper. She handed it to them, and they drank from it, and when they had finished she rubbed it twice with sand and rinsed it out. At this they were displeased, but they only laughed and returned home. The next day they went to see their uncle, Honani [badger], who lived at Qaqiu [a sandy knoll in the valley southwest of Walpi]. When they arrived, Badger said: "Pakii ['enter']! Katiu ['sit down']!" The boys entered and sat down, and told what had happened at the spring. They said they wished to know what he thought they should do. So Badger sent one of them home to procure a piece of deerskin, and out of this he made a bag by means of a draw-string. He pulled the string until only a very small hole was left, and then he broke wind into it and quickly pulled the string taut. Finally he instructed them what to do. Again they waited for the girl at the spring Tuzi-va, and when she had filled her jar with water and was departing with it on her head, in the fashion of those times, they threw the bag and struck her in the rump. The bag burst with a loud noise, and the girl walked on homeward, breaking wind constantly. She was in this condition three days, and then her father, the chief, began to wonder. He feared that she had done something wrong, and he asked, saying: "Do not hide anything from me. Tell me just what has happened to you." So she related what the two brothers had done to her, and the chief said she ought not to have offended them by rinsing the dipper. Then he went to the home of the brothers, and Spider Woman invited him to enter, and asked, "What do you want?" "I have come to ask that your grandsons rid my daughter of the trouble they have put upon her," he said. The old woman sent the boys to their uncle, Badger, who again filled a bag with wind, and they took it to the chief's house in Mishongnovi. They directed the girl to get down on the floor on hands and knees, and they struck her on the rump with the bag, which burst with a noise, and the girl was immediately relieved. Now the chief had promised and the girl had agreed, that if they would make her well again they should have her for their wife. But they knew not what to do, because two could not sleep with one wife. So the younger gave up his right and returned home. It was not long until the people at Mishongnovi began to show their dislike of the girl's husband, because he was so dirty, and soon he was sent home. Then Spider Woman and the two brothers were very angry, and said they would no longer live near such people. They had helped them in their difficulties, but since the people did not like them, the)y would leave. So they departed to Salt Lake, where they still live to this day. Paiyasava! Corn-Smut Maid 1 I-tdwufii! People were living in the village which now is in ruins on the knoll north of Tawa-pa. There was a youth named Tanak-tiyo ["rainbow youth"], who daily practised running before sunrise and made offerings of pahos in order to become swift and strong. Otherwise, day and night, he remained in the house. He was handsome. 1 Narrated by Lomasi, of the Walpi Badger clan {view image of page 199} THE HOPI I99 One day he let it become known that he would never marry, unless it should be a girl whose meal was so fine that it would adhere to the kalahalyi [abalone-shell] that hung in his house on the wall. Then all the maids in the surrounding villages began to grind meal, making it as fine as possible. For all the girls wished to marry this handsome youth. A girl of Awatobi was the first to come for the trial. Rainbow Youth was kind and courteous to her. He invited her into the house, and after a time he asked, "What is it you wish?" "I have come for you," she answered. "Anchaa!" said the youth. He opened the cloth that contained the girl's meal and threw some of it against the shell, but it did not adhere. "I cannot go with you," he said, "because your meal will not adhere to my kalahaiyi." "Anchaaf!" answered the girl quietly, and departed. In this manner many others failed. There was a girl at Kuchaptuvela named Nani-mana ["corn-smut girl"], who was swarthy and dirty. Her brothers told her that they did not think Rainbow Youth would consent to come with her, even if her meal should stick to the shell; nevertheless, she said that she would try. She took some of her meal and went to the young man's house. He invited her to enter and sit down, and he asked what she wished. "I have come for you," she said. "AnchaaU" he responded. He took some of the meal and threw it against the shell, and it stuck fast. He said again: "Anchaai! It is my word. I have agreed to go with the girl whose meal stuck to my kalahaiyi, and your meal has done so. Therefore I go with you." So they went to the house of Nana-mana. Her brothers and mother were surprised, but no less pleased. Toward evening Ninamana went into an adjoining room, but she did not reappear. Another person came out, a beautiful young woman, and Rainbow Youth wondered who she was. About bedtime the brothers began to speak to her, and gave him to understand that this was really their sister and his bride, Nana-mana. Her former appearance had been due to a mask that she wore during the day; every day she wore the mask, but at night removed it and revealed her true self. Now the other girls who had been rejected were angry and made sport of Rainbow Youth and his dirty bride. But the young man was not annoyed, for he knew that his wife was really beautiful. After he had lived with her for some time, she said that since she was a supernatural being she would leave the people. So with all her family she disappeared into the ground, and the place where she disappeared is now the shrine of Nanf-mana. Paiyasavca! The Youth and the Sorcerers of Kisakobi 1 I-tdwui2i! People were living at Kuchaptuvela and at Kisakobi. Both pueblos had Wawaih Kaminamu [" running Kachinas"], who, going from one village to the other with corn, piki, sumi-viki, and chuku'-viki, would place the food in small piles on blankets outspread in the plaza. Then they would stand behind the heaps of food, and two K6yemsi [clowns], who carried the food for them, stood beside them and called out to the people, who remained at a respectful distance: "Come, boys, and see how my men will run! See if they will outrun you or not!" After a while some young man would cautiously approach the waiting Kachinas, as if to steal food. One of the Kachinas would then suddenly dash out and pursue him the length of the plaza, and if the man was overtaken he was punished in one of various ways, depending on which Kachina caught him. One Kachina was called Tsokappololo616 Kaffina ["mud-round Kachina"], and he punished by hurling mud balls. Another was Pufskomok Kafina ["rabbit-stick Kachina"], who threw a rabbit-stick made of rags. Another was Homson Katfina ["hair-wisher Kachina"], who punished by cutting off a portion of his victim's hair. Yet another would smear charcoal over the face, and K6k6p6l6-mana ["insect (sp.?) girl"] would throw to the ground a man whom she caught and pretend to rape him. Others had whips of willow or yucca, with which they belabored their victims. The game was played alternately in the two pueblos, the Kachinas of one visiting the plaza of the other, turn by turn.2 The two villages were peaceful and happy, but trouble was coming. 1 Narrated by Lomaisi, of the Walpi Badger clan. 2 This is still done in the spring at Walpi and the other villages. See also page 203. {view image of page 200} 200 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The daughter of the Kuchaptuvela chief was unwilling to marry. There was a kiva of sorcerers, who would go stealthily to the girl's house night after night, but she gave them no favors. Every night they would be standing about the hatchway of their kiva, waiting for the sun to set and darkness to fall, that they might go unobserved and try to win her consent. There was a young man at Kisakobi whom this girl liked, but he never came to see her. He had a companion who belonged to the sorcerers' kiva. One day the girl told the young man's companion to say to his friend that she wished to talk to him. The message was delivered, and one evening, while all the sorcerers were gathered about their kiva, they saw the youth from Kisakobi pass and go to the house of the chief, where he talked to the girl through a small opening close to the mealing stones. From that time the young man repeated his visit every evening, and the sorcerers were chagrined. Not long afterward the girl told her lover that in four days she would go with him. During those four days he brought in as much wood and game as he could, and the girl spent her time in grinding meal. On the evening of the fourth day the young man's parents prepared meat, and he went to the home of the chief's daughter. He gave the salutation customary on such occasions: "Tumanosoisa ['let us go and eat']!" The girl's parents accompanied them to Kisakobi, and the girl carried on her back a large basket containing all the meal she had ground. When they reached the youth's home, all ate, and the chief and his wife returned to their house. At Kisakobi the girl remained. Three days she passed in grinding meal, and on the evening of the third day her parents came again and spent the night there. On the following morning the young man's parents washed the bride's head, and they were now husband and wife.1 Now the sorcerers made a plot. They turned one of their number into a mouse and sent him to the young man's house to cut off a small lock of his hair after he had gone to sleep with his bride. He was also to cut off a bit of the girl's dress, and of her belt, and a lock of her hair. In those times there were no doors, only blankets hung over the small doorways. So he had no difficulty in entering the house, and soon obtained what he wanted. The girl remained in her husband's house until his people had had time to make for her two marriage-robes, a marriage-belt, and moccasins. Then the young man's uncles gave him the customary counsel, saying that as he was now to accompany his wife to her home, he must be industrious, and supply abundant fuel, and busy himself with farming and weaving. The women dressed the young wife in her new clothing, the young man took his robes, and the two started for Kuchaptuvela. The chief was pleased that his daughter was married, but the sorcerers were resentful. They assembled that night and talked over their plans. The young man's friend, however, told them that they could not do anything to him; "for," he said, "he is your equal in magic. He is a brave man." But they rebuked him for defending their enemy, and said they would try at once what they could do. One said: "I will do it. I will play jack-rabbit tomorrow, and there will be snow tonight, so that he will go rabbit-hunting. I will go into the country, and there he will find me. I will run down the valley, and he will chase me." The next morning there was snow on the ground, and the youth said to his wife, "I am going to hunt rabbits." Down into the valley, not far from the mesa, he came upon rabbittracks, and soon he started up a jack-rabbit. It circled about two or three times, as jackrabbits do in the snow. The hunter threw down his blanket and his food and ran after it, and the animal set off straight down the valley. It went to Mato-vi [a spring commonly called Burro spring]. Just above this place it disappeared into a prairie-dog's hole. It was about sunset. The young man began to dig, and he thrust his arm in and seized the rabbit by the leg. Just as he was pulling it out, the rabbit turned and grasped his hand. The sun was disappearing, and it was very cold. The plan of the sorcerer was to hold the young man's hand until he froze to death. The hunter struggled and pulled, but he could not free himself. He took out a little bag of prayermeal and removed from it a small image of a cougar, to which he prayed: "Now, my pet [i-voko], help me in my trouble." The image immediately turned into a real cougar, and the young man sent it down into the burrow. The rabbit uttered one squeak, and was silent. When the cougar came out of the hole, he said to the man: "Now pull out the rabbit. This is not a real rabbit, but a man. Take him back to the village and into the sorcerers' kiva. Now put 1 This is exactly the present custom. {view image of page 201} THE HOPI 201 me back into your meal-bag." Then it became once more a small stone image, which the young man returned to his bag. Carrying the dead rabbit, he went back to the village. It was very cold, but by running he soon became warm. He went straight to the kiva where the sorcerers were assembled, wondering why their companion did not return. While they were talking about it, they heard a noise. It was the young man. He untied the rabbit and threw it down into the kiva, saying: "Here is your rabbit. I think you want to eat it, and I have brought it for you to eat if you wish it. It is yours." Then he went home. "Now," said the sorcerer who was the friend of the young man, "I told you he is a clever man. You can do nothing with him." They said: "Why are you defending him? We will attend to him." The young man arrived at his home, and the chief, his father-in-law, said: "We have been uneasy about you. It is very cold." "Yes, I have been chasing a rabbit all day, and he took me clear down to Mato-vi. I have just taken it to the sorcerers." The chief said: "You did right. Let them eat it if they wish." Now the sorcerers were talking about another plan for the following day. One said: "I will play mountain-sheep. I will go to M6fS-ovi ['point elevated-place' - a place on the mesa near the mouth of Keams caion]." So on the following day he went out to play mountain-sheep. Said the chief's son-in-law: "I am going after bigger game today. I am going for a mountain-sheep." When he arrived on the mesa he saw the track of a large buck, which he had followed only a short distance, when the sheep jumped up from among the cedars. He gave chase. The sheep circled about several times, and before long showed signs of fatigue. On the east side of the mesa it leaped down to a narrow ledge. The young man followed along the ledge. Suddenly the sheep made a short turn and charged. But the image of the cougar in the hunter's pouch had just warned him: "Now he is going to make a charge! When he does so, stand close to the wall and when he comes close, kick him over the cliff." This the hunter did, and the sheep rolled down the precipice. The hunter went down and tied his deerskin strap about the body and carried it home. The little stone cougar said: "This is not a mountain-sheep, it is a man. Take it to the sorcerers' kiva." While the sorcerers were sitting about the fireplace smoking, the young man approached. It was dusk. Some of the people in the street called, " Here comes someone with a mountainsheep! " Then the sorcerers started in surprise. The hunter threw down the sheep, removed his strap, and tumbled the carcass down into the kiva, saying: "Here is your mountain-sheep. I have brought it to you. You may skin and eat it, for I myself do not want it." Then the men in the kiva began to talk, but the friend of the young man said: "Now, I told you that you cannot do anything to this man. I have told you this before, but you did not believe me." They, however, reproved him again, and immediately made the dead man come to life in his human form, just as they had done with the one who had played jack-rabbit. They laid the body out on the floor, covered it with a blanket, and sang. Now the sorcerer chief said that they would have to call on someone outside their kiva. He said, "We will call on Bear." The Bear people were living among the hills north of the mesa, and it was decided to send a runner to them that very night. One of the sorcerers became an owl, which perched on the north side of the fireplace and said, "Now, what do you want?" The chief answered: "Owe! We have been planning to kill the chief's son-in-law, but instead, he has laid before me two of my own men. We wish to call on Bear to help us. You will go to notify him, and get his help. When you see him, ask both the father and the mother Bear, and see which one will consent to do what we wish. If the father Bear will not consent, then ask the mother Bear. The mother Bear has regard for nobody, being a woman. But the father Bear sometimes refuses a favor of this kind, because he always helps hunters." "Anchaa'V" said the Owl, and flitted silently up through the hatchway. Now the friend of the chief's son-in-law went out, pretending that his purpose was to get fuel. He went to his friend, and told the new plan. Then the chief said to his son-in-law: "The time has come when I think you will not return from your hunting; for the Bear is fierce. But perhaps you will manage it in some way." The young sorcerer then returned to his kiva, and soon Owl returned with the report that Bear had consented. VOL. xii-26 {view image of page 202} 202 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN It was decided between the chief and his son-in-law that the hunter should go to the Bear and persuade him to be friendly, and it was understood that if he succeeded he should bring the Bear to the village. If he did not return, it would be known that the Bear had eaten him. The chief, his wife, their daughter, and her husband gathered about the fire, and all busied themselves in making naqaqusi, one pile for the father Bear, one for the mother Bear. The chief painted them red, and the four remained up all night, smoking to the naqaqusi for good luck. The chief gave the young man counsel, saying: "When you start out, try to put away every evil thought, and think only of everything that is good. Thus you may win the confidence of the Bear." He gave his son-in-law a certain kind of medicine, which would help in pacifying the Bear, and told him also about a Spider Woman living north of the village, who also would help him. The young man took down his hair, and his wife combed it out. He placed one downy eagle-feather in it, put on a pitkzna [ceremonial kilt], wrapped the naqaqusi in an at`6o [a white cotton robe with red embroidered edges], took some meal, and set off. When he was a short distance from the village, somebody spoke to him. He looked about, and saw Spider Woman. "My grandson," she was saying, "I think you are perhaps on your last journey. The Bear is a fierce person, and you might not come back. But perhaps we can arrange it some way so that it will be all right. You must take me along. Pick me up and place me behind your ear." So the young man picked up the Spider and placed her behind his ear, and she gave him a certain kind of medicine. Then he started off on a run. When he had gone a little farther and was among the hills, the sun was just appearing. When he was on the top of the hills, the sun had risen. He stopped there and offered a prayer to the sun, saying: "Now this day may we work together. Let us work with the thought of good only." He sprinkled meal toward the sun and went on. When he had gone a little farther, Spider Woman spoke: "There he is in the distance! Now use some of my medicine!" The young man chewed some of the medicine and spat in the direction of the Bear, and went on. Again she said, "Use more medicine." Thus at frequent intervals she directed him to use the medicine, and he was saying to himself constantly: "The Bear must not harm me. He will be quiet when I come to him. The Bear will have pity on me." When he approached, the Bear began to grow quiet, and before the young man came quite to him the Bear lay down and said: "Now, you are a great man. I was very angry, but now I have become quiet, and I will not harm you. Fear me not, but come close." Spider Woman whispered: "Now is the time! Go close. Do not fear him!" The young man went closer to the Bear and put down his bundle of naqaqusi, and opened it, and laid them one by one before the Bear, who said, " I see that one bundle is for my wife." "Yes," said the man. "Now, just put that bundle to one side," directed the Bear. So the man laid one bundle aside, and tied the others to the Bear's head. When this was done the Bear spoke again, "Since you have pacified me, I will follow you." "Yes," said the man. "You must go gladly. They have given me to you, but I have succeeded in pacifying you, and when you come to the village, then you can do as you please with the people who have given me to you to be killed; and you may do whatever you wish to them. Now go happily." He sprinkled meal in the direction of the village and started back, and the Bear followed, walking along the path of meal. The man began to run, and still the Bear followed. When they were still some distance from the pueblo, the Bear told him to shout, and so he uttered the call of alarm, and added at the end, "The Bear is coming!" Two or three in the village heard the cry of warning. Soon the young man repeated the shout, and more people heard it. A third time he shouted, and yet again. When he was on the terrace below the village, he called once more, adding this time: "I have brought the Bear for the sorcerers. Let them all come to meet the Bear!" Now the villagers were in great excitement. The sorcerers were in their kiva. Their chief spoke to his fellows, saying that they must not give up, but all must go to meet the Bear. They declared that they would take whatever was awaiting them, for they had tried to kill their enemy and had been outwitted by him. When the young man, followed by the Bear, arrived in the village, the Bear made straight for the kiva. The sorcerer chief let his men up out of the kiva, and when they were close to the {view image of page 203} THE HOPI 203 Bear, he said: "Now the time is come. I will not beg off. We have been trying to kill a man but he has outwitted us, and we are willing to be killed by you. Now, father, do whatever you choose with us." He stepped up to the Bear, who seized him in his jaws by the breast, and tore him to pieces. Then one by one the others came up to the Bear and were destroyed. None attempted to escape. The ground was covered deep with blood, and the Bear smeared it on the sides of his head as a mark of his ferocity. Then the chief and his son-in-law, who had hurriedly made pahos, gave the offerings to the Bear and sent him back to the hills. Paiyasava! Why Payupki Was Abandoned 1 Long ago people were living at Payupki and at Chukubi. It was the custom to have races in the spring. At Chukubi two brothers, Kalemsa and Q6ki, were the principal runners, and at Payupki the best was Chu'yakaftku. One day the people of Chukubi sent word to Payupki that they would race on the morrow. And at the appointed time the people met at the starting point. The Chukubi chief defined a course down the wash to Pa-koi-fsomo, thence back to the starting place. Though it was a contest between the villages, each kiva sent its runners. Each kiva had its distinctive color, either white, red, or yellow. One of the kivas of Payupki won the race for their pueblo, and the Chukubi people, much chagrined, at once challenged the winners for another race on the next day. So there was another race, and again Chukubi was defeated. This time a quarrel ensued. The Chukubi chief then said they would have a dance of the Wawash Kafsinamu, and on the following morning they sent a messenger to Payupki. He entered one of the kivas, and they asked him, "What do you wish?" "Yes," he said. "This morning a crow had a green moccasin." 2 "Anchaa!" said the Payupki chief. The messenger went on, " If any one go out, let him have this in mind and return early." "zAnchaa!" again said the chief. Toward evening the Payupki people were ready and watching for the coming of the Wawash Kafminamu from Chukubi, and when the dancers arrived, the chief met them at the head of the trail. Then food was spread out on blankets in the plaza, and the fun began. No one escaped from the Kachinas, but all were overtaken and whipped. When the running was over, the Kachinas received some naqaqusi and were sent back home. The K6yemsi, who were speakers for the Kachinas, called out to the Payupki people that it had been discovered they were not good runners. "Our boys have found that they can beat you, and it is likely they will come back soon." "Anchaai!" chorused the people. When the Chukubi Kachinas reached their village, they talked over the fun they had had, and deprecated the running ability of their rivals. They forgot that they had twice been beaten. The Payupki chief was displeased, because his son's hair had been cut much shorter than was the custom in this game, and he wondered how he could avenge the insult. He had a daughter about twelve years of age, whom he used to take out into the fields, and while they were hunting mice she would run after them and catch them. It seemed that she would make a good runner. One day he said, "My daughter, do you think you could make a good runner?" "I do not know," she said. "I do not think a female would ever make a good runner. But I will try." The chief was pleased with the answer, and took her to the field. She ran the length of the field and back, and she ran well. The following day this was repeated. Then her father said, "You must run once more by yourself, and then you will run with your brother." So on the fourth day she went to the field with her brother, and the two raced. The girl ran well, but did not quite beat her brother. The chief said, "We will see how it comes out after you have run together a few times." The next day they ran again, and this time she nearly caught the youth. On the third trial she beat him, and the fourth time he was badly beaten. 1 Narrated by Wisti, of the Rabbit division of the Walpi Tobacco clan. 2 This saying is still current, and means that there will be a Wawash Kafsina dance in the evening. The origin of the phrase is not known. Any man may thus inaugurate a dance. {view image of page 204} 204 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN By this time the chief thought that his daughter could run well enough. He went to his kiva and said, "We will pay back what the Chukubi Wawfah Kaftinami did to us." The young men were delighted, and cried, "Anchaai!" "I will go to them in two days," said the chief. "Anchaai!" they shouted. "We thought it was going to be today." "No, we will prepare and have it in two days. So if any of you wish to prepare today, you may do so." "Anchaa!" they shouted. On the morrow the chief procured some ikhali [leather made by beating buffalo rawhide] and went to Kaftin-ki [" Kachina house," a place among the rocks on the southeast side of East mesa, where personators of the Kachinas dress before the dance]. He told his daughter to follow him, and when she came, he made a Kachina mask for her with the leather. It was noon when he had finished it, and he went back to the village for his son, and then the three proceeded to the field where the running had been practised. There the mask was fitted on the girl, in order that she might test her ability to run with it. The youth started first as usual, but very quickly the girl overtook and passed him. This showed that she could run well, even with the mask on. "Lolomai ['good']!" cried the chief. "This is what I wanted. We can go to Chukubi and pay them back!" The next day he went to Chukubi, and when he had entered the kiva the men gave him a pipe, and after he had smoked, they asked, "What is it?" "Yes," he said. "This morning the crow had green moccasins at this place." "Anchaal!" cried the Chukubi men gladly, for they thought they would win as before. The chief went out, and no sooner had he gone than they began to make sport of his runners. The chief returned to Payupki and went into the kiva, where he repeated, "The crow had green moccasins this morning." "Anchaadt" shouted his men. So all the day the people busied themselves in getting ready for the game. It was not known that the chief's daughter had been practising running and would play the Homson Katfina. While the men were preparing in the kiva, the chief got ready everything for his daughter at Kaftin-ki, painting the mask and tying feathers on it, and preparing the ceremonial sash and the fox-skin. Like some of the male Kachinas she was to wear a t6ziki [cloth baldric], so that her breasts would be concealed. After he had finished this work the chief returned to the kiva and started his men off to Chukubi. He then went back to Kaftin-ki for his daughter. When the Kachinas were near Chukubi, they saw some one coming behind them, and thinking it was one of their number, they waited. But the straggler did not seem to come rapidly, so they proceeded. The girl kept behind until the men were in the village, and when they were in the plaza and the running was just about to begin, the Homson Kafsina entered. The running began. The Kachinas seemed to be unable to catch the Chukubi young men. After a time Kalemsa, one of their best runners, came toward the piles of food. Now, it was the custom for Homson Kaftina to pursue only those known to be good runners. So when Kalemsa came forward, the word was given to Homson Kaftina to give chase. In a short distance the Kachina seized him and cut off a lock of his hair. Then Q6ki, his brother, was angry. He took off his moccasins and stepped toward the Kachinas, crying out that he wished to have the same one pursue him. He ran, and the Kachina quickly caught him and cut off a lock of his hair. Now, one after another, the best runners stepped out, but every one lost some of his hair. Then the game ended, and the Chukubi people gave their naqaqusi to the winners and sent them home. But Homson Kafiina hurried away in advance of the others. Now there was much talking among the Chukubi people, and speculation as to the identity of the new runner; but none could say who it was. The girl and her father went directly to Kaftin-ki and buried the hair which she had won. The chief expressed his joy and thankfulness for the help his daughter had given him, and then the other Kachinas began to arrive. They now discovered who had personated Homson Kaftina. It was not long after this that the Chukubi men heard that the runner who had cut off the hair of their best runners was only a girl. Then the chief summoned all his kiva men. This {view image of page 205} THE HOPI 205 was the Qita-kiva ["excrement kiva" - the kiva of sorcerers]. When the sorcerers had assembled and smoked, they asked their chief what he wished. He said: "Yes! You know that some time ago the people of Payupki outran all my runners and cut off the hair of many of my young men. I have been thinking about this, and since I have learned that it was a girl who did this, we will have a race and we will use sorcery." Then they made their plans. It was decided that no woman could outrun a man in a longdistance race. In such a contest they thought they surely would win. The chief said: "We will wager our lives on this race. I feel very badly that my young men have lost their hair. So I am going over there this morning and notify them of another lace." When the sorcerer chief entered the kiva at Payupki, he was greeted kindly. "Sit down," they said, for they saw that he had his tobacco-pouch, which meant that he was on important business. The Payupki chief filled his pipe and smoked for good luck in the encounter which he knew was coming. When he had finished smoking, the visitor filled his own pipe and handed it to him, saying: "I-unansfnwa ['my heart-companion']!" And the other answered, "I-itnansunwa!" 1 When the smoking was ended, the Payupki chief asked, "What do you wish?" "Yes," said the other. "In four days we will race. It will be between my runner and your girl runner. We will wager our heads: the winners shall behead the losers." "Anchaai!" said the others bravely, though with heavy hearts. "They will race from the plaza of this Payupki to Hfikyatvi and back again. So we will make our pahos on the third day." Then the visitor went out. The Payupki men felt very badly, for they knew that a girl could not outrun a man for such a distance. That same day the chief took his daughter and his son into the field for another trial. He pointed out a certain cedar on the west side of the valley and told them to run to that tree and back. Both were to do their very best. So they started, the brother and the sister. When they turned at the tree, they were even. When they started homeward, the girl passed the youth, and she beat him by a goodly distance. Then the chief felt encouraged, thinking that perhaps after all he could in some way come out of this trouble. Still he knew the people at Chukubi were clever, for they had sorcery. He told his daughter that this would be the only trial, for she must rest the two days before the contest. On the third day the people made their pahos. Each village had for its grandmother a Spider Woman, but the Spider Woman of Chukubi was more powerful than any other. During the making of pahos, each Spider Woman was present in the kiva in her spider form. At Payupki the Spider Woman made a short paho against the Chukubi runner. That night the old men said they would watch the pahos while the young men went to their supper, and when the young men returned, the old men went to their meal. For it was feared that their rivals, being wizards, might in some way spoil the pahos and thus cause defeat. Each party remained watching and singing all night. In the Payupki kiva the girl runner was present with the men. The Chukubi people had two runners, who were going to use sorcery. One would take the form of a spherical gourd, and the other the form of a white dove. They placed their Spider Woman close to the pahos. She was to remain awake and watch them. About midnight she became sleepy, and the sorcerers were angry with her and slapped her face, saying: "You are of no account! You are becoming sleepy!" So they sent her out. Then she felt angry, and she went to her home a little way from the pueblo and cried. She thought of a plan for revenge. She transformed herself into a small worm and crawled into the kiva, down the dark side of the ladder. There was light on the pile of pahos. and she could not get to them without discovery. But some one happened to move between them and the fire and cast a shadow on them. Then the worm crawled up to them and among them, and went down into the gourd into which one of the runners had been transformed. Inside the gourd was a contrivance tied up with sinews. This was what made the gourd able to roll along very swiftly. The worm gnawed at the sinews until they were nearly severed, and when this was done, it crawled out of the kiva. In her spider form the Spider Woman proceeded straight to Payupki, where she told the other Spider Woman what had occurred. She said, "My grandchildren at Chukubi have mistreated me, and so your grandchildren will win the race." This is the form of address and reply used in smoking by men of equal rank. Only those of different rank say, "My father," and "My son." {view image of page 206} 206 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN She gave directions that early in the morning they should take their pahos and stand them in a row, and when the people came from Chukubi they would do likewise. Then the people would watch the pahos, and if any of them turned to a bright color, that would be a sign of good luck. The next day the pahos were set up, and the Payupki pahos changed their color and became very bright, while those of Chukubi appeared dusty and old. The Payupki chief had prepared a ceremonial robe for his daughter, which she was to wear in the race. From each row of pahos a line of meal was sprinkled in the direction in which they were to run. The gourd was placed on the line leading from the Chukubi pahos, and the girl took her place on the line leading from the Payupki pahos. The skin of a white dove, as well as the spirit of Kalemsa, was inside the gourd. At the start the gourd immediately got in front of the girl. But she had the Payupki Spider Woman behind her ear, and about midway between the two mesas the other Spider Woman had spread her net across the course. When the rolling gourd struck this obstacle, it bounded back. Then the girl overtook it, and passing, said, "I will go ahead a little while." "Anchaai!" said the gourd. While it was rolling forward and rebounding backward, trying to pass the net, the contrivance inside broke, and the gourd fell apart. Then the spirit of Kalemsa went into the skin of the white dove, and the Dove flew after the girl, who was nearing the turning point at Pi-koi-ftomo. Chicken-hawk was sitting there. He spoke to the girl: "Now run home, and run your best. I have not done my part yet. I am going to delay the Dove." Chicken-hawk was considered the girl's uncle, because the people of Payupki, when they went rabbit-hunting, always carried food to him. The Dove overtook the girl just as she was turning at this place. He said, "I will go ahead for a while." And he went swiftly on. Then Chicken-hawk watched. When the Dove was near Mas-fomo, Chicken-hawk dashed after him. But the Dove took refuge under a bush, and Chicken-hawk swooped down and plucked the feathers from one wing, which was exposed. He rose, and again dropped swiftly and plucked the feathers from the other wing. Again he swooped, and tore out the tail-feathers. While this was going on, the girl overtook them. "I will go on ahead for a while," she said. Without its feathers the Dove could not fly, so the spirit of Kalemsa resumed its human form and started after the girl. Now Chicken-hawk flew after her, and taking hold of the feather that was tied to her hair he flew swiftly forward, carrying her along. At the foot of the mesa he left her, and she ran on without assistance. The sorcerer was just coming in sight. The people in the village were beginning to wonder, because they saw the girl ahead. She came in far in advance of the man, and the Payupki chief rejoiced. But the people of Chukubi said no word. When Kalemsa came in, he pretended sickness as an excuse. The women and children began to weep, and the Chukubi chief spoke to the chief of Pay upki, saying: "Now it is understood between us. The only thing to be done is to go on with it." But the other said: "No, I do not want blood to be shed among all your people. I do not want all to be killed. But the runner shall pay for the life of the others." So the runner Kalemsa was beheaded. Then the Payupki chief said: "We will leave these villages. Nobody will live here." So the Chukubi people went home and packed their possessions, and some went to Oraibi, some to Shongopavi, and others to Mishongnovi. The Payupki people buried the girl alive near the spring and then left the place, taking with them the two Natiaska Kafmina masks. They went through the Gap of East mesa and travelled far eastward. This is a true tale.1 The Walpi Maiden and the Sorcerers 2 I-tdwuf'i! There was a very pretty girl living in a house on the street at the west side of the mesa. Her name was Sikyafii-mana ["yellow-bird maid"]. Just opposite there was a family, some of whom were sorcerers. This family also had a pretty daughter, and she was a witch. The Warrior Chief lived in the apartment above that of the sorcerers. 1 Payupki ("river house") was settled by refugees from the Rio Grande after the insurrection of I68o. In 1748 they returned to the east and settled in Sandia. The tale purports to account for the abandonment of Payupki. 2 Narrated by Y6ywfinl, of the Walpi Reed clan. {view image of page 207} THE HOPI 207 The parents of Sikyaifi-mana were in the habit of choosing some young man and telling her that she ought to marry him; but the maiden was unwilling to be married. Now the witch girl found a lover, and by chance Sikyifsi-mana took a fancy to the same youth. The witch girl went to the young man's home with her piki, and a few days later Sikyifsi-mana did the same. The parents of the young man, not knowing what to do in this unusual situation, used the piki of both girls. This displeased the sorcerers, and they planned to get rid of Sikyifsimana. By sorcery they took her heart, and she died a few days later. The body was buried below Noven-hawiwa [noven, a plant used for greens; hatriwa, a descent], the trail leading to Tawi-pa. Her elder brother doubted that there was any real sickness in this, but thought it was witchcraft; and on the night of her death and burial, went with his bow and arrows down the trail and concealed himself among the rocks to watch the grave. It was not long before he heard the howling of a wolf in the valley. It came closer and closer, until it was near the grave, and then there came also the howling and barking of many coyotes approaching. He said to himself, "I thought there was something in it!" The wolf reached the grave first, and the coyotes came flocking in. These were really the sorcerers, who had transformed themselves into wolf and coyotes by throwing skins over their shoulders, tying curving pieces of cottonwood roots to their feet for claws, and holding similar sticks in their hands. They began to dig, and soon uncovered the body, which they carried away along the trail to the terrace, where they turned to the left toward the ruin of Kisakobi. Close to the ruin they stopped, lifted a large bunch of grass that was growing there, and disappeared into the earth. The young man was following them, and when they disappeared he looked down into the hole upon many people sitting in a circle. He wondered what he should do, where he could obtain help, and he thought of the Warrior Chief, whose duty it was to act in such situation. So he ran up to the village. He found the Warrior Chief smoking. The chief knew at once that it was something important, so without the usual formality of waiting, he asked, "What is it?" "Yes," said the young man. "You know my sister died this morning. Tonight I went down to watch. I found that the sorcerers have taken her out and carried her away. I saw them go on the other side of the mesa. They went down into the ground. I had not the courage to go after them, and I have come to ask if you will help me." The Warrior Chief answered: " I cannot say no. I must go with you." He dressed himself in his war-cap and his deerskin mantle and his t6ziki [a rope of twisted deerskin thongs passing over one shoulder and under the other, and worn as his badge of office]. He took his large and his small tala-wipiki ["light zigzag" - an arrangement of wooden slats so put together, lattice-work fashion, that with one movement it can be shot out to some length, and with another withdrawn and folded up], and his war-club. Then the two started, running down the trail to the place where the sorcerers had disappeared. The young man lifted the bunch of grass, and they went down the ladder, the Warrior Chief following the young man. At the bottom of the ladder they sat down unobserved, for the power of the Warrior Chief was at work. The sorcerers were finishing their smoke. The chief, a huge, ugly, bald-headed old man, said, "It is time to get at our work!" He gave out his orders. A woman's dress was spread on the floor, and the body of the girl was laid on it and covered with another garment. Then the singing began. After four songs the girl began to move, and they took off the covering and removed all her clothing. Before the singing three persons had been chosen to impersonate the girl's father, mother, and brother, because when she returned to life it was probable that she would call for these relatives. So it was. The girl called for her mother, and the sorcerer chosen for this duty answered her. She called for her father and her brother, and each time a sorcerer answered. Then the one who was personating the mother rubbed the girl's body. When the girl was quite herself again, the chief gave orders that a space in the middle of the room should be cleared. The people moved back, and the chief spread some blankets on the floor and commanded the girl to lie on them. She obeyed, and the old man, feeble with age, crept out from his place. He was just about to ravish the maiden when the Warrior Chief whispered to his companion, "Take her out from under him." The young man cried out, "What are you doing?" He seized his sister and dragged her {view image of page 208} 208 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN away from the old man. The old sorcerer demanded: "How is it that you have entered our house? Nobody has ever entered it before. Perhaps you are a man. We will find out." The young man drew his sister back and placed her behind him and in front of the Warrior Chief. It was now to be a contest of magic between the two chiefs. The fire was extinguished, and the Warrior Chief placed the youth at his left and the girl at his right, and set his shield before them. The sorcerer chief commanded his people to get their weapons ready. Each sorcerer had many suchava [Olivella shells], porcupine-quills, and cactus-thorns, which they began to throw at the intruders. But the missiles struck only harmlessly against the shield. Soon the sorcerer chief said: "It is enough. It does not take this long to kill anyone." The fire was relighted; but unobserved the Warrior Chief had removed his shield, and there the three sat, apparently unprotected, yet unharmed. Now the sorcerer chief was surprised, and he told his opponents to try what they could do. The fire was again extinguished, and the Warrior Chief opened his jars, one containing bumblebees, and another honeybees. The bees swarmed out and attacked the sorcerers, stinging them in the face and all over the body. Soon the sorcerers began to beg for mercy, and just before the fire was relighted, the bees swarmed back into the jars. Then the sorcerer chief said they would try another contest. The fire was put out, and the Warrior Chief again set up his shield. This time the sorcerers used larger suchava, and when they thought they must surely have killed their opponents, the fire was rekindled; but still the three were unharmed. Said the sorcerer chief: "I think you are a man! You have beaten us twice. Try what you can do." The fire was extinguished, and the Warrior Chief used his two lightning-sticks, the great lightning twice and the small lightning twice, then the great one twice again and the small twice again. The flashing lightning filled the room and struck all the sorcerers and cut them to pieces. Then the Warrior Chief said to his companions: "Let us hurry out of this place! The sorcerers are clever, and they may come to life and do us harm before we escape." So they hastened up the ladder. No sooner had they gone than the sorcerers began to recover, reaching this way and that for their heads, arms, and legs. Several heads were misplaced, and attached to the wrong bodies; but when they discovered their mistakes, they exchanged the misplaced members. Some did not get their legs placed on their bodies properly, and these were ever after lame. Others got their eyes improperly placed, and these were blind or imperfect of vision. Others had their eyes burned by the lightning, and these had gray eyes. This was the origin of lameness, blindness, and gray eyes. Now the sorcerers began to discuss what they should do. Some said, "We will fall off the houses and kill ourselves." Others said they would fall as they walked, others that they would fall dead from stepping on small slivers of wood, some that they would fall down into the sorcerers' kiva and thus kill themselves. For having been discovered at their witchcraft, they felt that it was necessary for them to die. The girl's brother and the Warrior Chief took the maiden to her home, and after the sorcerers had decided how they were to die, they also went home. The Warrior Chief now made a plan by which the girl was to be shown to the people. For if she should reappear right after her burial, they would not believe that she had been restored by any means but sorcery. He told the younger man to go to the chief of the Yiya priests, and ask if he would perform his ceremony, and if in doing it he would call the girl back from her grave. When the young man reached the house of Yaya-monwi on this same night, he found him sleeping. He awoke the chief and gave him a smoke, and when, after the smoke, Yiaya-monwi asked, "What is it you wish?" the young man explained what had happened and made his request. The chief said he could do it, and promised to perform his ceremony in eight days, announcing it on the morrow. The young man then returned to the Warrior Chief and told him that it had been arranged. The girl was to be kept concealed in the house during the eight days. On the following morning the Crier Chief announced that the Yaya fraternity would have their ceremony in eight days. Four days later it was Ydnya, and the Yiyatti began to make ready their secret objects for performing magic. On Totokya night the young man went to {view image of page 209} THE HOPI 209 Yiya-monwi and asked what he should do with his sister, and the chief said, "Early in the morning take her down to the grave and hide her among the rocks." So the young man prepared for his sister new moccasins and a new dress, and she put them on. Early in the morning he led her to the grave and dug out a shallow place under a rock for her to lie in. Then he returned home. When the Yayatu began their work for the day, they performed several feats of magic before the one of recalling the girl from her grave. About noon some of the priests came out from Al-kiva and went among the houses, seizing upon various objects such as broken pots from the chimneys, rags, and other worthless things, and throwing them among the people. Whenever they came to a store-house they would seize provisions and throw them among the people, who would scramble for them. After this they returned to Al-kiva, and while standing on the roof they called out, "Sikyaifi-mana, who died some days ago, rise out of the grave and come here!" Each one called in his turn. The people, suddenly astonished, watched, and when the last one had called, the girl appeared among the rocks and walked up the trail to the terrace. The Yiya priests kept calling more and more loudly, as she approached, and when she reached the mesa they called, "Hurry, hurry!" She began to run, and when she arrived at Al-kiva, each Yaya priest embraced her. She was taken into the kiva with the Yayatu, and after a little while they all came out with her. She went among the houses with them, and then all returned to the kiva. Whenever they came out to perform one of their magic feats, she accompanied them and assisted the singers. At the close of the ceremony the girl's brother went to the kiva, and she returned home with him. The Warrior Chief went to their house and advised her parents that they must take good care of her and never scold her. "For," he said, "she was dead, and it is very likely that any food she prepares will not become thoroughly cooked." 1 They were kind to her for a time, but one day her mother became displeased because of her poor cooking, and forgetting the counsel of the Warrior Chief she scolded her daughter. The girl felt sad, and immediately sickened and died. It was after this that the sorcerers began to kill themselves in the manner they had severally planned; but before they all were dead, the few remaining ones decided not to kill themselves, and their descendants are still sorcerers. Paiyasava! The Poor Boys and the Sorcerers 2 I-tdwu'ti! People were living at Kuchaptuvela and at Kisakobi. The Qita [sorcerer] chief called in the members of his kiva, and when they had assembled, they said: "Taai ['go on']! Himuu ['what']?" "Owe!" responded the chief. "There are too many children, and we must get rid of them. I have found the way. We will create a chavcyu [giant]." "Anchaaz!" said the sorcerers. So the chief appointed men to procure juniper-bark, and when it was brought they made it into a human effigy and put a crystal into it for the heart and shells for the liver and the lungs. Then they placed it between two ceremonial robes and sang over it. While they sang, it became alive, and they removed the covering. There lay a huge giant. He rose and spoke out in a loud voice, "What do you want of me?" "Ow!" said the chief. "There are too many children and we want you to eat them." "A/l ['good eating']!" exclaimed the giant. "And what place will be my home?" "You will go to Siqi-teika [a cliff a few miles north and west of Walpi on the opposite side of the valley]." "Anchaai!" said the giant. He departed, and prepared his home in the cliff, and he excavated pits in the rock for roasting the children. That very night he went to Kisakobi, and passed from one house to another, demanding a child from each family, and he would not go until one was given to him. He put the children in a basket on his back, and thus carried away several children every night. At Kuchaptuvela a poor old woman lived with her two little grandsons a short distance from the main part of the village. She became fearful that her two boys would be taken by 1 The dead, it is thought, do not cook their food. 2 Narrated by Wisti, of the Rabbit division of the Walpi Tobacco clan. VOL. XII-27 {view image of page 210} 210 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the giant; for at the rate he was coming he would soon reach her house. One day she sent them to the cliff at Kan6l-va for wood of which to make bows and arrows. So they obtained the wood and prepared it for weapons. They secured wing-feathers of bluebirds and robins, and finished the arrows. This was done on the day before the giant in the course of his rounds in Kuchaptuvela would arrive at their house. The next night they waited for him. They heard his heavy footsteps, and his rough voice demanding a child. But the old woman said, "No, I will not give my grandsons to you." "You will!" he shouted. "I must have them!" "If you want them so much, come yourself and get them," she said. "I will," he rumbled. He came into the house. The two little boys were sitting beside the fire with their bows and arrows, and when he started toward them, they stood up and ran around him, one on each side, and shot him through the heart. He fell dead. Then the old woman was frightened, for she feared the sorcerers. So they dug a hole behind the ladder and buried the body, and she scraped up the blood and spread a new covering of earth. Now the next night the sorcerers at Kisakobi wondered why their giant did not come as usual, and on the following day they sent two men to Siqi-teika. They found his tracks going toward the village, and followed them to the house occupied by the two little boys and the poor old woman. Then they returned to their kiva and made their report. Some wondered if these children had been able to kill their giant, others doubted. It was decided to wait and see if he would not appear that night. But he did not come. Nevertheless they waited until the next night, and then the Qita chief summoned his men. A young man said: "It might be that those little boys have killed our giant. Such things happen. A poor child sometimes has very good luck." So the mother of the sorcerers was sent for, a witch who was a member of their kiva. She bathed, and rubbed from her body some cuticle, which she made into the form of a wren, and by singing they gave it life. "What do you want?" asked Wren. "Ow!" said the chief. "Our giant has disappeared, and we want you to find him." "/lnchaai!" said Wren, and flitted away through the kiva hatchway. The bird went hopping about the cliff at the giant's home, searching for him. Then it came to the house of the old woman and the two little boys, and hopped in. When the old woman saw it, she said: "That bird is a sorcerer! It is looking for the giant." After flitting about the house, the Wren flew out and returned to the Qita-kiva, and reported that he had not been able to find the giant. The witch-mother rolled another ball of cuticle, of which they made a mas-tovi ["corpse fly"]. The big, buzzing Fly asked, "What do you want of me?" "We want you to find our giant," they said. And the Fly buzzed straight to the home of the poor old woman. It flew about the house, and then went in. The old woman said, "What is this fly doing here?" She suspected that it was an agent of the sorcerers. But the Fly found nothing until just as he was going out, when he detected the odor of a corpse. He went back and alighted on the floor, and when he was certain that he had found the body, he returned to the Qita-kiva. "What have you found?" inquired the chief. "Yes, I have found your giant. He is buried behind the ladder in the home of the two poor little boys and the poor old woman." Then the young man said: "I have told you that poor people sometimes do such things. You see they have killed our giant." It was agreed that the two boys and their grandmother should be killed, and a man was sent to them. The grandmother greeted him kindly. He filled his pipe and handed it to her, and she gave it to her boys, who passed it back and forth until it was smoked out. Then she asked, "What is it you want?" "The sorcerers have decided to kill you and your boys in four days," said the man. And the old woman and the little boys were very downcast. The next day she sent the boys to see if they could not find some green plants and thus prove themselves powerful. For it was midwinter. They went a short distance and on the side of the cliff they found a spring beside which green grass was growing. They pulled up the grass, put mud about its roots, and carried it a little way from the spring, where they placed it under a rock and sat down to rest. While they sat there a man appeared before them. {view image of page 211} THE HOPI 211 "What are you doing here?" asked he. "We are just resting," they answered. "We have been wandering along, and now we are resting." "I know what you are doing," he said, "and I have come for you." "Where are you from?" they inquired. "I am from Kisiuf [the home of the Kachinas]. You must go with me." He laid on the ground a pa-tuwota ["water-shield"]. The boys, at his direction, stepped on the shield with him, and it immediately began to revolve rapidly, rose in the air with them, and carried them quickly to Kisiuf. They were carried down into the spring, and the Kachinas treated them kindly. The chief said, "Have you come?" "Yes," they said. "I have sent this man for you, so that we may arrange about the way you shall escape from your trouble. The only thing you must do when they come to kill you is to call on the Kachinas. Tell your grandmother that she is the first one to call us, and you two will be the next. When we start, you will see clouds in this direction. Keep calling us, saying: 'They have started, they are on their way, they are coming.' Keep saying this until we reach the village. This is all you have to do. We will do the rest." Then the Kachinas gave them melons and corn, and the man who had brought them took them home on the water-shield. When they arrived, their grandmother was surprised to see the fruits they had brought, and she was very happy. For she knew this to be a sign that they would in some way escape from their trouble. The next evening the Kisakobi chief came to them. He said: "I will be on your side, and the Warrior Chief also will be on vour side. We will see how it is to be done." One of the sorcerers, a young man, also was in favor of the poor family. Altogether there were eleven men against the sorcerers. When the chief had finished talking, he smelled the melons and said, "Where do you find melons?" The boys said, "Give the poor man melons." So she gave the chief some of the fruit. The chief went home, where the Warrior Chief and the friendly sorcerer were awaiting him. They asked what they were to do, and he told them to make pahos the next day. The two boys also had been instructed to make pahos at their house. So the next day was the day for paho-making, and the sorcerers were in their kiva at this work. On the morrow the boys and the old woman were to be killed. The sorcerers were the first to show their power, and they planted seeds and sang over them in the plaza. They were dressed like Kachinas. The corn sprouted and came up, but it did not grow high. They performed the ceremony now represented in the Kachina dance in which lightning is sent out from behind a curtain, and snow and rain are made to fall, and Pa-l6l6kanfi ["water bullsnake"] knocks over the corn plants. When they had finished, they thought they had demonstrated greater power than the others could show, and bade the old woman and the little boys show what they could do. All these three had was their pahos and a basket of meal. The old woman threw some meal toward Kisiuui, and called for the Kachinas, and clouds were seen in that direction. "There they are!" she cried. Then one of the boys threw meal toward Kisiuu, and said, "They have started." The other did the same thing, and said, "They are coming." The woman took the meal and cried, "They are coming in sight!" While all this was being done, the sorcerers were angry and disgusted. "These people can do nothing," they said. "They are only taking up time." They wished to kill them at once. But the people said they would wait and see what happened. The old woman again called for the Kachirias, and now they were seen coming up the trail. As they approached the village, the old woman said, "Let us go to meet them!" So the woman and the two boys met the Kachinas at the edge of the village and escorted them to the plaza, where the visitors at once prepared the ground, spreading sand in which they planted all kinds of seeds. Then they danced and sang, and real clouds appeared and 'real rain fell. It rained constantly while they danced, and the seeds at once sprouted and grew up, and quickly bore fruit, which in a little while was mature. Then they told the boys to distribute the fruits among all the people. The Kisakobi chief, the Warrior Chief, the old woman, and the two boys gave pahos to the Kachinas, who then departed. Now the chief said that he did not wish any to be killed. "It is for the sorcerers to find a way to rid us of them. Since you boys have more power than anybody else, I do not want {view image of page 212} 212 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN to be the chief hereafter. You must take my place." The sorcerer who had favored the poor family said: "I knew these boys would get out of trouble in some way. And now the sorcerers must find a way to die." From that time the sorcerers began to die off. Some fell into the kiva and thus killed themselves, others died as they walked. All perished except the one who had favored the poor family, and from him are descended the sorcerers of the present day. Paiyasava! Destruction of the Bird Monster Qatukua 1 I-tdwuzf2i! People were living at Kuchaptuvela. The great bird Qatukua [a mythic creature now identified with the condor] was in the country at that time. A woman was carried away from the village one day when she went a little way from the house, and when she failed to return, her husband went to search for her. He trailed her outside the village, but the trail ended without any returning footprints. So he wandered about in his search, and in the valley midway between the two mesas he saw the tracks of Qitukua and the woman. By this he knew that she had been carried away. The next day he went to San Francisco mountains, the home of Qatukua, and as he was nearing the mountains, he saw somebody among the foothills. It was a large, ugly man. When the traveller approached, the man said, "Om-pita ['you have come']?" "Yes," said the traveller, and he entered the house. The man gave him food, but the food was grass. Seeing that his guest did not eat, the man brought from another room juniperberries that had been boiled and ground. This the guest ate. As he ate, the man asked, "Where are you going?" Then the traveller told how Qitukua had stolen his wife and how he was searching for her; and the big man said: "I know about this. I saw Qitukua pass this house with your wife." He gave the traveller his great coat, which was made of juniper-bark, but was so polished with pinion-gum that it glistened like a crystal. For this man was Pachipqasa, the great lizard. He said: "Qatukua has a coat that resembles this. It is made of ice, but mine is made of bark polished with pinion-gum, so that it looks like the ice coat of Qitukua. I give you this because I know that you will have to contend with him, and it will be useful to you." Then after instructing him as to the use of the coat, he sent the traveller on, saying, "There is another person waiting for you halfway up the mountain." So the man resumed his journey. As he was going along, he met another person. This was Mole, who spoke, saying, "Have you come?" "Yes," answered the man. He received some roots to eat, and explained the reason of his journey, whereupon Mole promised his assistance. When the man reached the house of Qitukua, he entered at once. He saw the great ice coat hanging on the wall, and put it on in place of the Lizard's coat, which he hung on the wall. Then he went into the inner room, where he beheld Qitukua. "Sit down," said Qatuklla. "Why have you come? No man has ever been here." "I have come for my wife, whom vou stole," said the man. "Hao! Anchaai! Hintani ['so, all right, we will see about it']," said Qitukua. He filled and lighted his pipe and handed it to the man, telling him to inhale the smoke and hold it. But while the man was smoking, Mole came up through his burrow and made an opening through the ground in the place where the man was sitting. So when he inhaled the smoke, it passed through him, down into the burrow, and out into the valley below. He smoked the pipe out and returned it to Qitukua. Then Qitukua said: "We will try something else, and if you succeed in this you shall have your wife and all the others who are here." So the two went out. There were four pines in a row, and Qitukua challenged him to throw them down. Now Mole had already been gnawing at the roots of the trees, so that when the man grasped and shook them, they were easily thrown over. But Qitukua said: "There is one thing more. We will climb, each of us, on a great pile of wood and we will set fire to it and see which one comes out alive." He went into the house and took down the coat of Lizard, not aware of the exchange. Each one climbed on a pile of wood, and some of the servants of Qitukua placed fire beneath them. When the fire blazed 1 Narrated by Lomasi, of the Walpi Badger clan. {view image of page 213} THE HOPI 2I3 up, it burned Qatukua to ashes, because he had on a coat of bark, while the man escaped, because the melting ice of his coat extinguished the flames. When Qitukua was burned up the man went into the house where the people were imprisoned, and found his wife and many others, some from every tribe in this country. Many were on the point of starvation, others were still able to walk. These he led down the mountain and directed to their several homes. He returned then to Kuchaptuvela with his wife, and there he drew on a rock the picture of Qatukua as a memorial oi his victory. Paiyasava! 1 A Race between Chicken-hawk and the Antelope 2 I-ta'wuiti! People were living at Sikyatki and others below N6ven-hawiwa [one of the trails on the east side of East mesa]. The people of Sikyatki planned a game of sos6otkpi, for it was the moon Pi-muya. So they sent a messenger to N6ven-hawiwa, and standing at the foot of the ladder he said, "Prepare your wood for the night." "Anchaai!" responded the men. "We are going to play sosotikpi," said the messenger. "Anchaai!' answered the men again. Then the messenger returned to Sikyatki. That night the Sikyatkiti came with their drum, singing as they walked. In the kiva the people of N6ven-hawiwa took their place on the north side and the people of Sikyatki on the south side. The latter set up the wooden cups, and the others knocked them over and won. So the play went on, and in the end the Sikyatki men were beaten. The wager was the clothing of the players, cotton shirts and cotton leggings. The Sikyatki men returned home, and it was arranged that the others should visit them and play on the following night. So the people of N6ven-hawiwa went with their drum, singing as they walked, and when they assembled in the kiva, they set up the cups and the others knocked them over and won. But the visitors recovered the cups and continued to win until the game was decided in their favor. This time they won nearly all the clothing remaining to the losers. Now the N6ven-hawiwa men challenged the Sikyatkitu to play on the next night. For the third time Sikyatki lost, and this time they had wagered their wives. Once more they played, and the Sikyatki men lost their sisters and their nephews. Then they were angry, and quarrelled among themselves before they went home. All night they continued to bicker and accuse one another and lament their bad luck, and finally they decided to challenge the others to a race. Chicken-hawk, who lived in the side of the cliff, was their champion. They sent a messenger to apprise him of the race, and another to challenge the men of N6ven-hawiwa. They made a paho for Chicken-hawk, and some komi [a food prepared by mixing a dough of sweet-corn meal and baking it]. Chicken-hawk was pleased with the gifts, and when the messenger told him what bad luck they had had and how they now wished to run a race, he said, "If I win, I will cut off the head of my opponent; but if I lose, he shall cut off my head." With this answer the messenger returned home. Now the N6ven-hawiwa people, having accepted the challenge, wondered what they could do. They thought of all the birds of the air, but could not agree on any one of them. Morning came, and they were still undecided. A little boy, unnoticed in a far corner of the kiva, came forward to the fire, filled a pipe, and smoked. Everybody was watching him, for it was very unusual that so obscure a person should fill a pipe. When he had smoked, they said: "Taai! What do you think?" "Yes," he answered. "We have never thought of them." "What is it?" they inquired. "I am thinking of the Antelope. You never thought of them. I believe they will do." All agreed with him and said it was a good thought. So they began to gather dry, punk-like, cottonwood roots and with them made pdts-vaho ["flat paho"] 3 for the Antelope. 1 See Fewkes in American Anthropologist, N. S., Vol. 8, No. 2, pages 362-363. Fewkes calls the monster bird Kwataka, Eagle Man, but all informants questioned on this subject insisted that the translation is incorrect. T6ka is quite plainly not the second element of the word. 2 Narrated by Lomasi, of the Walpi Badger clan. 3 "Flat pahos" are made for all the large game animals. The dry root is cut down flat on both sides and rubbed smooth on sandstone until it is about three fingers wide and five inches long. Feathers from the side of a turkey are bound to it. {view image of page 214} 214 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN While this was going on, Chicken-hawk was practising his running. He said that the race would be from N6ven-hawiwa to Sus-tavan-tfqi ["first western mountain" - the westernmost of the Hopi buttes] and back to the village. On the third day at noon the people of N6ovnhawiwa had finished making their pahos and had filled several baskets. The pahos were placed then in a ceremonial robe, and the little boy who had proposed the Antelope was told to carry them by way of Os-teika past Awatobi and so to Ts6-pa ["antelope spring" - Jeditoh], and then on a little distance below the spring, where he would meet one of the Antelope. When the boy reached the place below Ts6-pa it was dusk, and as he walked along he saw a dim white object before him. He went forward and saw a girl in white cotton clothing. " Om-pita ['you have come']," she greeted him. "Let us go on. There is no time to be wasted." She led him southward, and as they neared the Hopi buttes they came upon some great bunches of green grass. One of these the girl lifted aside, disclosing an opening into the earth. A voice below bade them enter. Now before starting from home the boy had received instructions as to what he should do when he met the Antelope people. The old men gave him a place among them, and he watched them carefully. When they lighted their pipes, he lighted his and smoked. The chief handed the boy his pipe, and after taking four puffs he returned it and went on smoking his own. There were two rooms in the house, the one in which the boy was received being filled with men, and the one adjoining it being occupied by women and girls. When the chief directed that food be given the guest, the girls placed before him grass and green stuff of all kinds; but the boy only looked at it. The chief ordered something else to be brought, and a piece of mumu'spiki was placed before him. He broke it in two and ate a single piece. When the remainder was cleared away from before him, the Antelope chief asked: "What is it? Nobody ever has entered our house. It seemed that you had forgotten us. We think you must have something important, else you would not have come." Then the boy related how the Sikyatki people had been beaten, and how they had announced a race. Said the chief: "All right! Since you have brought these pahos for us, we will help you." Then he inquired of his young men, " Who will run for the people of N6venhawiwa? " But none volunteered, because they had been told that the loser would be beheaded. The chief asked a second time for volunteers, but still there was silence. At last a voice in the other room said, "I will run for them." "Are you in earnest about this?" inquired the chief. "Yes, I will run the race, and either win it or lose my head." Then the brother of the girl who had spoken said, "I will help my sister in running this race." And the chief thanked them. The brother and sister then distributed pahos among the Antelope men, and the remainder among the women. When this was finished, the chief directed that two young men take the boy home, so that he'would not be long on the way. Two men volunteered for this duty, and after leaving the kiva they assumed the antelope form and the boy placed his arms around their necks. So they started running, the boy swinging between them. At Os-teika they left him. When the boy reported the answer of the Antelope, the people rejoiced, and the following morning was spent in making pahos. At noon came the Sikyatki men with their drum, singing as they walked to Noven-hawiwa, and Chicken-hawk flew along above them, swooping down and rising high in the air. He felt certain of winning, and was proud of his swiftness. The people were shouting and singing. When they reached Noven-hawiwa they called, "Hurry, come out!" Chicken-hawk alighted on a shaft of rock and waited. Then the Noven-hawiwa people came out of their kiva and started toward Tawi-pa, where the race was to start. They planted two pahos, drew a line between them, and sprinkled meal along the line. The Sikyatki men gathered around the south end of the line and the others about the north end. The former constantly urged haste, crying: "Where is your runner? Come, hurry!" And Chicken-hawk kept calling, "People, where is your runner?" But the others said little. They were watching in the direction from which the Antelope were expected to come. Before the two Antelope started, their chief made two cornhusk cigarettes, which the girl placed in her belt. Then in their antelope form they set out, and near Tawa-pa they became little antelope fawns. When they reached the spring and the crowds of waiting people, the men of N6ovn-hawiwa felt much downcast, for they had no confidence in these young antelope. The fawns were sweating and appeared to be already exhausted. A knife of flint was laid on {view image of page 215} THE HOPI 2I5 the line between the two pahos, and the Sikyatki chief called his runner down from his perch on the rock. Chicken-hawk swooped down and perched on the line beside the two fawns. He said: "Now on this day we will race. On this day one of us will lose his head. If I am the swifter, I will behead both of you. If you outrun me in this race, you shall behead me." Then he announced that all was ready, and the people responded together, "Anchaai!" The race began. As soon as the Antelope were below Tawi-pa they resumed their form of mature antelope. By this time Chicken-hawk was already turning at Os-teika and starting down the valley; for the race was to be around Sus-tavan-tfqi. Now the Antelope began to run. When Chickenhawk was turning at Sus-tavan-tuqi they overtook him, and after rounding the butte they passed him. Chicken-hawk had two rabbit-sticks, and as the Antelope passed, he threw one of the sticks. But when the Antelope heard the whizzing of the missile behind them, they suddenly lay down, and it passed harmlessly over them. Then Chicken-hawk threw the other stick, which they avoided in the same manner. Soon he passed them, saying, "I will take the lead for a while." But as soon as he had passed, the Antelope quickly lay down, and Antelope Girl took out a cigarette, lighted it from the rays of the sun, smoked two puffs, and buried the stump in the sand. The smoke that she exhaled formed clouds before her, and quickly a heavy rain fell and wet the feathers of Chicken-hawk. In a short time they overtook him lying under a bush. Said Antelope Girl, "You are still here?" "Yes," he answered. "We will go on ahead for a while." "Anchaai!" he said. As soon as they had passed, he began to flap his wings, trying to dry his feathers, and when they were dry he flew on after the Antelope. In the valley he overtook them again, but when he passed, Antelope Girl smoked two puffs of the other cigarette, and another rain fell and wet the feathers of their opponent. They found him sitting among the rocks, all wet and bedraggled, and they passed on, saying, "We will take the lead for a while." Sitting among the rocks in the adobe clay, Chicken-hawk got his wings muddy, and had a hard time cleaning them. The Antelope were now approaching Os-teika and headed toward Tawi-pa, and when they came to where they had left their fawn-skins, they quickly got into them and from then on hobbled along slowly and with pretended difficulty. At this time Chicken-hawk was at Os-teika. When the Antelope reached the waiting people, they stumbled and rolled across the line just before their opponent dashed past them and alighted on his rock. Then all the people of N6ven-hawiwa gave a great shout, but the Sikyitkitu were silent. When the Antelope had recovered their breath, the Sikyatki chief called his runner down from the rock. Chicken-hawk flew down and sat beside the two fawns. Looking up toward the sun, he said: "I shall see the sun no more. My life is going to end. I have lost, and you have beaten me, so you shall behead me as I myself stipulated." The N6ven-hawiwa chief then grasped the flint knife, cut off the head of Chicken-hawk, opened the breast, and removed the heart, which he buried a short distance from that place in a hole the depth of his arm. He built a small three-sided cell with a slab of stone on the top, as Chicken-hawk had requested, saying: "If any one wishes to be strong in running, he shall pray there and I will give him strength. If any one wishes to get rabbits, he shall make offerings there, and I will give him good luck in hunting rabbits. For I am a good rabbit-hunter, and the man who prays at this shrine where my heart is buried will have my luck to catch rabbits and to run swiftly." 1 All the members of the Sikyatki kiva were killed and beheaded, and the two Antelope were sent home with pahos tied to their legs. Paiyasava! Porcupine and Coyote 2 I-tdwufii! Porcupine lived at Minyfi-ovi ["porcupine high-place"- near the trail between Oraibi and Middle mesa], and Coyote, his friend, not far away. At the end of one of Porcupine's visits, he invited Coyote to eat at his house on the following day. But when his guest arrived, Porcupine said: "Well, my friend, there is nothing I can give you to eat. The children have eaten all the food. But gather some wood and make a big fire, and I will see what can be done." 1 The shrine is called tnain-tana ("heart in"). 2 Narrated by Y6ywiun, of the Walpi Reed clan. {view image of page 216} 2I6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN So Coyote built a fire, and Porcupine secured pifion-bark. From the house he brought a greasewood stick, sharp and pointed. He laid the bark before him and thrust the stick into his nose. Blood flowed, and he allowed it to drip on the bark. This he placed in the fire to roast, and while it was cooking it became meat, which he gave to Coyote. After the feast was ended, the visitor invited Porcupine to his house for the next day. So on the morrow Porcupine was greeted with the same words he had addressed to Coyote on the previous day, and like Coyote, he proceeded without a word to gather wood and to build a large fire. Coyote now brought forth some pinon-bark and a sharp stick. He pushed the stick up into his nose. But no blood camne, and he thrust the stick far up and pushed it so hard that it went into his brain. Then his nose began to bleed profusely. He stooped over the bark and let the blood drip on it, and he laid the pieces in the hre to roast. It began to burn like any bark, and though Coyote tried to blow out the flame, pitch on the bark prevented him. So the bark burned up and would not turn into meat. By this time Coyote was beginning to grow dizzy with loss of blood, and soon he fell dead. Paiycsava! Coyotes Fail to Catch the Young Crows I-twuif'i! At Is-mo-wala ["coyote mouth gap"-a place south of Oraibi, so called from a fancied resemblance to the mouth of a coyote] Coyote was living. One day he went rabbit-hunting down the valley to Siu-fsomo ["onion knoll"], and while wandering along he came upon a nest of crows among the rocks. He could not quite reach them, so he started home for help, and on the way he killed a rabbit. The next morning he boiled the rabbit, and going out a little way from his home, he howled and barked toward the north. Soon there came a Coyote running at full speed. He dashed up, made a sharp turn, and stopped. "What is it?" he asked. "While I was hunting rabbits," said the other, "I found a nest of young crows, and I want you to nelp me get them." "A4li ['good eating']!" said the newcomer. Coyote then repeated his howling and barking toward the west, and another Coyote came running from that direction. Thus also he brought a Coyote from the south, and another from the east. After he had explained his purpose to the last arrival, they ate the rabbit and set out for the crows' nest. Having reached the place they began to ponder how they should get at the crows. They decided to suspend themselves downward from the upper edge of the rock, one holding the other, and the smallest going first. It was determined also that they should keep their eyes closed, so as to avoid dizziness. The smallest was lowered over the edge by the next larger, who held his tail in his mouth. Then the next larger took hold of the tail of the second one, and so it went. But when the largest was holding the weight of the other four suspended below him, still the first could not quite reach the crows. He called to the one at the top of the rock to come a little closer to the edge. At this point the Coyote in the middle of the line opened his eyes to see how far the first one was from the nest. The two below him were straining so hard to bridge the intervening distance that the anus of each was stretched wide, and excrement was being squeezed out.. At this sight he laughed aloud, and the two below him plunged to the bottom. The fourth Coyote opened his eyes to see what was the matter, and observing the one below him in the same condition that had caused so much merriment, he too burst out laughing and let the one below him fall. The one on the edge of the cliff now opened his eyes and began to laugh at the same sight, and thus the fourth fell, while the last one laughed so heartily that he fell off the cliff and perished with the other four. Paiyasava! 1 Narrated by Y6ywfintl, of the Walpi Reed clan. {view image of page 217} Appendix VOL. XII - 28 {view image of page 218} {view image of page 219} APPENDIX Tribal Summary LANGUAGE - Shoshonean. POPULATION - Espejo in 1583 ascribed to a single Hopi village, Awatobi, a population of 50,000, but as all of Espejo's population figures are vastly exaggerated, his word in this respect should not be taken seriously. In I680 the following estimates were given: Awatobi, 800; Shongopavi, 500; Walpi, I200. Oraibi was said to have, prior to this time, I4,ooo inhabitants - another instance of carelessness with ciphers. On the whole it seems safe to say that the population of Tusayan in the middle of the seventeenth century was not greater than 5000. The present Hopi population, including the Tewa, is about 2000. The following pueblos are occupied: at East mesa, Walpi, Sichomovi, Hano (Tewa); at Middle mesa, Shongopavi, Mishongnovi, Shipaulovi; at West mesa, Oraibi, Hotavila, Pakavi. There are also about 2000 Navaho on the Hopi reservation. DRESS-The primitive costume for men included a straight-sleeved or sleeveless shirt of undyed native cotton, worn like a poncho; kn'tted cotton leggings reaching halfway up the thighs; cotton loin-cloth; moccasins of deerskin or sandals of cleverly woven yucca-leaves; strings of turquois beads for ear-pendants; necklaces of various berries and seeds; and a cotton head-band. Leggings were worn only in cold weather, and moccasins in snow or on a rough trail. Ordinarily only shirt and loin-cloth were used, and not uncommonly the former was discarded. In recent years Hopi men have worn calico shirts cut on the old pattern, cotton trousers extending to mid-calf, and moccasins. Commercial garments are now the rule. Ordinarily the only garments of the primitive Hopi woman were an undyed cotton robe, which passed under the left arm and was fastened above the right shoulder, the edges overlapping at the right side, and an embroidered belt. Arms and lower legs were bare. On special occasions women wore deerskin moccasins, to which were attached white leggings of the same material, each consisting of half of a large skin, which was wrapped round and round the calf like a thick bandage. The primitive robe is never seen today at East mesa, rather frequently at Middle mesa, and quite commonly at West mesa. Calico gowns, moccasins of the Navaho type (except in ceremonies), and blue, footless, woollen stockings in the Zuni fashion are the favored costume of today. In cold weather both sexes threw a white cotton bed-blanket about the shoulders, but men more frequently used rabbit-skin blankets, which are still commonly made by the women. The ancient style of dressing the hair still persists. Men cut it at the sides on the level of the lobe of the ear, and in front at the level of the eyes; and in the back they double it up and tie it in an elongate bunch. The head-band is worn to keep the hair clear of the eyes. Women part the hair in the middle and wear it in two thick strands about half the natural length, winding about them at the middle long, blue, cotton strings. Unmarried girls have, or used to have, the locks arranged in two large, upstanding whorls at the sides of the head. This fashion, which symbolizes the squash-blossom and indicates nominal virginity, is fast disappearing. The Hopi have never tattooed. DWELLINGS -The walls of aHopi house are constructed of undressed stone fragments bound with mud plaster. The flat roof consists of beams resting on the tops of the walls, pole battens, rod and grass thatching, a layer of gumbo plaster, and a covering of dry earth. The floor is the native rock, if it is sufficiently level, or a gypsum-coated covering of packed earth spread over the rock, or, in the case of upper stories, over the roof of the room below. Most of the houses are more than one story in height, the maximum being four stories, and as each level is more restricted than the one below it, the result is a series of terraces. The upper apartments are reached by outside ladders, and formerly, as a safeguard against attack, groundfloor rooms were accessible only through hatchways in the roof. Small openings in the outer walls admitted light and air. Except in the case of buildings constructed within comparatively 219 {view image of page 220} 220 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN recent years, it is misleading to speak of Hopi houses. The ancient structures are really apartment houses sheltering a larger number of families. From time to time new rooms were added here and there, much as a colony of bees adds the cells necessary for its increasing population, but with far less regularity. PRIMITIVE FOODS-The Hopi staff of life has always been corn, which is prepared in a great variety of ways. Most important, however, is the varicolored, paper-thin bread called piki. Pikami, a slightly fermented and baked pudding, is a favorite dish. Beans and squashes were cultivated in primitive times, and with the coming of the Spaniards peaches, muskmelons, watermelons, and chile were added to the Hopi diet. Pinon-nuts, juniper-berries, pricklypear (Opuntia) and yucca fruit, potherbs, and mescal secured from nomadic tribes, were eaten. Rabbits offered the principal, and usually a fairly abundant, supply of meat. Antelope, deer, and mountain-sheep were hunted, and the smallest rodents, mice, rats, squirrels, and prairiedogs, were not despised. In the latter part of the eighteenth century sheep began to be of importance to the Hopi, not only for their flesh but for the wool. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES- Agriculture, weaving, pottery, and basketry were the principal industries. Corn, beans, squashes, and cotton were raised in prehistoric times, and most of the labor was performed by men. Weaving is exclusively a masculine occupation, and the very excellent product includes the ordinary woman's garment, the marriage robe, belts for daily and ceremonial use, and bed-blankets. Until comparatively recent times cotton garments of native weave were eagerly sought in trade by other tribes. Ceremonial garments are beautifully embroidered with wool in green, red, and black on a white cotton background, and the decorative schemes are lines, geometrical figures, and conventionalized representations of deities. Pottery and basketry are the work of women. Pottery vessels are built up by the process of coiling a rope of plastic clay upon itself, and are fired in a burning mound of sheep-dung. The primitive fuel was lignite. All cooking-vessels, food dishes, and water-jars are pottery. The art is not practised at Middle or West mesa, though the more or less ancient mounds in the immediate vicinity are a mass of potsherds. Burden-baskets were everywhere made, and shallow trays, with the conventionalized figure of a Kachina in colors, for containing sacred meal, are still made in large numbers at Middle mesa and Oraibi. With the exception of these Middle Mesa plaques, which are made by the process known as coiling, all basketry was twined work. The primitive implements of war were oak bows backed with sinew, reed-shafted arrows tipped with obsidian or flint, greasewood clubs, convex rawhide shields, skin quivers, and obsidian-pointed spears. The last, however, judging from the Spanish name "linsa," are of late origin. Curved sticks are used for bringing down rabbits, but the Hopi never learned the secret of the boomerang. Musical instruments are the five-holed flute of reed or of two pieces of wood cemented and bound together; the drum, a hollowed section of cottonwood covered at both ends with deerskin; and the gourd or deerskin rattle. In the house, besides pots and baskets, are the sloping sandstone metates, and lava and sandstone mullers; earthenware ladles; mountain-sheep horn spoons; and a bunch of dry grass stems, the stiff end of which serves as a hair-brush, the other as meal-brush and broom. Cutting implements were the stone ax and black obsidian knives, both with oak handles and yucca-leaf wrapping. GAMES - In some Hopi games the deciding factor is mental ability, in others luck, in others athletic skill. In the first class is totolospi, which is played on the principal of checkers. The principal game of chance is ch6makinta, which is very like parchesi. Luck is the chief element also in sos6otkpi, the so-called cup-game, which is played only in the winter moon Pai-mfiya and is primarily a ceremonial contest between the masked Kachinas and a number of women. A pebble or a grain of corn is concealed under one of four cups, and the object is to uncover it at the third attempt. Most popular of all contests are those involving athletic prowess, and of these long-distance racing is preeminent. Each party, consisting of an indefinite number of runners, throws forward along the course by means of the foot a ball or a bunch of corncobs. These races are either contests between the members of different kivas, or a feature of a ceremony. Shinny is played with a ball of wool covered with deerskin on a course of about a hundred yards. {view image of page 221} APPENDIX 221 POLITICAL ORGANIZATION- Each village except Sichomovi, which is practically a part of Walpi, has five officials. The office of Chief falls to the head of the Bear clan. The Houses Chief is the principal man of the Horn clan; the Talker, of the Firewood clan; the Crier Chief, of the Rattlesnake; and the Warrior Chief, of the Reed. These five compose the village council, which deals with all questions of public concern. The Chief may veto any proposal. If he approves it, the Warrior Chief may veto it. Thus without the consent of these two, no action may be taken. The Talker usually presents the matter to be discussed, and may endeavor to persuade the Chief. The Crier Chief makes public the decisions of the council and announces ceremonies and other community undertakings. The Houses Chief is the deputy of the Chief, and is charged with the supervision of village affairs as regards the general relations of the people. The Warrior Chief is the peace officer, and formerly had charge of the conduct of war. There has never been any formal political relationship between the Hopi pueblos. LOCAL ORGANIZATION- The Hopi are divided into twelve clans, which, however, are not all represented at any one village. Each clan possesses totems (nrtuila, relation), or nameobjects, which most commonly are either animals, plants, or natural phenomena. A personal name, however, refers not to the clan-totem of the possessor, but to that of the individual who bestows the name, that is, in a majority of cases, the father's totem. Clan legends clearly indicate a feeling that the totem exercises a guardian function over the clansman. The flesh of one's totem is not taboo. Descent is matrilineal. PUBERTY RITES- Behind a curtain in the house of a paternal aunt a girl in her first menses grinds corn for three days. Meat and salt are forbidden, and the head ma} be scratched only with a forked stick. On the fourth day the aunt washes the girl's head with yucca suds, gives her a new article of clothing, and sends her home. The girl deposits the head-scratcher at the edge of the mesa and sprinkles meal on it. Adolescent boys are initiated into one of four fraternities that participate in the new fire ceremony, but there is no such thing as fasting in quest of a spiritual guardian. MARRIAGE-The Hopi are monogamous. An exchange of food between the two interested families is made as a pledge of marriage, and the subsequent wedding rites extend over four days. On the first night the bride's relatives bring her to the house of her prospective husband, where she remains in seclusion three days, grinding meal, which the bridegroom's female relatives make into piki during the fourth night. The next morning is devoted to the wedding feast, and the final act is the washing of the bride's head by her mother-in-law. The couple remain at the husband's home until his relatives have completed the bride's wedding garments, and thereafter reside with her people. Divorce is accompanied by no formality other than the departure of the husband with his personal effects, or the ejection of them into the street by his wife. MORTUARY CUSTOMS- The dead are disposed in circular pits just large enough to admit the corpse in a sitting posture with the knees drawn up to the chin. The face is turned eastward, ornaments and bits of ceremonial regalia once worn by the dead person are dropped into the grave, and food and water are placed either in or near the grave. Over the corpse is planted a long plumed prayer-stick, and beside it a stick to serve as a ladder for the soul. Caveburial was formerly extensively practised. On the following day immediate relatives and others concerned in the burial wash their heads in yucca-root suds. No mutilation, disfigurement, or defiling of the body is practised as a token of sorrow. Mourners, particularly women, wail on several successive days. Mas-ki ("corpse house") is at the base of a high cliff, and the souls of those who have lived well float down without accident. Evildoers experience many difficulties in the journey to mas-ki, and those who deliberately brought misfortune on their people are actually destroyed by being hurled down from the brink of the precipice. WAR -The cult of the war gods was added to the Hopi calendar by the Reed clan, and the head man of that group, who is ipso facto chief of the Warrior fraternity and as such personates the elder war god in their ceremony, was appropriately given charge of all things pertaining to war. "Military" duty was compulsory on all adult members of the fraternity; with others it was optional. Scalps were taken, and any one who secured such a trophy necessarily joined the fraternity. The trophies were used in a victory dance, and were then thrown into a crevice below the mesa, where they received a nightly offering of meal from one or another member of the society. Apache, Ute, and Navaho were the tribes with whom the Hopi waged a war of defense and retaliation. {view image of page 222} 222 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN SHAMANS -The Hopi believe that certain persons are able to metamorphose themselves into animals of any species, and in such form inflict sickness and death. Sorcery is in fact the dominant note in their mythology. Unlike many tribes, however, they do not conceive that the shaman who uses his power for healing possesses the ability to cause disease. The healer is called p6si-taka ("eye man"), because of his gift of seeing disease, and the sorcerer is powaka, or qita ("excrement"). Formerly the shamans composed a fraternity, but the last of them died years ago. Their power was acquired by instruction and a form of initiation in which the initiators pretended to project a crystal into the novice's breast. They offered prayers and pahos to Bear and Badger, and treated disease by singing "mentally" and concentrating their thoughts on the desire to heal. Neither shamans nor herb doctors accepted a fee. The herb doctors still practise, using a large number of remedies. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES - From various quarters the Hopi have brought with them in their migration from other regions or have borrowed from other Pueblos a mass of religious practices, and the result is a complex presenting many anomalies and obscurities. They recognize a very large number of deities, and of none can it be said that he is supreme. Sometimes it appears that the Sun occupies the premier rank, at others S6tikunani, a sky god; and at Walpi one is told specifically that Masoi, a local genius presiding over crops and fire, is of greatest importance. The explanation may be that each was the principal deity of some one group that entered into the making of the present Hopi people. All these deities are supplicated by implanting plumed prayer-sticks (pahos) and by casting from the fingers a bit of cornmeal while uttering a silent prayer. In general the purpose of such supplication is to obtain health and rain. Some of the deities have localized abodes, marked by shrines, which may contain a figurine or a piece of petrified wood. The numerous ceremonies are performed at prescribed times, which are determined either by the position of the rising sun with reference to certain landmarks, or by the moon. Each ceremony is conducted by a certain society or societies, male or female, each' of which is said originally to have been, though it is not now, recruited from the membership of one certain clan. MYTHOLOGY - Hopi myths are largely a recital of the circumstances under which various religious practices were instituted among the ancients by supernatural beings, of the contests of sorcerers against upright persons, who invariably win by the aid of the supernaturals, of the activities of the wonder-working war gods. There is a less characteristic cycle of tales in which Coyote plays the familiar role of mischievous buffoon. Names for Indian Tribes and Pueblos 1 Acoma Akuka-vi (Akuka place), Akukamd Apache Yudfe, YufstmA 2 Apache, Chiricahua Tsiih6, Tsishemi Apache, Mescalero Sfutafavfi (stita, brown ochre paint), Suftafsavumd Apache, San Carlos Sankaiyo, Sankaiyoma 3 Cochiti Kutiti, KutitimA Comanche Kominchi, Kominchimrn4 Havasupai K6hnina, K6hninami Hopi H6pi (well-behaved, docile), H6pitil Hano Hino, Hinomil Hotavila H6-tvelu (hohhi, juniper-wood; tevelii, slope), Hotvelvitd Mishongnovi Mfisinnfi-vi, Mfisainnfiptti Moenkapi Mdnkap-ki (small-stream place), Mdinkapimi 1 The name of the pueblo, or the singular form of the tribal name, is followed by the plural form designating the people. 2 Some Apache tribes are known by specific names, but all may be described by this general term. 3 Spanish. 4 The Hopi knew the Comanche only by meeting them during their trading trips to the Rio Grande pueblos, especially Taos. {view image of page 223} APPENDIX23 223 Oraibi Pakavi Shipaulovi Shongopavi Sichomovi Walpi Isleta J emez Navaho Paiute - Pima Rio Grande Pueblos San Felipe Santo Domingo Ute Walapai Zufii Ozai-vi, Ozaivitil I Pfika-vi (reed place), Pikaptil Sfip6la-vi, Si~p6la ptn 2 Son~6-pa-vi (rush spring place), Sorno'paptV Si-fl6mo-vi (flower mound place), Si6l6mopttl Wfihil-pi (gap place), W~ihilpitf Tsiiwipa, Tsifiwipama Tisavii, Tfisavfimni Paiydfii, Paiyd6fimil P'ima, Pimnamil Hopik-sinomil (east people) Piyfptii (rivers) Ydta, Y~tamia Yavik-kohnina (distant Havasupai), Yava'k-kohninamil Sio, Siota 5 Partial List of Ruins in the Hopi Country 6 Awatobi [Awit-ovi, bow high-place], on Antelope mesa about nine miles southeast of Walpi.I Chukubi [Chfikfi-vi, double-point place], a mile northeast of Shipaulovi. Homolobi [Hom6l-ovi, breast high-place], on the Little Colorado near Winslow. Ka6'-taktipfi (corn burnt), or Kik6'-taktipCi (ruin burnt), about twenty-five miles northeast of Walpi. This is the same as Fewkes's Tebugk~ihu, Fire House. Kisakobi [Ki-srik-ovi, house ladder high-place], on the terrace at the point of the mesa below Walpi. K6n96-pa-vi (stone-ball spring place),7 on the point of the mesa at Shongopavi. Kuchaptuvela [Ko'fiap-tev~lii, ashy slope], on the terrace below and north of Walpi. Kukuhom8 [Kik6'-fomo, ruin mound], just above Sikyatki. Kwaituki [Qai-tfiqi, eagle mountain], on the west side of Oraibi wash about fifteen miles above Oraibi. Masi-pa (gray water), at the foot of the mesa below modern Shongopavi, where the day school stands. Mishiptonga [Masi-ptan~a, gray squash, that is, gourd], near Jeditoh spring. Mishongnovi [Miasiinfnu-vi], at the foot of the mesa below modern Mishongnovi. M6fl-ovi (point high-place), on the cliff at the south of the mouth of Keams cafion. Pakachomo [Pi-koi-flomo, water soil mound], about four miles southwest of Walpi. See footnote, page 19. Payupki [Paytip-ki, river house], on a point about six miles north of Mishongnovi. Shipaulovi [Sfipolavil, on the terrace below modern Shipaulovi. Shitaimuvi [Sitaimfivil, on a low hill at the southeast foot of Middle mesa. Shongopavi [Son6-pa-vi, rush spring place], at the foot of the mesa below modern Shongopavi. Sikyatki 9 [Sikyait-ki,, bitter house], at the east base of the mesa, several miles from Walpi. 1In the Oraibi dialect, Oraivi., with slightly trilled r. 2 This has been translated as "mosquitoes," but not with the approval of Hopi traditionists. 3 S6nzo, an unidentified small reed. 4~At Shipaulovi and Shongopavi this is more correctly pronounced Wilpi (waila, gap). Frm ZijiSlzWI, a Zufii individual. 6 The orthography adopted in the Handbook of American Indians for such ruins as are mentioned therein is followed by the native pronunciation in brackets. 7 Kdn0`, a ball of calcined micaceous material used in the kicking race. 8 Fewkes incorrectly translates, "footprints mound." 9 Fewkes translates "yellow house." Numerous old men, questioned on the word, agreed that it refers to the alkalinity of the water at Sikyatki. {view image of page 224} 224 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Tukinobi [Tfki-novi, mountain high place], a hill on East mesa north of the Gap. Wukoki [Wik6-ki, large house, or Wuko-kik6, large ruin], on the Little Colorado about forty miles northeast of Flagstaff. List of Principal Informants Nuvaoyi (snow heaped, referring to the snow heaped up about waterholes on the mesa so as to melt and fill them), born about I830, a Walpi man of the Rattlesnake clan and the Snake and Qan-wimi fraternities. Hini, born about 1830, one of the oldest men at Walpi, head of the Tobacco clan and the T6 -wimi fraternity. Nuvati (snowed), born about 1840, a Walpi man of the Tansy-mustard clan and the Al-wimi fraternity. Wikyahtiwa (something dangling from the hand, that is, a rabbit), born about 1840, a Walpi man of the Rattlesnake clan and the Snake and Qan-wimi fraternities. Sikyaileftiwa (referring to the yellow dawn), born about 1845, a Shipaulovi man, chief of the Snake fraternity. Yaqa (bending, referring to a bow), born about 1855, a Walpi man of the Badger clan and the Al-wimi fraternity. Saqistiwa (blue streak, referring to a line of reeds in a swamp), born about I850, a Walpi man of the Cloud clan and the Qan-wimi fraternity. Honovi (strong, referring to the deer), born about I855, a Walpi man of the Tobacco clan and the Snake fraternity. Lomisi (pretty flower), born about I855, a Walpi man of the Badger clan and the Al-wimi fraternity, only survivor of the fraternity of shamans, in which, however, he was not a full-fledged member. Wisti (lying outstretched, referring to a snake), born about I86o, a Walpi man of the Tobacco clan and the Al-wimi fraternity. Y6ywiun (rain standing), born about i86o, a Walpi man of the Reed clan and the Al-wimi fraternity, and chief of the Warrior fraternity. Mikto (rabbit-hunt), born about I86o, a Walpi man of the Horn clan and the T-wimi fraternity. K6yiwaima (gray walking, referring to the gray dawn), born about I870, a Walpi man of the Rattlesnake clan and the T6-wimi fraternity, and chief of the Snake fraternity since I899, when he succeeded his deceased brother. Ts6zoma (bluebird he has), otherwise John Mahkewa, born about 1878, the son of a Shipaulovi woman of the Reed clan and a Walpi man of the Cloud clan. At about fourteen years of age he was initiated into the Wiwfusim-wimi fraternity at Shongopavi, at which village all Middle Mesa initiates are taken in, although each village holds its own ceremony in the years when there is no initiation. He was educated at Keams Canion, Grand Junction, and Hampton Institute, and has a good understanding of the native life. Throughout this work he was the interpreter. Sociology The genealogies here presented were compiled as an aid in recording terms of relationship and are published for reference in that connection, as well as for the sociological data they present. The following abbreviations are used, the first indicating the clan of the individual, the second the clan to which his name refers, that is, the clan of the person who named him. Bd, Badger E, Earth K, Kachina Rs, Rattlesnake Br, Bear Fl, Flutel Rb, Rabbitl Tb, Tobacco Cl, Cloud Fw, Firewood Rd, Reed Tm, Tansy-mustard Cy, Coyote 1 H, Horn Masculine names are in capitals, feminine names in lower case. The sign 0 stands for an infant deceased before it was named, the sign 1[ for marriage. 1 Coyote, Flute, and Rabbit are given in our list of clans as alternative names of Firewood, Horn, and Tobacco, respectively. Some individuals, however, used these names in establishing their clan affiliation, as mentioned on page 6I. {view image of page 225} Genealogies GENEALOGY I GENERATION I I. MIfH-PI (Rs-Cl) 11 GENERATION II -3. Kuwan-n6n-si (Rd-Rs) GENERATION III - 6. KYAKLO (Rd-K) 7. Ko6ft-nasmi (Rd-K) 8. KOWAN-HON-VA (Rd-K) -9. MACHIOMA (Rd-K) -io. POTIWA (Rd-K) 11 GENERATION IV -16. Tuve-waii-si (Cy-Rs) II7. PAKAVI (FI- Rdh GENERATION V 34 Anuti (Cy-H) II GENERATION VI -43. PUtLIHIKU (Cy-CI) -44. Kao-ini (Cy-CI) I 2. Kuwan-h6pn6ma (Rd-Cl),.I.....,. \ A.. II 35. MAWA (C1-?) II (second marriage) 36. Mita (Cy-Tm) i8. HOLA (Tm-Fw) 4 - - 37. Tuwa-mana (Cy-Rs) I1 (third marriage) - 38. LOLOKANO (Cy-Rs) 19. HONOU (Rs-Br) - 39. Si-qapnoma (Cy-Rs) ii. Pamosi (Cy-CI) 12. KO6s-honon6ma (Rd-H) Il-(second marriage)5. NAStYAPTIWA (?-Rb) 13. YOYWON6 i (Rd-Cl) I I 14. Waii-si (Fl-Tb) I -(second marriage) I5. Howi (Tm-Rs) -20. CHOA (Cy-Rs) - il 21. Ponya-wunka - (Tb-H) -22. 0 (Tb) -23. 0 (Tb) -24. 0 (Tb) -25. 0 (Tb) 26. 0 (Tb) -27. SflNKI (Tm-H) 11 -28. K6fsa-mana (Bd-K) -29. Pali-wafta (Tm-CI) I1I 30. NASAN-HOYA (Cl-Tm) _31. HOKOISA (Tm-Cl) -32. Naqa-hain6ma (Tm-Cl) -33. Naqa-nainoma (Tm-Cl) 40. SIKYA-WAIMA (Tb-Fw) 41. Si-hepn6ma (Tb-E) 42. Tfiv&-yon6ma (Bd-Tm) ot M cc 0 x {view image of page 226} GENERATION I The descendants of the two pairs of the first generation are related through the marriage 55-56. Genealogies II and III are connected through the marriag 52-179 45 HAPO (C1-?) 46. Si-mo-wuhti (H-E) GENERATION II - 50. TOSKI (H-CI) 11 II 51. Kliewusu wuhti (Rs-Rb) - 52. Kuiwan-qavi (H-CI) - 11. 179. PENI(seeIII) (Tb-Tm) -53. Mau-si (H-Cl) II GENEALOGY II GENERATION III 64. KdfIi (Rs-H) I1 65. LOMA-VENTIWA (H-Tm) 66. MAKTO (H-Rb) 1 67. Ka'ya (Tm-?) I -(second marriage) 68. Si6-wihti 2 -69. No6-si (H-Tm) II GENERATION IV Ioi. SALVE (Rs-Rb) -102. KOKOMA (Rs-FI) 103. boy (Rs) -04. boy (Rs) t) -105. P6NSI (Tm-Tb) Io6. Sioux halfbreed 107. Ts6p-mana (Tm-H) io8. POHOALA (Tm-H) 109. HAZIWA (K-H) -1Io. girl (K) -I I. TSOP-HOYA (K-H) I 12. girl (K) 113. Tdwa(H-Rs) II1I40. SUMA (Tb-Tm) I 14. girl (H) GENERATION V 154. Sowi-lftsn6ma (H-Rb) KI55. LOLtO (H-Rb) 156. boy (H). TSKV (Tm-Cl) 54. TSOKAVO (Tm-CI) I1 70. KAKAPTI (E-CI) - 7. PON-TIMA (H-Rb) II 72. Kalyun-si (Cl-Rs) II-second marriage) 141. Sikya-tii (Tb-K) I -(third marriage)73. fye (Br-Tb) - 74 - 75. Ke6 (H-Rs) 76. CHffA (Cl-Rs) ll (second marriage) 97. LOMA-HINMA (Tb-Tm) II (third marrriage) 77. MAiHPI (Br-Hano Sun) - 78. PAVATIYA (H-Cl) 79 (Tb-Rb 79. Qan. (Tb-Rb) -II5. 0 (Tb) 1i6. 0 (Tb) II7. 0 (Tb) H z 0 H tIl z z4 i i8. Man-si (Tb-E) -II9. St-HON-VA (Tb-H) I20. Si-ini (Tb-H) -I2. boy (Tb) 122. LtLE CHI (Tb-K) I23. Ts'&i (K-?) I24. 0 (Tb) -157. 125. TOCHI (Tb-Cl) 158. I26. Kvu (Rs-Tm) -I59 x26. Kivfzi (Rs-Tm) -i598 80. Wdnka (Tb-H) 11 YY-WAI (Bd-C 8i. YOY-WAIYU (Bd-Cl) Sowi-mon6ma (Rs-Rb) QANWAVALA (Rs-Rb) Soneo-mana (Rs-Tm) {view image of page 227} -55. HAHAWI (H-CI) -- 56. Talas-waii-si Tb-Cl) - 82. Si-yamka (Tb-Cl) 11 83. YUWI (Br-Cl) (second marriage) 84. MfNA (Tm-Cl) - 85. girl - 86. 0 - 87. 0 - 88 0 - 89. 0 47. Masa-wain6ma (Tb-Bd) II 48. LEH)C-IMA (Rs-H) 1I -(second marriage) 49. NASf-HAYI (Cl-Rs) - 90. 9II 9I 9I. H6NOVI (Tb-H) Sihop-mana (Tm-K) -57. II TfVtI-WAIIMA ' (Tb-Rs) 92. KOTNA-HOYA (Fw-Rb) I[ 58. Saha (Fw-?) II 93. - 94. II P-16 (Cl-K) woman (Tb) 127. H6NO8 (Tb-Br) 128. Kfiwn-monoma (E-Rb) 129. NOVA (Tb-Bd) II ---11 130. K6fta-mana (Fw-K) L131. Qif(-hoin6ma (Tm-Tb) I32. KYAVQOTI (Cl-?) 133. Sowi-y/sn6ma (Tm-R) I34. POLI-ALA (Br-H) I[-(second marriage) I35. TAKALA (E-Cl) -136. MASOU (CI-Fw) -137. PALA-KOTE (CI-Fw) -138. girl (Cl) I39. girl (Cl) I40. SUMA (Tb-Tm) — 41. Sikya-fXii (Tb-K) I42. tTSA (Zufii) -143. LAPO (Tb-K) I44. Kofs-waii-si (Br-H) -45. Tuv6 (Tb-Tm) I ---— (see III) 201. TALAS-TIMA (H-CI) -46. SOLAWITSI (Tb-K) I-47. KA'PO (Fw-Rb) -148. HANTIWA (Fw-Rb) 149. KAHYAZHi (Fw-Rb) -150. M6ITIWA (Cl-Rb) I-51. TOHOO (Cl-Rs) -152. KOKOIMA (Cl-Rb) -53. boy (Cl) i68. Pa-waii-si (Tm-Cl) — I6i. -162. -I63. -164. -165. OLE (Fw-?) -I66. YAMA (Fw-Rb) I67. Sivapi (Fw-Cl) Tsop-mana (E-H) girl (E) girl (E) boy (E) ov t:^ X 169. I70. -171. Poli-wisnoma (Tm-Bd) Tfwai-mana (Tm-Rs) Si-qavi (Tm-E). MAI (Tm-Rd) 95. MAI (Tm-Rd) 59. SISKYOMA ( 60. woman (Cl) 11 (second marriage) 61. Hekpa (Cl-Br) 62. Si-ini (Tb-H) II Tb-Cl) 172. Masi-voli (Tb-Bd) 173. girl (Br) I74. WAKASI (Tb-H). TTSI(Bd-H) 63. TOTSI (Bd-H) (second marriage) 96. QIVi-HOYA (K-?) - 97. LOMA-HINMA (Tb-Tm) 98. Chu-mana (Fw-Rs) (second marriage) 75. Kele (H-Rs) - 99. NA-MOKI (Tb-Bd) oo00. Ln-mana (Cl-FI) 1 57 is elder brother of 56, but is necessarily placed below by the exigencies of the scheme. 2 08 is a Zuni woman of the Paroquet clan, which the Hopi regard as identical with their Kachina. Her children therefore are Kachina clansmen. {view image of page 228} GENEALOGY III GENERATION I 175. woman II 176. T0WAt-YAPTI (Rd-E) GENERATION II 177. Masa-n6m-si (Rb-E) II 178. LiLO (K-?) -179. PtNI (Rb-Tm) 1I (see II) 52. Kuiwn-qavi (H-C1) -x80. PALA-TAKA (Rb-Rd) -181. WISTI (Rb-Rs),! GENERATION III -184. Li-TAYU (Rb-Fw) 185. Kihaiya (H-Rd) -I86. Naqai-yam-si (Rb-Cl) GENERATION IV -205. Hawasi (H) I1I 206. KYEHI (?-Br) -207. Tala-qavi (H-C1) II 208. SUTKI (E-C1) -209. SfZtUO-HOYA (H) -210. 0 (H) -211. KASA (H-E) GENERATION V -219. ZfHNA (H) -220. NAYATI (H-CI) -221. NOVA-INI (H-CI) — 87. TiNAVI (Rb-K) -2I2. K6yi-hoi6n6ma(H-Rb) I88. Himita (H-C1) -213. H1TA (H-Rb) N) N 00 m t2l 0 z e zt?0 M > V. ~ II (second marriage) 189. Tsii (Cl-K) — 90. HAINIWA (Rb-Fw) — I9. WfHA (Rb-K) — 92. TALA-SI (Rb-Cl) 214. H6INNIWA (Rd-Tb) -215. ANVO (Rd-Cl) -216. Kof6-tavu (Rd-Rb) 2I7. A.NKIYA (Rd-Rb) II II 182. Sikya-n6m-si (Rs-Cl) I93. LUn-hon6n6ma (Rd-Fl) -194. NONANTIWA (H-Rb) -95. MATNOMA (H-Rb) -I96. Sikya-tavu (H-Rb) 197. KAVfITIMA (E-C1) I98. HANTIWA (H-Rb) — 99. POHiNI (H-Tb) -200. K6fai-tavu (H-Rb) -201. TALAS-TIMA (H-C1) | - (see II) 145. Tuve (Rb-Tm) -202. TS06TSUNA (H-Tb) -203. KOTSA-SI (H-Tb) -204. YAMA (H-Rb) - 218. Sivap-mana (H-C1) I -(second marriage) 183. H6nka (H-Tm) {view image of page 229} APPENDIX 229 Interclan Marriages The 67 marriages recorded in the Genealogies represent 29 clan-pairings. As there are II clans (Squash being unrepresented at East mesa), 55 pairings are possible. The 29 recorded are tabulated below. Tobacco is seen to be intermarried with each of the other ten clans, and Horn with each except Badger, which, however, is represented in only three unions. Tansy-mustard is united with all except Rattlesnake and Kachina, but these two are represented in few marriages, namely 7 and 5 respectively. Thus, even without the direct testimony of the Hopi, it could legitimately be concluded that the rule of exogamy applies only to the clan, never to a group of clans; in other words, that there is no sign of a moiety system among the Hopi. -o,0 Ct) C) U U cl -o 0 H- C) = 0 0 (n E CZ H Q) 0 O 0 - 0.,. "3 0 I.) CC c_ cn. C P 4 i b" cr cQ ~o 0 -1 Tobacco-Rabbit '3 3 2 4 3 5 I 3 2 2 I 2 3 I 3 3 I 2 38 29 Horn-Flute 11 Tansy-mustard 2 I I I I - I_ 12 Cloud 2 --- - - II Firewood-Coyote - II I Rattlesnake I -- Reed -- 7 Bear - - 6 Earth - 5 Kachina - 5 Badger 3 Translation of Personal Names The names mentioned in the Genealogies are here listed alphabetically, with translations and explanations. The numbers refer to their place in the Genealogies, and the clans named are those that bestow the respective names. The terminations -tiwa and -(o)n6ma are respectively masculine and feminine, and have no other significance. Zuiii masculine names frequently end in -tiwa, and Western Keres in -tiwa or -siwa. VOL. XII-29 {view image of page 230} 230 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN 2I7. Anktiya, "coming (to the rabbit-hunt)." Rabbit. 34. Ani, "red ant." Horn. 215. Anvi, "cornhusk" of the kind used in making sumi-viki. Cloud. 76 Chda, "rattlesnake." Rattlesnake. 98. Chd-mana, "rattlesnake girl." Rattlesnake. 142. Efsa, a Zuii name borne by a Zufii man. 55. Hihawi, "(rainclouds) coming down." Cloud. I90. Hainiwa, "(dancers' fox-skins) hanging down." Firewood. 148' 98. Hintiwa, "going down (to the rabbit-hunt)." Rabbit. 45. Hapu, meaning unknown. 205. Hawasi, a child-name for the vulva (lo6wa). The father, romping with the child, applied the nickname in a joking way, and it has clung to the individual, now a grown woman, to the exclusion of her formal name. See sfizuo-hoya. o09. Haziwa, "the act of a deer pawing the ground." Horn. 61. Hekpa, "hemlock." Bear. 213. Heta, a nickname, corruption of yta, the race from the rabbit-hunt to the village. Rabbit. 214. H6inniwa, "puff of smoke," an onomatope. Tobacco. 3I. Hokoisa, "going for corn." Cloud. I8. H6la, for mahola, the seed-filled club borne by personators of Maisou. Firewood. I83. H6nka, "standing," an abbreviation of Sikyi-honka, "yellow standing (tansy-mustard flowers)." Tansy-mustard. I27. H6noi, "bear." Bear. go. H6novi, "strong (deer)." Horn. I5. Howi, "turtle-dove." Rattlesnake. i88. Humita, "shelled corn." Cloud. 73. Iyy, '(tobacco) smoke," in the Tewa language, borne by a Tewa individual. Tobacco. I85. Kahaiya, abbreviation of Qi-haiya, "eagle hanging," referring to the lowering of an eaglehunter down a cliff. Reed. 149. Kahyaihe, 'little rabbit," in the Navaho language. Rabbit. 72. Kaiyun-si, abbreviation of Sikyayun-si, "yellowness-of (cactus) flower." Rattlesnake. 70. Kakapti, abbreviation of Loma-qaptiwa, "pretty arranged-on," referring to the clouds. Cloud. 44. Kao-ini, "corn in (basket)." Cloud. 147. Ka'po, "hard-tramped rabbit-trail." Rabbit. 211. Kasa, abbreviation of Pafsip-qasa, "fur-robe dress," a species of lizard whose ugly, rough skin gives rise to the name. Earth. I97. Kivfitima, abbreviation of Sikya-vuitima, "yellow opening (of rabbit-brush flowers")! Cloud. I26. Kivzfi, abbreviation of Sikyi-vizfi, "yellow opening (of tansy-mustard flowers"), Tansy-mustard. 67. Ki'ya, a nickname, abbreviation of Kaki-hoya, a colloquial form for "my elder sister little.' 75. Kele, "sparrow-hawk." Rattlesnake. 5I. Kelewusu-wfihti, "(rabbit-)kidney woman." Rabbit. I02. Kok6ma, "having something on the face," referring to the Flute dancers and their gypsum 28. l paint. Flute. 2 K6fta-mana, "white maid," referring to the White Kachina. Kachina. No. 130 is an I30.- Oraibi woman who married Nova when they left the school at Keams Caion. They made their home at Walpi, the husband's village, an irregular procedure; but as they built their own home no active objection could be made. 7. K6fta-nasmi, "white whorl (of hair)." Kachina. 203. K6fi-si, "white (tobacco) flower." Tobacco. 200. 2oo.} K6tfi-tavu, "white cottontail rabbit." Rabbit. {view image of page 231} APPENDIX 23I 12. K6of-honon6ma, " white (Alosaka horns) standing." Horn. 144. Ko6s-waii-si, " white waving flower (of lehu, bunchgrass)." Horn. 212. K6yi-hon6noma, "gray standing," referring to rabbit-fur standing upright in the loom when a robe is being woven. Rabbit. I52. Kdkuima, "(rabbit) footprints." Rabbit. 92. Kuni-hoya, " pretty-rabbit small," probably a name applied to a pet rabbit. Rabbit. 64. Kuifi, "antelope," in the language of an Eastern Keres pueblo. Horn. 2. Kfiwn-hepnoma, "many-colors (of corn) searching-for." Cloud. 8. Kuwan-hon-va, "many-colors standing placed," referring to the brilliant colors of a row of Kachina dancers. Kachina. I28. Kuwan-monoma, "many-colors (of rabbit-brush flowers) spread-out." Rabbit. 3. Kfiwn-n6n-si, "many-colors round-about (cactus) flowers." Rattlesnake. 52. Kuwan-qavi, "many-colors (of clouds) on." Cloud. 6. Kyaklo, name of a Zuni deity represented also in Hopi Kachina dances. Kachina. 132. Kyivfut, "very heavy," in the Tewa language, borne by a Tewa individual. (Clan?) 206 Kyehi, "bear," in the Tewa language, borne by a Tewa individual. Bear. I43. Laip, abbreviation of Lapdktu, "juniper-bark." Kachina. 48. LUehu-ima, "bunchgrass taking-along." Horn. I22. Lelkchi, "(Kachina dancers) in single file." Kachina. 178. Lelo, a nickname. I93. Len-honon6ma, "flute standing," referring to the standing flute in the Flute ceremony. Flute. I00. Len-mana, "flute maid." Flute. 184. Le-tayu, "? gray-fox." Firewood. 38. Lol6kanf, "bullsnake." Rattlesnake. 97. Loma-hinma, "good going," referring to the flight of a rabbit-stick. Tansy-mustard, because of the oak material; not, as one would expect, Rabbit. 65. Loma-ventiwa, "good painting (with tansy-mustard paint)." Tansy-mustard. I55. Ldlu, a nickname. Rabbit. The parents of this child, having been to school, frequently applied to their baby the adjective "little," having in mind the rabbit. But others, trying to pronounce the word, got no nearer than the form here recorded. 9. Machioma, "appearing (of Kachina dancers)." Kachina. 95. Mai, abbreviation of Mikya, "(eagle) hunter." Reed. 77. Maihpi, "constantly moving (like the sun)," in the Tewa language, borne by a Tewa individual. Hano Sun. 66. Makto, "(rabbit) hunt." Rabbit. I 8. Man-si, "plucked flower." Earth. 177. Masi-n6m-si, "wing covered flower," referring to the down under a young eagle's wing. Earth. Why this should be a name of the Earth clan is not clear. 47. Masi-wainoma, "wing walk," referring to the butterfly. Badger. 172. Masi-voli, "gray butterfly." Badger. I36. Masou, name of the fire deity. Firewood. 36. Mfta, "metate." Tansy-mustard. I95. Mitn6ma, "taking (rabbits) in the arms." Rabbit. 53. Mau-si, "plucking flower." Cloud. 35. Mawa, abbreviation of mowayota, "wet," a nickname applied to a child afflicted with incontinence of urine and persisting to the exclusion of his proper name. 150. M6itiwa, "(morsel of rabbit-kidney) mouth in." Rabbit. I. Muih-pi, "rolled-up piki." Cloud. 84. Mfina, "freshet." Cloud. 99. Na-moki, "medicine bundle." Badger. 32. Naqi-hain6ma, " (eagle-feather) on-head hanging." Cloud. i86. Naqai-yam-si, "on-head comes-out flower," referring to the coming out of the Kachina dancers with eagle-feathers tied to the hair. Cloud. 33. Naqi-nain6ma, "(eagle-feather) on-head waving." Cloud. 30. Nisan-hoya, "satisfied small." Tansy-mustard. 49. Nasi-hayi, "sloughed-snakeskin hanging-up." Rattlesnake. 5. Nasiyaptiwa, referring to the first young shoots of corn. Rabbit. {view image of page 232} 232 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN 220. Niyati, "wrestling," referring to the Kachina dance in which clowns wrestle with the Water Bullsnake. Kachina. 194. Nonantiwa, "going out (to the rabbit-hunt)." Rabbit. 69. No-si, "seeking (tansy-mustard) flower." Tansy-mustard. 129. Nova, "pursuing (a butterfly)." Badger. 221. Niva-ini, "snow in (baskets when the roofs are being cleared)." Cloud. I65. 61, a nickname, the Oraibi word for the burrow of a fieldmouse which has been stopped with a corncob. I7. Pikavi, "reed." Reed. I37. Pala-k6ot, "red [fiery] head." Firewood. I80. Pala-taka, "red (hawk) man." Reed. 29. Pali-wafsa, "red corn." Cloud. II. Pamosi, "fog." Cloud. 78. Pavitiya, "tadpole." Cloud. I68. Pi-waii-si, "water waving flower," said to refer to the yellow stains left on the ground by receding water. Cloud. 93. Pele, "(hair) whorl," in the Tewa language. Hano Kachina. I79. Peni, "painted design." Tansy-mustard. Io8. P6ho-ala, "wool horn," referring to deer-horns in the velvet. Horn. 134. Poli-ala, "butterfly horn." Badger. I69. Poli-wisn6ma, "butterfly in-a-row." Badger. o05. P6nsi, a foreign word. Tobacco. 71. P6n-tima, "round continuous," referring to the circle in a rabbit-drive. Rabbit. 2I. Ponyi-wfnka, "altar standing." Horn. IO. Potiwa, name of a Zufii deity (Piutiwa) represented in Hopi Kachina dances. Kachina. I99. Puhihi, "spreading (of a young tobacco plant)." Tobacco. 43. Pudlihiku, "drink stooping." Cloud. 79. Qan, "jack-rabbit," in the Tewa language, borne by a Tewa individual. Rabbit. I58. Qanwivala, "palatable juice," referring to rabbit blood. Rabbit. I31. Qifs-hoinoma, "smoke exhale." Tobacco. Hoi, an onomatope expressive of blowing out smoke. 96. Qivi-hoya, "boaster little." (Clan?) 58. Saha, a nickname. I60. Sak-hononoma, "green (tansy-mustard) standing." Tansy-mustard. 101. Salve, a corrupt Spanish word. Wuha, No. I91, a male relative of this boy by marriage, was sold as a child to the Mexicans during a time of famine about the year I860. Thirty years later he wandered back to the Hopi country, and now lives at Middle mesa. About the time of his return the child in question was born, and Wiha gave him the name Silve, which he said was Mexican. The word is perhaps a corruption of salvaje, "wild," a meaning which would well apply in this case, as Wuha is a Rabbit man. 41. Si-hepn6ma, "flower seeking." Earth. 1I9. Si-hon-va, "flower standing placed," referring to an incident in a Kachina dance, when the Antelope dancers stand about a basket containing a flower. Horn. 91. Sihop-mana, "cottonwood-maid." Kachina. 62 } Si-ini, "flower in," referring to the incident mentioned under No. I9. Horn. 120. I82. Sikya-n6m-si, "yellow covered flower." Cloud. I96. Sikyi-tavu, "yellow cottontail-rabbit." Rabbit. I41. Sikya-ftii, "yellow bird." Kachina. 40. Sikyi-waima, "yellow (fox) walking." Firewood. 46. Si-mo-wuhti, "flower dry woman." Earth. 68. Si6-wuhti, "Zuni woman," a nickname borne by a Zuii woman. 39. Si-qapn6ma, "flower on (cactus)." Rattlesnake. 171. Si-qavi, "flower on (the stalk)." Earth. 59. Siskyoma, "ripening (corn)." Cloud. I67. Sivipi, "rabbit-brush." Cloud. {view image of page 233} APPENDIX 233 218. Sivap-mana, "rabbit-brush maid." Cloud. 82. Si-yamka, "(rabbit-brush) flower budding." Cloud. 146. Soliwifsi, name of a Kachina identical with Zuii Shulawifsi, the Little Fire god. Kachina. I59. Soneo-mana,1 "pretty maid," referring to Chiqaina Kafsina. Tansy-mustard. 154. Sowi-lftsn6ma, "jack-rabbit in-a-row." Rabbit. 157. Sowi-monoma, "jack-rabbit drying." Rabbit. I33. Sowi-yesn6ma, "jack-rabbit covert." Rabbit. 140. Sdma, "tied," referring to the wrapping of a rabbit-stick. Tansy-mustard. See under Loma-hinma. 27. Sinki, "overtake." Horn. 208. Sitki, "broken (coil of potter's clay)." Cloud. 209. Suizo-hoya, "tail small," a name applied in fun by the infant's father in allusion to the male organ. The same man named one of his daughters Hiwasi, q. v. 135. Takila, "corntassel." Cloud. 207. Tali-qavi, "corntassel on." Cloud. I92. Tali-si, "corntassel flower," that is, the pollen. Cloud. 201. Talis-tima, "corn-pollen gathering." Cloud. 56. Talis-waii-si, "corn-pollen waving flower." Cloud. I87. Tinavi, "announcement (of a ceremony)." Kachina. 151. Tohou, "cougar." Rattlesnake. 50. T6ski, for Tsa, "squashbug." Cloud. 63. T6fsi, "moccasins." Horn. 123. Ts'ei, a Tewa name. (Clan?) 189. Tsii, an unidentified small bird found in summer among the sagebrush. Kachina. 54. Tsokiv6, "waterhole." Cloud. 202. Tso6fun a, "smoking." Tobacco. I I. Tsop-hoya, "antelope small." Horn. I7. } Tsop-mana, "antelope maid." Horn. 125. Tdchi, "roasted corn." Cloud. I45. Tuv6, "(tansy-mustard) paint." Tansy-mustard. 57. Tuve-waiima, " paint walking," referring to the progress of a mottled snake. Rattlesnake. 16. Tuve-waii-si, "paint waving (cactus) flower." Rattlesnake. 42. Tuve-yon6ma, "paint holding." Tansy-mustard. II3. Ttwa, "earth." Rattlesnake. Observe that names referring to earth may belong to the Rattlesnake clan as well as to the Earth clan. I76. Tiwai-yapti, "earth come-out." Earth. 37 } Tuwa-mana, "earth maid." Rattlesnake. 170-J I4. Waii-si, "waving flower." Tobacco. 174. Wakasi, "cow" (Spanish). Horn. 18I. Wisti, "(snake) lying outstretched." Rattlesnake. 191. Wiha, "announcement," a Middle Mesa word meaning the same as Walpi Tinavi. Kachina. 80. Wdnka, abbreviation of Tiuv-wfnka, "paint standing," referring to the shining coat of a deer. Horn. 204'. rocks. Rabbit. 81. Y6y-waiyiu, "rain escape-from." Cloud. 13. Y6y-wunu, "rain standing." Cloud. 83. Yuwi, "cornsilk." Cloud. 2I9. Zihna, abbreviation of Ziyanta, "spinning," a nickname applied to a boy fond of whipping tops. 1 Soneo is used exclusively by females. Both sexes use lolomai. {view image of page 234} 234 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Interclan Relations as Shown by Bestowal of Names Below is a table showing the number of instances in which any given clan (left-hand column) has bestowed personal names on the children of any other given clan. It will be observed that the Tobacco clan has received names from every other clan and has named individuals of every other except Kachina and Reed; but these are represented in the Genealogies by only 2 and 12 persons respectively. Cloud has received names from all but Earth, Reed, and Badger, and has given names to all except Kachina. Horn has been named by all except Firewood, Badger, and Bear, and has given names to all. Under these circumstances it can hardly be said that there is any tendency toward clan-pairing in the bestowal of names. Names are by no means always given by clansmen of the child's father. Out of 28 names given by Tobacco people, 26 are given to children of Tobacco men, an inordinately large proportion. In a total of 120 for all clans, only 77 show clan relationship between namer and child's father. To what extent this tendency is the result of blood, rather than clan, relationship, it is impossible to say; but it is likely that the privilege of naming a child belonged originally to its father's blood relations. Namer and Names bestowed by: $ = E g I? 1 ^ X ___ ___ ___ upon: child's Cloud 6 io, 3 4 I I3 II Horn-Flute 7 2 2 4 3 I 2 I I 2 25 I7 6 Kachina6 2 I I 5 5 I I 7 5 I Rattlesnake 2 3 2 2 I 6 - 6 5 7 Tansy-mustard 4by:3 3 3 9 Earth 4 - 2 I -I - - 8 I 4 0Reed I 2 I _ 4 I0 F irewood-Coyote 3 2 7 - 4 3 I 6 326 2 BadgHorn-Flute 7 2 24 3 I 2 I I 2 25 6 BeKachina 6 2 I - I — I I -- 5 I attla 13 3 2 1 20 6 12 18 7 4 1 77 ~Earth 41- 2)1 — I — - 8 I 4 NReed h I - 2I Firewood-Coyote 3 2 1 -- I3 -.... 6 3 2 Badger 46 -..-.. I 38. 5 I 2 Bear 6 - - ~I -~ I 13 I Total 38 I3 37 2 420 6 12 I8 7 4 I7I 77 43 Namer and child's father of same clan 7 4 19 2 5 5 5 20 - 77 Namer and child's father of different 17 I 7 - 2 9 I I 5 - -43 I20 clans 1The discrepancy between this total and that in the second column preceding is explained by the fact that no record was made of the paternal clan affiliation of persons who appear in the Genealogies by reason of marriage to those whose lineage is there traced. {view image of page 235} APPENDIX 235 Relationship Terms The following terms of relationship are used by the Hopi. Reciprocals are arranged in opposite columns, and in all cases the possessive pronoun of the first person singular, i-, is incorporated. None of these terms can be used without a possessive. In the absence of specific evidence to the contrary, either in the very nature of the term or in the form of a direct statement, all words are to be understood as being spoken by both males and females. Age with reference to the speaker is not taken into account by the Hopi in such terms as are not so qualified in the English equivalent below. m. s. = male speaking; f. s. = female speaking. father i-naa mother i-nuu J brother, elder i-vava sister, elder i-k6ka father's brother i-naa father's brother's wife i-niuu father's elder brother's son i-vava father's elder brother's daughter i-k6ka father's sister i-kyaa father's sister's husband i-qaa father's sister's son i-naa father's sister's daughter i-kyaa mother's brother i-taha mother's brother's wife i-mowi mother's sister i-niuu mother's sister's husband i-naa child i-tii brother, younger i-topko sister, younger, f. s. i-topko sister, younger, m. s. i-siwa brother's child, m. s. i-tii husband's brother's child i-tii father's younger brother's son i-topko father's younger brother's daughter, f. s. i-topko father's younger brother's daughter, m. s. i-siwa brother's child, f. s. i-moyi wife's brother's child i-moyi mother's brother's child,m.s. i-tii mother's brother's child, f.s. i-moyi sister's child, m.s. i-tiwaya husband's sister's child nuf i-mowi taka sister's child, f. s. i-tii wife's sister's child i-tii mother's sister's son, younger than speaker i-topko mother's sister's daughter, younger than speaker, f. s. i-topko mother's sister's daughter, younger than speaker,m.s. i-siwa mother's sister's son, elder than speaker i-vava mother's sister's daughter, elder than speaker i-ko-ka parent's father parent's mother husband wife's parent husband's parent wife's elder brother wife's elder sister wife's younger brother wife's younger sister i-qaa l i-soo f i-k6nya nu i-m6onanu taka 2 nu i-mbwi taka i-vava I i-koka f i-topko l i-siwa child's child wife daughter's husband son's wife younger sister's husband elder sister's husband i-moyi i-noma i-moonanu i-mowi i-topko i-vava husband's brother or sister nu i-mowi taka wife's mother's brother or brother's wife sister nu i-moonanu sister's daughter's husband i-moonanu wife's elder sister's hus- taka wife's younger sister's husband i-vava band i-topko husband's brother's wife i-m6onsinwa 3 1 "Me i-miowi who-has." 2 "Me i-m"oonanu. who-has." Also severally designated as ita-naa, our father, iti-nuii, our mother. 3 I-mowi, brother's wife; on, by marriage; sinwa, consort; hence, sister-in-law of my marriage-partner. A self-reciprocal locution. {view image of page 236} 236 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN parent's parent's father i-qaa parent's parent's mother i-soo parent's parent's brother i-qaa parent's parent's sister i- soo spouse's grandfather i-qaa spouse's grandmother i-soo stepfather1 i-naa stepmother i-nuui mother's brother's child's child i-moyi father's sister's son's son i-topko father's sister's son's daughter, f. s. i-topko father's sister's son's daughter, m. s. i-siwa father's sister's daughter's son i-naa father's sister's daughter's daughter i-kyaa child's child's child i-moyi brother's or sister's child's child i-moyi grandchild's spouse i-m6yi stepchild i-tii parent's father's sister's son i-qaa parent's father's sister's daughter i-kyaa father's mother's brother's son i-vava father's mother's brother's daughter i-k6ka mother's mother's brother's child, m. s. i-tii mother's mother's brother's child, f. s. i-m6yi I There are three words descriptive of one's clanspeople: i-nahi (plural, i-nahimti), clansman of a male or female and clanswoman of a female; i-tdmsi (i-tdmsimu), clanswoman of a male; i-taka (i-tikayamtl), clansman of a male or a female. Relationship terms are extended to clansmen not related by blood, as follows: clansman of mother's generation i-taha clanswoman of mother's generation i-nifi clanswman of mown e'sgeneration, elder ' clansperson of child's generation, m.s.i-tiwaya clansperson of child's generation, f.s. i-tii clansman of own generation, elder than speaker i-vava clanswoman of own generation, elder than speaker i-koka clansman of own generation, younger than speaker i clanswoman of own generation, younger than speaker, f. s. i clanswoman of own generation, younger than speaker, m. s. i clansperson of grandchild's generation i clansman of grandfather's generation i-qaa clanswoman of grandfather's gener- l ation i-soo father's clansman i-naa father's clanswoman i-kyaa i-topko i-topko -siwa i-m6yi i-tii i-m6yi clansman's child, m. s. clansman's child, f. s. i Summary of Relationship Terms The seventeen separate terms, with their primary significance, are listed below. Parent-child Group i-naa father, father's brother i-nfiu mother, mother's sister i-tii child Grandparent-grandchild Group i-qaa grandfather i-soo grandmother i-m6yi grandchild (primarily, woman's brother's child) 1 Persons related on only one side are designated by the same terms as if they were descended from the same father and mother. Illegitimate children are regarded as the children of both their natural and their foster father. Ordinarily they address both as i-naa, but more correctly the natural father is i-ni-chami (my father taken-along), and he in turn calls them i-ti-chami. {view image of page 237} APPENDIX 237 Brother-sister Group i-vava elder brother i-topko younger brother, woman's younger sister i-koka elder sister i-siwa man's younger sister Uncle-nephew Group i-taha mother's brother i-tiwaya man's sister's child i-kyaa father's sister i-moyi woman's brother's child (also, grandchild) Husband-wife Group i-k6nya husband i-noma wife i-mowi brother's wife i-m6oannfu daughter's husband Secondary Applications of the Terms The secondary applications of these terms are set forth in the table below. For convenience in cross-reference the items are numbered, figures in parentheses indicating the reciprocal item. m. s. = male speaking; f. s. = female speaking. I-NAA, FATHER I-NUU, MOTHER RECIPROCAL, I-TII, CHILD RECIPROCAL, I-TII, CHILD I. father (II) 2. stepfather (12) 3. father's brother (13) 4. father's sister's son (14) 5. mother's sister's husband (I7) 6. father's sister's daughter's son (18) 7. mother (II) 8. stepmother (I2) 9. mother's sister (16) o0. father's brother's wife (15) I-TII, CHILD RECIPROCALS, I-NAA, I-NUU II. child (I, 7) 12. stepchild (2, 8) 13. brother's child, m. s. (3) 14. mother's brother's child, m.s. (4) I5. husband's brother's child (Io) 16. sister's child, f. s. (9) 17. wife's sister's child (5) I8. mother's mother's brother's child, m. s. (6) I-QAA, GRANDFATHER RECIPROCAL, I-MOYI, GRANDCHILD 19. grandfather (any generation) (64) 20. grandparent's brother (65) 21. spouse's grandfather (66) 22. father's sister's husband (62) 23. parent's father's sister's son (67) I-VAVA, ELDER BROTHER RECIPROCALS, I-TOPKO, YOUNGER BROTHER, WOMAN'S YOUNGER SISTER, I-SIWA, YOUNGER SISTER 27. elder brother (34, 50) 28. father's elder brother's son (36, 51) 29. mother's sister's son, elder than speaker (38, 52) 30. wife's elder brother (4I) 3I. elder sister's husband (40, 53) 32. wife's elder sister's husband (42) I-SOO, GRANDMOTHER RECIPROCAL, I-MOYI, GRANDCHILD 24. grandmother (any generation) (64) 25. grandparent's sister (65) 26. spouse's grandmother (66) I-TOPKO, YOUNGER BROTHER, WOMAN'S YOUNGER SISTER RECIPROCALS, I-VAVA, ELDER BROTHER, I-KOKA, ELDER SISTER 34. younger brother (27, 45) 35. younger sister, f. s. (45) 36. father's younger brother's son (28, 46) 37. father's younger brother's daughter, f. s. (46) 38. mother's sister's son, younger than speaker (29, 47) 39. mother's sister's daughter, younger than speaker, f. s. (47) VOL. XII-30 {view image of page 238} 238 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN 33. father's mother's brother's son (43, 54) I-KOKA, ELDER SISTER RECIPROCAL, I-TOPKA, YOUNGER BROTHER, WOMAN S YOUNGER SISTER 45. elder sister (34, 35) 46. father's elder brother's daughter (36, 37) 47. mother's sister's daughter, elder than speaker (38, 39) 48. wife's elder sister (41) 49. father's mother's brother's daughter (43, 44) 55. I-TAHA, MOTHER'S BROTHER RECIPROCAL, I-TIWAYA, MAN S SISTER'S CHILD (56) I-KYAA, FATHER'S SISTER RECIPROCAL, I-M6YI, WOMAN'S BROTHER'S CHILD 57. father's sister (61) 58. father's sister's daughter (63) 59. father's sister's daughter's daughter (68) 60. parent's father's sister's daughter (67) 69. I-KONYA, HUSBAND RECIPROCAL, I-N6MA, WIFE (70) I-M6WI, BROTHER'S WIFE 1 40. wife's younger brother (31) 41. younger sister's husband (30, 48) 42. wife's younger sister's husband (32) 43. father's sister's son's son (33, 49) 44. father's sister's son's daughter, f. s. (49) I-SIWA, MAN'S YOUNGER SISTER RECIPROCAL, I-VAVA, ELDER BROTHER 50. younger sister, m. s. (27) 5I. father's younger brother's daughter, m. s. (28) 52. mother's sister's daughter, younger than speaker, m. s. (29) 53. wife's younger sister (31) 54. father's sister's son's daughter, m. s. (33) 56. I-TIWAYA, MAN'S SISTER'S CHILD RECIPROCAL, I-TAHA, MOTHER'S BROTHER (55) I-M6YI, WOMAN'S BROTHER'S CHILD, GRANDCHILD RECIPROCALS, I-KYAA, FATHER'S SISTER, I-QAA, GRANDFATHER, I-SOO, GRANDMOTHER 61. brother's child, f. s. (57) 62. wife's brother's child (22) 63. mother's brother's child, f. s. (58) 64. grandchild (any generation) (I9) 65. brother's or sister's grandchild (20, 25) 66. grandchild's spouse (21, 26) 67. mother's brother's grandchild (23, 6o) 68. mother's mother's brother's child, f.s. (59) 70. I-NOMA, WIFE RECIPROCAL, I-KONYA, HUSBAND (69) 74. I-M6ONANU, DAUGHTER'S HUSBAND 71 -72. 73 - brother's wife mother's brother's wife son's wife Some of the more obvious features of this system may be mentioned. Disregarding the terms for husband, wife, brother's wife, and daughter's husband, all Hopi terms of relationship are applied impartially to individuals in either the direct or the collateral line, and not only to blood relations but to persons related to the speaker only by marriage. The sex of the speaker is denoted in only two cases: i-siwa, man's younger sister, and i-tiwaya, man's sister's child. On the other hand the sex of the person named is shown in all cases except four: i-tii, child; i-topko, younger brother, woman's younger sister; i-tiwaya, man's sister's child; and i-moyi, woman's brother's child, grandchild. 1 The reciprocals of the terms in this category are expressed by locutions. Husband's brother or sister, husband's sister's child, husband's parent, ni i-mowi taka (me i-mo'wi who-has); wife's parents, ni i-moonanui taka, or iti-naa (our father) and iti-niu (our mother). Another locution is applied to husband's brother's wife, i-m6osinwa (sister-in-law of my marriagepartner). {view image of page 239} APPENDIX 239 There is no instance of verbal reciprocity in the Hopi system; that is, two individuals never designate each other by the same term, as we do in the case of cousin. Complete logical reciprocity occurs only with i-taha, mother's brother, and i-tiwaya, man's sister's child; that is, all persons who call a man i-taha, and no others, are by him addressed as i-tiwaya, and vice versa. I-koka, elder sister, calls all those who so address her i-topko, younger brother, woman's younger sister; the reciprocal of i-topko, however, is not only i-koka but i-vava, elder brother. The pair i-koka- i-topko therefore is incompletely reciprocal. Similarly, i-kyaa, father's sister, invariably responds with i-moyi, woman's brother's child; but i-qaa, grandfather, and i-soo, grandmother, employ the same term i-moyi in addressing those who call them grandparent. Songs The Maid Who Preferred Death to an Undesired Marriage F _ _ f s ~,*~t S r * * g '? ^"! i^ ^ ji' I 1' Ns 1; - id JO Haia aho...! Ayamo! Hala aho...! Ayamo! yonder yonder Ki-tuwuani-v fIls6nwai i-niunum tila po6-ta-viwa. house yonder at good me for sunlight road laid has-b( Suan-kafti iinanwa suan-vasi-wati, k6(.2 right life heart right thing done Yai-phoi tokila-tawa-ta homa-tavela takala kia tiyoti. toward night sun his ceremonial- tassel corn boys here meal made Haia haia haia haia haia haya!ll Okiwa nawis-nu hakami lavai-muyoni. Ahaya ahaiya a... poor about me every- talk will-be where Su'an-kafti ainanwa suian-vasi-wati ki-tUiwuni-v?. right life heart right thing done house yonder at een 1 Snwai, a word used only by females. 2 The interpretation of this sentence is obscure. It should be borne in mind that the text of a Hopi song is never the complete expression of a thought as it would be expressed in conversation. K660 is a word constantly recurring in songs at the end of a phrase, and seems to be a mere expression of finality, or a vocable bridging the break between two musical phrases. {view image of page 240} 240 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Hapime hapi! Hapim? hapi! Saqa-vaho-m6nwi i-naa! (Repeat 11-11) blue paho chief my father "Yonder, yonder, to that distant house (of death) a good road has been prepared for me.... Hither the Moon has strewn his sacred meal, Corntassel Boys. Poor me, everywhere there will be talk about me. Blue-paho Chief, my father!" The Flood at Palatkwabi _E —r _ j _, _ r1-r_= — _ ^t --, Vt bp==, J -.... J 3 ~ I r J N I' —!'..I' for of mother father throughI tj rPu si n!na iwa tl aw i-ton;. now perhaps heart awaken will 1 Hapim, the vocabl tva that introduces a second stanza. as -- my my talk way go- seeing-it 2 See Migrations of the Cloud Clan, page 79. The usual vocables occur in this song, but are here omitted. 3 f-nayui, for i-naa. {view image of page 241} APPENDIX 241 Ka.hak tiwoti not one knowledge naw6ti Palatqavi pa-kuzzrzui minikatu. knows Palatkwabi water over- impend flow Tualan-saa tuw6ti nawoti navokyawinma, k6o. sorcery only knowledge knows have-enough Imyui k6oya 6om6 ti-wunwi miatu nanatuilave those gray cloud child they clansmen ka-naw6ti yOs~. not know living growing Mana-sita puwuw-si kol66-sivaa maid flower primrose place flower flower si-fona flower suck nutnita hrumita-sita tanai tiyotM.1 corn flower yellow- boys jacket "I am going through life in the way of my parents, seeing it as they did. Now perhaps my heart will awaken. None had knowledge of the flood that was impending at Palatkwabi. The sorcerers only had sufficient knowledge of it. The growing children, though clansmen of the gray clouds, knew not of it. Yellow-jacket Boys sucking flowers, the flower maids, the primrose flowers, the corn flowers, in the flower place." 1 Song of the Flute Boy and the Flute Maids I.I L I I I I I I. t dlJ, J.t-pp ---- J^C — 9-9 *^J^^ -- _ ' g - 3A PA ---.,_ _ K. a 3-.-.3 —r ---4,3 6 _ 3 a 4 0 l Lg Jt: A: _-x —r --- cm -----— ' --- —— i_!- 1 |I 3'L - I -, I _ l " 'l-l -H,1 _j^j^ lg-~:-jj^^t^ Nanawinima aya, let-us-go yonder LDnanvi siwamatu Lenanvi younger sisters k-oo, Totoikya, Totoikya himi talawiyu, corn fine fields koo6, nana-ui2i- tuvilawi.2 let-us rings toss k6oo. 1 This last sentence is highly figurative language, meaning that the youths of Palatkwabi spent their nights (the primrose is a night-blooming flower) in kissing and caressing the girls in secret places. These lapses of morality were the supposed cause of the legendary flood. 2 T6toikya, the place where the To-wimi fraternity is supposed to have originated. ltji, literally shut, locked, is the position of a ring, tossed from a stick in certain women's ceremonies, resting on the stick as if "locked" there. {view image of page 242} 242 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Pastoikya namakilo tdhuiloa oki. Pistoikya have-for- give alreadygodfather come Tdwa nasana, k66o, timuyi tidwati. earth centre children in-turn HapimL... I Nato-vikya! Tivn 6v wait some- west-in ab thing-expected Kao' moqat i pam yan inamutui corn double-ear that around for-us here eoe louo-ku-vse ove cloud house in beh behold kukdwani masa puyayata. varicolored wing flapping "Let us go from yonder Totoikya, tossing our rings. At Lnainvi are our younger sisters with fine fields of corn. From Pastoikya, having chosen their ceremonial fathers, they have already come. From the earth-centre their children in turn have come. Wait! Something more is coming. Up in the west in the cloud-house, see! Double-eared corn, varicolored, is waving its leaves all about us." 1 1 The song refers to the coming of various groups of people into the Hopi country. {view image of page 243} Vocabulary {view image of page 244} I I {view image of page 245} VOCABULARY' Hopi v is bilabial, like Spanish b-v. p and t are always unaspirated, closely approaching b and d. p in composition usually becomes v, as in saqa-vaho for saqa-paho (blue prayer-stick), and is-va for isoi-pa (coyote spring). The change is not invariably made, however, as we have tawa-pa, not tawa-va (sun spring). Conversely, v sometimes becomes p, as in pip-wi.nwa for piva-wunwa (tobacco clansman), and tap-winwa for tavu-wunwa (rabbit clansman). The sound here rendered ch is frequently heard as /?. Elision in composition is very common. Substantive plurals are formed by the suffix -ti, or -mi, as manatu, girls, sinoma, people; by initial reduplication, as tdqi, mountain, tutuqi, mountains; but more commonly by a combination of suffix and reduplication, as kale-taka, brave man, warrior, kikale-takto, warriors. Attributives usually, but not always, precede the substantive. ANATOMICAL TERMS ankle-joint sih-ko-yi head ko-te arm ma-a-ta heart l-nan-wa bone 6-ka knee ta-m6 chest ta-wifs-ka leg h6-kya chin 6-yi lips pan.-ih-pf ear na-ki-v6 lungs ha-lai-na elbow f6o-vi mouth m6-a eye p6-si neck qi-pi face tai-wa nose yi-ka finger ma-la-fsi toe kuk-wfi-si fingernail s6-ki toenail kuk=so-ki foot kfh-k- tongue len-i hair ho-mi tooth ti-ma hand mik-t6 ANIMALS antelope * fis-vi-o-il butterfly po-li badger * ho-na-ni buzzard wi-s6-ku bat sa-o-ya chicken * ko-a-ku5 bear * h6-n5o- chicken-hawk ki-sa bear, black * ko-map=h6-no-ti (black bear) condor qa-tu-ku-a bear, brown * pe-tush6=-no-fi (brown bear) coyote i-so-d beaver * pa-h6-na3 crane, sandhill a-t6-ko bullsnake lo-l-kan-u crow an-wi-si burro * m6-zo4 deer * so-wi-in-wa6 1 The vocabulary was recorded at Walpi. Pronunciation of many words differs slightly, rarely seriously, at other villages. 2 Names of animals used for food are indicated by stars. 3 Probably "water bear." 4 Adaptation of the Spanish word. 6 An onomatope. Chickens, because of their unclean habits in feeding, were not eaten until very recently. 6 Cf. sowi, jack-rabbit. Certain tribes in northwestern California, where the jackrabbit is a newcomer within the last generation or two, call this animal "sand-bar deer." VOL. XII-31 ~~~245 VOL. XII-31 245 {view image of page 246} 246 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN dog * duck (generic) * eagle elk * fish fox, gray fox, yellow goat, female * goat, male * horse * magpie mockingbird mountain-lion * mountain-sheep * owl puh-ku 1 pa-wi-kya 2 qa-hi ftai-i-zi-sa pa-ki-o-i 2 ta-yu si-kya=ta-yu (yellow) ka-pi-za3 (gray-fox) fsi-va-to 3 ka-v-yo 3 po-siw ^'- 4 y6 pa to-ho-f pan-wd mon-wui paroquet porcupine * prairie-dog * rabbit, cottontail * rabbit, jack- * rattlesnake rattlesnake, side-winder roadrunner sheep * sparrow-hawk spider squirrel, rock * turkey wildcat * wolf kya-zo mdn-yo-i tf-kya ta-vu so-wi chu-a ta-ho h6s-po-a ka-nd-lo 3 ke-l1 k6-kyan-ti la-ka-na ko-yin-u 5 to-ku-fti qew '-a CARDINAL POINTS6 The ceremonial order of referring to the world regions is: north, west, south, east, zenith, nadir; and the associated colors are respectively yellow for north, blue for west, red for south, white for east, black for the zenith, and all-color for the nadir. The association of black with the zenith and all-color with the nadir is just the opposite of the practice in some other pueblos, such as Zuni. The Hopi conception is based on the fact that seeds of various colors, especially corn, are derived from the earth. eastward nadir northward ho-po-ka at-kya-a qi-ni-wi'-ka southward westward zenith ta-to-ka te-ven-e 7 6-mi-i (above) all-color attributive black blue attributive COLORS8 na-na'-16n-i. (different kinds) 9 ku-wan kom-vi sas-qan-p 10 sa-qi-(vi) brown-red gray green attributive purple pe-tu-si ma-si mo-kin-pu 11 mo-ki-(vi) ku-mi=va-lan-pu 12 1 The dog was eaten only in time of famine. 2 The word evidently contains the root pa, water. 3 Adaptation of the Spanish word. 4 Cf. p6si, eye. The remainder of the word is unexplained. 6 Turkeys were rarely obtained by the Hopi. 6 Hopi orientation corresponds only approximately with ours, their cardinal points being marked by the solstitial rising and setting points of the sun. At the summer solstice the sun rises in the east and sets in the north; at the winter solstice it rises in the south and sets in the west. Their cardinal points therefore are not mutually equidistant on the horizon, and roughly agree with our semi-cardinal points. 7 In songs and in composition this word frequently occurs as tavane, which probably was its original form (tawa, sun). The change of a to l is probably in sympathy with the final locative ~. 8 When the attributive form is not given, it is to be understood that the same form is used in the predicative and, with proper elisions, the attributive position. 9 The word may refer also to other qualities than color. 10 The term for blue includes the dark shades of green. It is applied to all shades of green vegetation, and in this connection is used also much as we employ the word green in the sense of fresh or immature. 1 Emerald-green. Never applied to vegetation. 12 Kumu, a plant; valanpi for palanpu, red. {view image of page 247} VOCABULARY 247 purple attributive red attributive ku-mii=va-la-(vi) pi-lan-pa pa-li-(vi) white yellow attributive k6-fga si-kyan-pa Si-kyi-(vi) PRIMITIVE FOODSI beans bread, wafer corn, ear, dry corn, ear, green corn, growing corn, parched corn, shelled cornmeal tamale in cornhusk in cornleaves cornmeal, coarse cornmeal, fine cornmeal, medium cornmeal, sweet mu-zi-wu-si 2 pi-ki U-6;j ta-wik-gii sa-mi hUi-mi=f-yi (corn plant) k x-tI-ki hiai-mi-ta su-m=ivi-ki (tied-up piki); tin-&i-vi-ki (? piki); nik=vi-ki (hot-sand piki) cha-kiI=vi-ki (double-point piki) h a-q i s-q i ndm-ni te-s-kd-ni t6'-si cornmeal balls cornmeal gruel cornmeal mush cornmeal pudding juniper-berries mescal muskmelon peach piion-nuts prickly-pear fruit salt squash squash-seeds watermelon yucca fruit p6-v61Th pi-ki (round piki); rnu-mds=pi-ki (oblong piki) wia-ti-ka hfi-zd-sti-ki pi-ka-mi 16-p6-si 4 qi-ni6 me-16-ne 6 si-pi-la td-va yor-ya on-a pa-ta-na pa-ta-na-si-vu-si ka-wi-yu si-hfi7 HANDICRAFT arrow arrow-point arrow-shaft arrow-shaft, reed ax basket, burden basket, piki tray basket, meal tray basket, plaque batten, weaving belt, woman's h6-hfi 8 si-vig~-ka2 h6n-a-vi pi-kav~hon-a-vi pi-kyai-ini-wa ho-i-pfi pik=in-pi te-fiai-a p6-ta; ytin-ya-pa 9 suih-qa q~-w6 blanket, woven bow broom brush, hair cradle-board dress drum flute hoe house knife pi-si-la 10 6-ta 1 wtl-si wl-si nf-ta mn6-fga-pii pfi-slk-pi lena y6k-ta-ka ki-h fi p6-yu 1 See also under the head of Animals. 2 Singular, mzizi. 3 Kd6, the dried ear of field corn; tawdkf'i, the dried ear of sweet corn. 4 Cf. p'si, eye. 5 Mescal was secured already prepared from the Apache and the Havasupai. 6 Spanish. 7 Eaten fresh, and not preserved as by the Zuiji. 8 Not h6ha, which means juniper-wood. 9 P6ta, the coiled plaques made at Middle mesa; yut'tya-pii, the twined plaques of Oraibi. 10 Spanish, frazada. 11 Contraction of 6wata. {view image of page 248} 248 leggings loin-cloth loom, belt metate moccasins muller pottery bowl pottery cookingvessel pottery ladle pottery water-ja THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ho-kyan-ap-r o-vi=to-si 1 pit-ka-na qe-wfi=-n-ta ma-ta2 t6-fsi ma-ta-ki fsa-kap-ta si-vu ai-ka - r fs'-ka-o-ko-kz kii=si-vui kdi=pi 3 aa; quiver rabbit-stick rattle, gourd (belt cradle) robe, ceremonial robe, child's robe, marriage robe, rabbit-skin sash, ceremonial sash, marriage shield spear u; spoon top war-club h6-tna (arrow-?) pu-dfs-ko-hu a-ya a-t6-o tsi-zo 6-va; qafs-kya-vt ta-vd-pf 4 m6-fsap=nwf-qe-w6 wu-k6=qe-w6 (large belt) tf-wo-ta lan-sa 5 il=a-kfi (horn ladle) (i zi-yin-pi (spinning) mu-fsi-ko ashes charcoal cloud cloud, cirrus cloud, cumulus cloud, nimbus darkness day (light) day (period) earth fire ice lake light (day) lightning moon mountain mountain range night rain rainbow river rock sky smoke snow NATURAL PHENOMENA k0fs-vi to-vfm-si 6-mo-l wi-si=o-mo-f (streak cloud) k6-yi=o-mo-t (?-cloud) he-ya.p6=o-m6-A (?-cloud) ka=ta-la (not light) ta-la te-ve-pu 6 tu-wa; td-wa=ka-fsi7 ko-hi pa=t6-sin-wa (water-?) pa=ti-pa-ha (water-?) ti-la ta-la=wi-pi-ki (light zigzag) m6-yo-i1 ti-qi ti-tf-qi (mountains) t6-ki-la y6-yan-tl tan-a-ka pa-yu o-wa t6k-pe-la 8 qi-if-in-v nu-va 9 1 Hokvynapna, footless woven leggings of cotton, later of wool; ova-tofi ("marriagerobe moccasins"), the white deerskin ceremonial leggings of women, including the moccasins to which they are attached. 2 Cf. Aztec metlatl. 3 Ts6kaokozu, a large portable vessel, flat on one side so as to fit the back, and provided with two lugs for the attachment of the tump-line; kdi-sivu ("water cooking-vessel"), a symmetrical house jar, decorated, and of varying sizes; kii-pi ("water place") an undecorated house jar, always of large size. 4 Cf. tavu, cottontail rabbit. 5 Spanish. 6 Tawa, sun, and possibly ipgo, here. 7 Tdwa is also used in the sense of soil, just as we employ "earth." Tdwa-katai ("earth life") is used in the larger sense, but mostly in ceremony and song. 8 Cf. tokila, night. The words for night and sky are identical in some American languages. 9 Ndva, snow, is not Spanish, in spite of the similarity in sound. It occurs in other Shoshonean languages that have not been exposed to Spanish influence. {view image of page 249} VOCABULARY 24-9 star Gemini Morning-star Orion Pleiades sun thunder water (in nature) water (in container) wind s6-h a ne-vfk=so-hO (close-together star) til=so-hfl (daylight star) ho-t6m-kam-l fio-vi-o-ta-ka1m (bunched) ta-wa y6y=fl-mf-ki (rain noise) pi-h a kd-yi hd-kyan-d NUMERALS one two three four five six seven eight nine ten eleven twelve thirteen sd-kya-a l6,-y6-mll pi-yo-mdi na-l6-y6-mid (twice two) chi-vo-til ni-va-yi fian-a-6 na-na-16 (twice four) p&v6 pik-t6 pak=slik=si-kya-t1 2 pak=l' si-kya-tfl pak=pi-yo-ma=si-kya-ti1 fourteen twenty twenty-one thirty forty fifty sixty seventy eighty ninety hundred 3 pak-na-l6'-y5-sl-kya-til sf-nat s6-nat~ssik~si-kya-td;; s6-nat=ni-kyan=sfk=sikya-tri pa-yo=pik-tgi (three ten) ni-lo=pak-ta chi-v6=si-kyi=pak-til na-vi-yi=si-kyi=pak-td1 fian;-i=si-kyi=pak-ttl na-nil=si-kyi=pak-tiA p~-v&tsi-kyi-pak-til pa-qCit=si-kyi=pak-tti PERSONAL TERMS 4 aunt, maternal my aunt thy aunt his, her, aunt vocative aunt, paternal my aunt thy aunt his, her, aunt vocative baby boy brother, elder my brother thy brother his, her brother our brother your brother i=r-lfl-O (my mother) fl=nO-O yd-a-=ta5 i~n u-u i=kva=a f=kya-a kyi-a=ta i=kya-a ti-p6-si ti-y6=ho-ya (youth small) i=va-va ul'=va-va pi-va=ta i-ti=pa-va a-mui-pa-va their brother, dual their brother, plural vocative brother, younger, chief clan doctor, herb female girl initiate maiden male man man, old medicine-man mother, my pa-va=a-mil pd-mCI-i=pi-va~a-mi1 i'va-va my i=to'p-ko m6nawi wufn-wa; iiyi-mtl6 t6-hi-kya wih-ti ma-ni-ho-ya (maid small) kU-l1 (sparrow-hawk) ma-na ti-ka ta-ka wth=ta-ka p6-si-ta-ka (eye man);=nu-u 1 Hotomakmcg ("like a string of beads") refers only to the Belt of Orion. 2 In the terms for eleven to nineteen pak- (ten) may be omitted. 3 Above four or five hundred, Hopi conception of number is vague. 4 For terms of relationship see page 235. 5 Yuia-ta, for nz'z2-ta. 6 Neither word is the exact equivalent of clan. Wdnwa, growth, appended to a clan name indicates a member of that clan. 4Jyeima, used in the same way, is a collective. In asking what clan an individual belongs to, one says, "L~m hima waqwa (you what growth)?" {view image of page 250} 250 people people, Mexican people, white person sister, elder, my sister, younger, my (female speaking) (male speaking) THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN si-no-mi I Kas-ti-la 2 Pa-ha-na 3 si-no i=ko-ka i=top-ko i=si-wa uncle, maternal, my i=ta-ha uncle, paternal, my warrior woman woman, old youth i=na-a (my father) ka-l=-ta-ka wdh-ti wuh-ti=has-ka ti-yo cottonwood hemlock juniper oak peach si-ho-vi hek-pa h6fs-ki qin-vi si-pihl=cho-ki TREES pine pinon poplar spruce (?) willow 16-ko tid-va-6 la-pf=s6-vi (grove cottonwood) sa-la-vi ka-ha-vi MISCELLANEOUS autumn booth, ceremonial breath ceremonial meal cotton dream food kiva large attributive predicative substantive plaza pueblo tu-hi-wi-sa ki-si (shade) hik-si h6m=nfmm-i 4 po-so-wi tti-mo-ku n6-siu-ka ki-va 6 wd-ko wi-yo-ka wd-ko-ka ki=son=vi (house inside place) ki= —s-ki shadow shrine small attributive predicative soul spring (season) summer tobacco totem turquois winter witch, wizard witchcraft year ki-si-o-ni td-tis-kya cha'-ka; h6-ya cha-yo hik-si (breath) ta-mon-va ta-la-a 7 pi-va na-tu-i-la (relation) fi6s=po-si (blue-eye) to-mo-6 po-wi-ka; qi-ta (excrement) te-a-lan-wa ya-san-wti LUNAR CALENDAR 8 I. Kel-muya (kl?, initiate; referring to initiates of Wdwwuifimu, which occurs in this moon; mdya, for mdy6i~, moon) 2. Kya-mfya (kyapsita, to hold sacred; referring to the numerous taboos in Soyalani, which takes place in this, the winter-solstice moon) 3. Pa-muya (?-moon; a month for pastime dances and amusements) 1 With special reference to Indians. 2 Spanish. 3 Pahana, a corruption of Americano. 4 Hom, the act of tossing meal in supplication; n.dmni, cornmeal. 5 Kiva, probably from kihu, house, and pahui, spring. The analogy between the subterranean cell and the crater-like depressions in which most Hopi springs are found is evident. 6 Plural, chachak. Unlike most attributive adjectives, hoya is a suffix. 7 Cf. tila, daylight. 8 The Kel-miya moon, corresponding roughly with November, is regarded as the beginning of the new year; therefore at this time the fraternity chiefs renew their tiponi, and in WCiwufiimu new fire is kindled. It will be observed that there are six winter moons (I to 6) and six identically named summer moons with the addition of a thirteenth moon (number 12) to fill out the solar year. {view image of page 251} VOCABULARY 251 4. Powa-muya (powata, to purify ceremonially; the month for Powaim ceremony and the return of the Kachinas) 5. Oso-mfya (6s6, the sound of whistling wind; masked Kachina dances nightly in the kivas, and sometimes, but not always, the dance of the Water Bullsnake) 6. Qiyi6-muya (qiya, windbreak;' masked Kachina dances) 7. Hakiton-muya (haki, to wait; referring to the fact that some in their haste prepare to plant, while the more cautious advise them to "wait"; masked Kachina dances) 8. Kel-muya, or fi-muya (uya, to plant masked Kachina dances) 9. Kya-muya (Niman Kachina dance, and usually the summer solstice) Io. Pa-mufya (Snake or Flute ceremony) I. Powa-muya (ceremony of Lak6n-wimi) 12. Hook-muya (h66k, gathering corn; Maz6-wimi and Owakul-wimi ceremonies) 13. Oso-miya (pastime dances, such as Butterfly dance, a recent Rio Grande acquisition) {view image of page 252} ( I I {view image of page 253} Index VOL. XII -32 {view image of page 254} I {view image of page 255} INDEX aahltuzi in New Fire rite, 112-114, I I8-I20, 124 Abalone shell, meal tested with, I99 Acoma, Asa clan at, 18 Hopi name for, 222 mission founded at, 8 Snake ceremony at, 155 turkeys at, 32 visited by Tewa, 96 See KERES Adolescence. See PUBERTY RITES Adultery, crop failure attributed to, IO how expiated in afterworld, 40 how treated, 63 Afterworld, belief respecting, 221 Agriculture, how conducted, 5, 27-29 See CORN; INDUSTRIES Aguato, Awatobi so called, 8 See AWATOBI Ahohl Kaflina in Powiam ceremony, 166, 167 Aiaho clan of Zuni, 18, 96 Akuka-vi-ttuqi, the Mesa Encantada, 77 /la, the Horn clan totem, 59 Albinism among the Hopi, 59, 60 pl. Al-kiva, a Walpi kiva, I05 in Soyalanu, 130 in Yaya ceremony, 209 members bury kiva crops, I68 Nimaniw'C in charge of, 176 used in Mazo-wimi ceremony, I84 used in New Fire ceremony, 107, III, II115, 121, 122, 125 Al-monwi, an Al-wimi chief, 122 Alosaka in New Fire rite, 112, 114-125 in Tobacco clan legend, 84 origin of, 184-188 personated in Flute ceremony, I58, 159 Alosak-tuqi, a butte, 185-187 Altar, images on, of Warrior fraternity, 132 in New Fire rite, 122 in Snake dance song, 153 in Snake kiva, 144, 152 in Soyalanuf, 130 of Flute fraternity, 156 of Owakul-wimi, 18I-I82 of the Mazo-wimi, I83-I84 of Warrior ceremony, 133 Altars acquired from Tap6lo, 89 erected in kivas, 122-123 Altitude of Hopi country, 5 Al-wimi, a fraternity, Io6 in New Fire rite, 1O7, I09, 116-121, 124 origin of, 84, 89, 183, I86, i88 tiponi on altar of, 122 American Kachina introduced, IOO Amu-kwe, Zuii name for Hopi, 4 Ani Kaftina dance at Soyilanu, I30 defined and illustrated, Ioo, o00 pi. on basket plaque, 28 pl. Anap6l-va, a spring, 82, I2I Anatomy, knowledge of, 56 terms relating to, 245 Ancestors, spirits of, not prayed to, I 13 Anchaai, expression of approval, 112 Animals, food, of the Hopi, 45, 220, 245 game, creation of, 190-I93 game, mother of, 82 medicines pertaining to, 134 metamorphosis of persons into, 222 native names of, 245 on walls of warrior chamber, 133 pahos made for, 213 spirits of, taboos watched by, 48 See FAUNA; GAME 255 {view image of page 256} 256 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Announcement in New Fire rites, 109-IIO of Antelope race, 146 of Flute ceremony, 157 of Snake dance, 138 See TiNAVA Antelope, how hunted, 47, 220 in legend, 77, 193 race between Chicken-hawk and, 213-215 Antelope chief in smoke ceremony, 138 isanavaiya personated by, 136 killed by Navaho, 72 prayer-sticks made by, I38, 142-I46 Antelope fraternity, ceremony of, io6, I35-I55 tiponi of, 72, 73 Antelope priests in Snake dance, I38 pl., 145, I54 Antelope-skin, rattles of, 143 Ant fraternity at Santo Domingo, 143 Anwis-pa, paho planted in, 150 Apache basket used as medicine-bowl, 145 Hopi name for, 222 hostility of, 4, 67, 69, 117, 222 mescal obtained from, 45, 247 trade with, 68 war-cap of, 133 Apiyunwtsni of New Fire rite, Io8 Aponivi, "pointed peak," in legend, 196 Architecture illustrated, 20 pi. of Shongopovi, 78 pl. See HOUSES Arrow, a legendary personage, 77 used in victory dance, 70 Arrows deposited with eagles, 33 in legend, 89-90 made of syringa, 132 on Snake altar, 145 shot as invocation, I17 used in game, 50 See BOWS; WAR IMPLEMENTS Arts of the Hopi, 220 See HANDICRAFTS Asa, the Tansy-mustard clan totem, 60 Asa clan at Sichomovi, 98 migration of, 95-98 settle among Hopi, 18 warrior service by, 65 why so named, 96 See TANSY-MUSTARD CLAN Ashes used in ceremony, 69, 70, 125-126 used in medicine, 62 Is-kom6k-totokya of New Fire rite, Io8 Asperging of medicine-water, I I Itkyak-monwi, a name for Muinwa, 101 in New Fire rite, I23 Awatobi, destruction of, 1o, 28, 95, 112, 183 founding of, 17, 84 fraternities from, 83, 121, 182-I88 in legend, I99, 214 kivas at, 85 meaning and location, 223 mission founded at, 8 New Fire rite derived from, 107, 127 peaches introduced at, 28-29 population of, 219 rebuilt, 9-10 tradition of, 84-89 visited by Spaniards, 7, 117 women among Navaho, 61 Ax. See IMPLEMENTS Aztec, New Fire rite of, 127-128 Aztecan and Shoshonean affinity, 4 See MEXICO Badge of office of warrior chief, 132, 207 Badger in legend, 83, I98 prayers to, 222 See HONANI Badger clan at Sichomovi, 98 intermarriages, 229 knowledge of roots by, 62 legendary founding of, I88-I89 migration of, 17-I8, 84, 93-95 Yiya chief a member of, 161 Badger man, asperging of dancers by, III in New Fire rite, 125-126 Bag, deerskin, borne by Mais6 priests, 178 deerskin, in legend, 198 Bags as snake containers, 139, I40, I42, 144, 152 Baldness, belief regarding, 73 Baldric, gypsum balls stuck to, I46 of warrior chief, I45 Ball used in race, 195, 223 Balls, deerskin, in legend, 197 of gypsum stuck to baldrics, 146 of mud represented with cornhusks, I60 {view image of page 257} INDEX 257 Balls of mud thrown in legend, I99 used in games, 51, 221 See CORNMEAL; MEAL; SHINNY-BALL Bark used in dyeing, 31 See JUNIPER-BARK Basket, Apache, used as medicine-bowl, I45 for prayer-meal, 28, 28 pl., 109, 220 Basketry described, 27, 220 dyes used in, 30 Baskets borne by Miaso priests, 178 in cave, 38 pl. of Oraibi, 28 pl. pahos placed in, 214 rolled in Owkfil-ti, 182 used for measuring, 32 See CRADLE-BASKET Bathing by initiates, 47, II6 by Kachinas, 176 by MaisG priests, 179 by Snake men, 154 purpose of, 36 See HEAD-WASHING; PURIFICATION Bead-making scarce among Hopi, 29 Beads of various kinds, 24 various, in New Fire rites, III See SHELL; TURQUOIS Beadwork made during Powamu ceremony, 166 Beans anciently cultivated, 27, 220 as food, 42 grown in kiva, 166, 167 grown in legend, 197 legendary origin of, 80 used in medicine, 55 See AGRICULTURE; SEEDS Bean-stalks in Powaim ceremony, 167 Bean-vines gathered by snake-runners, 150 Bear, fat of, used in smallpox, 58 in legend, 91, 201-203 meat of, when used, 47 on wall of warrior chamber, 133 prayers to, 222 See HONOU Bear chief in Flute ceremony, 158, I59 in legend, 79 invites return of Asa clan, 98 Bear clan at Sichomovi, 95, 98 at Tfikinovi, 16, 17 chiefs selected by, 62, 221 Bear clan, eagle territory of, 32, 85 early movements of, 17 intermarriages, 229 legend of, 156 Bear clansman, how regarded by medicinemen, 55 Bear medicine of Warrior fraternity, 134 Bear-skins used as robes, 24 Bedding, of what formed, 22 Bee medicine of Warrior fraternity, 134 Bees. See BUMBLEBEES; HONEYBEES Begging in New Fire rite, 124, 125 Beheading in legend, 189, 190, I93-I95, 197, 205, 206, 213-215 Belching, how treated, 56 Bells. See COW-BELLS Belts given to brides, 38 of women, 24 See CLOTHING; DRESS; GARMENTS Benavides, Alonso de, cited, 8 Berdache survives Awatobi destruction, 183 Bible, tales from, told Warrior fraternity, 134 Big Ember society of Zuni, 142 Bird monster, legend of, 212-213 Birds given to Spaniards, 7 See FAUNA Birth customs discussed, 104, i86 Blankets of rabbit-skin, 22, 219 used in trade, 4, 11, 12 woven, 220 See ROBES; WEAVING Blindness, legendary origin of, 208 Blood-letting, practice of, 59 Blue, extent of term, 123, 246 Bluebird-feathers in legend, 77, 83, 89, 2IO Blue Horns. See. SAQA-AAHLT6 Body-painting of boys at Snake race, I50 with gypsum, 146 See GYPSUM; PAINTING Body-scrapers deposited by novitiates, I 8, 119 Boils, how treated, 55-56 Bones, broken, how treated, 56 Bosque Redondo, Navaho removed to, 67 Bourke, John G., account of Snake dance, IO Bowl for medicine-water, II Bows and arrows in legend, 210 and arrows made for boys, 177 deposited with eagles, 33 {view image of page 258} 258 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Bows. See WAR IMPLEMENTS; WEAPONS Boy attendant at Snake race, 156 pi. Boys, bows and arrows made for, 177 initiated as hunters, 46-47 initiated into Kachina order, 99 initiated into Snake and Antelope fraternities, 137-138 snake-hunting by, 140-141 See CHILDREN; INITIATION; NOVITIATES; PUBERTY RITES Bravery, song for, 65 See COURAGE Bread, fried, when tabooed, 48 See PIKI Breath, how symbolized, 39 Bridal costume illustrated, 40 pl. See CLOTHING; DRESS; GARMENTS Bruises, how treated, 56 Brushes of grass, 220 Buffalo dance at Hano, 178 pi. during Powaim ceremony, 167 Buffalo-hide, mask made of, 204 Buffalo-skins obtained from Comanche, 24 Bullroarer in Flute ceremony, I6o Bullsnake in Yaya magic, 164 See WATER BULLSNAKE Bumblebee medicine of Warrior fraternity, 134, I35 Bumblebees used by warrior chief in legend, 208 Burial. See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Burros among the Hopi, Io, 34 naqaiqusi made for, 129, 130 Bursting Man. See P6SJUKNA-TAKA Butterfly, a Badger clan totem, 93 in legend, I79-180 Butterfly clan at Sichomovi, 98 Butterfly dance, when held, 251 tabletas worn in, 70 Buttons worn on moccasins, 24 Buzzard, a Badger totem, 62 in legend, 82 Buzzard-feather used in medicine, 62 used in New Fire rite, 125-126 Cactus fruit eaten during famine, II, I88 Cactus-thorns used by sorcerers, 208 Calendar. See LUNAR CALENDAR Cannibalism in legend, I93 under stress of famine, II Cahon de Chelly, Hopi name of mouth of, 98 in Navaho country, 73 Caps of stone in legend, I97 See WAR-CAP Cardenas, G. L. de, visits the Hopi, 7 Cardinal points, animals representing, 133 gourd swung toward, 148 materials from, for Soyalanfi, 129 medicine-water asperged toward, I82 native names for, 246 pahos made for, I21, 139, I47, I50, 157 prayers to spirits of, IO9 roots placed at, 145 snakes deposited at, 154 water poured from, 145 See ORIENTATION; WORLD-REGIONS Castaneda, Pedro de, cited, 6, 62 Cat in legend of Reed clan, 90 Caterpillar in legend, I96, 197 Cattle among the Hopi, 34 Cave at Middle mesa, 38 pl. dead deposited in, 39, 221 Ceremonial dress of maids, 24 pl., 30 pl. kilt in legend, 202 robe in legendary foot-race, 206 robe, pahos placed in, 214 sash in legend, 204 Ceremonies and fraternities, 105-I84, 222 object of, 28 See RELIGION; RITES Ceremony of the magicians, I60-I65 Cigarettes, cornhusk, in legendary race, 214 Chakwaina. See CHAQAINA Chamuscado, F. S. de, explorations by, 8 Chaqaina, founding of, I8 Chaqaina Katiinamu, a Kachina group, Ioo brought to Hopi, 95 Chaqaina-ki built by Asa clan, 96 Charcoal, face smeared with, 199 Chaveyu Kachina illustrated, Ioo pl. Chicken-hawk in legend, 206, 213-215 Chicken-hawk feather on arrow, 89 Chiefs, corn planted for, I90 discussed, 62-63 prayers of, for people, Io1 {view image of page 259} INDEX 259 Chiefs. See CRIER CHIEF; FOUR CHIEFS; NADIR CHIEF; NAL6NANU-MONWITU; NORTH CHIEF; OVE-MONWI; POLITICAL ORGANIZATION; WARRIOR CHIEF Chikyaliqe, the Water Rattlesnake people of Zuni, 141 Childbirth, customs of, 59 good luck invoked for, 191 medicines taken after, 57 Tila-tfmsi supplicated for, 104 See NATAL CEREMONY Children and giants in legend, 209-212 captured by Mexicans, 12-14 custom of, at Snake race, 150 gifts for, made in kiva, 168 how reared, 20, 35-36, 42 illegitimate, how regarded, 236 in.Flute ceremony, 159, I60 initiated into Kaftinamu, 170-172 in Owakul-ti, 179-I82 pahos for, in legend, 75 stolen in legend, 193 threatened by ogress, 168 used in trade, II whipped at initiation, 100, 170-171 See BOYS; GIRLS; INITIATION; PUBERTY RITES Chile, introduction of, 28, 220 Chimneys, how constructed, 20 Chinlee, in Navaho country, 73 Chino, Walpi chief, visits Santa Fe, 13 Chiricahua Apache, Hopi name for, 222 Chua, Rattlesnake clan totem, 59 Chu-ki, a shrine, 143, 154 Chukubi abandoned, 17, 206 founded, 16, 78 in legend, 203-206 meaning and location, 223 Chu've, participant in Soyal smoke, 128 Chu'-wimi, a fraternity, Io6 Chu'-wimkia, women members of Snake fraternity, 137 Chd'yakafkii, a runner in legend, 203 Chid-yutui. See SNAKE RACE Clans, character of, 221 land held by, 40-41 legends, 74-98 listed and defined, 59-62 Clans, marriage between, 229 relation of, to kivas, 105 relations shown by names, 234 terms for, 250 Clavigero, F. X., cited by Prescott, 128 Clay, potters', how prepared, 25 smeared on dance costume, 152 used by Kachinas, 30 used in food and paint, 29 Cliff-dwellings, cotton cloth in, 27 Climate of Hopi country, 5 Clothing described, 23-24 given to bride, 38 of Ana Kaftina dancers, I30 of the dead, 39 wagered in legendary game, 213 See COSTUME; DRESS; GARMENTS Cloud. See CLOUDS; PATKI Cloud clan and Flute ceremony, 156 at Palatkwabi, 84 at Sichomovi, 95, 98 eagle territory of, 32 intermarriages, 229 medicine secrets of, 56, 58 members of, in Soyilanf, 128-13I members of M6n-kiva, 105 migration of, 19, 79-83 of southern origin, 61 Qan-wimi brought by, 107, i88 participate in snake-washing, I51, 152 settle at Walpi, 89 Soyil cult brought by, 172 "Sun Guardian" selected from, 64 Water Bullsnake cult brought by, 104 winter solstice rite introduced by, 1oI Clouds, deities represented by, 102, 186 formed by magic, 196, 215 symbolized, 28 pi., 65, 66, III, I22, 157, 160 Clown impersonated by Navaho, 67 Clown Kachina illustrated, Ioo pl. Clowns in Kachina dance, 85-86, 175 in New Fire rite, 121 See KOYiMSI Club carried by Maiso, 78 containing seeds for ceremonial planting, 178-179 {view image of page 260} 26o THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Clubs made in Awatobi legend, I87 See WAR IMPLEMENTS; WEAPONS Coal. See LIGNITE Coats, magic, in legend, 212 Cobwebs used in medicine, 56 Cochiti, Hopi name for, 222 Snake ceremony at, 155 Cold controlled by war gods, 102, Io3, 132 Colds, how treated, 57 Colorado river crossed by Horn clan, 78 Coloring of piki, 44 Colors, native names of, 246-247 symbolism of, III, I57, 203, 246 Comanche, buffalo-skins obtained from, 24 Hopi name for, 222 Como springs, Apache attacked at, 69 Comupavi, Shongopavi so called, 8 Condor identified with Qatukua, 212 in legend, 90 Condor-feathers on legendary arrows, 90 Conspiracy with Mexicans, 11-12 Constipation, how treated, 56 Contest of magic in legend, 208 Continence by priests, I50, I6I during Soyalanfi, I29 Convulsions, how regarded, 48 See FITS Copper used for ornaments, 25 Coral, ornaments of, 25, III Corn anciently raised, 27 as marriage gift, 37, 38 associated with world-region, III ears of, carried in dance, II9 ears of, placed at spring, 121 ears of, used in Soyalanu, I30, I3I how cultivated, 41-42, 64 how measured, 32 how prepared, 45, 184 how prepared for prayer-meal, IO9 how stored, 42 in legend, I86-I89, 196-I97, 199, 211 in Snake dance song, I53 legendary origin of, 80 matured by magic, 82, 83, I3I, I66 on Soyalanu altar, 130 parched, eaten in New Fire rite, 114 placed in rattles, 143 planted for chiefs, I90 Corn rubbed in hair of dead, 39 sacred, of Reed people, 92 used in game, 5I used in paint-making, 29 used in trade, II, 12 uses of, 220 See AGRICULTURE; FOOD; CORNMEAL; MEAL Corn clan, eagle-hunting lands assigned to, 85 Corncobs, feathered, in Owkfil-ti, 182 Cornfield illustrated, 42 pl. Corn fraternity, dress of, 184 Corn-grinding at marriage, 37, 38 See GRINDING Cornhusk, cigarettes of, II5, 214 squash-blossoms made of, I69 worn in hair, I23 Cornmeal, ball of, announcing arrival, 112 begged for in New Fire rite, 124, 125 clouds symbolized with, I60 daily offerings of, 36 given to Spaniards, 7 in legend, 75 kivas 'closed with, 117, II8 offered to rising Sun, 10I placed on food, 124 placed with body-scrapers, 119 poultice made of, 56 thrown toward Tala-tfmsi, 104 trails closed with, 6, 79, 117, I58, I59 used in fainting, 58 used in trade, 12 See PRAYER-MEAL; SACRED MEAL Corn-smut rubbed on bodies of dancers, 152 Corn-smut Maid, legend of, I98-I99 See NANA-MANA Cornstalks gathered by snake-runners, 150 in Flute ceremony, I60 in Maz6-wimi ceremony, 184 in Powaim ceremony, 167 in Snake ceremony, 147 Coronado, F. V. de, on Pueblo turkeys, 5, 32 sends expedition to Hopi, 6 Corpse, Misou a term for, Io2 Corpse fly in legend, 210o Corpse house. See MAS-KI Costume, bridal, 40 pl. of New Fire dancers, I19 {view image of page 261} INDEX Costume, of Snake-men, 140, 144 See CLOTHING; DRESS; GARMENTS Cotton, blankets of, 22, 24, 38 cultivation of, 7, 27, 220 garments described, 23-24, 27, 219 garments wagered in game, 213 netting on war-cap, 133 snow represented with, 131 string magically created, I54, I65 Cottonwood, drums made of, 120, 220 roots, pahos made of, 213 shoots, doors made of, 21 Cougar, fat of, used in smallpox, 58 fetish in legend, 200-20I in legend of Reed clan, 9I medicine of Warrior fraternity, 134 See MOUNTAIN-LION; WATER-COUGAR Cougar people at Tokonabi, I6 origin of, 74 Council, functions of, 62-64, 221 Courage bestowed with medicines, 92, 93 offering made to create, 98 of the Hopi, 3 Twin gods supplicated for, 103 Courting in legend, 184-185, 200, 207 See MARRIAGE Cow-bells carried by dancers, 120 Coyote in legend, 207, 215-216, 222 Coyote clan, alternative name of Firewood, 229 Cradle-basket illustrated, 56 pl. Cramps, how treated, 59 Crier of rabbit-hunt, 45-46 Crier chief asks aid of Asa people, 96 ceremonial announcements by, I O, I38, 146, 176, 177 functions of, 62-63, 179, 221 in Asa tradition, I8 in legend, 90, 92-94, 184, i86, 187, 195 -197, 208 in New Fire rite, I09 in Owakul-ti, 180-I82 in smoke ceremony, 138 in Soyalanuf, 128 of Flute fraternity, 156, 157, I59 of Oraibi, 93 wife of, taken, 98 Crooks of syringa on Snake altar, 145 VOL. XII 33 Crops, Owaikul rites for, 126, 150, 167, 182 connection of Masol with, 10o3 effect of failure of, o1 encouraged by Yayi-wimi, I6I Nani-mana supplicated for, 104 ownership of, 41 pahos for, 75, I23 presided over by Mis6u, 222 produced by magic, 80, 82, 83 smoking for producing, III songs for, 114, 116, 119, I86 supplication for, 102, 113 See AGRICULTURE; BEANS; CORN; HARVESTING Crossing of the Fathers, Hopi at, 78 See GRAND CANON Crow in legend, 184, 216 Crow spring. See ANWUS-PA Crow with green moccasins, a saying, 203, 204 Crystal, part of legendary effigy, 209 used by medicine-men, 54, 222 Cup-game described, 48-49 in legend, 213 in Powimu ceremony, 166, 167 See GAMES Cuticle, wren magically formed of, 210 Dance, Antelope, of Snake ceremony, 146, 149-150 by war-party, 70 Heheami, in Awatobi legend, 185 in legend, 91, 189-191, 211 in New Fire rite, 119, 120, 124 in Nimaniw'f, 177 in Powaim ceremony, 167, 169 in scalp ceremony, 66 in Soyalanu, 130, 131 Kachina, 172-176, 189 on burning embers, 165 See BUFFALO DANCE; BUTTERFLY DANCE; CEREMONIES; SNAKE DANCE; VICTORY DANCE Dawn symbolized by fox-skin, 158 Dawn Clanswoman. See TALA-TOMSI Dawn Point trail of East mesa, 165, I74 Dead, clothing of the, 39 Masoti a god of the, 102 {view image of page 262} 262 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Dead, pahos placed with, 39, 221 See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Deer, how hunted, 47, 220 hunting in legend, 191, I93, 195 in Horn legend, 79 magically called, 165 Deer-hoof, rattles of, 148, I94 Deerskin, ancient badge made of, 132 as door covering, 21 bag of, borne by Maso6 priests, 178 balls covered with, 221 drum covered with, 120, 220 horns of, worn in ceremony, II8 how dyed, 30 moccasins and leggings of, 23, 24, 29 rattles of, 220 trade in, 4, II, 12, 68 Defecation, paint produced by, 93 See EXCREMENT Deities of the Hopi, 99-I05 represented in embroidery, 220 See KACHINAS; RELIGION Descent discussed, 62, 221 Destruction of Nak-viki, a legend, 197-198 of the Winged Snake, a legend, 195-197 Diarrhaea, how treated, 56-57 Dibble used by snake-hunters, 139 Disc, stone, used by racer, 194, I95 Disease caused by Msoii, I77 See MEDICINE Divorce, how effected, 38-39, 22I Doctors. See SHAMANS Dog, domestication of, 32 eaten during famine, 246 mask introduced, IOO Dog people in legend of Reed clan, 9I Dolls, Kachina, 100 pl., i68, 177 Doors of Hopi houses, 21 Dove, magic, in legendary foot-race, 205, 206 Dove people at Tokonabi, I6 origin of, 74 Dragonfly song, 43 Dress, ceremonial, of maids, 24 pl., 30 pl. described, 219-220 of men, 52 pl. of warrior chief in legend, 207 of women in Maz6-wimi ceremony, 184 Zuii, worn in legend, I9I See CLOTHING; COSTUME; GARMENTS Drill for bead-making, 29 Drink, taboo of, by Snake priests, 147 Drum in legend, 213, 214 in New Fire rite, 120 now absent from Walpi, 120 used in cup-game, 49 See MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS Dung. See EXCREMENT; SHEEP-DUNG Dwellings described, 219-220 See HOUSES Dyes, use of, 27, 29-31 See COLORS; PAINT Eagle design on plaque, 28, 28 pl. eggs ceremonially made, 32 how captured, 32-34 hunting lands, 32, 85 Eagle-feathers, a part of tiponi, 72 magic, 195-196 on legendary arrow, 89 on Maalo Kachina, 100 used by snake-hunters, 139, I40 war gods travel on, I03 worn in hair, 25, 202 Eagle Man, Qatukua so called, 213 Ear, a mythic hiding place, I85, 202, 206 pendants of turquois, 24, 219 Earth. See T6wA Earth clan, intermarriages, 229 Earthenware. See POTTERY Earthquake, belief regarding, I8 in legend, 8I East chief. See H6PAK-MONWI East mesa, basketry not made at, 27 first settlement of, 85 Flute ceremony at, 155 girl of, I80 pl. in legend, I98 Owikfil ceremony at, I82 pottery of, 26 pl. Reed clan arrives at, 131 See HANO; SICHOMOVI; WALPI Echo in legend, I96 Effigies, animal, made in legend, I9I Kachina, deposited with eagles, 33 See FIGURINE; IMAGE El Paso visited by Hopi, 67 Ember. See BIG EMBER SOCIETY Embroidery mentioned, 27, 184, 220 {view image of page 263} INDEX 263 Emetic taken by Snake men, 154 See PURIFICATION Enchanted Mesa. See MESA ENCANTADA Espejo, A. de, on Awatobi population, 219 on Hopi in 1583, 5, 7, 8 witnesses Snake ceremony at Acoma, 155 Estufas, name applied to kivas, 23 Etiquette of eating, 42 Evil, prayers for, 103 See SORCERY Excrement used as medicine, 58 See DEFECATION; SHEEP-DUNG Excrement kiva. See QITA-KIVA Exogamy of Hopi clans, 62, 229 Eyes, gray, legendary origin of, 208 inflamed, how treated, 55 Face paint made of ochre, 25 Face-painting by Snake novitiates, 147 in New Fire rite, 119, 123 of Snake dancers, 152 Famine among the Hopi, 10-11, 34, 53, 68, 98, I87, 232, 246 Farewell Kachina. See NiMANIW'U Farmers, past and 'present, 52 pl. successful, how regarded, IOI See AGRICULTURE; PLANTING Fasting at ceremonial harvesting, I79 broken by Antelopes, I55 by personator of Miaso, 178 by Yaya priests, I6I for spirit not practised, 221 Fat, smallpox treated with, 58 Fauna of Hopi country, 5 See ANIMALS Fearlessness exhibited in Snake ceremony, 145 See COURAGE Feast by owner of field, 179 day of snake-hunting, I44 in New Fire rite, 114, 124 in Powamil ceremony, I69 in war ceremony, 66 of Warrior fraternity, 134 wedding, 221 Feathers for arrows in legend, 89 magic, in legend, 197 offered to spirits, 113 on potavi and naqaqtsi, 109 Feathers on tiponi, 122 placed on head in Awatobi legend, 187 tied on mask, 204 See BLUEBIRD-FEATHERS; BUZZARDFEATHERS; CHICKEN-HAWK FEATHERS; CONDOR-FEATHERS; EAGLEFEATHERS; HAWK-FEATHERS; PAROQUET-FEATHERS; PRAYER-FEATHERS; ROADRUNNER-FEATHERS; ROBINFEATHERS; SPARROW-HAWK FEATHERS, TURKEY-FEATHERS; NAQAQUSI; PAHOS Fermentation, how effected, 44 Fetish of cougar in legend, 200-201 Fewkes, J. Walter, cited, IO, 29, 59, 6o, 76, 82, 85, 97, I04, 107, 1~9, 113, 134, 213, 223, 224 Fighting in legend, 197 Figurine of Tila-timsi, 114, 116, Ii8, 119 Figurines of war gods, I04 See EFFIGIES; IMAGE Finger-prints made by Kachina children, Ioo Fire, connection of, with Mais6, 102, 222 from sun's rays, 215 generated by friction, 161 made as supplication, 16I magic use of, 165 sacred, during New Fire rite, 112, 114, 125-126 signal, for rabbit-hunters, 46 See FUEL; NEW FIRE; SIGNAL FIRES; SPIRIT OF FIRE; VOLCANIC FIRES Fire-carrier. See KAWIKULI Fire House. See KA6-TAKTIPU Fireplace in kivas, 23 Firewood clan, eagle territory of, 32, 85 how regarded by medicine-men, 55 intermarriages, 229 invites return of Asa clan, 98 meets Cloud clan, 82 migration of, 84 represented in Maz6-wimi ceremony, 183 settles Sikyatki, 17 Talker chief a member of, 62, 221 See KOKOP Fits, how treated, 57-58 See CONVULSIONS Five Houses in Asa clan legend, 96 {view image of page 264} 264 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Flint knife in legend, 214, 215 Flood at Palatkwabi, a song, 240 in legend, 8I, 83 migration caused by, 19 Floors, how constructed, 21 See DWELLINGS Flute. See MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS Flute boy and Flute maids, a song, 241 Flute ceremony described, I55-160 event commemorated in, 17 illustrated, Ioo pl., I60-174 pi. origin of, 79 when and by whom performed, o16, 251 Flute clan, alternative name of Horn, 229 and Horn people distinct, I6, 6I at Wuko-ki, I7, 84 in Badger clan legend, 94 meet Rattlesnake people, 77, 78 members of M6n-kiva, I05 settle Lengyaobi, I6 See HORN-FLUTE PEOPLE Fly. See CORPSE FLY Folktales. See LEGENDS; TALES Food deposited with dead, 39, 40, 22I described, 220 exchanged as betrothal pledge, 221 native terms for, 245, 247 of Snake dance participants, I39 of snake-hunters, 139 of the dead, 209 of warriors, 69 preparation of, 42-45 taboo of, by Snake priests, 147 See CORN; MEAT; OFFERING Foot-race. See KICKING RACE; RACING Foot-wear. See MOCCASINS Fort Defiance, Indian agency, 14 Four Chiefs in legend, 192 invocation to, I66 rain brought by, 174 Fox-skin, symbolism of, 157-I58, I60 worn by dancers, II9 worn in legend, 204 Franciscans, Hopi influenced by, 5 Fraternities, Awatobi, origin of, I84-I88 initiation of boys in, 221 list of, 106 Fraternity of shamans, 222 Fuel for kivas in New Fire rite, 121 in legend, 216 kinds used, 5, 20, IIO, 112 See FIRE Furniture described, 21 Gama, Antonio, cited by Prescott, I28 Game, mythic mother of, 103 pahos for, in legend, 75 See ANIMALS Game played in legend, 213 See CUP-GAME Games described, 48-51, 220 Gap, Payupki people pass through, 206 shrine near, I50 trail to, 6 pl. See WALA Garaicochea, Fr. Juan, at Awatobi, 9-o1 Gardens at Middle mesa, 48 pl. See AGRICULTURE Garments of warriors, 69, 70 See CLOTHING; COSTUME; DRESS Gaspe, Walpi so called, 8 Genealogies, list. of, 225-228 Germination, god of, 102-103, 113 See MAs6OU; MUINWA; NAYANAP-TUMSI Ghosts, how dispelled, 39 Giant Kachina illustrated, IOO pl. Giants in legend, 193, 209-212 See MONSTER Gifts as peace-offering, 6-7 during menses, 37 for new-born child, 35 made in kiva for children, 168 of food in Badger clan legend, 95 to medicine-men, 54 See MARRIAGE CUSTOMS Girl, a racer, in legend, 203-204 portrait, I80 pi. Girls, customs of, 36 dolls made for, in ceremony, 177 hair-dress of, 219 in ceremonial dress, 24 pl., 30 pl. initiated into Kachina order, 99 in Kachina dances, 172 shinny played by, 50 See CHILDREN; INITIATION; PUBERTY RITES {view image of page 265} INDEX 265 Goats among the Hopi, 34 Goat-skin, foot-wear made of, 23 Godparents of novices, 170 Gonorrhaa, how treated, 57 Gourd as water receptacle, 47, 74, I63, 185, 195 horns made of, worn in ceremony, I 8, I 19 how used for mumps, 58 magic, in legendary foot-race, 205, 206 netted, in Snake race, 150 netted, of Antelope fraternity, 146, 148 rattles made of, 220 used in smoothing pottery, 26 Government of the Hopi, 62-64 Government influence on Hopi, 14 Grand canon, discovery of, 7 in legend, 74, 83, 89 shrine of On-wihti in, 104 war gods living in, 103 See CROSSING OF THE FATHERS Grandmother, tiponi addressed as, I22 Grass offered as food in legend, 212, 214 seeds eaten during famine, 11 Graves, how prepared, 39 See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Greasewood for kiva fuel, IIO sticks in Owakul-ti, I81 used in new-fire making, II2 Great Rattlesnake. See WOKO-CHUA Green and blue not differentiated, I23, 246 Greetings at smoking, 88, 9I Grinding, customs of, 42-43 how performed, 21-22,44 pi., 199, 200, 221 practised by girls, 36 singing during, 192 See CORN-GRINDING Growth. See CROPS; GERMINATION Gruel eaten by Misou priests, 178 Gypsum, body smeared with, 146, 184 eagles washed with, 33 walls coated with, I9 Habitat of the Hopi, 4-5 Hahaii Kaftinami defined, 100 Hahaii-wihti, mother of Kachinas, I85, i86 Hailstones in Awatobi legend, I86 Hair of dead, how treated, 39 used by sorcerers, 200 won in race, 204 Hair-cutting compulsory, 13, 14 in game, 203-205 of bridegroom, 38 Hair-dress, change in, 14 described, 25, 219 in New Fire rite, I23 of maiden, 72 pl. of women, 54 pl. Hair-wisher Kachina in legend, 199 Hakiton-mtya, meaning of, 251 Halakvu, the whirlwind, 102 Handicrafts, native terms for, 247-248 See ARTS; INDUSTRIES Hani, an informant, 10, 224 director of New Fire ceremony, 107, I09 house of, IO9 of Navaho-Hopi descent, 87 wounded by Navaho, 71 Hano built by Tewa, 6, 18, 89, 97, 98 girls of, 30 pl. Hopi name for people, 222 men of, plan raid against Navaho, 68 New Fire rites not practised at, 107 Powaimu rites performed at, I66-I69 view of, 178 pl. women of, feed Warrior fraternity, 134 Harvesting, ceremonial, described, I77-I79 See AGRICULTURE; CROPS Havasupat, Hopi name for, 222 trade with, 4, 25, 30, 31, 45, 68, 247 Havasupai Kafina on plaque, 28 pl. Hawk-feathers tied to head-scratcher, 37 Hawks kept in captivity, 32 Headache, how treated, 58 Head-bands. See CLOTHING Head-dress, horns on, 118, II9, 122 of Alosaka, 112 Head-scratching during menses, 37, 221 Head-washing at menses, 37, 221 by mourners, 221 for headache, 58 for the dead, 39 in legend, 190, 200 in New Fire rite, II7, II8 in Owiakul-ti, 182 in scalp ceremony, 66 of bride, 38, 221 of mother and child, 35 {view image of page 266} 266 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Head-washing of novice, 54, 172 See WASHING Health, connection of Mais6 with, I03 prayers for, 113, 222 Heart removed from defeated racer, 215 removed from enemy, 97 tabooed as food, 48 taken by sorcery, 207 Hebrew and Hopi similarities, I34 Hfe Kaftinama defined, IOO Hehea Kaftina dance, how arranged, 173 illustrated, I00 pi. Hehea Kafl'namu defined, 99 Heheamii, certain Kachinas so called, I85 Hematite used as paint, 30, 194 See OCHRE Hemlock. See TREE-PLANTING Hemlock medicine of Warrior fraternity, 134 Hemorrhage, how treated, 57 Herald of Al-wimi chief, 121 Herb-doctors confined to men, 59 functions of, 55 See MEDICINE-MEN Herbs in medicine-water, III Heya seeks to personate Maisou, 177 Hodge, F. W., cited, 8, 9 Hoes used by snake-hunters, I39, 141 Hoinniwa, Wdwuiftim-wimi chief of Awatobi, 84 Homntiwa, ally of Tawaihvi, I1 H6mlewiwiuta in Owikfl-wimi legend, 179 Homolobi, Cloud clan at, 89 founding of, 82 meaning and location, 223 settled and abandoned, 19 Homson Katfina in legend, I99, 204 mask of, 189 Honani, the Badger clan totem, 60 See BADGER CLAN Honeybees used by warrior chief, 208 Honeycomb used in medicine, 59 Honou, the Bear clan totem, 60 See BEAR CLAN H6novaiya, the Antelope chief's warrior, 139 H6novi, an informant, 224 Hon Civi established, 17, 84 H6onyap-tev!au, name of Zuiii mountains, 195 H6onvi, Crier chief, Io9 Hoiok-muya in lunar calendar, 251 Hopak-m6nwi in New Fire rite, I23 Hopi buttes in legend, 214 H6pita, Hopi native name, 3, 222 Hop6k-vayu, name of Rio Grande, 95 Horn, Alosaka head-dress of, II2 See ALA; MOUNTAIN-SHEEP HORN; HORNS Horn clan and Flute people distinct, 6I at Tokonabi, 84 Awatobi people massacred by, I88 eagle-hunting lands assigned to, 85 Houses chief a member of, 62, 221 intermarriages, 229 join Flute people, 16 membership in Al-kiva, 105 members of Mon-kiva, 105 migrations of, 16-17, 78-79 Horn-Flute clan at Kisakobi, 17 legend of, 156 members of Flute fraternity, I56 Horn fraternity, origin of songs of, I86 paint used by, 30 See AL-WIMI Horn kiva. See AL-KIVA Horn man in Antelope race, 147 part played by, in Snake race, 150 Horns, of deerskin and gourd, II8, 119 Horses among the Hopi, 34 captured, how treated, 70 effect of, on trade, 67 how regarded, 7 naqaiqsi tied to, I30 of Navaho and Ute killed, 97 Hospoa. See ROADRUNNER Hotavila established, 5, 14 meaning of, 222 Navaho hogans near, 68 Snake dance at, 135 view of, 14 pi. H&ze Kachina illustrated, 100 pl. Ho^2i-wa, "entrance gap" to Walpi, I69, 171 Hough, Walter, cited, 52 Household utensils illustrated, 22 pl. See HANDICRAFTS; IMPLEMENTS Houses, how built, I9-21, 219-220 ownership of, 41 See ARCHITECTURE {view image of page 267} INDEX 267 Houses chief asks aid of Asa people, 97 functions of, 221 in legend, 80-8I, 94, 197 in Soyilanu, 128 of Flute fraternity, 156, 157, I59 selection of, and functions, 62-63 Hoyo, a war leader, 69 Huiinniwi in Awatobi legend, I86 Hukyat-vi, a butte, 84, 192, I93, 205 Human sacrifice by Aztecs, 127 Hunchback represented by paho, 150 Hunters, customs of, in legend, I95 how initiated, 46-47 invocation by, I17 offerings made by, 215 supplication by, 103 Hunting announced by Badger man, I9I good luck invoked for, 19I of snakes for Snake dance, I36-I44 See RABBIT-HUNT Huzdin-wihti in legend, 75, 76 Ice, garment of, in legend, 212 in Awatobi legend, I85-i86 Illegitimacy. See CHILDREN Image of Spider Woman, I32, I33 Images absent from Mazo-wimi altar, 184 of legendary war gods, 90, I31-I33 of Water Bullsnake, 105 sent with invitation, 86 Initiation into Soyilainu, 129 into Yayi-wimi, I60 of boys in snake-hunting, 140-14I of boys into fraternities, 37, 221 of medicine-men, 53-55 of scalpers, 69 Invisibility of Mis6d, 78 of war gods and sorcerers, 104 Invocation by hunters, 117 to Four Chiefs, I66 See OFFERING; PRAYER Irrigation, disputes regarding, 64 fsanavaiya, legendary Rattlesnake chief, 76 Is-ba, a spring, I8, 28, 96, I43 Isleta, Hopi name of, 223 trade with, II, 68 Is-mo-wala in legend, 216 fs0u, a war leader, 69 Is-va. See IS-BA war god, naqiqisi made for, 65 See EFFIGIES; FETISH; FIGURINE Implements described, 220 Indigestion, how treated, 56 Indigo used in dyeing, 31 Industries of the Hopi, 220 See HANDICRAFTS Industry practised during Powam I67 rite 7ars, captive snakes kept in, I41-143, I I58 pl. See POTTERY Yealousy in legend, I88, 193 Jeditoh, Hopi name for, 195, 2I4 See TSO-PA Yeditoh valley, Awatobi land in, 84 traditional race in, 85 Yemez, Hopi name of, 223 Kachinas borrowed from, 100 starving Hopi go to, Io 7oking in Maz6-wimi songs, I83 in New Fire rite, 113-114, I20, 121 in Soyilanf, 130 Juniper, magic, in legend, 92 Juniper-bark, legendary coat of, 212 legendary effigy made of, 209 e, fire magically created with, 162, I64 used as tinder, 112 Juniper-berries as food, 45, 212, 220 beads made of, 25 45S 1I Infants illustrated, 36 pl. scalps treated as, 66 See CHILDREN Informants, list of, 224 Inheritance of property, 40 Initiation into Kaftinami, 99, Ioo, 170-172 into New Fire rite, I04, 107, I14-118 into Snake and Antelope fraternities 137-138, I46 S, when not eaten, 31 Juniper-leaves used as medicine, 56, 57 Juniper-shoots in Owkfil-ti, 181 Kachina ceremony, images of Water Bullsnake in, 105 cult, meaning of, 113 {view image of page 268} 268 - THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Kachina dance at Awatobi, 85 dancers, bodies of, painted, 29, 30 dancers described, 172-176 dances, when and by whom performed, 106 represented on sashes, 94 See KA'irINAM6 Kachina clan, intermarriages, 229 relations of, with Yaya-wimi, I6I Kachinas, ceremony of departure of, I76-177 cup-game played by, 49 defined, 99-1OO dolls representing, IOO pl., I68 game contest with, 220 home of, 93, i88 initiation into order of, 35, 47, 129, I70 -172 in legend, 77, I89, 203 in Yaya ceremony, 163 participate in Powamu, I66 periods of dancing, 251 personated in Soyalanu, 131 power of, in legend, 211 represented by rain-clouds, I86 represented in basketry, 27, 220 Kaha-vi, "willow place," in legend, 195 Kakale-takti, Warrior fraternity members so called, 131 Kalemsa, a runner in legend, 203, 204, 206 Kale-taka, meaning of, Io6 Kale-tak-monwi. See WARRIOR CHIEF Ka'na Kaftinamu defined, 99 Kanfl-va, a spring, 71, I44, 150, 210 Kani, a medicine-man, 53-55 Kan.ya in Mazo-wimi ceremony, 183 Kao-taktipu, meaning and location, 223 Katoye, a legendary snake, 91 Kaftina, a clan totem, 60 Kaftinamu, Badger clan live with, 93 dance of, in legend, I89 See KACHINA; KACHINAS Kaftin-ki, a Kachina dressing place, 170, 171, 174-I76, 204 Katfin-wimi, a fraternity, Io6 Kavotima, fraternity chief, IO9 Kawikuli, the Fire-carrier, I91 Keams canon, eagle-hunting land in, 85 native name of, 70 Keams cahon, Tewa migrants pass through, 98 Kel-muya, meaning of, 251 Keres mythological personages, I51 words in Snake dance song, 143 See ACOMA; COCHITI; LAGUNA; SAN FELIPE; SANTO DOMINGO; SIA Kicking race, ball used in, 30 described, 51-52 See RACING Kidneys, how treated, 57 tabooed as food, 48 Kiko'-taktipu, meaning and location, 223 Kikyamu, Flute ceremony in, 157, I59, I6o used in Kafsinamiu initiation, 170 Kiln, pottery, 68 pi. Kilts, ceremonial, in Awatobi legend, 187 of Kachinas painted, 174 See CEREMONIAL KILT; CLOTHING; DRESS; GARMENTS Kiowa, trade with, 68 Kisakobi built, 17, 78, 92 deserted, 17 former site of Walpi, 8 in legend, I93, 196, 207, 209 Kachina dance near, 178 meaning and location, 223 ruin of, 125 sorcerers of, a legend, I99-203 Kisi for Snake dance, 149, I52 in Flute ceremony, I6o Kisiuu, home of Kachinas in legend, 211 Kisiu-va, Badger clan settle at, 93 founded, 17 home of Kachinas, 99, IOO, I74 in legend, I88 in Yaya ceremony, 163 Kiva closed with meal line, 117, Ii8 mentioned in legend, 75 of Flute fraternity, 157 of sorcerers, 85, 187, 205 Kivas, altars built in, I22 character and importance, 105 fuel for, in New Fire rite, 121 how constructed, 22-23 purification in, I29 symbolic colors of, 203 See CEREMONIES Knife of flint in legend, 214, 215 {view image of page 269} INDEX 269 Knife used by ogress, I68 See IMPLEMENTS Knitting by the Hopi, 27 K6honin Kafzina on plaque, 28 Kohpa, a winged serpent, 195 Kohpa-mana, the Winged-snake Girl, 195-197 Ko'kole Ka6tinamu defined, IOO Kokop, the Firewood clan totem, 60 See FIREWOOD CLAN Kokopol6-mana in 1 gend, I99 Kokyan-wuhti, the Spider Woman, 89, 105 See SPIDER WOMAN Kom6k-totokya day of Flute c remony, 158 of Kachina dance, 173 of Maz6-wimi ceremony, 184 of New Fire rite, IO8, 120-122 of Powaimi ceremony, 167 of Snake dance, 144-146 of Soyilanu, 129 Ko'no-pa-vi, meaning and location, 223 Kotka, a fraternity chief, 109 Kofsa, corn-maturing secret of, 83 K6ofi-iah-ltu, members of Al-wimi, 122 Ko6fap-tevelu. See KUCHAPTUVELA K6yaime, a Walpi girl, 74 pl. Koyaiwaima, an informant, 224 fraternity chief, IO9 participant in Soyal smoke, 128 Ko6yemihi of the Zuni, IOO K6yemsi in legend, 199, 203 Ko6ymsi Kaftinamui defined, 99 Kroeber, A. L., cited, 60, 6i Kuchaptuvela, founding of, 17, 78, 92 in legend, I89, I90, 197-I99, 209, 212-2I3 meaning and location, 223 offerings made at, 113 site of Old Walpi, 7 site of, the home of Msouii, 102 Kukuchomo, abandonment of, I95 and Oraibi, race between, I93-I95 meaning and location, 223 Kuwan Katfina defined, 99 personated in ceremony, 171 Kwaituki, meaning and location, 223 Kwastapabi, Horn-Flute people at, 16-17 Kwataka, Qatukua so called, 213 Kya-muya, time of Niman Kachina, 251 Kyaqe-mosi of the Zuni, 62 VOL. XII -34 Ladder for use of soul, 221 in legend, 74-76, 185, I88, 207-2IO, 213 naqaiqusi tied to, 130 Ladles. See UTENSILS Laguna, Asa clan at, I8 name for Hopi, 4 Snake ceremony at, 155 starving Hopi go to, IO words in supplication at, 143 See KERES Lakon-wimi, a fraternity, Io6 ceremony, when and by whom performed, io6, 183, 25I purpose of, 82, 83 Lamati dance in legend, 77 Lameness, legendary origin of, 208 Lances. See WAR IMPLEMENTS; WEAPONS Lancets of flint and glass, 59 Land, disputes regarding, 64 how measured, 31 tenure of, 40-4I Landmarks and ceremonies, 222 in Hopi country, 97 Language given by mockingbird, 80 of the Hopi, 4 See VOCABULARY Lava, pahos painted with, 133-I34 used by Warrior fraternity, 133 Legends, clan, 74-98 See MYTHOLOGY; TRADITION Legerdemain. See MAGIC; MAGICIANS Leggings given to bride, 38 made in legend, 192 varieties of, 248 See CLOTHING; DRESS Lena Kaftina illustrated, IOO pl. Lina Kafinamu, the Flute Kachinas, 99, IOO Lenan-ovi. See LENGYAOBI Lenanvi in song, 241-242 Lengyaobi, Flute people settle at, I6, 79 founded, 78 Horn people move to, 79 Lenho, a Reed clan woman, 132 Lfn-wimi, a fraternity, 1o6 Lhtayu, an informant, I65 as a runner, 52 Lewton, F. L., cited on cotton, 28 Lightning, beliefs regarding, i56 {view image of page 270} 270 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Lightning brought by Kachinas, 174 object representing, I33, I55 places struck by, 41 produced in Kachina dance, 2II Lightning-stick of warrior, 207, 208 on Warrior fraternity altar, 133 Lignite used in firing pottery, 25, 26 Little Colorado river in legend, go name for, 185 Lizard in legend, I96, 197 See PACHIPQASA Lizard people, migration of, 19, 80 Loin-cloths. See CLOTHING; DRESS Lomasi, an informant, 224 experiences as medicine-man, 53-55 legends narrated by, I89, I98, 212, 213 Lome-va, village built at, 90 Longevity, connection of Masoid with, 103 prayers for, I25, I74 Loom. See WEAVING Lo's-tala of Flute ceremony, 157 of Kachina dance, 173 of New Fire rite, 108, I16 of Snake dance, I39-142 Lunar calendar in native terms, 250-251 See CALENDAR Lying, how expiated in afterworld, 40 Maalo Kachina illustrated, Ioo Magic, crops produced by, 80, 82, 83 eagle-feather used in, 195-196 in legend, I94, I96, 197, 205-206, 208 -209, 211, 215, 216 in war ceremony, 69 See SORCERY Magicians, ceremony of the, io6, I60-i65 Magpie, Chiqaina scout in legend, 96 Mahkewa, John, an informant, 224 Maho of Warrior fraternity, 132 Majanani, Mishongnovi so called, 8 Makto, an informant, 224 Mamzrau ceremony, when and by whom performed, 1o6 See MAZ6-WIMI Manliness exhibited in Snake ceremony, I45 Man medicine of Snake fraternity, 137, 145, 151, 152 of Warrior fraternity I34 Marriage, customs of, I4, 37-38, 221 gifts in legend, 200 in Awatobi legend, I85 interclan, 229 undesired, song of, 239 Masa, exploit of, 12, 13 Masaiwa. See MASEWI Masail killed by Navaho, 72 Masewi, a Keres personage, 151 Masi-pa, meaning and location, 223 Macs-ki, belief regarding, 40, 221 Masked characters, desire for, Ioo Mas-kote in legend, 194-I95 Masks in legend, 95, 189, I99 in Powaim ceremony, I68-I69 Kachina, belief regarding, 85, 172 Kachina, worn by souls, 40 Nataaska Kaftina, of Payupki, 206 not worn in Soyalanuf, I30 of buffalo-hide, 204 of Kachinas, I73, I74 of K6oymsi Kaftinami, 99 of Maso6, 78, 8i, 178 of Nimaniw'f, 177 of yucca-leaves in myth, 99 paint from, for snow-blindness, 59 Masonry, how built, 19 See HOUSES Mas6o at East mesa, 84 beliefs regarding, 102-IO3 by whom personated, 177 god of germination, 47 importance of, 222 in legend, 78, I90-195 in New Fire rite, 126-127 mask of, 78, 8i, 178 naqiaqsi made for, 47, 133 offerings of food to, I24 pahos made for, 69, 178, 194 shrine of, 123 swelling of neck caused by, 177 Massage, when applied, 59 Mas-Otomo in legend, 206 why so called, 88 Mas-wimi defined, 179 Mato"-vi, name of Burro spring, 200, 201 Mazo-wimi, account of, 183-184 {view image of page 271} INDEX 271 Mazo-wimi, a fraternity, Io6 ceremony, when held, 251 in New Fire rite, 13 origin of, 84, 89 women joked by dancers, 113-114, I20, 121 women, singing and dancing for, 123 Meal, ball of, at Awatobi, I85 ball of, in Yaya ceremony, I64 balls of, in legend, 75, 76, I8I cast to Kachinas, 174 circle of, snakes placed in, I50 pl. Kachinas sprinkled with, 176 line of, across trail, 79, II7, I58 line of, in legend, 197, 206, 2II line of, in New Fire rite, I2I, I25 line of, transformed into cotton string, I65 offerings of, 174 pi., 202 of sweet-corn in legend, 213 scattered in Owikul-ti, 182 sprinkled along potavi, 169 sprinkled for race, 214 sprinkled on Powiam-m6nwi, I66 walls streaked with, in ceremony, I66 See CORNMEAL; GRINDING; PRAYERMEAL; SACRED MEAL Mealing stones described, 21 Measles, how treated, 57 Measurements described, 3I-32 Meat supply of the Hopi, 220 when tabooed, 37, 47, ii6, 172, 22I Medicine for bestowing courage, 92, 93 magic, in legend, 162, 185, I93, 202 of Owikul-wimi, 182 of Yiya chief, I6i practices described, 53-59 secrets known by war gods, 103 spewed on ceremonial objects, I55 taken by Antelopes, I55 used in Snake dance, I37, I5I, I54 See BEE MEDICINE; MAN MEDICINE Medicine-bowl in New Fire rite, I12 in Snake ceremony, 145 Medicine-water asperged to world-regions, 182 in legend, 89, 90 in New Fire rite, III, 123 Melons borne at Snake race, 150 field of, illustrated, 46 pl. Melons in legend, I80, I8I, I86, I96-I97, 211 See MUSKMELONS; WATERMELONS Menses, customs respecting, 37, 227 See PUBERTY RITES Mesa Encantada in legend, 77 Mescal procured in trades, 4, 45, 247 used as food, 220 Mescaleros, HGpi name for, 222 Mescal kiva. See QAN-KIVA Metamorphosis, belief regarding, 222 Metates. See MEALING STONES; UTENSILS Mexicans, child sold to, 232 conspiracy with, 11-13 hold Navaho slaves, 14 raids by, 12, 71 relations with, Io trade with, II See AZTEC Mexico, Snake cult of, and Hopi compared, 82 Mice eaten in legend, 190, I9I hunted for food, 203 See MOUSE Middle mesa, albino of, 60 pl. basketry of, 27 cave at, 38 pl. character of tales at, I84 gardens at, 48 pl. initiation customs at, 170 pottery not made at, 27 snake-hunting customs at, 140 See MISHONGNOVI; SHIPAULOVI; SHONGOPAVI Migration of Asa clans, 95-98 of Badger clan, 93-95 of Cloud clan, 79-83 of Hopi clans, I6-I9 of Horn clan, 78-79 of Rattlesnake clan, 74-78 of Reed clan, 89-93, I31 of Tobacco clan, 83-89 Milk increased with medicine, 57 Miracle performed by Fr. Porras, 8-9 Mishiptonga, meaning and location, 222 Mishongnovi, a visita of Shongopavi, 8 Awatobi captives taken to, 87, 95, I88 Chukubi people settle at, 206 Flute ceremony at, 156, 174 pI. founding of, 17, 90 {view image of page 272} 272 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Mishongnovi, Hopi form of name, 5, 223 hostility of, to missionaries, 85 in legend, 92, I98 joins in destroying Awatobi, Io, 87 location of, 223 rule at, regarding initiation, 137 Snake dance at, 135 war god figurines taken to, 104 Missions, destruction of, 9 established, 8-9 See PRIESTS; SPANIARDS Moccasins given to bride, 38 green, use of expression, 203, 204 how made, 23-24 in legend, i86, 192 made in kivas, I68 used in trade, 12 See CLOTHING; DRESS Mockingbird in Yaya-wimi myth, I6I Moenkapi, founding of, 79 Horn people at, 16 meaning of, 222 Oraibi people build at, 14 Mohave, Hopi trade with, 68 Mohoce, the Hopi, 7 Mole in legend, 196, 212 Momi, a priest of Maiso, 177 Mo6mfitt, application of term, io6, I3I, I32 See WARRIOR FRATERNITY Mo6mfit-yes. See WARRIOR FRATERNITY Momua in Awatobi legend, I86 Mo6n-kiva, Antelopes meet in, 136 how regarded, I05 in New Fire rites, I07, 112, II4-117, I20, 121, 123-125 in Soyilanu, 129-131 Kachinas dance around, 174 Nimaniw'u assembly in, 176, I77 Oraibi, in Badger clan legend, 95 prayer-sticks for sun made in, 64 scalps placed in, 66 Snake dance ceremony in, 139 used in Kachina ceremonies, I70, I7I, I73 used in Powiami, I66 Monster in Cloud clan legend, 80 lightning personified in, I55 See BIRD MONSTER; GIANTS M6nwi-va, a spring, in legend, I89 Moon, beliefs regarding, 1oI ceremonies influenced by, I56, I67, 222 See LUNAR CALENDAR Moqui, name applied to Hopi, 3 Morfi, Juan A., on Hopi sheep, 34 Mormons, peach-trees obtained from, 28 Tuvi baptized by, 14 Mortuary customs described, 39-40, 22I See DEAD Mosaic. See SAND MOSAIC Mosquitoes cause death in legend, 82 cause desertion of Homolobi, 19 Mosses used in medicine, 57 Mother of game animals, 82, 103, 190-193 of the Kachinas, 185 portrait of a, 58 pl. represented by corn, 119, 122 See TiHKUYI Mother-in-law, bride's head washed by, 221 MoM6ini, a bird in legend, 79 Mo6t-ovi in legend, 201 meaning and location, 223 Mo'tstsa, Keres name for Hopi, 4, Io6 Mo6f-wimi, a fraternity, io6 See WARRIOR FRATERNITY Mountain-lion in sand mosaic, I44, I45 on wall of warrior chamber, 133 See COUGAR Mountain-lion people. See COUGAR PEOPLE Mountain-sheep hunted, 47, 220 in legend, 201 personated by Alosaka, I58 Mountain-sheep horn, spoons of, 220 Mountain-sheep Kachina illustrated, IOO pl. Mouse in legend, 162, 200 See MICE Mdin wa, god of germination, II0, 102, 113 wife of, 102 Muiyunwu-uwiqti mentioned by Fewkes, 113 Mules among the Hopi, 34 Mumps, how treated, 58 Mdnkap-ki. See MOENKAPI Mun.ya-ovi founded, I6, 78 in legend, 215 Musical instruments described, 220 Muskmelons, introduction of, 28, 220 See MELONS {view image of page 273} INDEX 273 Mutilation by mourners not practised, 221 of prisoners, 87, 88 Mdyi, a legendary personage, 196 Mdyoi. See MOON Muziwus Kaflinamu defined, 99 Myth of origin of Yaya-wimi, I6I-I62 Mythology and tradition, 184-216 character of, 222 See LEGENDS Naacnaiya, use of term, I07 Naa'mu Katfinamu, a Kachina group, IOO Naas-komok-totokya of New Fire rite, Io8 See LOS-TALA Naasna of New Fire rite, 107, Io8 See NALOS-TALA Naas-tot6kya. See PAiS-TALA N&hi of Yaya chief, I6I Nadir. See WORLD-REGIONS Nadir chief. See ATKYAK-MONWI Naka, tiponi buried with, I60 Nakedness of snake-hunters, meaning of, 139 Nak-viki, legendary destruction of, 197-198 Nalo'nanu-monwitu, Rain gods, I02 shrine of, 125 Nalo's-tala of Flute ceremony, 157-I58 of Kachina dance, 173 of New Fire rite, IO8, I18-II9 of Snake dance, I43-I44 Names for Indian tribes, 222 interclan relations shown by, 234 of clans, 221 personal, translation of, 229-234 referring to oak, 96 See NATUILA; PERSONAL NAMES Naming of children, 35, I86 of eagles, 33 of New Fire initiates, II7 of novices, 172 Nampeyo, an expert potter, 25 Nana-mana, definition and functions, 104 offerings at shrine of, 113 See CORN-SMUT GIRL Nananivo-monwituyu, world-regions chiefs, 75 Naqaqusi defined, 32 deposited by Snake men, I39-I40, 151 deposited with eagles, 33 disposal of, in New Fire rite, 125 Naqaqusi given in Kafsinamif initiation, I7I given to Kachinas, 203 how made, IO9 in legend, I80, 202 in Yiya ceremony, 163 made at Soyalanu, 129, 130 made by warriors, 133 made for Snake ceremony, I46 made fo various personages, 47 made for war gods, I03 made for war-parties, 65 made for whirlwind, 102 offered to images, 191 placed on altar, 123 placed on food, 124 tied to eagle, 34 tied to skull, 164 used at rabbit-hunt, 46 used in Kachina dance, I74 See FEATHERS; PAHOS Nasap-kiva. See NASAVI Nasavi, a kiva, I05 in Soyalanf, 130 Nimaniw'f in charge of, 176 of Oraibi, in Badger clan legend, 95 Nasilewi moves to Moenkapi, 14 Nataaska Kaftinamu, a Kachina group, IOO masks of Payupki people, 206 Natal ceremony described, 34-35 in Awatobi legend, I86 See CHILDBIRTH Na'tna, use of term, I07 Natuila defined, 93 Porcupine, 93 Roadrunner and Magpie, 96 Natural phenomena, terms for, 248 Navaho and Hopi relations, 4 bought by Hopi, 12 enslaved by Mexicans, 14 Hopi live among, 98 Hopi name for, 223 hostility of, 3, i8, 41, 65-73, 95-98, 222 invited to raid, 63 joined by Asa, 18 joined by Tobacco women, 61, 87 moccasins of, worn by Hopi, 219 on Hopi reservation, 219 sheep captured from, 34 {view image of page 274} 274 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Navaho, silverworking learned from, 29 starving Hopi join, 10 treatment of fits derived from, 58 Navaho Kachina, songs of, 176 Nayaniap-ttumsi, a deity of germination, o02 New Fire ceremony at Awatobi, 87 described, 107-I28, 250 initiation of boys in, 221 Qan-wimi in, 83 Tila-tumsi supplicated in, 104 when and by whom performed, Io6 See W6WOTfSIMO Nimaniw'u, a ceremony of Powaimi fraternity, o16, I66, I69, 172, I76-177, 251 clowns not in, 175 Niman Kachina, effigies made during, 33 game played at, 50 North chief, functions of, I02, I03 See QINIINYAK-MONWI Notova, a toy missile, 197 Nova, portrait of, frontispiece Noven-hawiwa, a trail, 207, 2I3, 2I4 Novitiates at snake-washing, 152 in New Fire rite, II4 See INITIATION Numerals of the Hopi, 249 Nuva-oyi, an informant, 224 in Navaho encounter, 68 Nuva-ti, a war leader, 12, 71-73, 224 Nuva-tukya-ovi. See SAN FRANCISCO MOUNTAINS Oak, arrowshaft of, in legend, 90 names referring to, 96 Obscenity in witticisms, I13 of certain songs, 124 Obsidian, weapons tipped with, 220 Ochre used as face-paint, 25 used in decorating pottery, 31 See HEMATITE; PAINT Odor of women repulsive to snakes, I39 Offering at cardinal points, I29 at shrines in New Fire rite, 120 made to create courage, 98 made to Water Bullsnakes, 98 of food at meals, 42 of naqaquisi, 123 of sacred meal, I74 pl. Offering to fire, 113 to rising sun, o10 to Spirit of fire, 125-126 to Tihkuyi and Mais6, I03, I9I See MEAL; NAQAQUSI; PAHOS; PRAYERMEAL Ogress Kachinas. See SUYUK KATSINAM'U Ogress woman. See SUYUK-WUHTI Olalla, Oraibi so called, 8 Old Walpi. See KISAKOBI Olivella shells. See SHELLS; SUCHAVI Omen regarding trail, 98 respecting rabbits, 80 Ona-patdpa. See ZUNI SALT LAKE Onate, Juan de, among the Hopi, 8 Onions, introduction of, 28 On-tzupka, salt canion, in legend, I95-I96 See SALT CANON On-wuhti, definition and functions, 104 Ophthalmia, how treated, 59 Opuntia. See PRICKLY-PEARS Oraibi, Awatobi captives at, 87-88, 95, I88 Badger clan settled at, 94-95 basketry of, 27, 28 pl., 220 character of tales at, 184 Chukubi people settle at, 206 cotton raised at, 28 factions at, 14 Flute ceremony at, I56 founded, 17 Hopi form of name, 5, 223 hostility of, to missionaries, 85 initiation customs at, 179 in legend of Badger clan, 93 joins in destroying Awatobi, io, 86, 87 Kukuchomo people settle at, 195 legend regarding, I88-I89 Maiso enshrined at, 102 migration legend of Reed clan at, 188 mission at, 8 Owiakl ceremony at, 182 peaches introduced at, 29 people build at Moenkapi, 14 population, 219 pottery not made at, 27 practically abandoned, 15, 135 race between Kukuchomo and, I93-I95 rule at, regarding initiation, 137 {view image of page 275} INDEX 275 Oraibi, Sikyatki survivors settle at, 190 Snake dance at, 135, I40 p., 152 pl., 154 pi. Sumaikuli cult derived from, 191 Sun clan at, 80 Oraibi wash, character of, 4 Ordeal imposed on former slave, 67 of initiates, II6 S.ee WHIPPING Orientation, notions regarding, 246 of corpse, 39 of naqaqusi, 46 See CARDINAL POINTS Orion, ceremonies regulated by, 115, I2I, I24, I34, I35 Ornaments described, 24-25, 219 Orphans in Owikul-wimi legend, I79 Oso-muya, meaning of, 251 Os-teika, a locality, 53 in legend, 214, 215 snake-hunters gather at, 143 Ove-monwi, a name for S6tukunani, 10I Zenith chief, I23 Ovens of Mexican type, 44-45 recent use of, 21 See KILN Owako, a landmark, 97 Owakul ceremony, when and by whom performed, 106, 251 Owkuil-wimi, a fraternity, 84, 89, Io6, I79 -I82 Owl in legend, 201 Oy6yai, a Keres personage, 151 Pachipqasa, a legendary lizard, 196, 212 Padilla, Juan de, visits the Hopi, 6, 62 Pahana Katzina. See AMERICAN KACHINA Pahos carried in Mazo-wimi ceremony, 184 cotton used on, 28 deposited at cardinal points, 121, I47, 150, 154 deposited at springs, 102, 160, I88 effect of use of, 85 erected on altars, 122-123 for many deities, o10 for Masou, 69, 178, 194 for warriors, 92, 133 given in cup-game, 49 Pahos given to Mis-kote, I94 given to Powaimu-m6nwi, 166, 167 given to Salt Woman, 165 how placed, 148 in legend, 74-75, I80-I81, 192, 195-I96, 211, 213 in New Fire rite, 125, 126 in Powaim ceremony, 166, 169 made by Antelope chief, 142-144, 146 made by Yayi-wimi, 161 made for Flute ceremony, I59 made for racers, I94, 205, 206, 214 made for Snake dance, 136, 138, 139, 142, 158 made for Snake race, 150 made for sun, 64 made for supernatural beings, 102, 222 made for war gods, 69, I03 made for whirlwind, 102 made in Soyalanu, I28-I31 made in Warrior ceremony, 132 of Flute clan, 94 offered to animals, 9I, 213 offered to chiefs of world-regions, 136 placed with body-scrapers, II9 placed with dead, 39, 221 planted at Nana-mana shrine, 113 planted by Antelopes, 146 planted by Flute fraternity, 157, I58 planted by snake-hunters, 139-140 tied to antelope in legend, 215 used in Kachina dance, 174, 175 various offerings of, I13 Paint created in legend, 93 native, use of, 29-30 red, given to Spider Woman, 194 red, on naqaqusi, 202 red, used by snake-hunters, I39 used in snow-blindness, 59 Painting by Kachinas, 174 by warriors, 70 magic, of mountain, I65 of Kachina kilts, 174 of masks, 173, 177, I89 See BODY-PAINTING; FACE-PAINTING Pais-tala of Flute ceremony, 157 of Kachina dance, 173 of New Fire rite, Io8, 116-II8 {view image of page 276} 276 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Pais-tala of Snake dance, 143 Paiute, Hopi name for, 223 trade with, 68 Paiyakyamri Kachina illustrated, IOO pi. Pakachomo. See PA-KOI-TSOMO Pakavi, the Reed clan totem, 60 See REED CLAN Pakavi, a village established, 5, 14 meaning of, 223 view of, i6 pi. Pa-koi-zfomo, founding of, I9, 82 in legend, 203, 206 meaning and location, 223 Palatkwabi, a Cloud clan settlement, 19, 80, 82 clans at, 84 flood at, a song, 240 Pa-lolokanu, definition and functions, 104 See WATER BULLSNAKE Pal'onao-hoya, a war god, 77, I3I, I33 in legend, 83, 89 meaning and functions, IO3 See TWIN GODS Pailinou, a legendary personage, 196 Pa-muya moon, Flute ceremony controlled by, I56 pastime during, 49, 50, 213, 220 significance of, 251 smoke ceremony during, I35, 138 Panwa Kachina illustrated, IOO Parents, ceremonial, of novices, 170 Paroquet-feather on legendary arrow, 89 Paistoikya in song, 242 Patana, the Squash clan totem, 60 Patki, the Cloud clan totem, 60 Pato'ska of Awatobi mentioned, 85 Patuskasa in Awatobi legend, I86-I88 Payupki, founding of, 18, 206 legend of abandonment of, 203-206 meaning and location, 223 Peace offered Spaniards by Hopi, 6-7 Peaches, introduction of, 28, 220 Peach orchard illustrated, 86 pi. PIle, portrait of, 70 pi. Pendants. See EAR-PENDANTS Pepper-plants gathered by snake-runners, I50 Peppers used in burning Awatobi, 87 Personal names, how bestowed, 60 translation of, 229-234 Personal names. See NAMES; NAMING Personal terms, 249-250 See RELATIONSHIP TERMS Pet in Reed clan legend, 9o-91 Petitions granted by Mas6o, I02 Petrified wood in shrines, IO4, 222 Petroglyph of Qatukua in legend, 213 Phallus painted on bodies, 123 Piaku, a legendary personage, I96 Pigment made of turquois, II8 See DYES; PAINT Pigs. See SWINE Pikami, how prepared, 44 Pikamnovi of Mazo-wimi ceremony, 184 of New Fire rite, Io8 of Soyalanuf, 130-131 why so named, 44 See TIHIUNI Piki as marriage gift, 37 carried by hunters, 47, I95 given by Spider Woman, I94 given in courtship, 207 given in New Fire rite, 124 how prepared, 22, 43-44, 220 importance of, as food, 42 in legend, 9I, I99 in Warrior fraternity feast, I34 mud, made by Kachinas, IOO placed on dead, 73 special baskets for, 28 used by travelers, go used in marriage feast, 38, 221 why broken before eating, 48 See CORN; FEAST; FOOD Piki stones, how made, 22 Pima, Hopi name of, 223 trade with, 68 Pine, arrowshaft of, in legend, go Pine-needles attached to naqaiqsi, I29 offered to fire, 113 Pinon, slabs of, used as doors, 21 value of, to Hopi, 5 Piion-gum for turquois settings, 24 legendary coat covered with, 212 piki stones prepared with, 22 used in paint and dye, 29-30, II8 Pinon-nuts as food, 45, 220 given to Spaniards, 7 {view image of page 277} INDEX 277 Pinon-nuts procured in trade, 4 Pipe, smoking, in legend, I87, I96, 212-214 See SMOKING Pisis, name of Grand caion, 83 Piva, the Tobacco clan totem, 60 Pivani. See WEASEL Planting and harvesting, ceremonial, I77-179 See AGRICULTURE; CROPS Plants, green, used in Antelope dance, 149 Plaques, designs on, 28, 28 pi. See BASKETS Plastering of houses, 19-21 Plumed Serpent. See PA-L6L6KANU P6hkya, ally of Tawaihvi, II Pokan-hoya, a war god, 77, I3I, 133 definition and functions, 103-I04 in legend, 83, 89 See TWIN GODS Polihinniwa, ally of Tawaihvi, II Poli-ki, "butterfly house," in legend, 197, 198 Political organization described, 221 Pollen of snakes, red paint so regarded, I39 Polygyny in legend, I89 See MARRIAGE Pon-sikya. See KEAMS CANON, 70 Poor boys and the sorcerers, a legend, 209-212 Popsu, a spring, 73 Population of the Hopi, 219 Porcupine in legend, 93, 215-216 Porcupine-quills used by sorcerers, 208 Porras, Fr. F. de, missionary at Awatobi, 8-9 P6si-taka defined, 52 P6siw'u. See MAGPIE Potavi defined, 39 deposited for Antelope race, I48 how made, o09 in legend, I80 made for Snake race, I50 on Warrior fraternity altar, 133 placed in Powaim ceremony, I69 symbolism of, I09, 148 Potsherds used in pottery making, 26 PofSi, a trail, 117, II8 Pottery described, 25-27 in cave, 38 pl. making of, illustrated, 62-68 pl. of East mesa, 26 pl. paint used for decorating, 31 VOL. XII -35 Pottery, terms for, 248 See ARTS Poultry among the Hopi, 34 Powa-ki, "sorcerer house," 195 Powiam ceremony, clowns not in, 175 described, I66-I 70 initiation in, 99 time of performance, 172 Powiam chief in Kaftinamu initiation, 171 in Nimaniw'C ceremony, 176 Powaimu Katfinamu defined, IOO Powcimz-wimi, a fraternity, io6 Powa-miya, meaning of, 251 Power. See MAGIC; STRENGTH Prayer at meals, 92 at shrine of Tuwa-pon-tfmsi, 113 during Snake ceremony, 130 pi., I39, I40 for growth of crops, I50 for hunters and runners, 215 for longevity, 125, I74 for rain, 148, I55 in Kachina ceremony, 174 in legend, i88 in New Fire rite, 112, 113 in Owaikl-ti, I82 in smoking ceremony, o09 of warriors, 69 Snake dance, a, for rain, I35, I45 to Bear and Badger, 222 to Maiso, I02-I03 to On-wuhti for salt, 104 to Spider Woman, 105 to sun, 63, IOI, I25, I40, 202 to Tala-tfimsi, 104 See OFFERING; SUPPLICATION Prayer-feathers attached to deer, I65 See NAQAQUSiI; PAHOS; P6TAVI Prayer-meal at Tawa-pa spring, 148 baskets for, 28, 28 pi., I09, 220 carried by warriors, 69 character of, IO9 cloud symbol made of, 65, 66 in New Fire rite, 112 in Snake dance, I52, 154 offered at Nana-mana shrine, I13 offerings of, 66, II3, 222 on ashes of sacred fire, I25 prayer-strings placed on, o09 {view image of page 278} 278 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Prayer-meal sprinkled before kisi, I49 sprinkled on head-scratcher, 22I sprinkled on shrine, 119 sprinkled on snakes, 137, 140 thrown on scalps, 66, 222 used in Kafiinami initiation, 171 See CORNMEAL; MEAL; SACRED MEAL Prayer-sticks. See PAHOS Prescott, Arizona, visited by Hopi, 68 Prescott, W. H., on Aztec new fire rite, 127-128 Prickly-pear, leaves of, used for boils, 56 used as food, 45, 220 Priesthood. See FRATERNITIES Priests, Spanish, welcomed to Awatobi, 85 Property, how treated after death, 40 in masks, 173 Psychology of the Hopi, 3, 12 Puberty rites described, 36-37, 221 See BOYS; GIRLS Pueblo revolt of I680, 8, 9 Pueblos, Hopi names for, 222 of the Hopi, 5, 6, 219 Puiht-va, snake-hunters at, 142 Puliini, a Walpi girl, 74 pl. Purgative taken by Snake men, 154 See EMETIC Purification by Snake men, 154, I55 ceremony of, when performed, 106 of paho-makers, 129 of places struck by lightning, 156 Powaim a ceremony of, 166-170 Pssukna-taka, function of, 148 Pcfkomok Kaftina in legend, I99 Qai-tuki. See KWAITUKI Qan-kiva, a Walpi kiva, 105 image of goddess brought to, 104 in New Fire ceremony, 107, III, 115, I 6, 118, 121, 123-125 when so called, 107 Qan-tuqi, name of Pinal peak, 80 Qan-wimi, a fraternity, 80, 83, Io6 in New Fire rite, 107, 109, 114, 117, II8, 120, 123, 124 relation of, with Wwfiwfimui, I88 Qaqantu in New Fire rite, 112-114, I 6, II8, II9, 125 Qaqiu, a sandy knoll, 198 Qasta-pa, a spring, 79 Horn-Flute men sing near, 158 pahos planted at, I58 Qasta-pa-vi. See KWASTAPABI Qatukua, destruction of, a legend, 212-213 See CONDOR Qew'i Kachina illustrated, I00 Qiniinyak-monwi, paho deposited for, 123 Qita chief in legend, 209-2IO Qita-kiva, a kiva of sorcerers, 205, 210 Qitamu, sorcerers so called, 187 Qiyaii-muya, meaning of, 251 Q6ki, a legendary runner, 203, 204 Quiver of Warrior fraternity, 133 See WAR IMPLEMENTS Rabbits, disease caused by ill-treatment of, 57 halving of, a bad omen, 86 importance of, 36, 45 magically produced, 164 mentioned at meals, 42 offerings made for, 215 Rabbit-brush, flowers of, used in paint, 29 leaves of, used in medicine, 56 used in basketry, 27 Rabbit clan at Palatkwabi, 84 connection with Tobacco clan, 6I, 89, 229 migration of, I9, 80 rabbit hunts announced by, 191 Rabbit hunt before ceremonial planting, 178 following New Fire rite, 126 how conducted, 45-47, 191, 220 in legend, I92, 200, 216 Rabbit-skins, blankets of, 22, 24, 219 Maiso mask made of, 178 Rabbit-stick Kachina in legend, I99 Rabbit-sticks in legendary race, 215 in New Fire rite, 121 used in hunting, 220 See THROWING-STICK Race at Flute ceremony, I59 by initiates, 117 described, 147-151, 221 in legend, 193-195, I97, 203-206, 213-215 traditional, at Awatobi, 85 See KICKING RACE; SNAKE RACE Rain brought by Kachinas, 174 brought by snakes, 152 {view image of page 279} INDEX 279 Rain, ceremony for, I26, I46 encouraged by Yaya-wimi, I6I Flute ceremony for producing, I56 how induced, in Antelope dance, I49 in Snake dance song, 153 magically produced, 2II, 215 Maz6-wimi ceremony for, 183 newly fallen, drunk by snake-hunters, I39 Owakul ceremony for, 182 pahos for, in legend, 75 produced by Cloud clan, 82 singing for, in legend, 77 Snake dance a prayer for, 135, I45 songs for, III, 115, 119, I86 supplication for, I34, I48, I55, I66, 222 symbol of prayer-meal, 65 Rainbow, belief regarding, 58 in Awatobi legend, I86 war gods travel on, 103 Rainbow Youth in legend, I98-I99 Rain god of zenith, I02 Rain-god Maids in Snake dance song, I53 Ram at dedicatory feast for kiva, 105 Ram kiva. See TSIVATO Rash caused by revealing secrets, 183 Rats eaten in legend, I90, 191 Rattles in Flute ceremony, 157 in Yaya ceremony, I64 made as toys in kivas, i68 made of deer-hoofs, I48, I94 of antelope-skin, I43, I49 used by Antelopes, I49, I53 See MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS Rattlesnake chief in Flute ceremony, I58, 159 Tap6lo's visit to, 88 Rattlesnake clan at Tokonabi, 84 Awatobi Tobacco women marry into, 89 chief of, a Flute fraternity official, 156 Crier chief a member of, 62, 221 eagle territory of, 32 Horn people separate from, I6 in possession of MazG-wimi tiponi, I83 intermarriages, 229 joined by Reed people, 92 land-holdings of, 78 legend of, I56 legendary origin of, I6, 136 migrations of, I6, 17, 74-78 Rattlesnake clan predominate in Nasavi, 105 Rattlesnake medicine of Warrior fraternity, I34 Rattlesnakes in legend, 76 in Yiya magic, 164 treatment of, for Snake dance, 136 See CH6A; SNAKE; WOKO-CHUA Red paint. See PAINT Reed, flutes made of, 220 planted in legend, 80, 83 See PAKAVI Reed clan, Al-wimi organized by, I86, I88 bring war-god cultus, I31, 221 cited as of Zufii origin, 134 eagle territory of, 32, 85 intermarriages, 229 migration of, 84, 89-93, I45 represented in Maz6-wimi ceremony, I83 Warrior chief a member of, 221 Yaya chief a member of, I6I Relations, interclan, shown by names, 234 wagered in legendary game, 213 Relationship terms, list of, 235-239 See PERSONAL TERMS Religion discussed, 99-105, 222 See CEREMONIES Reservation, Hopi, area of, 4 Revenge for seduction, II Revivification in legend, 207, 208 Rheumatism, how caused, 91 how treated, 57 Rio Grande, Hopi name of, 95 Rio Grande Pueblos, Buffalo dance derived from, 167 Hopi name for, 223 legendary pilgrimage to, I86 refugees from, I8 trade with, 68 Rites acquired from Tap6lo, 89 See CEREMONIES; PUBERTY RITES; RELIGION Roadrunner, Chaqaina scout in legend, 96 Roadrunner-feather on legendary arrow, 89 Robes, ceremonial, in Awatobi legend, 184 feather, magic creation of, I85 of wildcat-skins, 24 See BLANKETS; CLOTHING; DRESS Robin-feathers in legend, 83, 210 Rodents as food, 220 {view image of page 280} 280 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Roof-beams, pahos placed in, 135 Roofs, how constructed, 20 See DWELLINGS Roots as food, 42, I88 used in medicine, 55-59, 62, I26, I34, 145, I6I Ruins in Hopi country, 223-224 Running, feats of, 52 practised by boys, 35 practised in legend, I98 See RACE Running Kachinas. See WAWASH KATSINAMU Sacred meal, plaque for holding, 28, 28 pl. See CORNMEAL; MEAL; PRAYER-MEAL Sage used in medicine, 58 Saha in Maz6-wimi ceremony, 183 Sahagun, B. de, cited, 128, 155 Sa'kpi, home of Spider Woman, I93-I96 Sakuyeva, Al-wimi chief of Awatobi, 84 Salt in Yaya ceremony, 165 prayers for obtaining, 104 taboo of, 37, 45, 47, 48, ii6, 172, 22I where obtained by Oraibi people, I95 Salt canon, war gods living in, 103 shrine of On-wuhti at, I04 Salt lake in legend, I95, I98 See ZUNI SALT LAKE Salt Woman in Yiya ceremony, 165 See ON-WUHTI Salutation by smokers, 205 in legend, 200 Sami in Warrior ceremony, 132 Sam6-fAomo in Owikfl-wimi legend, I79 San Bernardino, Saint name of Awatobi, 8 San Buenaventura, F. de, missionary at Awatobi, 8, 9 San Carlos Apache, Hopi name for, 222 San Carlos, Arizona, roots obtained from, 135 Sand, snakes placed on, in kiva, I42 Sandals of yucca-leaves, 2I9 Sand clan, eagle-hunting lands assigned to, 85 Sandia, Payupki people settle at, i8, 206 Sand mosaic in kivas, 122, 144-146, 152 Sandstone used in pottery making, 26 San Felipe and Hopi trade, II Hopi name of, 223 starving Hopi go to, IO San Francisco mountains in legend, 89, 212 San Juan, visit of Hopi to, 68 Santa Fe, Hopi visit to, I, 13 Santiago, the Spanish war-cry, 6 Santo Domingo and Hopi trade, II Ant fraternity of, 143 Hopi name of, 223 Saqa-cahltu, members of Al-wimi, 122 Saqa-al-monwi, an Al-wimi chief, 122 Saqa-vaho defined, I22-I23 made for Nimaniw'i, 176 Saqieva in Awatobi legend, I86, 187 Saqstiwa, an informant, 224 experiences of, 11, 13 fraternity chief, o09 identifies Palatkwabi, 80 legend narrated by, I9I Sashes, Kachina represented on, 94 See CLOTHING; DRESS Savu, a landmark, 97 Scalps, customs regarding, 65-66, 70, 222 in legend, 75 necessary to initiation, 69 taken by Warrior fraternity members, 131 Scarecrow in Yaya ceremony, 163 Scrapers. See BODY-SCRAPERS Scratching. See HEAD-SCRATCHING Seduction, revenge for, I Seeds as food, 42 brought by Kachinas, 174 grown by magic, 80, I96-I97 how borne by Masou priests, 178 in legend, 186, 211 in Masou's club, 78 on tiponi, 122 planted in kiva, I66 symbols of abundant crops, 49 various, used for beads, 25 See CORN; BEANS; GERMINATION Semple, a Taos chief, 13 Serpents on Hopi pottery, 26 See PLUMED SERPENT; SNAKE; WATER BULLSNAKE Shamans described, 222 See CHIEFS; MEDICINE-MEN Sheep among Hopi, 34 dung used on sores, 58 effect of, on cotton-raising, 28 {view image of page 281} INDEX 28I Sheep fleece, uses of, I9, 22 flock of, 34 pl. introduction of, 220 mask introduced, 0oo meat used in trade, 12 pahos made for, I29 See RAM Shell beads in New Fire rite, III tied to eagle, 34 Shell mountain. See SUCHAP-TOQI Shells, disc-beads made of, go land hardened with, in legend, 83, 90 Olivella, how used, 104, I94, I95, 208 organs of, of legendary effigy, 209 sewn on war-cap, 133 used by Warrior fraternity, 133 used in trade, I See ABALONE SHELL Shells woman. See HOzUIN-WUHTI Shield, magic sailing through air on, 165 of Warrior chief in legend, 208 See Bows; WAR IMPLEMENTS; WATERSHIELD Shinny described, 49-50, 22I mentioned in legend, 77 Shinny-ball given to war gods, 194 in legend, I95-198 made in kivas, 168 used by Twin gods, 193 Shinny-sticks in legend, 197 Shipaulovi, Flute ceremony at, 156 founded, 17 Hopi form of name, 5, 223 hostility of, to missionaries, 85 Rattlesnake clan non-existent at, 137 represented in New Fire ceremony, I07 Snake ceremonies at, io6 pl., 128 pl., 135, 138 pl. Snake kiva of, IO6 pl. snake-washing songs of, 151 trail to, 4 pl. Shipaulovi, Old, location of, 224 Shirts. See CLOTHING; DRESS Shitaimuvi, location of, 223 Shongopavi, architecture of, 78 pl. Chukubi people settle at, 206 Flute ceremony at, 156 founded, 17 Shongopavi, meaning of name, 5, 223 mission at, 8 population, 219 Rattlesnake clan non-existent at, 137 represented in New Fire ceremony, 107 Snake dance at, 135 Wudwuitim-wimi at, 224 Shongopavi, Old, meaning and location, 224 Shoshonean stock, Hopi a member of, 4, 219 Shrine at Kuchaptuvela, offerings at, 113 below Gap, ceremony at, I50 initiates urinate at, 115 of Nana-mana, I04, 113, 199 of Tila-tfimsi, 114, II8, 119, 125 of Tiwa, 125 of the Nalonanu-monwiti, 125 of Tihkfyi, 82, 103, 191 of Tfviphaiyanu, 123 of war gods, I04 prayers at, by. racers, 215 Tuwa-pon-tumsi, offerings at, 113 Shrines, deposits in, for eagles, 32 naqaqusi deposited at, 133 offerings deposited at, 120, 143 of Miasou, 102, 123, I78-I79, 194 of On-wfhti, 104 prayer-sticks deposited at, 142, 157, I66 snakes liberated at, 146, 154 to various deities, 222 Sia, Snake ceremony at, 155 Sichomovi, absence of council at, 64 Badger clan at, 95 contributes corn to Soyalanu, 130 founding of, I8, 95 fraternities of, 107 Hopi-Navaho settle at, I8, 98 meaning of name, 5, 223 Powiam rites performed at, 169 visited by Ahohl Kafsina, 167 Sifters of basketry, 28 Signal with smoke, 165 Signal fire in Tobacco clan legend, 87 in war, 67, 71, 72 Sihtaima, participant in Soyal smoke, 128 Sikyalediwa, a Snake chief, 128 pl., 224 Sikya-owa-ifomo, Asa people build at, 18, 96 Sikyatki destroyed by Walpians, 7 founded and overthrown, I7 {view image of page 282} 282 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Sikyatki in legend, 213 legend of destruction of, I89-I90 meaning and location, 223 snake-hunting at, I44 Sikyafii-mana, legend of, 206-209 Sikya-tfi-tiyo, legendary son of Crier chief, 90 Siliwtiwa, leader of war-party, 68 Silver, moccasin buttons of, 24 Silver-working by Hopi, 29 Singing at erection of Owakuil-wimi altar, I82 at places struck by lightning, 156 before legendary foot-race, 205 by medicine-men, 54 by Snake priests, 143 corn magically matured by, 82, 83 during cup-game, 49 in Antelope dance, 149 in legend, I90-I92, 207, 209, 211-214 in New Fire rite, 112, 117-120, 123, 124 in Powaim ceremony, I69 in Snake ceremony, 145 in Soyalani, I30, I3I in Warrior ceremony, I34 in Yaya ceremony, I64 practised for Nimaniw'uf, 177 to snakes, 136 pl. See SONGS Sio-yaya dance in legend, I90 Sipapu described, 23 Sipapuni in Snake dance song, 153 of Snake clan legend, 143 pahos planted in, I69 place of emergence, 74 Sipapun-tuqi, Asa people emerge at, 95 Siqi-teika, a cliff, 209, 21o why so named, 97 Sisivu in Awatobi legend, I86 Kachina chief of Awatobi, 85-86 Siu-tsomo in legend, 216 Siu-va, village of Badger clan, 17, 93 Sivip-teika, scalps deposited at, 66 Siwihon6onma, legend narrated by, I88 Skins presented to Spaniards, 7 See BEAR-SKINS; BUFFALO-SKINS; DEERSKIN; FOX-SKIN; GOAT-SKIN; SHEEP; WILDCAT-SKINS Skull, magic, in Yaya ceremony, I64 Skunk-berries used in paint, 29 Skunk-berries, when not eaten, 31 Skunk-bush in roof building, 20 used in basketry, 27 used in dye, 30 Sky god, rank of, 222 See SOTUKUNANI Slab, painted, not on Mazo'-wimi altar, 184 painted, in Mazo-wimi ceremony, 184 Slaves, Navaho, among Hopi, 67, 70 Navaho, taken by Mexicans, 14, 71 Sleepiness at ceremony, how treated, 124 Sleet in Awatobi legend, 186 Sling given to war gods, 194 in legend, I95-196 Smoke ceremony in Winter Solstice rite, 128 ceremony of Snake dance, 138 ceremony, when held, Io6 clouds formed by, 215 signaling with, I65 used in healing, 57-58 Smoke signal. See SIGNAL FIRE Smoking articles in Owkfil-wimi legend, I8i at Soyalanu, I30 by snake-hunters, I43, 144 by sorcerers in council, 205 by warriors, 68, 69, I34 during Warrior ceremony, I32, I33 greetings at, 88 in council, 205 in Flute ceremony, 156-I58 in Kachina ceremony, 174 in legend, 9I, 94, 187, I90, I92, 194-I96, 204, 207, 210, 212-215 in Maz6-wimi ceremony, 183 in New Fire rite, 109, III, 15, I2I in Nimaniw'f ceremony, 176 in Owikfil-ti, 18I in Snake ceremony, 146 preliminary to Snake dance, 135 See CIGARETTE; PIPE; TOBACCO Snake. See KATOYE; RATTLESNAKE; SNAKES; WATER BULLSNAKE; WINGED SNAKE Snakebites, how treated, 59 Snake ceremony at Zuiii, 141 described, I35-I55 first mention of, IO origin of, 76 significance of, I45 {view image of page 283} INDEX 283 Snake ceremony, views of, I22-I58 pl. when and by whom performed, IO6, 25I Snake chief, functions of, in Snake rite, 145 in kiva with snakes, 142 in smoke ceremony, 138 of Shipaulovi, 128 pl. of Walpi, I26 pl. secrets possessed by, 138 tiponi of, 122 Snake clan. See RATTLESNAKE CLAN Snake fraternity, ceremony of, I35-I55 Snake kiva, ceremonies in, 138, 144-147 of Shipaulovi, IO6 pl. under guard, 134 pi. Snake Priest, portrait, 124 pl. Snake race described, 150-151 Snake rock at Walpi, 80 pl. name of, Io9 Snakes, how treated for Snake dance, 140-141 legendary creation of, 197 See SNAKE Snake-washing ceremony described, 151-152 Snakeweed used for swellings, 56 Snow, ceremony to produce, 132 controlled by North Chief, I03 in legend, I92 made to fall in Kachina dance, 211 produced by Cloud clan, 82 represented with cotton, 131 supplication for, I34, I66 See RAIN Snow-blindness, how treated, 59 Snow mountains. See SAN FRANCISCO MOUNTAINS Soapweed gathered by initiates, 117 See YUCCA-ROOT Sociology, information on, 224-239 Solstices, determination of, 64 Solstitial points, beliefs regarding, 102 See CARDINAL POINTS; WORLD-REGIONS Song, Navaho, in war ceremony, 69 Song leaders in Kachina dance, 172 Songs, Antelope, in Snake ceremony, 147 at snake washing, 151 for rain in New Fire rites, III for war-party, 65 grinding, 22, 42-43 in Flute ceremony, I57, 159, i6o Songs in languages of Rio Grande Pueblos, I86 in New Fire rite, 114, I 6, 119, 127 in Snake dance, 138, 143, 146, 152-I53 in Warrior ceremony, 135 Kachina, character of, I76 of medicine-men, 52 originated in Awatobi legend, 186 pahos consecrated by, 157-I59 practised for Kachina dances, 173 practised for Maz6-wimi ceremony, I83 with score, 239-242 See SINGING Sorcerers, kiva of, 85, 187, 205 Maiso6 supplicated by, I03 of Kisakovi, a legend, I99-203 Poor Boys and the, 209-212 power of war gods against, 104 Walpi Maiden and the, 206-209 Sorcery, beliefs regarding, 222 how punished, 63 in legend, 80-8I known to Yaya priests, 161 opposed by Spider Woman, IO5 pahos planted for, 75 practise of, 52 practised at Awatobi, 187-188 war gods powerful against, 132 Sores, how treated, 58 S6ta, a Hopi butte, I96 S6takunani, rain god of zenith, 102 See SKY GOD; STAR RAIN GOD Sotua. See STARS Soul, beliefs respecting the, 40 how symbolized, 39 South chief. See TATKYAK-MONWI Soyalanu, Soyil Kaftinamfi in, Ioo when held, 251 See WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONY Soyal Katina Girls personated, 131 Soyal Katfinama, appearance of, 1oo, I3I, 172 Soya1l-foo6funa. See SMOKE CEREMONY Soyal-wimi, a fraternity, Io6 Soy6him Kaftina dance, performers in, 173 Spaniards among the Hopi, 6-8 influence of, 9 killed in revolt, 9 objects introduced by, 24-25, i86, 220 {view image of page 284} 284 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Sparrowhawk-feathers, nichi made of, I19 Spears. See WAR IMPLEMENTS Speeches at Soyil smoke, 128 in Warrior ceremony, 132 Spider Woman, grandmother of Twin gods, 193-195 image of, 132, 133 in legend, I31, I61, 162, 185, 195-198, 202, 205 naqiaqsi made for, 133 See K6KYAN-WOHTI Spinning done by men, 51 Spirit of fire, offering to, 125 represented in ceremony, 113 Spirits, eagle, belief regarding, 33 of ancestors not prayed to, 113 offerings to, 113 naqaiqsi made for, 123 Split trail, proper name of, 117 Spoons. See UTENSILS Springs, belief regarding, 105 pahos deposited at, 102, 131, 142, I6o See ANAPOL-VA; ANWUS-PA; BURRO SPRING; COMO SPRINGS; IS-BA; KANEL-VA; MONWI-VA; TAWA-PA; TEVESKYA; TTO6VI; TU-ZI-VA; WiPHO Spruce, arrowshaft of, in legend, 90 used in Kachina dance, 174 See TREE-PLANTING Squash anciently cultivated, 28, 220 as food, 42 legendary origin of, 80 mentioned in legend, 194 See PATANA Squash-blossoms, how used for mumps, 58 made of cornhusks, 169 symbolized, 14, 25, 219 Squash clan at Sichomovi, 95, 98 at Wuko-ki, 84 build Mishongnovi, 17 Horn people separate from, 16 meet Rattlesnake people, 77, 78 wanderings of, 16, 17 Wdwufiim-wimi originated in, I86 Squash-seeds used in paint, 30 Stairway trail of Walpi, 18, 50 pi., 67, 98 Star Rain God, beliefs regarding, IOI Stars, beliefs regarding, 11o prayers to, 69 Stealing, how expiated in afterworld, 40 Steamboat canon, Awatobi women with Navaho near, 89 native name of, 71 warriors in, 72 Stephen, A. M., cited, 60 Sterility, how treated, 57 Stockings of women, 24 See CLOTHING; DRESS Stones, men transformed into, 150 with cloud symbols in Flute ceremony, 157, I6o Story-telling in Soyalanu, 129, 130 in Warrior ceremony, 134, I35 See LEGENDS; TALES Stoves, an innovation, 21, 44 for pottery drying, 26 naqiaqusi tied to, 130 Strength promoted by Soyalanf, 130 symbolized by pine-needles, 129 Strong Servant, pahos deposited by, 142-146 participates in Antelope dance, 149 See HONOVAYYA Suchap-tuqi, mountains east of Albuquerque, 90 Suchaiva. See SHELLS Sumaikuli, keepers of game animals, I9I naqaqusi made for, 47 origin of cult, I9I Sumaikuli Ka(tina at Hano, 176 pl. in legend, I90, 191 Sun as a deity, 222 beliefs regarding, I11 ceremonies influenced by, 176, 222 cigarette lighted from rays of, 215 fire created by aid of, 163, 164 in legend, 75 mothers shielded from, 34 naqiqusi made for, 47 offerings to, 36 on wall of warrior chamber, I33 pahos made for, 64, 129, I3I, I94 prayers to, 63, 69, 125, 140, 148, 202 Sun clan at Palatkwabi, 84 migration of, 19, 8o Sunflowers used in Flute ceremony, I60 {view image of page 285} INDEX 285 Sunflower stalks, doors made of, 21 in chimney building, 20 Sun Priest always of Cloud clan, 64, 82 in Soyilanui, I28-I31 Sunrise, enemy attacked at, 69 Owaikul-ti announcement at, I80 Owkuil-ti dance at, I82 Supernatural power in Awatobi legend, I86 Sapla, participant in Soyilanuf, 128, I31 Supplication for bountiful crops, 102 for courage, I03 for snow and rain, I66 to war gods, I34 See PRAYER Sdskahimu day, initiation on, 170 of Flute ceremony, 158 of Mazo-wimi ceremony, 184 of New Fire rite, Io8, II9-120 of Nimaniw'f, I77 of Owikul-ti, 181 of Snake dance, I44 Sus-tala of Flute ceremony, 157 of Kachina dance, I73 of New Fire rite, I08, 115-116 of Snake dance, I39 Sus-tavan-tuqi, a butte, I 7, 214, 215 Suyuk Kafinami defined, oo00 Suyuku, an ogress, I93 Suyuk-wuhti personated in Powamui, 168-169 Sweat-bath not employed, 36 Swelling, how treated, 56 of neck caused by Misui, I77 Swine among the Hopi, 34 Symbolism, animal, of cardinal points, 133 color, III, I57, 203, 246 in Antelope race, 148 in body-painting, 123 in hair-dressing, 14, 25, 219 in rabbit-hunt, 46 of breath or soul, 39 of clouds, 65, 66, II, I60 of food gift, 125 of lightning, 155 of mother by corn, 119, 122 of pine-needles, 129 of potavi, I09, 148 of seeds, 49 of squash-blossom, 14, 25, 219 VOL. xII- 36 Syringa, arrowshaft of, in legend, 90 crooks used on altar, 145 dye made from bark of, 31 pahos and arrows of, 132 Tabletas worn in Butterfly dance, 70 Taboo by hunter initiate, 47 described, 47-48 during New Fire rite, III flesh of totem not, 221 of drinking water, IoI of food by Snake priests, 147 of salt and meat, 37, 45, 47, 48, ii6, 172, 221 reference of Kya-mfya to, 251 Tala-teika, an East Mesa trail, I43, I68 Tala-tumsi, definition and functions, 104 in New Fire rite, 114, II6, II8, 119, 123, 125-127 shrine of, I54 Tales, how regarded, I84 See LEGENDS Talker, selection of, and functions, 62-63, 221 Tanak-tiyo, the "rainbow youth," I98-I99 Tanoan people join Hopi, I8 Tansy-mustard used for decorating pottery, 31 Tansy-mustard clan allied with Wiqalvi, 105 at Sichomovi, 95 intermarriages, 229 smoking rite in house of, Io8 Water Bullsnake cult brought by, I04 See ASA Taos, Hopi party visits, 13 starving Hopi go to, 10 Tapolo, altars and rites acquired from, 89 Awatobi chief, 84, 85, 88, i86, 187 eagle-hunting lands assigned by, 85 invites destruction of Awatobi, 10, 86 Totovi spring retained by, 112 Tasap Kafsina. See NAVAHO KACHINA Tatkyak-monwi in New Fire rite, I23 Taitkyamii in New Fire ceremony, I07, IIIii6, 118, 121, 123, 124 medicine-water of, I12 Tatokya-wimi. See T6-WIMI Taftokta Kaftinamu defined, 99 Tattooing absent among Hopi, 25, 219 represented in basketry, 28 {view image of page 286} 286 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Tavan-monwi in New Fire rite, 123 Tavap-ftomo, why so named, 98 Tawa, shrine of, 125 See SUN Tawahevi, revenge planned by, I Tawa-pa, a spring, 12, I8, 82, 98, 125, 198, 214, 215 Flute ceremonies at, 168-170 pl. home of Pa-16olkani, 105 in corn-planting ceremony, 178 novitiates plunged in, 115-I16 offerings made at, 66, 143, I46, I48, 159-I60 Salt Woman at, 165 scene of race, 51 trail to, 207 used by boys, 35-36 Taylor, Charles A., on the Snake dance, IO0 Tebugkihu. See KA6-TAKTIPU Temperature of Hopi country, 5 Teveskya, a spring, 12, 18, 96-98 Horn-Flute members visit, 158 pahos planted in, 140 Tewa, Hano built by, 18, 89 invited to join Hopi, 95 join in destroying Awatobi, 10 portraits of, 70-72 pl. settle among Hopi, 4 warrior service by, 65 Water Bullsnake brought by, 104-105 Throwing-stick used by snake-hunters, 139 See RABBIT-STICKS Thunder brought by Kachinas, 174 simulated, 149, i6o Tigua, turkeys among the, 32 Tihkuyi, mother of game animals, 82, 103, 190-I93 naqaiqsi made for, 47 offerings at shrine of, II3 See MOTHER; TUWA-PON-TUMSI Titihni day of Flute ceremony, 159-160 of Kachina dance, I73 of New Fire rite, IO8, 125-126 of Owikfl-ti, 182 of Snake ceremony, 150-155 of Soyilanu, 130-I3 Tikiveni day of New Fire rite, 1O8 Tinava day of New Fire rite, IO8 See ANNOUNCEMENT Tznava nalo"s-tala of New Fire rite, 1O8 Tiponi buried with Naka, 160 described, 122 erected in Snake kiva, 146 in Badger clan legend, 94 in Flute ceremony, 156-157, 159 in Owaikl-ti, 181 of Antelope fraternity, 72, 73 of Awatobi Crier chief, 187 of Mazo-wimi, 183, 184 of Snake chief, 155 of Tap6lo, 87 of Warrior fraternity, 133 of Wdwufiim-wimi, Io8 of Yaya chief, 161 placed in Antelope kiva, 139 placed on altars, 122-123, 145 when renewed, 250 Tobacco in legend, I96 not cultivated, 29 placed on food, 124 sparingly used by warriors, 69 See PiVA Tobacco clan build Honu-vi, 17 chief of, in New Fire rite, I09 connection of, with Rabbit clan, 6I eagle territory of, 32 intermarriages, 229 migration of, 84-89 New Fire director a member of, 107 rabbit-hunt crier a member of, 45 smoking rite in house of, Io8 To-wimi originated in, 186 women dwell with Navaho, 89 Tobacco girl in Owaikl-wimi legend, 180, i81 Tobacco-pouch, significance of, 205 Tokona, a legendary village, 74 Tokonabi, clans at, 16, 17, 79, 84 origin of Rattlesnake clan at, 76, 78, I37, I43 village built at, 74 Toothache, how treated, 58 Torquemada, Juan de, cited by Prescott, I28 Torture inflicted by Spaniards, 8 Totems of clans, 59-62, 221 {view image of page 287} INDEX 287 Totems. See NATUILA Totoikya, T6-wimi fraternity originates at, 241 Tot6kya day mentioned in legend, I9I of Flute ceremony, I58-159 of initiation ceremony, 172 of Kachina dance, I73-175 of Maz6-wimi ceremony, 184 of New Fire rite, Io8, I22-I25 of Nimaniw'u, 177 of Owakul-ti, 18I of Snake dance, 146-150 of Soyilanuf, I29-I30 of Winter Solstice ceremony, 173 of Yaya ceremony, 208 pikami prepared on, 44 Powama ceremony on, 167 Toto6vi, a spring, 87, II2 Tovar, Pedro de, visits the Hopi, 6, 7, 62, I17 T6-wimi, a fraternity, Io6 altar of, 123 in New Fire rite, 107-109 I, II2, 11, 6, II8-I2I, 124 origin of, 84, 89, 183, i86, 241 Toys in legend, 197 made in kivas, 168 See DOLLS Trading party, return of, 8 pl. Tradition and mythology, I84-216 how regarded, 184 See LEGENDS Trail closed with cornmeal, 6, 79, 117, I58, I59 omen regarding, 98 to Shipaulovi, 4 pl. to Walpi, 6 pl., 50 pl. See NOVEN-HAWIWA; SPLIT TRAIL; STAIRWAY TRAIL Traps for mice, 19I Travelers, pahos made by, IOI, I02 rapidity of, 72 See RUNNING Trees, in legend, 80, 83, 188-189 names of, 250 of Hopi country, 5 Triplets, how regarded, 33 Tsamaheya in legend, 77, 143 note regarding, 78 Tsan.o Whlpitu, name for Kisakobi people, 92 Tsaza, a Yaya priest, 161 Tseafanii, portrait of, 72 pl. Tsivato, a name for Qin-kiva, 105 in Soyilanur, I30 members bury kiva crops, 168 Nimaniw'f in charge of, 176-177 when so called, 107 Yiya ceremony at, 165 Tsokap-pololo Kaflina in legend, I99 Tsoo6funa, smoking ceremony, IO8-IO9 Tso-pa, "antelope spring," in legend, 195, 214 See JEDITOH Tsop-monwi. See ANTELOPE CHIEF Tsop-wimi, a fraternity, Io6 Tsovi-yutui. See RACE Tsozoma, an informant, 224 Tuba, named for Tdvi, 14 Tukinovi, Bear people at, 16 Kachinas at, in Yaya ceremony, 163 meaning and location, 224 Tdmas Kafi;na in Kafsinamti initiation, 170, I'7 on plaque, 28 personated in Powamim, 168 Tdmas Katfinamn defined, 100 Tunics. See CLOTHING; DRESS Tdnoa, participant in Soyal smoke, 128 Tunwdp Kaflina personated in Powiami, 168 Tunwudp Kafitnami defined, Ioo in initiation ceremony, 170 Tupkdi-p6ka, mouth of Caiion de Chelly, 98 Tuqi. See SNAKE ROCK Tureva spring. See TUZI-VA Turkey-feathers fastened to pahos, 213 used in magic, 185 Turkeys among Pueblos, 5 among the Hopi, 32, 246 in legend, 82 Turquois beads in New Fire rite, III beads tied to eagle, 34 ear-pendants of, 24, 219 given to Spaniards, 7 obtained from Zufii, 25 pigment made of, 30, II8, 119, 122 Tusayan, population, 219 the Hopi country, 6-7 Tuifqa, naqaiqsi made for, 47 Tuvafi Kafinama defined, 1OO Tavi, baptized by Mormons, 14 {view image of page 288} 288 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Tuvip-haiyanu, pahos made for, 123 the whirlwind, 102 Tuvis clan, migration of, 84 Tdwa, the Earth clan totem, 60 Tuwa-pon-tumsi, offerings at shrine of, 113 See TIHKfYI Tuzi-va, a spring, in legend, 198 Twin gods, adventures of, I93-I98 See PAL6NAO-HOYA; POKAN-HOYA ti-muya. See KEL-MUYA Unan-tana, a shrine, 215 Underworld, flood in, 82 in Asa clan legend, 95 inhabited by spirits, 102 in Hopi religion, 99, 105 in legend of Badger clan, 93 in Powaim ceremony, I69 in Reed clan legend, 131 legend regarding, 89 See SiPAPUNI; WATER WORLD Urine for treating bruises, 56 headache treated with, 58 thrown on dancers, 120, 124 used in paint and dye, 30, 31 Ute and Hopi hostility, 3, 4, i8, 41, 67, 95 98, 222, 223 invited to raid, 63 Tewa migrants attacked by, 96 trade with, 68 ' Utensils, household, 22 p1., 220 Vargas, Diego de, reconquers New Mexico, 9 Vegetation of Hopi country, 5 VOnsi, Soyalanu held at house of, 128 Vetancurt, Fr. A. de, cited, 9 Victory dance described, 70 Villages, relationship between, 64 See PUEBLOS Vocabulary of the Hopi, 245-251 Volcanic fires, traditional evidences of, 84 Vomiting, how treated, 57 on sacred ashes, 125-126 paint produced by, 93 See EMETIC; PURIFICATION Vulva represented by watermelon rind, 123 symbols on Hehea Kachina, 100 Wager of clothing in game, 213 of lives on foot-race, 205 Wagons, naqaiqisi tied to, I30 Wailing for the dead, 40, 221 Wala, dancers costumed at, I66, 171 food given by Snake priests at, I44 in legend, I89 See GAP Walapai, Hopi name of, 223 trade with, 4, 68 Walpi, Asa settle at, I8, 96 a visita of Oraibi, 8 Awatobi captives taken to, 87, i88 Badger clan at, I8, 95, 188-189 Cloud clan at, 19, 83, 89 contributes corn to Soyalanu, 130 Flute ceremony at, 156, 168-172 pl. flute no longer played at, I59 founding of, 17, 78 fraternities of, 107 girls of, 30 pi. hostility of, to missionaries, 85 houses visited by Ahohl Kafsina, 167 initiation customs at, I70 joins in destroying Awatobi, Io, 86, 87 kivas at, 105 Maiden and the Sorcerers, a legend, 206 -209 Maz6-wimi at, 183 meaning of name, 5, 223 population, 219 Reed people admitted to, 93 Sikyatki destroyed by people of, 7 site of, in 1540, 7 Snake dance at, 135 "Snake rock" and plaza, 80 plo trails to, 6 pl., 50 pl. war god figurines kept at, 104 War costume of the Tewa, 97 customs of, 64-73, 221 War-cap described, 133 War-club, how made, 63 of Warrior chief, 207 See WEAPONS Warfare of the Hopi, 3, 6 See APACHE; NAVAHO; UTE War gods, cult of, I31, 221 images of, 104, 131-133 {view image of page 289} INDEX 289 War gods, in legend, 77 monsters destroyed by, 80 naqaiqsi made for, 133 pahos made for, 69 relation of Spider Woman to, I05 war-caps of, 133 See POKAN-HOYA; PAT6NAO-HOYA; TWIN GODS War implements described, 220 See WEAPONS Warrior, a character in Flute ceremony, I59 to Antelope chief, 136 Warrior chief in legend, I90, I9I, 206-209 selection of, and functions, 62-63, 13I, 221 war god personated by, 132 Warrior fraternity, ceremony of, IO6, 131-135 controlled by Reed clan, 92 man medicine of, 145 Warriors invoke whirlwind, 102 Washing of new-born child, I86 of scalps, 66 of snakes in Snake dance, 138 See BATHING; HEAD-WASHING; PURIFICATION; SNAKE-WASHING Water, bodies of, belief regarding, 99 standing, not drunk by Snake men, 136, 139 Water Bullsnake, a mythical monster, 19 dance of, 251 in Asa tradition, 18 in legend, 2II in rain-making rites, 82 introduced by Tewa, 95 offering made to, 98 origin of, 8I prayer to, I40 Water-cougar in Snake dance song, 153 Watermelon-rind, ashes placed on, 125 vulva represented with, 123 Watermelons eaten in New Fire rite, II4 in legend, I80, 186 introduction of, 28, 220 legendary origin of, 80 Watermelon-seeds used on piki stones, 22 Water-shield in legend, 211 Water-spirit, personification of, 104 Water World. See UNDERWORLD Wawafsh KaflinamZi discussed, 100 in legend, I99, 203 time of performance, I89 Weapons carried by racers, 117 of early Hopi, 6 of Warrior chief, 207 of Warrior fraternity, 133 used by hunters, 47 See WAR IMPLEMENTS Weasel in legend of Reed clan, 90o-9 medicine of Warrior fraternity, I34 Weather, cold, song for, 65 warm, supplication for, I6I Weaving done by men, 24, 51 during Powaim ceremony, I66 illustrated, 84 pl. of the Hopi, 27 See BLANKETS; CLOTHING; COTTON; DRESS; GARMENTS; INDUSTRIES Weeping Kachinas. See TOVATS KATSINAMU West chief. See TAVAN-MONWI Whipping of novices, Ioo, I70-I72, 203 See ORDEAL Whipping Kachina. See TUNW6P KATSINA Whips, feather, used for snakes, 140, 142, I43, 152, I53 in legend, I99 Whirlwind deified, 102 naqfquisi made for, 133 See TUVIPHAIYANf White-horns. See KOTSA-AAHLTU Wiki, chief of Antelope fraternity, 72 in Maz6-wimi ceremony, 183 Wikvaia, wife of, captured, I2 Wikyahtiwa, an informant, 224 Wildcat on wall of warrior chamber, 133 Wildcat-skins, robes made of, 24 Willow, whips of, in legend, I99 Willow-fibre packets placed in medicine, '35 Wind, north, controlled by North chief, 102, 103 song for, 65 See WHIRLWIND Winged Snake, legend of, 195-197 Winged-snake girl. See KOHPA-MANA Winship, G. P., cited, 7, 62 Winslow, Arizona, ruin near, 82 {view image of page 290} 290 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Winter Solstice ceremony brought by Cloud people, 83 ceremonial planting announced at, 177 Chiqaina mask displayed at, 95 dance announcements at, 172, 173 described, io6, I28-I30 images of Water Bullsnake in, I05 Mais6 worshipped in, 102 offerings to Tihkfyi at, I03 origin of, 82 pahos made in, IoI, Io2 sun worshipped in, IoI See SOYALANU Wikpho, a spring, 17, 79, 97 Horn-Flute members visit, 158 paho planted in, 150 Wiqalvi, a Walpi kiva, 105 in New Fire rite, 107, I21, 125 in Snake dance, 138 in Soyilanu, 130 Nimaniw'u in charge of, 167 Wtsti, an informant, 224 in Warrior ceremony, 132 legends narrated by, I90, 203, 209 Witchcraft. See SORCERY Wives wagered in legendary game, 213 IWiyakote, uncle of the Kachinas, 94 Wiyakote Kafiinamu defined, Ioo Wolf in legend, 207 on wall of warrior chamber, 133 Wolf Kachina illustrated, o00 pl. Women and house building, 19 associate members of Snake order, 137 captured by Mexicans, I2-I4 cloth:ng of, 23-24, 219 customs of, in Flute ceremony, I60 game contest with, 220 hair-dressing of, 25, 54 pl., 2I9 houses owned by, 41 how treated in Awatobi legend, 187 in Nimaniw'f ceremony, 176 in Owikil society, 182 in Snake ceremony, I37, I45-I46 limited as doctors, 59 Mazo-wimi a society of, I83 not admitted to Qin-kiva, I04 objects taken by, at Snake-race, I51 pahos given to, by warriors, 135 Women, participate in cup-game, 49 pregnant, belief regarding breath of, 58 pregnant, rule as to husbands of, III provide feast, 134, I54 provide vessels for medicine, 151 repulsive to snakes, 139 scalps received by, 65 status of, 41 treatment of snake-runners by, I5o See MAZO-WIMI Wood, load of, 76 pl. Wool, how dyed, 30, 31 World-regions, gestures toward, 151 meal cast to, I54 medicine-water asperged to, I I offerings to, 113 pahos offered to chiefs of, 136 represented by Sdmaikuli, I91 songs for, I I I See CARDINAL POINTS Worm, magic, in legendary foot-race, 205 rash produced by, 183 Wounds, how treated, 55 Woven goods, trade in, 58 See CLOTHING; COTTON; DRESS; GARMENTS; WEAVING Wren magically formed in legend, 21o Wuha, account of, 232 Wuk6-chua, "great rattlesnake" of legend, I95 Wiiko-ki, clan settled at, I6, 17, 79, 84 departure from, 78 in Rattlesnake legend, 77 meaning and location, 224 Wiik6-masou, a shrine, I94 WYko-vaka-vi, Hopi attacked at, 71 meaning of, 71, 72 W#Vktima in Awatobi legend, i86 Wadnutu, fraternity chief, o09 in Warrior ceremony, 132 WJYpa-sikya. See STEAMBOAT CANON Wai-taka in Powaim ceremony, I66 WVuwusiimtu, in New Fire rite, III-I24 jokes at expense of, I83, 184 Wdtwufiimtu described, 107-128 new fire kindled, 250 war-god figurines used in, 104 {view image of page 291} INDEX 29I fY/uwu4iim-wimi, a fraternity, io6 initiation in, 224 in New Fire rite, 107, 109, 16, 120, 123 lands of chief of, 41 origin of, 84, 89, 183, 186, 187 Yaqa, an informant, 224 Yarn traded by Hopi, 4 See SHEEP; WEAVING; WOOL Yaiya-monwi in legend, 208-209 Yayati in legend, 190, 191 Yaya-wimi, a fraternity, IO6, 160-165, 182 Yiho Kaftinamu defined, 99 Yellow-bird Maid. See SIKYATSI-MANA Y6pa, the mockingbird, in legend, 80 Youth and the Sorcerers, a legend, I99-203 Y6y-asi-taka, in Flute ceremony, 156, 157, 159 lands of, 41 Yoyo. See OYOYAI Yoywuni, an informant, 224 legend narrated by, 193, 206, 215, 2I6 tradition narrated by, 184 Warrior chief, I32 Yucca fruit used as food, 220 used in basketry, 27 Yucca-leaves, implements wrapped with, 220 in Owakul-ti, I8I masks of, in Hopi myth, 99 sandals made of, 23, 219 used for painting, 26 used in whipping, I68, 170-171, 199 Yucca-root, head-washing with, 25, I 17, 221 used in snake washing, I51 Yucca-seeds used for beads, 25 Yucca-suds, scalps washed in, 66 See HEAD-WASHING Ydnya day of Flute ceremony, I57 Ydn.ya day of Maz6-wimi, 183, 184 of New Fire rite, io8-II5 of Nimaniw'fi, 176 of Owikul-ti, 180 of Powaimi ceremony, 167 of Snake dance, 138-139 of Soyalanuf, 129 of Yiya ceremony, 16I, 208 Zenith, rain god of, 102 See CARDINAL POINTS; WORLD-REGIONS Zenith chief, no paho for, in New Fire rite, I23 Zigzag, a lightning symbol, I55 Zuni, Aiaho clan of, 18 and Hopi intercourse, 4 and Hopi war fraternities compared, 134 Asa clan at, I8 bumblebee medicine obtained from, 135 dress of, worn in legend, 191 &ttonn6 and Hopi tiponi compared, 122 Hopi name of, 223 "house director" of, 62 joined by Tewa, 96 Kachina cult derived from, 1oo, 176 Ko6yemAhi and Hopi K6yimsi, Ioo mission founded at, 8 name for Hopi, 4 Snake ceremony at, 140, 155 starving Hopi go to, IO Simaikuli cult derived from, 191 trade with, 68 visited by Hopi, 132 See SIO-YAYA Zuni mountains in legend, I95 Zuni Salt lake, Hopi war gods at, 90, Io3 Salt Woman at, I65 shrine of On-wihti near, I04 {view image of page List of Large Plates} List of Large Plates Supplementing Volume Twelve The North American Indian List of Large Plates Supplementing Volume Twelve 400 Loitering at the spring A group of Walpi and Hano girls in holiday attire. The background is a typical bit of Southwestern desert. 401 Buffalo dance at Hano The Buffalo dance at the Upper Rio Grande pueblos was lately introduced among the Hopi, who attach no religious significance to it. 402 Tewa girl An excellent feminine type of these early immigrants from the Rio Grande. The arrangement of her hair suggests that she is unmarried. 403 Hopi mother 404 Antelopes and snakes at Oraibi The Antelope fraternity, at the right, and the Snake fraternity facing them at the left, engage in singing prior to handling the reptiles in the Snake dance. At the extreme right is the kisi, a cottonwood booth in which sits the custodian of the snake-jars, ready to hand out the reptiles one by one to the dancers. 405 Watching the dancers A group of girls on the topmost roof of Walpi, looking down into the plaza. 406 Hopi girl Soft, regular features are characteristic of Hopi young women, and no small part of a mother's time is used to be devoted to dressing the hair of her unmarried daughters. The aboriginal style is rapidly being abandoned, and the native one-piece dress here illustrated is seldom seen even at the less advanced of the Hopi. 407 Evening in Hopi land 408 Honovi - Walpi snake priest, with Totokya Day painting This plate depicts the accoutrement of a Snake dancer on the day of the Antelope dance (see Volume XII, pages 146-149). The right hand grasps a pair of eagle-feathers - the "snake whip" - and the left a bag of ceremonial meal. Honovi was one of the author's principal informants. 409 On the housetop A typical village scene illustrating many features of pueblo architecture. At the extreme left is the entrance of an underground kiva, with the tips of the ladder projecting. In the central foreground is a baking-room, where piki is prepared, and to the left is an outdoor oven for baking loaf-bread. 410 Walpi Picturesque Walpi, perched on the point of a rocky island in a sea of sand, is an irregular, rambling community-house, built without design, added to in haphazard fashion as need arose; yet it constitutes a perfectly satisfying artistic whole. 411 Hopi woman 412 Hopi maiden 413 Counting the record A series of marks cut into the rock at Middle mesa records the losses inflicted on the marauding enemies in a former generation. 414 Chaiwa – Tewa 415 Chaiwa - Tewa, profile 416 At the trysting place 417 East side of Walpi Few illustrations of Hopi architecture show as much regularity as this view of a Walpi street. 418 Snake priest The white markings, typifying the antelope, indicate that the subject is accoutred for the semi-final day of the Snake dance, when the public performance consists of the dance and the ceremonial race of the Antelope fraternity. 419 Potter mixing clay This woman, so aged that her shrivelled skin hangs in folds, still finds pleasure in creating artistic and utilitarian pieces of pottery. 420 Hopi man In this physiognomy we read the dominant traits of Hopi character. The eyes speak of wariness, if not downright distrust. The mouth shows great possibilities of unyielding stubbornness. Yet somewhere in this face lurks an expression of masked warmheartedness and humanity. 421 Hopi architecture The house-walls are about eighteen inches thick, and consist of fragments of sandstone, shaped by fracture but undressed, and bound together with mud plaster. The upper levels of the terraced buildings are reached by ladders and by stone steps. 422 Snake dancers entering the plaza At the right stand the Antelopes, in front of the booth containing the snake-jars. The Snakes enter the plaza, encircle it four times with military tread, and then after a series of songs remarkable for their irresistible movement, they proceed to dance with the reptiles. 423 Primitive style of hairdressing The arrangement imitates the squash-blossom and indicates virginity. Within the last decade it has become rare, except on ceremonial occasions. 424 Walpi man 425 Mishongnovi A comprehensive view of this interesting Middle Mesa pueblo. On an eminence in the middle background is Shipaulovi, and at the right, several miles distant, is Shongopavi, on another tongue of the mesa. 426 Potter Every visitor at East mesa knows Nampeyo, the potter of Hano, whose creations excel those of any rival. Stranger wander into her house, welcome though unbidden, but Nampeyo only works and smiles. In the plate her paint-stone occupies the central foreground. 427 East mesa girls 428 Modified style of hairdressing 429 Walpi snake priest This subject is Koyawaima ("gray [dawn] walking"), who has been chief of the fraternity since 1899. 430 Snake dancer in costume 431 Flute dancers at Tureva Spring The Flute dance is a religious ceremony concerned with bringing rain. It represents the legendary arrival of the Flute people in the Hopi country, their friendly encounter with the clans already there, and the rain-making rites subsequently performed by them for the common good. The episode here represented was photographed at Middle mesa. The individual seated near the right end is an albino, not a white man. 432 Piki maker Piki is cornbread baked in colored sheets of paper-like thinness. The batter is spread on the baking stone with the bare hand, and the quickly baked sheet is folded and laid on the basket at the baker's left. 433 Depositing a prayer-stick Round, painted sticks with feathers attached by cotton cords are deposited in various places, particularly in springs and at shrines, in supplication to the spirits associated with the locality. 434 Tewa girl An excellent feminine type of these early immigrants from the Rio Grande. The arrangement of her hair suggests that she is unmarried. 435 Water carriers {view image of plate no. 400} Loitering at the spring [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 401} Buffalo dance at Hano [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 402} Tewa girl [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 403} Hopi mother [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 404} Antelopes and snakes at Oraibi [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 405} Watching the dancers [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 406} Hopi girl [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 407} Evening in Hopi land [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 408} Honovi - Walpi snake priest, with Totokya Day painting [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 409} On the housetop [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 410} Walpi [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 411} Hopi woman [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 412} Hopi maiden [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 413} Counting the record [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 414} Chaiwa – Tewa [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 415} Chaiwa - Tewa, profile [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 416} At the trysting place [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 417} East side of Walpi [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 418} Snake priest [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 419} Potter mixing clay [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 420} Hopi man [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 421} Hopi architecture [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 422} Snake dancers entering the plaza [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 423} Primitive style of hairdressing [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 424} Walpi man [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 425} Mishongnovi [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 426} Potter [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 427} East mesa girls [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 428} Modified style of hairdressing [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 429} Walpi snake priest [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 430} Snake dancer in costume [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 431} Flute dancers at Tureva Spring [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 432} Piki maker [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 433} Depositing a prayer-stick [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 434} Tewa girl [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 435} Water carriers [photogravure plate] |
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