Edward S. Curtis's The North American Indian - Uncorrected OCR Text for volume 13

Vol.13. The Hupa. The Yurok. The Karok. The Wiyot. Tolowa and Tututni. The Shasta. The Achomawi. The Klamath.

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The North American Indian
VOL. xmI-a

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mtfiu 0E1ttfto ifl sltutter to Tribe 0uitrr*t O~tti rf tFticFth tFt i Bttmber...

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Fishing from a platform [photogravure plate]

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THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN BEING A SERIES OF VOLUMES PICTURING AND DESCRIBING THE INDIANS OF THE UNITED STATES, THE DOMINION OF CANADA, AND ALASKA WRITTEN, ILLUSTRATED, AND PUBLISHED BYEDWARD S. CURTIS EDITED BY FREDERICK WEBB HODGE FOREWORD BY THEODORE ROOSEVELT FIELD RESEARCH CONDUCTED UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF J. PIERPONT MORGAN IN TWENTY VOLUMES THIS, THE THIRTEENTH VOLUME, PUBLISHED IN THE YEAR NINETEEN HUNDRED AND TWENTY-FOUR

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COPYRIGHT, 1924 BY EDWARD S. CURTIS THE PLIMPTON PRESS ~ NORWOOD ~ MASSACHUSETTS PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

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Contents of Volume Thirteen
PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS..................... vii ALPHABET USED IN RECORDING INDIAN TERMS....... X INTRODUCTION.................... xi THE HUPA.................. 3 THE YUROK..................... 37 THE KAROK................... 57 THE WIYOT..................... 67 TOLOWA AND TUTUTNI................... 9 THE SHASTA................... 105 THE ACHOMAWI.2.................. I29 THE KLAMATH..................... 6 MYTHOLOGY The Gambler of Miskut Wins Good Luck...... I83 Origin of Medicine for Purifying Defiled Hunters and W eapons.................... 184 Some Adventures of Coyote.......... I84 Puluikuhl-qerreq, the Transformer......... 185 The Shinny Player of Kewet.......... 87 Some Adventures of Coyote, the Trickster...... 189 Waihpeku-mau, Seducer of Women........ 190 Origin of the World................ 90 Puchuiri-ghurru, the Transformer.1........ I91 The First Shamans................ 192 How Salmon Were Brought to the Rivers...... 193 The First Deerskin Dance............. I95 The Cause of Lightning............ 95 The Pleiades and Their Pursuer.......... 96 How the Bay Became Salt............. 196 The Man Who Became a Dog........... 196 The Sleepy Youth Who Was Saved by Adak-sora-h-lukihl 197 Origin of Tobacco................ 198 The Man Who Caught the Ocean Cougars......99 v

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vi CONTENTS Hair-seal He Played..... Gull's Grandmother..... The Man Who Visited the Creek Spirits Lizard Boy and Grizzly-bear Coyote and Raccoon Beaver Overcomes Coyote Coyote Destroys the Moons Who Kept the Destruction of Iftsuruqai Monsters Horsefly Outwits Thunder Why Frogs Are in the Water The Creation..... The Creation Aissis........ Why There Are No Fish in Crater Lake Earth Frozen...... *..... *..... *.......... *..... * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * PAGE I99 200 200 20I 202 203 204 204 206 206 206 210 210 212 APPENDIX TRIBAL SUMMARY The Hupa The Yurok. The Karok. The Wiyot. Tolowa and Tututni. The Shasta. The Achomawi The Klamath.... VOCABULARIES Athapascan. Hokan. Algonquian. Lutuamian. INDEX.......... ~....... ~....... *....... *............ *.... *...... ~...... *................................. ~..... 217 220 222 225 228 230 234 237 243 253 263 272 279 *......... *.......... *.......... * * * * * * * * * * *

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Illustrations
Fishing from a Platform Frontispiece Hupa Man 4 Hupa Woman 6 Hupa Baskets 8 Hupa Purses and Money 10 Hupa House 12 Hupa Sweat-House 14 Broken Fish-weir 16 Sticks Used in Hupa Guessing Game 18 Hupa Matron 20 Hupa Woman's Dress 22 Hupa Basket and Purses 24 Hupa Fisherman 26 Hupa Female Shaman 28 White Deerskin Dance Costume - Hupa 30 Dancer with Black Deer Effigy - Hupa 32 Obsidian-bearer, White Deerskin Dance - Hupa 34 Modern Hupa House 36 Costume of the Obsidian-bearer - Hupa 38 Dip-netting at the Sugar Bowl - Hupa 40 Watching for Salmon - Hupa 42 Hupa Canoe 44 Hupa Salmon-fishing 48 The Forest Stream 48 Hupa War-chief 50 A House at Wakhtek - Yurok 52 Yurok Houses at Weitspus 54 Entrance to a Yurok Sweat-house 56 Modern Yurok House 60

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Yurok House on Klamath River 62 An Ancient Yurok 64 Bob Peters - Trinidad Yurok 68 Weitchpec George - Yurok 70 A Yurok Widow 72 A Yurok Cemetery 74 Yurok Fisherman 76 In the Shadow - Yurok 80 Fishing for Smelt in the Surf - Trinidad Yurok 80 Old Sweat-house Walls at Orleans Bar - Karok 82 Karok House at Soames Bar 84 The Mush-Basket 86 Karok Woman 92 Old Bob - Karok 94 Tolowa Man 96 On the Shores of the Pacific - Tolowa 98 Tolowa Tattooing 100 A Tolowa 102 Elk-horn Spoons - Tolowa 106 Measuring Shell Money - Tolowa 108 Tolowa Basket-maker 110 Tolowa Type 112 Achomawi Man 130 Achomawi Woman 132 Achomawi Summer Hut 136 Achomawi Mother and Child 136 An Achomawi 138 Achomawi Matron 140 Klamath Duck-hunter 142 Klamath Child 144 Thinking of the Old Days - Klamath 146 Gathering Basket Material - Klamath 148 Klamath Woman 150 A Klamath Costume 152 Among the Tules - Klamath 154 A Klamath Profile 156

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Praying to the Spirits at Crater Lake - Klamath 158 Day Dreams - Crater Lake 162 A Klamath in Costume 164 Klamath Tule Hut 166 The Wokas Harvest - Klamath 168 Grinding Wokas - Klamath 170 Gathering Wokas 172 A Klamath Head-dress 174 Klamath Matron 176 Klamath Canoe 178

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Alphabet Used in Recording Indian Terms
[The consonants are as in English, except when otherwise noted] a as in father t as in cat as in awl ai as in aisle e as in they as in net i as in machine I as in sit o as in old as in how oi as in oil u as in ruin as in nut Iu as in push h as ch in German Bach gh the sonant of h k k q n n r hi m1 R! a non-aspirated k velar k as kw as ng in sing nasal, as in French dans formed with the tip of the tongue the surd of 1 a non-aspirated p t a non-aspirated t th as in thin sh as in shall a glottal pause! stresses enunciation of the preceding consonant superior letters are voiceless, almost inaudible x

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Introduction
THE geographical limits of this volume are especially broad, including as they do the northwest coast of California and sweeping eastward across the northern counties of the state to the arid plains of Nevada and northward to the Klamath Lake region of Oregon. A study of the Indians of this large area shows marked diversity of culture. The sea was the principal source of food for the Coast Indians, and their homes were found wherever marine products were easily obtained. The mountain tribes of the Coast range also depended largely upon fish, and built their villages along the larger streams where salmon were abundant. These mountaineers, however, had an even more important source of food in the groves of oak, which yielded a fairly abundant supply of acorns, and in the grasses and other plants of the open hillsides, from which they harvested seeds to be ground into nutritious meal. In north-central and eastern California the natives led a more precarious existence, depending upon less abundant acorns, plant seeds, small mammals, and insects. The Klamath Lake region could well be termed an ideal homeland for a primitive people. The pine-forested mountains and the plains teemed with game; the lakes swarmed with fish, and vast areas of marshland with waterfowl. Linguistically the field includes, besides stocks not found elsewhere, offshoots of the Algonquian and the Athapascan. While it is not the purpose of these volumes to dwell largely on the wrongs of the Indians, in the present instance it is impossible to evade this distressing subject entirely. All Indians suffered through the selfishness of our own race, but the natives of California were the greatest sufferers of all. They were not warlike. They consisted of small, isolated groups lacking the social instinct and the strength for self-defense against a force so strong as ours. By what was supposed to have been a treaty they signed away their lands, in lieu of which they were to be granted definite areas much smaller in extent, together with certain goods and chattels, and educational xi

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Xii INTRODUCTION advantages. This treaty was never ratified, yet we took advantage of one of its proposed provisions by assuming immediate possession of the Indian lands, by which cunning the majority of the natives were left homeless. Little by little, tardily and grudgingly, action toward providing homes for the surviving unfortunates has been taken; but what has been granted them in most cases only intensifies the outrage, for many of the reservations are barren, rocky hillsides of less than an acre for each individual - land the tillage of which is next to impossible. The conditions are still so acute that, after spending many months among these scattered groups of Indians, the author finds it difficult even to mention the subject with calmness. In collecting and preparing the data embodied in the present volume, Mr. W. E. Myers has continued his collaboration and assistance as in the past. The field work was conducted in the years I916 and I9I7. EDWARD S. CURTIS

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The Hupa
VOL. XIII-T

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THE HUPA HE Hupa, a shoot from that wide-wandering stock, the Athapascan, are unique among California Indians in that they occupy a reservation which includes within its boundaries nearly all the land they ever controlled. The nucleus of their territory, the land where their villages formerly stood and where they now live and cultivate their farms, is the valley that bears their name, a narrow strip on both sides of Trinity river in Humboldt county. The valley is about six miles long and runs northwestwardly. The reservation itself, comprising I28,I42 acres, is approximately square, and extends from the junction of Trinity with Klamath river about twelve miles up the former stream, which winds its way in a general direction a little west of north across the middle of the reserve. The mountain ridges enclosing Hoopa valley are from two thousand to six thousand feet high, and generally densely timbered with pine, Douglas spruce, and oaks of several species. Slopes covered with impenetrable thickets of manzanita are of frequent occurrence and a source of some bitterness to the Indians, who are prevented by the Forest Service from following their old practice of burning off the brush in order to facilitate hunting, as well as to cause the sprouting of new shoots of hazel brush and Xerophyllum grass for basketry, and to restrict the increase of rattlesnakes. The Trinity is a stream of considerable size, and within the valley a number of typical mountain creeks rush down the slopes to feed it. Altogether Hoopa valley is so beautiful that it is mildly astonishing that Indians have been allowed to remain in possession. South of the Hupa, from the valley to South fork of Trinity river, were another Athapascan group, closely related to them in culture and language. These have been so generally classed with the Hupa as to have no name in ethnological literature. The Hupa, with whom they combined in war and in the Deerskin and Jumping dances, called them Hleli6hwe (heI, the convergence of two streams; 3

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4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN hwe, the usual termination signifying people), and their principal settlement in the angle between South fork and the main stream, Hleltin. Also to the south, on the upper course of Redwood creek, were the Whilkut, popularly known as Redwoods; and westward, on the middle course of Redwood creek, were the Chilula, noted for their warlike character. These two Athapascan tribes, particularly the latter, were uniformly friendly to the Hupa. The Chilula regularly visited the valley in the salmon season, and were welcome, not only because they brought good arrows and herbs for barter, but because they were so childishly simple and credulous that they offered good sport. It was a favorite joke to regale them at their first meal with huge quantities of fat salmon, and then laugh at them when later in the night they began to disgorge; and the next day everybody would ostentatiously offer the visitors more salmon. The Chilula were also frequent participants in Hupa ceremonies. Southeast of the Hupa, on Trinity river and the lower part of New river, were the Chimariko, a tribe now extinct, but classified as a member of the Hokan linguistic family. They were esteemed as redoubtable warriors, and their services were on at least one occasion purchased by the Hupa. In the mountains to the southeast, east, and northeast, on New river and on Salmon river above the forks, were various Shasta bands, but the difficulties of the intervening country prevented intercourse with them. Northward, on Klamath river from the ocean to a few miles above the mouth of the Trinity, were the Yurok, and above them on the same stream, extending northward beyond Happy Camp, the Karok. With the exception of two districts, both of these alien tribes were friendly to the Hupa. The exceptions were the Yurok at the mouth of Klamath and the Karok at the mouth of Salmon river. In the beginning of the nineteenth century there was a bitter war with the Yurok at the mouth of Klamath river, the cause of which was the killing of an old woman by the Hupa. The salmon were not running in the usual numbers, and a party of men from the Hupa village Takimilding went down to the Yurok settlement of Rekwoi to demand that the shaman who was supposed to be holding back the fish release them. They inquired who was doing it, and the Yurok pointed out an old woman. When the Hupa ordered her to let the salmon go, she said, "I will not do it unless you pay me." With an insulting remark she turned to go into the house, and the Hupa shot her in the back. Then they returned

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Hupa man [photogravure plate]

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THE HUPA 5 home. The Yurok of course organized a large party at once, including in the number some of the Tolowa, their Athapascan neighbors on the north. They attacked Takimilding at dawn, killed a considerable number, burned the houses, and took away all the booty they could find, including the very valuable dance regalia. As they returned down the river in their canoes, they stopped frequently to dance in their new possessions. About six months later the Hupa prepared to attack Rekwoi, and in order to insure a successful operation they purchased the services of the Heluiihwe and the Whilkut fighters. As they proceeded down the river on foot, they stopped at every settlement of the Yurok and appropriated weapons and canoes, so that when they approached the mouth of the river they had about fifty canoes and large quantities of arrows. They divided into several bands, which at the signal of a wolf-howl from the Hlelu1hwe leader attacked the village from different sides. It was just daylight. They killed nearly all the inhabitants, including the head-man himself, who vainly hid in a new grave and covered the pit with a board. They took no heads, but with great quantities of spoils returned home; and from that day the Hupa and the Coast Yurok have been enemies, and even now never visit each other. With the Karok at the mouth of Salmon river there was a war some time before the trouble with Rekwoi. A Hupa man travelling up Klamath river was killed by the Salmon River Karok without good reason from the Hupa point of view. They sent a messenger to demand indemnity, but he found a cold reception. Then the Hupa organized a war-party, which attacked the village and killed several people, but did not burn the houses. The Karok made no attempt at retaliation. The earliest record of the Hupa is that of the ethnologist George Gibbs, who in his report of 1852 mentioned the "Hopah." The original form of the word is Huip!a, which is the Yurok name for Hoopa valley. That this is a genuine Yurok word and not a foreign term adopted by them, is indicated by its phonetic resemblance to the name of the Yurok village Ha-'pau. It was not many years before Gibbs that the first white men, fur-traders, passed through the country, and not until I850 was there a white man resident in the region. This condition was so rapidly changed that five years later it was deemed advisable to station a body of troops in the valley in order to give the Indians some measure of protection from the high-handed conduct of the miners, and in 1864 Congress authorized the establishment of a reservation.

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6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN About I866 or 1867 there was trouble between Tsewenalding and Takimilding, the two most southerly villages of the northern division of the Hupa. A soldier hired a young man of the latter village to secure a woman for him, but the Indian either did not understand his commission, or he was unable or unwilling to carry it out, and that night two soldiers came to the village and inquired for him at the sweat-house. His attempted explanation availed nothing, and they commanded him to accompany them. Naked as he was, he went along. The next morning his body was found in the brush with the throat cut. The people of Takimilding decided that the reason for the murder was that a short time before this a woman of Tsewenalding had stabbed a soldier, who was attempting to rape her. As reprisal of this sort was quite in accord with their customs, they made no attempt to secure justice from the military, bit demanded indemnity from Tsewenalding. The chief of that village, however, maintained with better logic that his people were not responsible for the misdeeds of the soldiers. For a long time the men of Takimilding tried to take him unawares, but he was very cautious. One of his wives was visiting at Medilding, and he would sometimes go to pass a night there. This his enemies learned from some of the Medilding people, and one night five of them lay in wait along the trail. As the chief passed, one of them fired, and he fell over the low bluff; but lying there on his back, he drew his pistol, and when one of his assassins peered over the edge, he shot him through the head, and the body plunged down beside him. The others then rushed down upon the wounded chief, killed and dismembered him, and cast his entrails into the stream. Their dead companion they took home for burial. From that day there was enmity between the two villages, and the Takimilding especially devoted all their efforts to working magic and purchasing the services of other shamans, particularly those at Redwood creek. There were no further overt hostilities, but the rapid extinction of the Tsewenalding people is believed by the Hupa to have been due to this sorcery. There are now only two survivors of that village, a girl and the woman who stabbed the soldier. But apparently the sorcery reacted also on those who used it. According to the narrator of these incidents: "The head-men of Takimilding became no good. They thought only of killing, and although Takimilding is the principal place for religious dances, they turned into bad men and their chief died insane a few years ago." Although the Hupa were as peaceable as the average white

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Hupa woman [photogravure plate]

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THE HUPA 7 community, and the possibility of serious encroachment by settlers had been eliminated by the creation of the reservation, a detachment of soldiers continued to stand guard, as useless as the Russian sentry walking his post around the rosebush in the palace garden. Worse than useless, they were the greatest possible menace to the moral well-being of the Indians. But at last in I892 the little post was abandoned, after thirty-seven years of occupancy in a district where after the turbulent mining days an Indian uprising was never even threatened. The Hupa are progressing. They are capable workmen, and take pride in their little valley ranches (though they wish these were larger), and in their cattle and horses. They numbered 639 according to the census of 1910, compared with 650 reported by the agent in I866. In material culture the Hupa far surpass the Indians of central and northern California. We here pass into the specialized cultural area of northwestern California, which shows marked similarities to that of the North Pacific coast, with great stress laid on the acquisition of wealth as the necessary and only basis of rank. Woodworking becomes of importance, salmon is a food not less staple than acorns, slavery in a modified form is an institution, ceremonial life is highly developed. The equipment of warriors comprised armor, bows and arrows, and short spears. The commoner type of armor was a corselet of small wooden rods arranged in two vertical tiers and held tightly together by iris-cord twining; it extended up around the neck and down below the waist. Comparatively few fighters had this protection. Even more rare, and in fact possessed only by the leaders, were long elk-hide tunics of single or double thickness. Bows for war and for hunting were made of yew. Deer sinew was glued to the back of the green wood and bound by cord wrapping, so that when the wood became seasoned the unstrung bow had a permanent reverse curve, which added greatly to its pull. Arrows were tipped with barbed heads of flint or obsidian, and the shaft was a syringa shoot into the lower end of which was set a foreshaft of serviceberry. Short spears with large obsidian blades were used in thrusting at close quarters. Implements of the chase were the bow and arrow, the deersnare, and a sling with which waterfowl were sometimes killed. Arrows with a longer and pointed foreshaft, and lacking the stone point, were used for small game.

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8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Fishing, more productive than hunting, was carried on by means of hooks, spears, traps, and nets. The hook was a sharp bone attached by wrapping to a small wooden shaft, which in turn was made fast to the iris-fibre line. It was used for trout, and generally on a multiple-hook set-line. The spear was of the common type, with a long, forked shaft on each prong of which was socketed a detachable, barbed bone point connected with the shaft by a stout cord. The construction and use of fish-weirs, traps, and nets will be described later in connection with methods of hunting and fishing. Cedar trees were felled and logs cut by making two narrow, parallel grooves two or three feet apart and splitting off the intermediate material in slabs or large chips. The implements were a curved elk-horn wedge, or chisel, and a spool-shaped stone hammer. Fire also was frequently employed. With these simple tools planks were rived for the construction of houses, and the finishing touches were given with an adz made by binding a short blade of elk-horn or mussel-shell to the end of the longer side of an L-shaped stone handle, and with a smoothing stone. Because of the dearth of redwood in their country, the Hupa purchased all their canoes from the Klamath River Yurok. Hupa baskets are exclusively twined work, and the usual materials are hazel rods for the warp (and sometimes for the weft), digger-pine or yellow-pine roots for the weft, and Xerophyllum grass for white overlay, maidenhair fern bark for black, and fibres from the stem of Woodwardia fern, dyed in alder-bark juice in the mouth of the workwoman, for red. Xerophyllum is also dyed by immersion in a decoction of yellow lichen. Burden-baskets were conical, but broader and less pointed than those of central California. The open-meshed form with hazelrods for warp and weft was used in gathering acorns and fuel; the tight-meshed one, with pine-root weft, for seeds. The seeds were beaten from bush or weed into the basket by means of a circular, open-work, all-hazel instrument with a handle of the same material. Seeds and shelled acorns were stored in ch!elo, a very large, squat, tightly woven basket with the top considerably smaller than the bottom. This type could well be described as pear-shaped, were it not that the broad bottom is quite flat. Kaichint, for the storage of unshelled acorns and dried salmon, was open-meshed. Seeds were parched by shaking them rapidly in a large, shallow, basketry bowl containing live coals, which were constantly blown upon to

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Hupa baskets [photogravure plate]

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THE HUPA 9 remove the ashes and keep them glowing. Both seeds and acorns were reduced to meal by pounding with a cylindrical pestle on a flat stone. The meal was prevented from scattering by a basketry hopper, shaped like a bottomless bowl, which the workwoman held in its place by resting the weight of her calves on it, as she sat on the ground and manipulated the pestle between her knees. In sifting the meal she used either a shallow or a deep basket, which she gently shook and tapped with the finger so as to cause the fine meal to trickle over the edge, while she kept drawing the coarser product back. The cooking basket, in which boiling was accomplished by heated stones, was broad-bottomed and rather globose, and similar but smaller ones were used as individual food dishes. Nearly flat, open-work plates were provided for dry food, such as salmon and acorn bread. Cradle-baskets were open-work, and may be described as somewhat resembling a boat with a high, overdecked bow (the foot of the cradle), a narrowing stern cut squarely off (the head), but the gunwale at the stern unimpaired and forming the handle above the infant's head. Men ordinarily wore nothing but a deerskin breech-cloth, and, like most of the far-western Indians, elderly men very commonly dispensed with even this. In travelling through woods and fields the feet were protected by deerskin moccasins with elk-hide soles, and the calves by leggings. Fur robes made of the skins of deer, civets, wildcats, coyotes, raccoons, or other small mammals, were thrown about the shoulders in cold weather. The garb of women was more picturesque. The upper part of the body was bare, except in cold weather. Hanging from a girdle about the waist was a knee-length fringe apron, made by stringing the shells of pine-nuts on cords braided with Xerophyllum grass. The shells were arranged in several horizontal bands, between which the straw-colored Xerophyllum showed. Tied about the waist was a deerskin skirt, open at the front so as to reveal the apron. The bottom and the drooping upper edge were heavily fringed. Aprons and skirts for special occasions were profusely adorned with bits of clam-shell and abalone-shell. Robes, moccasins, and leggings were worn in the same manner as by men. A bowl-shaped basketry cap completed the costume. Both sexes parted the hair in the middle and arranged it in two ropes which hung in front of the shoulders; but some men gathered it in a single rope behind. Men and women of the better class wore ear-ornaments of shells. Some of these were dentalia hanging on VOL. XIII-2

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10 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN strings and with red woodpecker-feathers protruding from the larger end; others were abalone-shell discs, and yet others were a combination of these two forms, with bits of abalone-shell pendent from one or two dentalia. Vertical lines were tattooed on the chins of most women, and men had various short lines tattooed on the left arm and the leg for the purpose of measuring dentalia, which were their standard of value, and canoes. With their high regard for wealth the Hupa had a system of valuation more exact than that of other California Indians, except the other tribes of the northwestern area. The longer dentalia, tinkyehit ("four piece"), passed for five dollars each in the early days of trade. Kiketukuithwev, shorter by a mere fraction of an inch, were worth about a third as much. Chwolahlt ("five piece") were equal to one dollar each, and hostanhit ("six piece") were less than two inches long and valued at twenty-five to fifty cents each, according to the ability of the trader. The shells were strung on cords, point to point and base to base, and spirally wound with narrow strips of fish-skin. From the base of those at the ends of the string a little tuft of red woodpecker-feathers protruded. As the strings were uniformly about two feet in length, it follows that the number of dentalia per string varied according to the size of the shells. In order to safeguard his interests, every man of wealth had tattooed on his left forearm certain lines indicating by their distance from the tip of his thumb the length of five shells of each size. Dentalia smaller than "six piece" had only an ornamental use. Objects of such great value must be kept in a safe place. A rich man therefore had a very neat purse made by cutting an oblong hollow in a piece of elk-horn six or seven inches long. A thin horn cover was held in place by thongs, and the outer surface of the box was artistically ornamented with conventional designs. The dwelling-house, ihonta, was supported on eight upright wooden slabs, one at each corner, two in the rear wall, and two in the front. Each was deeply notched in the upper end. The two plates were planks running from the front to the rear and resting in the notches of the corner posts, and the two ridge-beams, one a little higher than the other, were similarly supported by the two pairs of posts in the front and rear walls. A double course of roof-boards extended from each plate to the nearer ridge-beam, and shorter boards were laid across the space between the two ridges, resting on the ends of the longer ones. Thus there were three planes in the roof. Some of the middle row of roof-boards could be pushed aside with a pole,

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Hupa purses and money [photogravure plate]

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THE HUPA II so as to let out smoke. The wall-boards were upright, with the bottoms set into the ground, and the tops were held in place by a pole passing through holes in the slabs that supported the plate. Horizontal poles, one on the inside and one on the outside, at both front and rear, were bound together by grapevine withes passing through holes in the planks, and so kept these walls from collapsing. All timbers were cedar, and the planks were as much as two feet wide and two and a half inches thick. The average house was eighteen to twenty feet square, six feet high at the peak, and four feet at the eaves. The central portion of the enclosed ground, a space ten to twelve feet square, was excavated to a depth of four to five feet, and the walls were retained by a plank lining. In this cellar-like room the family activities were carried on, and the women and young children slept. Overhead were pole racks on which fish and meat were hung to dry in the smoke of the fire, and on both sides and in the rear the broad shelf of the natural earth was crowded with storage baskets, hunting and fishing implements, and the basketry materials of the housewife. On the fourth side, the front, this shelf was in most houses lacking because of a partition thrown completely across the interior at the edge of the pit. In one corner stood a notched plank, which served as the stairs by which the occupants mounted from the living room through the partition into the long, narrow entry-way, where fuel and oddments were stored. The exit, which was closed by a board on the inside, was a circular opening in one of the front boards, and was just large enough to permit a full-grown man to creep through. It was placed near the ground and always in the second plank from the right-hand corner (to one facing the house), and one had actually to crawl on all-fours to pass through. The difficulty of such an exit is attested by the common practice of providing just outside of it two cylindrical stones, firmly embedded, by grasping which the departing individual was able to drag himself forth more easily. In front of the house was a solid pavement of stones, and a narrow wall of stones was heaped against the base of the side walls. In the house were found various utensils and implements. Besides the baskets previously mentioned, there were mussel-shell and antler spoons, obsidian knives, some of them hafted on short handles, bone awls for sewing, brushes of soap-plant root fibres for brushing meal from the mortar. The furniture was simplicity itself. The inmates slept either on deerskins or on expensive tule mats pur

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I2 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN chased from the coast people, which were spread on the floor around the central fire-pit; and by day they either squatted on the floor or sat on low circular sections of a log. Wooden blocks hollowed on the upper side served as head-rests. The honta, although the entire family gathered there at mealtime, was largely reserved to the use of women. The sweat-house was particularly for men. This subterranean, plank-roofed structure was either approximately square or oblong, and the dimensions approached fifteen feet. The excavation was four feet deep. In its centre was a forked post about seven feet high, from which extended in opposite directions two sloping beams, the lower end of which rested either on the edge of the pit or on posts. These formed the ridge-beam. In each corner stood a heavy forked post, slightly higher than the depth of the pit, which supported the plate, and at the bottom these posts were connected by round poles set into mortises. Behind these horizontal poles and the plates was a wall of upright planks, the purpose of which was to retain the earthen walls. The roof consisted of two or more layers of rough boards extending from the front and back plates to the ridge-timbers, with sections of an old canoe laid along the peak so as to shed water. The walls were banked up with stones and earth, and the lower part of the roof was covered with earth. A stone pavement surrounded the structure. In the front, facing the river, was a rectangular opening, through which the descent was made down a notched slab. But this could not be used as an exit immediately after the sweat, because the heat a few feet above the floor was too great. Consequently, at one end, near the floor, there was a tunnel just large enough to admit the passage of a man on hands and knees, which led into a stone-lined pit about four by six feet in crosssection and four feet deep. From the pit one could easily leap up to the ground. A circular board with a handle fitted closely into the mouth of the tunnel when it was not in use, and the pit was covered with boards, so as to exclude rain. The fireplace, near the centre of the room, was lined with stone, and a stone pavement surrounded it and led to the tunnel. The rest of the room was floored with pine slabs. Men and boys spent very little time in the honta. Almost immediately after the evening meal they went to the sweat-house, where they all slept naked, lying on a bare, smooth, stone pavement without covering, with their heads supported on blocks of wood. No fire burned at night, but as the room was nearly air-tight the warmth

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Hupa house [photogravure plate]

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THE HUPA I3 was of such a degree that sometimes a sleeper would wake perspiring, and would go out to plunge into the river. Early in the morning a fire was built, and the men and boys squatted about the edge of the fireplace in the smoke. After the fire had burned down, all ran out to the river, except one who remained behind and swept all the ashes into the pit and left everything clean and orderly. In the sweat-house, though quantities of good fuel lay close at hand on the riverbanks, they burned only "luck wood," which was large fagots of brush brought some little distance from the hills by boys and youths, who performed this labor as an act supposed to impart good luck. After the morning bath, they sat about talking and smoking, until the women announced breakfast in the hinta. After the meal they returned to the sweat-house for such work as could be done indoors, or went about in various outdoor occupations. One sweat-house sufficed for the males of several dwellings, and its inmates were generally related. The Hupa had the wide variety of vegetal foods characteristic of California. The all-important acorn, prepared in the usual way by drying, crushing, leaching, and boiling, furnished the mush that constituted the indispensable staple. Less commonly it took the form of bread, the character of which is suggested by the name "slap-on-coals." It was baked on a hot stone and was used by travellers and hunters. Pine-nuts, chinkapins, and hazelnuts were eaten without preparation. Like many other Indians the Hupa frequently ate pine-nuts without shelling them, a practice which, if the nuts are properly roasted, is not half as bad as it sounds. Next in importance to acorns were the seeds of certain grasses and of other plants, such as tarweed, which, parched and crushed in the mortar, became the so-called pinole, a nutritious and palatable food. Young green stalks of angelica, anise, and other plants were eaten fresh, and dried seaweed (Porphyra) purchased from the Coast Yurok was boiled. Many fruits, such as salmon-berries, elderberries, blackberries, huckleberries, manzanita-berries, and grapes, were eaten fresh, but madroia-berries were shaken in a parching-basket with hot stones, and laurel-berries were roasted in ashes. Manzanita-berries were also dried and pulverized, and the meal was eaten so or stirred in water. Chief among numerous bulbs and corms were those of soap-plant, which were subjected to a long process of steaming in a pit. The principal sources of flesh food were deer and elk. Smaller

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I4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN animals such as rabbits, raccoons, ground-squirrels, tree-squirrels, woodrats, gophers, and skunks were collectively important, and occasionally a black bear was secured. Among edible birds were quail, grouse, pheasants, coots, ducks, and geese. Through channels of trade came various sea-foods, such as abalones, clams, cockles, and mussels; but of the greatest importance were the salmon and other fish, and lampreys, taken in Trinity river. Many forms of animal life commonly eaten in California were declined by the Hupa. Among these were birds of prey and carrion-eaters, carnivorous mammals both terrestrial and aquatic, reptiles, insects, and larvae. Deer and elk were stalked by a hunter wearing on his head the skin of a deer-head with natural antlers, and were -captured in noose-snares hung at the proper height in the trails. The snares were heavy ropes of iris-fibre, and required a great amount of time and patience in the making. The noose was held open by small, easily broken strings, and the end was fast to a strong but resilient sapling so that the plunging captive could not break the rope. Only a rich man could possess these valuable snares, and he made just division of the catch among those who assisted in the drive. The men themselves carried home the game, instead of sending their women for it, as many Indians did. Men on snowshoes sometimes drove elk from the open into the deep drifts of the mountains, where the animals were nearly helpless. Most families possessed hunting preserves, from which all others were excluded, and these rights were never sold nor pawned. The favored tracts were those on the sloughs along the river, but other claims were held far up on the heights of Trinity summit, fifteen to twenty miles distant. Poor men who had no game preserves would request permission to accompany the more fortunate, who were always glad to have assistance in a game drive. In the main, fishing is still carried on in the aboriginal manner. As the run of spring salmon comes at a season when the river is too high for the construction of a weir, they are taken in dip-nets, mfltta'stei, which are used in eddies. Such places attract the fish because of the easier progress, and the slow, upward current also enables the fisherman to hold his net with the opening down-stream. The bag is about seven feet deep and four feet square at the mouth, which is held open on a triangular frame consisting of two divergent poles about ten feet in length and a six-foot pole joining them at the base. From each of the two uprights a rope extends to a stake driven into the ground at the edge of the river, by which the unwieldy

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Hupa sweat-house [photogravure plate]

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THE HUPA i5 contrivance is prevented from being dragged out of the hands of the fisherman, who stands or sits on a board projecting over the water and resting on a structure of logs and rocks. From the mouth of the net to his hand extends a cord, at a light jerk of which he lifts the net, strikes the enmeshed fish on the head with a club, and places it in a net bag. For the dip-netting season the southern division of the Hupa used to assemble at Sugar Bowl rapids in the southern end of the valley, while the northern division camped at the canion north of the valley. Each fishing station was the hereditary possession of some family. Men who owned no station begged the use of one from those who were either tired of fishing for the time or had enough salmon for their present need. For this privilege they did not necessarily pay, but usually they brought a fish or two for the owner. In summer, long before the fall run of salmon begins, a weir is thrown across the river, which at this season is at a low level. The northern division build their weir in alternate years at a long riffle near Takimilding, and the southern division erect theirs in the other years just above Medilding. As the proper time approaches, the chief sends word to the people that on a certain day the weir will be constructed, and on that day they all move down to the place and the men go into the woods for poles and hazel withes. The heavy work falls upon comparatively few, but everybody makes at least a pretense of working, even women and children bringing a few sticks, so that they may have the right to share in the catch. Pairs of stakes, crossing near the top, are driven into the bed of the stream, and in the resulting crotches a line of substantial poles, or small logs, is laid. On the up-stream side strong stakes are driven at an angle and lashed to these poles, and finally a comparatively tight fence of poles and withes is constructed in the intervals between the stakes. Several narrow openings are left, and at each one a platform extends below the weir. The fishing is done with dip-nets called mzhlno6hliwal, which are just like those used in eddies, except that they have no signal-cord and are not moored to stakes. The fisherman stands on his platform, lowers his net into the water, and draws it out at random. The men take turns at the work, and the catch of the night and day is piled on both banks. In the evening the men and women assemble, and the salmon are divided in proportion to the number of their dependents. If fish are scarce, they are sometimes necessarily cut

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i6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN into pieces. When such was the case in former times, the chief would magnanimously go home empty-handed, and his people would feel very proud of him, - to say nothing of his own sentiments. Occasionally a few of the people from the other division of the Hupa would come in their canoes to spend the night in fishing, and would take their entire catch home for common distribution. Where the water was sufficiently tranquil the Hupa used to set a seine about fifty feet long, with perforated, discoidal stone sinkers and wooden floats, and the fish were driven into it by men in canoes. Only one form of fish-trap was used. This was a receptacle of poles and withes, about ten feet long and four feet wide, which was placed in a riffle below the weir, with the floor of the middle section raised slightly above the surface of the water. Salmon on striking the weir would turn back, and those that entered the trap quickly found themselves carried by the current and their own momentum into the lower end of the trap, whence they were unable to escape. This device was placed also at the down-stream angle of two converging lines of fence, one of which extended quite to the bank, while the other left a channel around its upper end. Salmon swimming through this passage were driven back into the triangular area between the two wings, and so down into the trap. Trout also were captured in similar fashion, but bone hooks, and dip-nets suspended on triangular frames of sticks, were more commonly used. Lampreys, migrating up-stream in the spring, are caught at night in the large dip-nets, and sometimes a sturgeon is taken. Salmon, sturgeon, and lampreys are dried on racks, formerly in the underground dwellings, and stored in baskets. The commonest process of cooking fish and meat, whether cured or fresh, was to broil it on skewers. Meat was also boiled in baskets, and fresh meat was sometimes seared by laying it on coals. Dried fish was very often eaten without further preparation. The old practice of cooking is now superseded by the use of stoves and the usual accessories. For transportation the Hupa had cedar canoes purchased from the Yurok, and as few of their activities took them far from the river, they needed no other means. Dogs that plainly showed their coyote lineage were domesticated long before the advent of white men, and are said by some to have been used for running deer. Pileated woodpeckers, the red feathers of which were, and are, highly valued, were caught in small nets, which were held over the

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Broken fish-weir [photogravure plate]

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THE HUPA I7 mouth of their burrows, and were kept captive in a section of a hollow tree. In the spring they and their young were relieved of their scalp feathers, which with those from the breasts of certain yellow-breasted birds and the green feathers of mallard drakes were twisted in alternating bands on sinew cords. These ornaments were used in dancing. The Hupa have only a few games. The guessing contest played by men is called kin ("stick"). Each of two players has about one hundred very thin, round sticks, one of which is distinguished by a black band. These are obtained in the mountains, in order that they may be lucky. A player puts his hands behind his back and separates the sticks into two lots, brings them forward, and holds them beside his thighs, while his backers beside and behind him, who have wagered their valuables on his success, beat a drum and sing. The other studies his opponent's face, then suddenly claps his hands and makes a gesture indicating which hand, in his opinion, contains the black-banded stick. If the guess is successful, the inning passes to him; but if unsuccessful, the player takes from the space between them one of twelve tally-sticks. The entire number of sticks must be in possession of one player or the other, in order to decide a wager. When a player has ten of them, the "dealer" announces, "Nai hwumh7 ['two left']!" Then a successful play on his part concludes the game. Women gamble in a dice play called kyulimut ("clap hands together"). Two small and two larger mussel-shell discs are dropped on a skin from the hands, which are forcibly brought together palm to palm and then separated. The method of count is the same as in the similar game elsewhere to the south: one point if the discs of one pair match (that is, lie with inside or outside exposed), two points if both pairs individually match. It is not necessary that the pairs match with each other. An exceedingly rough athletic contest, especially as played in former times, is kitetkich, colloquially known as the stick game. The name describes the tossing of the missile, which is a pair of short sticks joined by a thong. The players use stout throwingsticks, and oppose one another in pairs as in hockey. The game is a contest between villages or tribes, and develops great rivalry. Originally almost any tactics short of murderous assault were permitted, and even now the players wrestle desperately.1 Wrestling used to be a favorite inter-village sport, and large The game is described more fully in the Wiyot chapter, pages 78-79. VOL. XII-3

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THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN wagers were laid on the result. Boys would toss a ball of grass into the air, and then wait, with upraised, double-pointed sticks, and try to impale it as it fell. Archery contests were always in progress. Several salmon vertebrae threaded on a short cord attached to a pointed skewer were given an upward swing, and caught on the point. String games were played for the amusement of children. The Hupa were an aggregation of villages dotting the banks of Trinity river through Hoopa valley. One of them indeed was three miles up-stream from the southern end of the valley. There were two divisions, the Natlnuhwe, who inhabited all the settlements from Tsewenalding northward, and the Tinuiheneu, in the villages from Medilding southward. The principal settlement of the northern division was Takimilding, on the right bank of the river just above the mouth of Hostler creek. Those who have not permanently settled on their allotments still reside in this place, which is colloquially known as Hostler ranch. As the scene of the annual ceremonial acorn feast, which was observed jointly by all the Hupa, it was the most important of all their villages. Medilding, also on the right bank and about a mile above the mouth of Supply creek, which flows past the present school site, was the principal seat of the southern division, and is the only settlement now inhabited by them. It is called Matilton ranch. The division of the Hupa into two groups is apparent mainly in ceremonial life and in the privilege of obstructing the river with a fish-weir in alternate years; but even this is a pseudo-religious event, attended with prayer and the repetition of sacred formulas for good luck. The South Fork Athapascans joined the southern Hupa in the Jumping dance and the Deerskin dance, but they did not participate in the acorn feast, although they had no similar ceremony of their own. Wealth was the indispensable foundation of chiefship, or rather, chiefship inevitably followed the possession of wealth. The rich men did no labor, such as driving deer and building fish-weirs, but spent their time in the house making arrows and ceremonial costumes, which they sold at high prices. Thus they acquired their wealth. The position of chief was hereditary, passing along with his property to the decedent's eldest or most capable son or other male relative. Only lack of ability and opportunity prevented any man from acquiring property and becoming a man of influence, or even the preeminent man of his community. The chief gave orders to the people when concerted action was necessary, as when

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Sticks used in Hupa guessing game [photogravure plate]

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THE HUPA I9 the fish-weir was to be constructed, when war was to be waged, when dances were to be celebrated, and his orders were obeyed. Except on such occasions, which of course were generally so much a matter of routine that the people needed only a word to go about the business, the chief had little to say. It is true he, or in fact any other influential man, was the one to act as mediator between two disputants, whether of the same village or not, and to effect an agreement on the amount to be paid by the offender. But he had no authority to compel mediation; the initiative was with the injured person. Payment of adequate damages compounded any crime, even murder. Rich men had several wives, who spent their time collecting food, to be used for the purpose of maintaining the influence of their husbands by feeding the populace. Visitors always found welcome in their houses, and the local poor could always secure food there. The head-man of the southern division of the Hupa lived at Medilding, and his authority was recognized among all the small settlements of that division; and the head-man at Takimilding was the chief also of the villages lying north of that place. A modified form of slavery existed. If a person of poor family stole from a rich man and the property could not be recovered, he, or one of his dependents, became the rich man's servant. If after some years his relatives or friends were able to redeem him by paying for the stolen property, they had that privilege. Vagabonds from other tribes sometimes attached themselves to the families of chiefs in the capacity of dependents, and growing boys or girls of very poor families were occasionally purchased. For an exceptionally good slave his master might buy a wife, and the two lived in a small hut close to the chief's dwelling. Children of such unions were slaves. These dependents were treated more like poor relations than bondsmen. It has been stated heretofore that all men and boys slept in the sweat-house. This applies to married men as well as to bachelors. The permanent houses however were occupied for only a few months in the winter, and with the coming of clement weather everybody moved into camp along the streams or near the food preserves. This was regarded as the proper season for sexual intercourse, but generally it was only hunters and men of great self-control who, under the influence of religious taboos, strictly observed this rule. For two days after cohabitation men and women ate no meat, and during that time they ate their fish and acorn mush out of individual

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20 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN dishes, not from the common vessels. Nursing women did not indulge themselves, and a man who had many children of tender years became ashamed, and endeavored to remain apart from his wife for at least two years. Venison was never carried into the house through the door, because that was used by the people, and especially by women, and therefore to carry venison through it would have meant bad luck in hunting deer. A pregnant woman restricted herself in the quantity and kinds of food she ate, and at frequent intervals she repeated formulas addressed to different animals, in which were mentioned the first pregnancy of the animal and the ease with which she bore her young. Childbirth took place in the minch, if it was a well-built structure or if the weather was mild; in other circumstances, in the dwelling. When her time came, the woman sat on the floor and grasped a thong suspended overhead, to assist in the birth of the infant. After parturition she lived, or, as in most cases, at least took her meals, in the minch, for a period varying from ten to sixty days, avoiding fresh fish and meat. The purpose was to regain her health, and the course ceased when it was considered that this had been accomplished. Disregard of the taboo on meat would have made it impossible for the husband to kill game. Immediately after the umbilical cord was severed, earthworms were crushed and applied to the stump in order to "rot" it and cause it to slough off quickly, which it did in about five days. The father or the grandfather then tied up the free portion in a small deerskin bag, which he carried to a mountaintop and bound with sinew between the points of the split top of a young Douglas spruce, in order that as the tree grew, so might the child. Or the bag might be hung for a time at the head of the infant's basket, or about its neck, before being tied to the tree. In some cases the bag was worn by the infant or kept in the house until the baby had become a growing child, no longer threatened by mysterious influences. It was then safe to use this navel-cord for wounds. The shrivelled bit was pounded up and mixed with water, which was swallowed, a very potent cure. Of course the cord was not so used while the child was still very young, for that would have been equivalent to threatening its life; and if the cord were simply thrown away after dropping off, some animal might eat it and then the infant would waste away. The Hupa did not regard the birth of twins as a misfortune visited upon the parents by some malign power. During the child's first ten days measures were taken to insure

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Hupa matron [photogravure plate]

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THE HUPA 21 strength and long life. Someone who understood the charms crushed certain herbs, placed the mass in a basket of boiling water, and held the child in the steam while repeating the story of the origin of these practices among the race which was believed to have preceded the Indians. Long before Wordsworth, the Hupa were convinced that heaven lies about us in our infancy. Babies were looked upon as supernaturals, who if harshly treated would take their departure. Although there were no regular schools for instruction, such as existed among some of the tribes to the south, the individual training of Hupa children began at an early age. Myths and the legendary origin of customs, moral precepts, the practice of hunting and fishing, were the burden of the old men's discourse to boys; and under the tutelage of the women, or in quick imitation of them, little girls played at weaving baskets and preparing food. Sometimes a man would carry a little boy, fast asleep, to the river and throw him in, so as to harden him. Youths, rising in the middle of a winter night, would run naked through the rain up along the riverbank, leap into the water, swim back to the village, and return to the sweat-house. The Hupa had not the custom of sending their youths to fast and watch in the hills in search of supernatural aid. The puberty ceremony for girls was observed as late as I914, and possibly since then. It had been opposed and nearly stamped out by the authorities, because, in response to the inquiries of soldiers at the post, an old Indian, doubtless wishing to curry favor by entertaining them with obscenities, informed them that on such occasions all the men had access to the girl. Such a statement of course is unfounded. The ceremony was held very sacred. At her first menses a girl retired, under the charge of an elderly female relative, for ten days of seclusion in the menstrual house (minch), an underground hut not larger than eight feet square. As a rule every family group had its own minch. The girl's distinctive garment was a kilt of shredded bark, and about her neck hung a bone spatula with which she scratched her head and body. On no account were the fingers to be so used. Every morning at daybreak she ran some little distance down the river, bathed, ran back to the hut, returned midway to the first place and bathed again, and once more ran back to the hut. In the same way she took two baths up-stream. Other than this her only activities were the fetching of a quantity of fuel. During the entire period of ten days, water is said to have been taboo, but inasmuch as her single daily

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22 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN meal consisted of acorn mush, the prohibition of water was not incredibly severe. Furthermore, four baths a day gave the system considerable moisture by absorption; and if a few drops happened to splash into the mouth of the girl, panting from her run, she probably did not feel guilty of transgression. Most Indian taboos are elastic. Each night a dance, or rather a "sing," was held in the family house. Men were the principal performers. As many as ten sat around the fire, facing one another. Half of them wore a circlet of sea-lion teeth about the head; and down the back, suspended from the head, hung a broad, woven band of iris-fibre twine with geometrical designs painted on it and feathers dangling at the lower edge. The others, alternating with them in the circle, had on the head a broad, circular band with woodpecker-feathers applique. The girl sat in a corner, shrouded in a robe, for during her seclusion she was not to look at anyone; and the women occupied the earthen ledge above the pit. Other men entered and stood behind those sitting around the fire. Each of these carried a long syringa baton with the upper end split and shaved down into several thin, limber switches, which served the same purpose as the split elder batons of central California. Deerskin caps with standing feathers and painted deerskin trailers on their backs composed their costume. After a song, they withdrew, to return in similar fashion several times before midnight. At the conclusion of the last night's singing at dawn, the men cast their batons on a robe stretched above the girl's head, and she ran to the river for her last bath. At every recurrence of their menses girls and women occupied the menstrual hut for ten days, preparing their own food and having nothing to do with their families. They ate no meat nor fresh fish, but the taboo did not extend to dried fish, vegetables, and the use of fire; and the bone spatula was used in scratching the head and body. Marriages always occurred in the summer, for the reason that men and women slept in separate houses during the winter. Negotiations were carried on between two men representing the two families, and a payment of shell money was made at once to bind the girl's parents. Since most of the inhabitants of a village were related on the male side, the majority of marriages were between members of different villages. At the appointed time the bride's party set out in canoes laden with property of every kind, arriving at their destination in the evening in season to partake of the wedding feast. In return for their presents they received articles of equal value.

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Hupa woman's dress [photogravure plate]

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THE HUPA 23 A considerable sum was paid for a girl of good family. However this custom may have originated, the Hupa in later times had not the feeling that the woman was actually purchased, like any article of commerce; the payment was made in order to give rank and dignity to the woman and her children. It was in fact a sign of formal marriage, as much so as our marriage license. When the bridegroom's relative carried to the bride's house the shell money and woodpecker-scalps composing the wedding payment, the people assembled to witness the transaction, and the woman's future standing depended on the amount. A woman for whom only a small amount was given was regarded as scarcely married at all; her husband lived in her house, and was called ihnta-yechuwinya ("house goes-into"). The woman treated him like a servant, ordering him hither and yon in the performance of menial labor. Those who lived together without the payment of anything at all were considered not to be married. The children of these "half marriages" and illegitimate unions were dishonored for life, and generally became slaves. The bride's family kept intact the amount of her wedding gift until her first child was well grown. They were then permitted to do with it as they desired. If before that time the woman proved unfaithful and left her husband, they had to restore the property to his family. Thus the payment was a pledge for her good conduct. There was no taboo on conversation between a man and his mother-in-law. The dead were invariably buried, never cremated. As soon as life had departed and the death-wail had been raised, the corpse was lashed to a board and laid behind the fire with the head directed southward. This orientation, inconsistent with the belief that the home of the departed was westward across the ocean, was probably taken with reference to the river, and points perhaps to an earlier home on the Klamath, which for a short distance below the Trinity flows westward. Or, more probably, there may have been an underlying feeling that, as the river flowed to the sea, its course was the natural one for a ghost to follow. A male relative of the departed one, with stick and tray basket, dug a grave about thirty inches deep, and covered the bottom with sand. Then the corpse was taken out, feet foremost, through the side wall and laid beside the grave. Here followed an unusual proceeding. The grave-digger, after washing the face, made a

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24 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN perforation in the lobe of each ear and the septum of the nose, and placed in each hole two dentalia, one impaled on the other. Four relatives then lowered the body into the grave, head southward, and laid a board over it. Dance costumes and shell money were buried with a rich man for his use in the Jumping dance, which was constantly in progress in the spirit world. Weapons were provided for warriors and hunters, and clothing and ornaments for women. All these articles were broken or torn so as to render them useless and untempting to the living.1 Loud lamentation accompanied the placing of these articles in the grave, and when the earth was replaced and heaped up, various garments and utensils, torn and broken, were deposited on it. Four conical baskets, inverted at the corners of the grave, were rendered valueless and fixed in place by driving stakes through the bottom into the soil. No food was supplied for the ghost. Many of these practices are still followed in this region, especially on Klamath river, where baskets, pots, pans, shirts, hats, and what not, hanging on the picket fences that surround modern graves, present a scene at once dismal and pathetic. Men, women, and children cut off the ends of the hair to indicate the loss of a relative, and widows sheared it close to the scalp. Members of the immediate family wore about the neck a loose band of braided Xerophyllum grass, which remained until it wore off. Immediately after a burial there followed five days of purification for the family and for all who had touched the corpse, especially the grave-digger, because not only had he touched the body but in digging the grave he had necessarily handled many bones of persons formerly buried in that spot. All assembled in the house, where a medicine-man solemnly mumbled certain myths regarding the origin of death among the pre-human people. He then pounded up an aromatic root, kih7makekyo (an Umbellifera), and mixed it with water, into which he dipped a bunch of pine sprigs and asperged the mourners and the house. On each of several small flat stones beside the fireplace lay a small quantity of powdered anise-root, muaihhche —olen (" root plentiful"). From time to time the medicineman took a pinch of the powder and blew it from his fingers into the fire. The rising incense was regarded as a prayer. Occasionally they inhaled the smoke of Douglas spruce boughs and buckbrush. Finally they all went to the river, where after another aspersion 1 The practice of breaking articles exposed with the dead probably originated in the desire to release their spiritual counterparts.

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Hupa basket and purses [photogravure plate]

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THE HUPA 25 they bathed. On the next two days there was a continuation of the recital of myths, and the crushed roots of angelica, honsfllsaluhw ("summer shoots"), were mixed with water for the aspersion; and the conclusion of these rites marked the end of public mourning. For five days longer however the grave-digger had a small fire of his own in the dwelling house and prepared his own food.l The taboos connected with death are still numerous and stringent. Such words as corpse, grave, and dead are rarely spoken. For all such concepts there are euphemistic expressions. "Grave" is hiotiyanhosin ("something made"). "He died" is tahoaichitiyo ("something he did"). "Corpse" is chenunhzi ie —tflakonasaan ("it-fell-out he-islying-there" that is, the soul has departed but the body remains). The utterance of the name of a dead person is a deadly insult to his people, and even words that are only components of such names are taboo. When the dead are necessarily mentioned, cautious circumlocutions are employed. The prohibition in some cases endures for many years. Goddard noted that natiyo, shell money, was replaced by mihlkyohet ("with buy"), because the former was the name of a prominent man then dead. The word was still taboo fifteen years later. Formerly, if in a brief time several deaths occurred in the same house, the structure was demolished or burned. Spirits travel westward to "dead place" (chmntintah), a word rarely uttered. Through the middle of a valley flows a river. One shouts to the ferryman, who comes silently in a canoe. Once in the canoe, there is no returning; but those who are not surely dead turn back before embarking. In the other world the people dance constantly.2 To obtain a clear idea of Hupa religious beliefs and practices (and this applies also to the Wiyot, Yurok, and Karok), one must understand that according to their conceptions the world was formerly inhabited by the kylhuinnai, a race human in form but preternatural in character. Whatever these persons did became by that fact the predestined custom of the unborn Indian race. In 1 Some of these incidents differ from Goddard's account of the purification rites of the Hupa as given in University of California Publications, American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. I, no. 2, 1903. It should be remembered that in all such religious observances individual practice varied rather widely. 2 This does not harmonize with Goddard's picture of the Hupa spirit world, but is more consistent with the custom of providing the ghost with dance regalia, valuables, and implements. VOL. XIII-4

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26 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN this way all human institutions, industries, and arts, even the unimportant details of daily life, were determined. In the course of time the human race was due to appear on the scene. With its origin Hupa mythology is not concerned. It simply appeared, and, aware of its coming, the kylhunnai, their work accomplished, fled across the ocean. A large part of Hupa religious practice consists in the repetition of the myth, which usually is brief, accounting for the origin of the act now being performed. The feeling is that this causes the act to have the desired result. As a rule some root or herb is used at the same time, either as incense, as aspersion water, or as an internal medicine. The pleasantly odorous roots of angelica, dried and powdered, are the commonest incense. The acts necessarily accompanied or prepared for by these rites are innumerable; they are connected with all ceremonies, with birth, death, hunting, fishing, gambling, procuring food - in fact, with every phase of life. Four principal personages were active in the world of the kyihtunnai. They correspond so exactly in name and character with the supernaturals of Wiyot and Yurok mythology, and are so unlike anything in the mythology of other Athapascans, that one is left in no doubt of the immediate, if not of the ultimate, source of the Hupa religious system. HUPA WIYOT YUROK I. Tenohko-chistai Kudiqtat-kaqihl (" above he-dwells") (" above old-man") Yimarn-tuwinyai 2 (" across-ocean he-went-away")Adak-sor-h-lukihl Wahpeku-mau Yimin-kyuwinhoyan (" down-toward ocean he-went ") ("oceanward widower") (" across-ocean old-man") Yinuka-tuwinyai ("south he-went-away") Yinuka-chistai Puch uri-ghurru Pulukuhl-q rreq ("south he-dwells") (" pointed buttock") (" far-down-stream Hotla-tichhwil pointed-buttock") (" buttock blunt") 4. Coyote Coyote Coyote Above-he-dwells plays a slight part in Hupa mythology. In Wiyot he is the creator, but the Hupa have no story of the creation. Nevertheless they revere him today, and therefore rarely utter his name. He is said to control vegetal and animal food. The most important character is Yiman-tuwinyai, who travelled from the ocean up the Klamath and the Trinity, changing the 1 The Yurok apparently recognize no character corresponding to Above Old-man

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Hupa fisherman [photogravure plate]

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THE HUPA 27 natural features of the country to their present condition. Wherever he found people (kyihunnai), he demanded their prettiest maids. If they were complaisant, he improved the river and the adjacent country for them, so that forever there would be plentiful fish and other food; but if they refused him, he made changes that rendered the place an undesirable residence. He was the one who released the fish and the game animals, which had been penned up by certain malevolent beings. When at last his work was finished and the Indians were ready to make their appearance, he disappeared across the ocean, whither the kylihnnai had preceded him. Some informants say that Hotla-tichhwil ("buttock blunt") is simply another name for this character. Yinuka-tuwinyai came up the river from the ocean, killing all the numerous monsters that inhabited the earth, some of them in the form of harmless, inanimate objects. He passed to the south, where he now lives beyond the edge of the world. Coyote is a mischief-making buffoon, the sly hero or discomfited victim in many a spicy story. Less than any of the others does he exhibit the characters that make it possible to use the word deity in describing him. The religion of the Hupa was on a higher plane than that of some of the tribes to the south of them. The dances were all of a sacred nature, and there were various religious customs practised about the house. Thus, at night, before going to bed the men who smoked would fill their pipes and then blow upward from the palm of the hand the small residue of tobacco, and pray: "May we live well. Look after us, you who are above." Or: "We will have success in whatever we undertake. We will have much money, which will come to us from other places." Or: "Sickness, go away from us. Draw all the sickness away from us." These supplications were directed to Above-he-dwells, who however was not addressed by name. Shamans acquired their power by dreaming and dancing. A man, or even a youth, would tell of dreams in which some spirit had given him songs, which he sang in his sleep. Unable to cease dreaming and singing, and having little desire for food, he became very thin. He smoked much, and ate little. Then the people said, "He is going to be a shaman." During the day he had fainting spells. The people began to say: "We shall have to make a dance for this man. He cannot live this way always." So a dance was arranged for a certain night. Everybody attended, for such an

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28 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN occasion was greatly enjoyed. They sang all night in the sweathouse while the man danced about the fire as long as he was able, making gestures as if he were catching the "pain" out of the air and putting it into his mouth. This was done on ten nights, after which a feast was held in the house, and again the man danced. This might all be repeated at intervals for a year. If he was to be a sucking doctor, one of that profession was hired to train him. This shaman blew his magic "pain" into the novice's mouth or threw it into his body. If it passed through without causing sensation, the candidate could never become a shaman; but if it caused pain, that was a sign that he would be a good one. If the candidate did not soon become satisfied, that is, relieved of whatever was causing him to dream and sing, he went to the summit of Tse-titmilkuit ("rock rolling-off"), Telescope peak, near the present school, with two companions, one of whom might be a woman, and there danced and prayed. Many shamans were women. The so-called dancing doctors were not numerous. They pretended to have clairvoyant power, and would tell where lost people or lost property would be found. Called to a patient, they told where they saw the sickness in his body, and when and under what circumstances it had entered. They then advised the family to summon a sucking doctor. The Hupa believed in sorcerers, kit6nhwe-, who were simply malevolent shamans, and formerly, it is said, they sometimes killed persons suspected of witchcraft. When illness was ascribed to sorcery, a shaman was called to suck out the "pain," and the men of the village gathered outside the house, waiting with bows and arrows. When the shaman captured the pain, he brought it outside, laid it on a block of wood, and covered it with a basketry cap. He called out the name of some person suspected of guilt, and lifted the cap. If the object were still there, that person was innocent, and another name was called. So it went until the pain had disappeared, and the one whose name was last called was assumed to be the guilty sorcerer. He was then given his choice of breaking the spell and renouncing his magic, or of being killed. An informant says that his father told him of the following instance, which came within the father's own observation: A woman was jealous because one of her son's two chums was rich. One day they went swimming, and on the way home something jumped out of the bushes and frightened them. Two of them ran home and dashed into the sweat-house, but the other, the woman's

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Hupa female shaman [photogravure plate]

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THE HUPA 29 son, did not come for some time. He was sick. A shaman was called, but he could not catch the pain and left it to the boy's mother herself, for she was a good shaman. She pretended to secure the pain and lay it under a cap, and called out various names. But the pain did not disappear. Then a man came up and took hold of it and held it up. He said, "Look at this pain; it is only a red rag!" The people perceived that she was deceiving them, and that she was afraid to bring out the pain, because it would disappear when her own name was mentioned. They led her down to the river and were going to kill her, because she had previously promised to renounce sorcery. But a man stopped them, and said, "She must give it up." And at last she promised again to do so. Shamans were paid in advance for their work, but if the patient died from the sickness within a year the money was refunded. Besides clairvoyants and sucking doctors there were individuals, both men and women, who possessed one or more of the numerous secrets of curing minor ailments, warding off misfortune, and winning good luck. They employed herbs, mostly those of a pungent or an aromatic nature, and repeated the story of the first use of this medicine by the pre-human people. There was a charm for every conceivable contingency. The healing ceremony called hon-nawe ("fire carry") has been recently performed. It is colloquially called the brush dance, from the fact that the dancers carried bunches of brush, and was usually held for the benefit of a sickly child, to dispel whatever malign influence was interfering with its health. A man or a woman who understood this rite was hired to officiate, and with an assistant spent the entire day ceremonially securing and preparing the appropriate "medicine," which consisted of pitchy strips of Douglas spruce and pine-bark. That night the people assembled in the house, and the healer, after crushing and boiling the pine-bark, took his place at the feet of the child and stationed his assistant at the head. Then both of them waved over the patient blazing spruce sticks to which bunches of salal-leaves had been tied. This, like the preparation of the medicine, was accompanied by softly muttered references to the ancient practice of the kyifhunnai. About this time a number of male dancers entered, formed a circle, and with arms interlocked danced slowly to the right. Each held before his face a bunch of brush. After performing thus to several songs they withdrew, and later returned to dance to other songs. Thus it went through the night. On the second day fol

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30 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN lowing, the medicine-man again sought his medicine in the woods, and dancing of the same sort occupied the night. But by this time, the news having travelled up and down the river, a large concourse had assembled, including even Yurok visitors from Klamath river; and the dancing was by groups from the northern and southern divisions respectively, and, if there were enough of them, from the Yurok. It was probably to give these distant ones time to arrive that the second day passed without action. The house being too small to accommodate all, wide openings were made in the walls so that spectators could observe the proceedings. For the last dance the performers donned whatever ornamental costumes they possessed or could borrow, and substituted bows and fur-quivers filled with arrows for the bunches of leafy twigs. Inside the circle at the same time a youth and a virgin danced forward and back, passing and repassing each other, and holding aloft the two baskets that contained the medicine. Then the medicine-man washed the child with the liquid, and, the day having dawned, the family served breakfast to all who remained. Certain religious rites always occurred before any individual dared eat of the new acorn crop or the new run of spring salmon. Takimilding, as its name (" cook-acorns place") indicates, was the scene of the acorn feast. The priest in charge personated the mythological character Yinuka-tuwinyai. He wore a mink-fur head-band and painted his face and arms with a charred root. While he was thus engaged, several women appointed by him were finishing the work of pounding a large quantity of acorns. He then draped a deerskin over his head, so that the people might not behold the face of Yinuka-tuwinyai until the rites were actually in progress, and carrying a tray basket on which lay a tobacco pipe he proceeded to a certain spot on the bank of the river, where he built a fire. The women followed him, heated water at the fire, and leached their meal; and the priest started another fire in which they heated stones for boiling the mush. He then threw upon a long mound of stones those that had been used for cooking the mush at the previous annual feast,' and led the entire assemblage to the river's edge, where he tossed two or three small stones into the water, and expressed It might seem that the approximate length of Hupa residence in the valley could be estimated by comparing the number of cooking stones used in the acorn feast with the quantity in the pile. Such a comparison however gives rather a shorter time than the actually known period. Too many uncertain factors are involved. They may not have observed this custom at the time of their appearance here, or they may have used but few stones in the earliest times.

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White deerskin dance costume - Hupa [photogravure plate]

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THE HUPA 3 I the hope that salmon would be abundant. The men did likewise, and all bathed. When the food was ready they took their seats on certain stones, partially embedded in the soil 1 and arranged in a circle, and solemnly and thoughtfully ate the mush and dried salmon. Finally the priest expressed the wish that all crops might regularly return, and that the people might be satisfied with little. In the spring a priest went from Medilding to Sugar Bowl rapids and caught a single salmon, which he cooked and ate with much ceremony in every act, and constantly repeating the myth about the three kytihunnai who first did this The Hupa had two public ceremonies of a spectacular, but deeply religious, character: the so-called White Deerskin dance and the Jumping dance. The former was known under three names: Tillahiich-mi-l-chitilya (" fawn with ceremony"), Honsihl-chitilya (" summer ceremony"), and Hanuike-chitilya ("along-river ceremony"). There is a Wiyot myth to the effect that the son of Adak-sora-h-lukihl (the Wiyot equivalent of Yiman-tuwinyai), gambling at Eel river with a supernatural whom he chanced to meet, won the Deerskin dance and the necessary costumes. He took them home to his village on Mad river and the people danced once. For some reason he decided that it should not become an institution there, and gave it to the Yurok.2 The ceremony occurred about the end of August or the beginning of September. The time was not definitely fixed. The performers with their costumes left Takimilding, principal village of the northern division, and paddled up-stream to Howungkut, a short distance above the chief seat of the southern division. The first dance was held that afternoon. The dancers, at least nine in number, took their position shoulder to shoulder facing the 'priest in charge, who sat on a stone behind a little fire which he had built, and on which from time to time he threw powdered anise-root. The song-leader, who stood in the middle of the line, wore a deerskin head-band with animal hair attached to it, and across the top of his head was tied a band of netting with feathers dangling from its lower edge at the level of his shoulders. His kilt was made of small furs, preferably civets, with the tails attached. His fellows wore deerskins belted about the waist, and a head-band like that of the leader. Each held a long staff which extended up through the neck 1 Fixed stones, to mark the spots where certain acts in the rites established by the prehuman race were performed, are a regular feature of Hupa, Yurok, and Karok ceremonies. 2 The reader is referred to the Yurok account of the ceremony, pages 47-53.

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32 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of an entire deerskin, the head and neck of which were stuffed with grass. Some of these skins were albino, others nearly black, and some mottled. The highly valued red scalps of woodpeckers were attached to the eyes, ears, and nose; and from the mouth, representing the deer's tongue, hung a strip of deerskin ornamented in the same fashion. At each end of the row of dancers and slightly advanced beyond the others stood a man who carried a large blade of red obsidian. His head-band was embellished with nine sea-lionteeth projecting outward and with the curving points upward. Tied across the crown of his head and hanging down his back was a broad knitted band, with pendent feathers and geometrical painting. This was the same ornament that was worn with the sea-liontooth head-bands in the puberty dance. -His garment was a robe made by sewing together two deerskins, and it was worn with the neck parts meeting over one shoulder, the other being uncovered. Rhythmically with the singing the dancers struck the ground with the left foot, and holding the deerskins upright pushed them forward with a lunge of the body. The celt-bearers, holding their ceremonial blades before them in the right hand, and sounding frequent notes on bone whistles, marched toward each other, passed, turned at the end of the line, and passed again, thus repeatedly describing a long ellipse. They were succeeded by two men similarly dressed, who carried black obsidian blades. After a number of songs, the dancers retired, while the priest remained in his place waiting for the representatives of the other tribal division to make their appearance. The entire company spent the night there, and repeated the dance in the morning. Taking then to their canoes, they returned down-stream, passed Takimilding, and disembarked at a place between Hostler creek and Miskut, where they repeated their afternoon and morning dance. Here they reembarked, but this time they wore their costumes and danced as the canoes floated down the river. The craft were ranged side by side, and were held in line by extending paddles from one to the other; and standing one behind another the dancers sang and swayed their bodies. Opposite Miskut they performed both afternoon and morning, and proceeded then to a place in the great bend of the Trinity at the northern end of the valley. It was now the afternoon of the fifth day. After the usual dancing here, they went up-stream to a spot just below Miskut, and on the seventh afternoon they turned back to the extreme northern end of the valley and landed at the foot of Bald hill. Here again

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Dancer with black deer effigy - Hupa [photogravure plate]

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THE HUPA 33 the afternoon and morning dancing took place, and they moved up the hill a short distance on the afternoon of the eighth day, where the dancing was brought to a conclusion on the morrow. From here they moved to another hill a short distance westward, to feast and rest, and thus the prescribed period of'ten days was filled out. In following this itinerary, as in the actual dancing, the performers were simply imitating the kydihunnai who instituted the ceremony. Its purpose was to guard the public health and increase game and fish. Goddard offers the plausible suggestion that, as it was "held at the end of the period of cohabitation," it "purifies the people for the hunting season." The Jumping dance is called Tanka-chitilya ("autumn ceremony"), or Meunasitan-mihl-chitilya ("woodpecker-head-dress with ceremony"). It was held at Takimilding within a few weeks after the Deerskin dance, and lasted ten days, or sometimes, if the attendance was large, twelve days. When pestilence was deemed imminent, the ceremony might be held in the early winter, as it was in 1899. The dancers wore the head-dress used by some of the performers in the puberty dance -a wide band of deerskin with rows of red woodpecker crests sewn on it, and a narrow edging of white deer-hair. The head-dress is called meunasitan, or yahouhw. A deerskin robe was worn as a kilt, and of course each dancer displayed all his wealth of shells and beads. In the right hand they carried straw-stuffed basketry cylinders with a slit-like opening from end to end. The significance of these objects is not known, but the shape and the gestures made with them in the dance suggest a canoe. Behind the dance-ground was erected a high board wall. The Yurok, who regard the Deerskin and Jumping dances as component parts of one ceremony, used a wall in the former, but not in the latter. They say that it was a relic of a dressing house destroyed by a freshet. As in the Deerskin dance, the priest in charge sat behind an incense fire, and the performers stood in front of the wall in a row facing him. In the middle of the line was a powerful man, the dance-leader, flanked on each side by one who both sang and danced. The line was filled out by young men, youths, and boys, gradually diminishing in stature. One of the two singers started a song, and the dancers struck the ground with the left foot while swinging their basketry cylinders with a vigorous forward and upward movement. After each song-leader had given one of his songs, the VOL. XIII-5

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34 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN dancers grasped hands and jumped violently up and down. With brief intermissions, during which they walked backward to the wall and squatted there resting, they performed the jumping ten times, and then marched away to their dressing place. After an interval the representatives of the southern division danced in the same fashion.

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Obsidian bearer, White deerskin dance - Hupa [photogravure plate]

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The Yurok

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I II r

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Modern Hupa house [photogravure plate]

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THE YUROK HE Yurok inhabited a large number of villages along the banks of Klamath river from Bluff creek, a few miles above Trinity river, down to the ocean, and others along the coast from Trinidad to a point six miles north of Klamath river. As the river winds, the distance from Bluff creek to the sea is about forty-five miles, and the Yurok, although their river settlements were invariably close to the stream, claimed for hunting and food-gathering purposes the entire Klamath watershed on both sides, excepting of course the Trinity river country, which belonged to the friendly Hupa. The Coast Yurok controlled only a narrow strip of territory. Generally the slopes of the Coast range are close to the shore, and, densely forested with huge redwoods, jungles of giant bracken, tangled shrubs, and fallen trees, they formed an effective barrier to any but the most ambitious traveller or hunter. There was indeed no necessity for penetration beyond the fringes of the forest, where edible fern-roots and materials for basketry, bows, canoes, and houses were to be had. For the rest, subsistence came from the ocean and the streams. The Klamath River Yurok, while depending very largely on salmon and lampreys, gathered quantities of acorns and small seeds in the hills back from the river. From a short distance below Trinity river to the ocean the Klamath courses northwestward through short gorges, where the water breaks into rapids; bold hills wooded with pines, Douglas spruce, and oaks; sweeping open slopes richly browned by the summer heat, the ancient food-preserves of the villagers; occasional flats, especially at the mouths of affluent streams. The river rapidly broadens, but not until the ocean is in sight and hearing, and the effects of the tides are felt, does it leave the hills, which at this point are covered with redwood forests. Some of the river villages are still inhabited, and include houses 37

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38 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN and sudatories of the primitive kind. On account of the inaccessibility of the region it affords the best field in northern California to observe the remnants of aboriginal life. In I915 there was a fair wagon-road for about fifteen miles below Weitchpec, and a trail the remaining eight miles to Klamath. From there to the coast a trail climbed through the mountains, but most traffic was by canoe to Requa. The most populous settlements are Weitspus (Weitchpec post-office) opposite the mouth of Trinity river, Kepel, Shregegon, Pekwan, Wakhtek (Klamath post-office), and Rekwoi (Requa) at the mouth of the Klamath. The Indians at Requa are only a part of a somewhat polyglot population, and there are white settlers and a merchant at Weitchpec, but the other villages here named are purely Indian as to population. Many other families live on individual allotments, tilling their little farms and taking what few salmon escape the commercial fishermen at Requa. In all there were 668 Yurok on Klamath river and including a few scattered families on the coast in I9I0. They were formerly numerous, being estimated in I870 at 2700. They have no name for themselves as a people. When it is necessary to designate themselves, they use the word aih, or its unabbreviated form aleqahl ("people"). To the Karok they are known as Yuruq-arar ("down-stream people"), which in the form Youruk was first used by George Gibbs,1 who was one of the first white men seen by the up-stream Yurok, passing through the country in I85I in association with Col. Redick McKee, treaty commissioner. The same observer, in the same work, called them also Weits-pek, which is properly the name of the spring at the village Weitspus; and this was the origin of Powell's priority name, Weitspekan, for the linguistic family which this group has been supposed to constitute. Sapir however has shown the Algonquian affinity of both Yurok and Wiyot. Phonetically Yurok is characterized by the astonishing frequency of r, not trilled, or formed with the tip of the tongue, but pronounced almost exactly as the average American pronounces it, with perhaps a little more stress. In by far the majority of cases it is preceded by open u. Out of one hundred and forty-five words taken at random, but excluding known compounds, forty-six contain the letter r. In eighteen words it appears in one syllable; in twenty-one, two syllables; in seven, three syllables. The language shows no dialectic variation from Bluff creek to 1 Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, vol. III, p. 138, I853.

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Costume of the obsidian-bearer - Hupa [photogravure plate]

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THE YUROK 39 the coast. South of Klamath river the language differed somewhat from the river dialect, and is said also to have included three subdialects, which were spoken respectively in Eshpeu, midway between Klamath river and Redwood creek; in Arekw, now Orick, at the mouth of Redwood creek; and in Tsurau, now Trinidad. Yurok territory was contiguous on the north with the Athapascan Tolowa, on the east with the Karok, on the south with the Hupa, Chilula, and Wiyot. Only the Coast Yurok came in contact with the Wiyot and the Chilula, the latter of whom, though south of the main body of Yurok territory, were east of the coast villages. The inhabitants of the settlements at the mouth of Klamath river and on the coast immediately to the north had relations, mostly friendly, with the Tolowa, and those up-stream were on amicable terms with the Hupa on Trinity river and the Karok on the Klamath. In manufactures, clothing and ornaments, dwellings and utensils, food and methods of hunting and fishing, the River Yurok were so nearly identical with the Hupa that a description would be merely repetition. At the mouth of the river and on the coast environmental modifications were marked. Canoes, which the inland people acquired by purchase, were made of redwood logs. A Yurok canoe at Orleans (in Karok territory) gave the following measurements: length, I8.2 feet; width, 3.8 amidships, tapering to 3.i; depth, 1.5. The gunwales were undercut on the inside, giving the effect of a rail, and the stern seat was simply a part of the original log left in place. A cross-section of the hull was nearly the arc of a circle. Among these Coast Yurok fishing was more important than up the river. Shell-fish were staple, and marine mammals, the seals and sea-lions, were killed on small rocky islands. Seaweed was an abundant food, and acorns and seeds were less plentiful. Ceremonial life too was different. The Deerskin dance was not held, although the Woodpecker, or Jumping, dance occurred at very infrequent intervals at Rekwoi. In short, the culture of the Coast Yurok was almost identical with that of the Wiyot, their southern neighbors. The earliest recorded visit by Europeans in Yurok territory was that of the Spaniard Bodega,' who in I775 spent several days in Trinidad bay. More than three hundred Indians from local and adjacent villages thronged the shores to behold the strange sight, 1 Journal of a Spanish Voyage in 1775 by Don Antonio Maurelle, trans. by Daines Barrington in Miscellanies, London, I78I; quoted by Loud, Univ. Calif. Publ. tAmer. Arch. Ethn., vol. 14, no. 3, I918.

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40 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN and the Spaniards noted that some of them had iron implements in the form of arrow-points, knives, and adz-blades. The metal no doubt was secured from wreckage. The Yurok recognized no chiefs. Each village had a rich man, or perhaps two or three rich men, whose wealth consisted mostly of dance costumes, such as white deerskins and woodpecker scalps, and of shell money. Without the help of these rich men there could be no religious ceremony, because they possessed all the costumes; consequently they were necessarily consulted by anyone desiring to have a dance held. But they were not regarded as head-men possessing authority. In cases of personal injury or the destruction or theft of property, it was not the rich man who was sent as mediator, but some man noted as a persuasive speaker. He received pay from both disputants. The building of a fish-weir was in the hands of a priest who understood the prayers and myths to be recited and the use of the proper incense at the prescribed moment. He performed no labor, but while the others worked he sat at a distance looking on and supposedly repeating his prayers. In the same way the dances and numerous minor rites were in the charge of certain men or women. The rich man was not necessarily a priest of any kind, nor was the priest necessarily a man of wealth. The office was handed down from father to son. The only fish-weir, with the exception of the one at Heyummfi (Loolego), two miles above Trinity river, was built at Kepel by the combined forces of all the villages from Wa's'ai down to Wakhtek. Though the people above the former village took no part in the labor, nevertheless, because the fish were largely prevented from ascending the river to them, they had the privilege of going down to Kepel when the salmon were plentiful and taking all they wished without price. While the only well-marked political division was the village, nevertheless the settlements along the river fell into three groups, especially in ceremonial matters. From Bluff creek down to Tule creek (Atsepar to Kenek) the Yurok looked upon Weitspus and the other settlements at the confluence of Trinity river with the Klamath as their headquarters. Similarly, Kepel was the most important village of the group extending from Merip down to and including Erner; and Rekwoi dominated the group from Turip down to the ocean. As the village is the only political division, so the family is the

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Dip-netting at the sugar bowl - Hupa [photogravure plate]

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THE YUROK 41 only social unit. Neither clans nor totemism exist. Descent is paternal, and only blood relationship prevents marriage. Although the Yurok did not observe a public puberty dance, the girl herself, until recently, was subject to certain restrictions. She sat apart from the rest of the family with her own little fire, if heat were needed. During the day she frequently went for fuel as a means of winning good luck, and about sunset she ran from the house down to the river, entered the water, and ran back to the house, always pursued by young boys, who saw that she did not lag. This continued for ten days, and each day she must run to the river and jump in one more time than on the preceding day. On returning to the house at the end of each full course except the last, she stopped short at the door, raised both hands, palms forward, and then turned about and dashed back to the river. She wore a kilt of shredded maple-bark, and about her head a band of fragrant grass. The hair was braided in two plaits, and was not rearranged during the ten days. A bone scratcher hung on a string from her neck. She drank little, and three times during the entire period she received acorn mush and dried salmon. With a companion to carry the food, for the girl was apt to be rather weak with fasting, she went to some spot at the river's edge in order that no sound of bird or beast might be heard. Should such a sound nevertheless be heard, she would have to stop eating. Subsequent menstruation periods throughout her life were spent in a separate, underground hut. Childbirth however took place in the family dwelling. Like the Hupa, Yurok parents guarded carefully against the violation of their young daughters. But in spite of this the boys had their eyes open for any girl known to have experienced their first menses, and when the signal was passed they were on her trail. The girls, it is said, were no less ready for the encounter, and rarely indeed was a bride a virgin. When a girl became pregnant, the responsible youth was forced to marry her and to pay the usual price of a wife. To be successful in hunting a man should be a celibate during the winter (which probably was one of those rules that are generally approved but little observed).1 Therefore all men slept with the boys in the sweat-house. Wives were purchased, as among the Hupa, and the feeling to the latter that the payment was not a commercial transaction, but Weitchpec George, who no doubt knows, agreed with this suspicion. VOL. XIII-6

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42 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN a publicly given reward for promised conjugal fidelity, was not shared by the Yurok. Men frankly regarded their daughters as valuable assets, and exacted as high a price as possible. In effect however this resulted no differently than the Hupa practice. The dead were disposed recumbent in graves, with the head up-stream. The corpse was carried, feet foremost, in a complete circuit of the room and then out through an opening made in the wall by removing a board. As soon as the bearers had disappeared through the opening, some one who remained behind for the purpose threw a handful of ashes after the departing dead, and said, "I wish you may never return!" The custom of carrying the body through the wall may perhaps have no connection with a superstition regarding the passage of a corpse through the doorway. It may be due entirely to the fact that carrying a dead man through the small round doorway of a Yurok house would be difficult. Shell money and other valuables, such as woodpecker scalps, obsidian blades, ceremonial costumes, and weapons, were placed in the grave for use in the next world. These objects were always broken or slit, in order, so it is said, to render them useless to the living, who might otherwise be tempted to rob the grave. Shell money is said not to have been broken, a statement that probably is to be interpreted as meaning that it was seldom buried at all. A distinctly different conception is seen in the invariable burning of food and clothing in order to release their spiritual counterparts for the use of the dead. Fire was kept burning at the grave five nights. However this custom may have originated, the modern Yurok feel that its purpose was to serve as a reminder of the departed whenever the bereaved relatives kindled a fire. It is said that famine was by no means uncommon in ancient times, and those who perished by starvation were thrown into the river. Since food came largely from the river, it appears that this was done to appease the malign powers that were withholding the salmon. Like the Hupa the Yurok avoid the use of words and phrases referring to death and burial. Instead of "he is dead," they say "he is decayed." For five days after burial all those who occupied the house of the dead person, as well as those who assisted in preparing the corpse for burial, participated in a religious purification. Each morning they went into the sweat-house, where a priest, man or woman, who understood the rite, repeated the myth-formulas and then gave each one a piece of haiwamas (a large plant growing

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Watching for salmon - Hupa [photogravure plate]

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THE YUROK 43 in swampy places), which each pounded up and mixed with water in a small basket. With this water- they washed the head, hands, feet, and body. A large bundle of dry buckbrush and a small bunch of green buckbrush were put on the fire, and after huddling close about it to inhale the smoke, they went to the river and bathed. All this occupied about two hours, and they were then at liberty to go about their ordinary duties, except the grave-digger, who went at once to the dwelling house and remained there all day. He did not use the common fire, but prepared his own food at a little one of his own on the spot where the corpse had lain. When he went out for any necessary purpose, he walked with a staff in his right hand, while his left held a couple of short boughs of Douglas spruce over his head. Relatives of the dead cut off the ends of the hair, and widows cut it quite short. All wore braided bands of Xerophyllum grass around the neck, which remained until they fell off in the course of time. The older women still observe these rules, and the names of the dead are still taboo. The land of spirits is called charrikik, but definite opinions of its locality and character appear to be wanting. Yurok shamans were practically always women. The informant has known only three male shamans, one at Rekwoi, another at the mouth of Salmon river, and a third at the mouth of Mad river. These all were of different tribes, Yurok, Karok, and Wiyot respectively. At the present time all Yurok shamans are women. When a young woman has been informed by a dream that she must become a shaman, she makes the necessary arrangements with an older shaman, who usually is a relative and gives her services without reward. If she is not a relative, she is paid for her work. The dance, which is called wuremahpa, occurs in the winter. Singers, both men and women, are paid by the family of the novice, and the people assemble in the sweat-house at night. The novice and her instructor dance, standing in one place and flexing the knees, while holding their clenched hands in front of them. After a while the old shaman vomits teluagel, the "pain," into her hands, and the novice swallows it, taking it directly from the older woman's hands into her mouth. Then they continue their dancing, but after a while the older woman stops. The novice dances on, ceasing only when the singers pause for a brief rest, or when at length she becomes sick with the "pain" she has swallowed and sits down, thrusts a finger into her throat, and endeavors to disgorge it. The purpose

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44 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of the continuous dancing is to "shake up the pain" in her stomach until it is vomited forth. This once accomplished, she will then be able at any tinre to cause others with a like sickness to throw it up. She will be able to treat no other kind of sickness except that which is caused by the pain she swallowed from the hand of her instructor. Sometimes she succeeds in throwing up the pain before the end of the first night of dancing, sometimes not before four or five or even ten nights. In some cases a novice has to dance for ten nights, then rest a few days, and resume again, and so continue through the entire winter. When the candidate at last throws up the sickness, she receives it in her hands, which she raises with outstretched arms. With a loud sucking-in of the breath, she pretends to swallow it again, and, opening her hands, shows them to be empty. Then she falls in a swoon, and some powerful man takes her on his back, holding her hands in front of his shoulders, and dances. If she is very heavy, another man helps to support her from behind. Gradually she recovers her senses, and the dance is ended. She is now a shaman. In after years she may occasionally dream of other kinds of sickness. For example, she may dream of something green in the stomach (bile), or of congested blood, or of "poison." She wakes, suffering with pain caused by that very sickness of which she dreamed. It is then necessary for a shaman's dance to be held, and she dances just as she did at her initiation, in order to shake up the sickness and vomit it. When she has succeeded in doing so, she is able to treat others for that same form of sickness. The shaman dance was celebrated as late as 1915 at Wakhtek. The healer must be paid before she will answer a summons. When this preliminary has been attended to, she comes to the house, smokes, mumbles her myth-formulas, and begins to suck out the sickness. She spits into a basket, and after a while exhibits in one hand a small black object, which she declares to be the sickness. She clasps her hands shut, utters an exclamation, and opens them. The object is gone. In many cases shamans profess to be unable to capture the pain. Quite frequently the shaman, after making an examination, says: "My power is not able to take out that kind of pain. You had better call such and such a one." Men of means usually send for some distant healer, even to one of another tribe. A healing ceremony known as ummelldyik, and called by the local white people the brush dance, is performed for the benefit of a sickly or feverish child. It consists essentially in holding the child

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Hupa canoe [photogravure plate]

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THE YUROK 45 in the steam of certain herbs. Another form of the same ceremony is called specifically warera ("swinging fire"), because blazing torches of pitchy spruce with salal brush tied to them are swung back and forth over the child. The ceremony is still frequently performed, there being a woman at Weitspus and another at Wakhtek who possess the inherited right to officiate. The former is also a "sucking doctor," and the latter can perform the brush dance by either method. For five days, beginning with the first day of the ceremony, the priestess and the mother of the sick child must observe continence. Early in the morning of the first day the priestess, who in these rites is called mellb, goes to the woods to gather her medicine and repeat her formulas. She wears a vizor of yellowhammer tailfeathers, and her hair braids are spirally wrapped with strips of fur. Her face is painted with horizontal black stripes. Formerly she wore the maple-bark apron and deerskin skirt. She is accompanied by a virgin, who wears the ordinary garments without special ornaments and has her face painted like that of the priestess. In the evening they return and go into the house of the child that is to be treated. The mella carries a tall staff of Douglas spruce with a leafy tip, and the medicine in a small burden=basket. She plants the sapling in one corner of the fireplace, and on it about the middle ties a bulky packet of deerskin, which is supposed to contain the sickness. Four or five girls, accompanied by the mella, march slowly around the fire, each with her hands on the shoulders of the one in front of her. They sing repeatedly, "Ketineg'hemmua ('going to take people along')," and gaze constantly at the packet. At the end of the song, they stand in a circle facing it and clap their hands, shrilly shouting, " A a a a!" while the priestess grasps the spruce and shakes it vigorously. Five times they do this, and then to the same song they go five times around the spruce, holding hands. Near the end of the last circuit, it begins to rise slowly through the smokehole. As the song ends, the mella grasps it and pretends to attempt to hold it back, while the girls as before clap their hands and shout. Slowly the spruce is drawn up through the roof by an unseen man on the housetop. Then the priestess transfers her medicine to a basket containing water, and one of the stones that have been heating in the fire is dropped in. The mother wraps her child in a blanket, leaving only the head exposed, and holds it in the rising steam. From

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46 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN time to time another stone is added, and after the steaming has progressed far enough, the priestess announces, "It is done." At this signal a group of dancers, all from some one district, or from the Hupa or the Karok, enter and dance to a "heavy," that is, a slow, song (nah'pewihl), bending forward at the waist, slightly flexing the knees, and striking the ground with the right foot, the heel of which however is not raised from the ground. Slowly they move around the fire to the right. The dancers are mostly men, with a few unmarried girls. Some wear broad head-bands covered with woodpecker scalps, others have a row of sea-lion teeth encircling the band and curving outward and upward. All have bunches of brush in the hands, with which they cover their faces as they dance. The dancers themselves singo The "heavy" song is followed by a "light" or quick one, and after three or four songs they retire, giving place to a group from another district or tribe, who endeavor to outdo their predecessors. Now and again the child is steamed while the dancing goes on. The mella herself dances from time to time with her staff in one hand and, held aloft in the other, a tray with four upright eagle-feathers at opposite points, and several pendent strings of abalone-shell beads, which rattle when she moves the tray rhythmically. She sounds a crane-bone whistle. All this continues about half the night. The next day and night are for rest, and on the third night the steaming and dancing are repeated. As the night advances, the dancers put on their finest regalia and discard the bunches of brush for quivers of otter- or fisher-skin filled with arrows. Near the end of the ceremony some young man leaps forward and dances by himself within the circle, blowing on a bone whistle. Later a youth and a maiden step into the circle, and, each holding a basket containing medicine above the child and its mother, they dance facing each other and occasionally exchanging places. In the fire brush dance, which is like the same ceremony of the Hupa, the child and its mother are covered with a tule mat to protect them from sparks. After the torches are burned out, they are carried out of the house by any person who happens to be there, and are thrown away. Then the mother holds the infant, both being still covered with the mat, and the mella sings while gently tapping a small stick on the mat above the child. Like the Hupa and the Karok, the Yurok believe that before the appearance of the Indians the earth was inhabited by a race that looked and acted like humans, but possessed the powers of super

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Hupa salmon-fishing [photogravure plate]

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THE YUROK 47 naturals. These wag7iiat existed for the purpose of first performing and so establishing all customs and institutions that were to become those of the Indians. Such customs have to do with every phase of life - the acquisition, preparation, and eating of food; birth, puberty, marriage, death, the treatment of disease, the performance of public ceremonies, as well as a thousand and one taboos or preventive formulas connected with isolated acts. In order to make use of the powers bequeathed to humans, it is necessary not only to employ the "medicines" in the manner established by the waghaii, but at the same time to recite, pari passu, the mythical account of the act as performed by them. A myth so used becomes of course a sacred formula, a charm potent in itself, and all the acts so performed, no matter how trivial or commonplace, become religious acts. Any religious observance involving the repetition of formulas requires also the use of certain roots or herbs, and the whole operation is called "making medicine." Medicine is masqa, and includes not only that which is administered to cure sickness, but anything -root, herb, stick, or bark- that is used in connection with a formula. Knowledge of any particular medicine and formula is acquired by instruction, and carries with it the right to officiate as priest in the ceremony or minor practice to which they apply. In addition to the minor ceremonies and individual practices heretofore spoken of, the Yurok have a public ceremony called Upiyewai, which includes the Deerskin and the Woodpecker, or Jumping, dance. In order to specify the Deerskin dance one must say Kas-unurwuirmiurf ("down-river dance-up-from"); and the Jumping dance, Wanikwuleghai ("jump up and down"). The Deerskin dance is performed at Kepel and Wakhtek following the biennial building of a fish-weir at the former place. They dance one day and night at Kepel, and then appoint a certain day about a week later for the continuance of the dance at Wakhtek. There all the people of the lower part of the river, from Merip to Erner, assemble and dance for about ten days, although the maximum number of people do not congregate until about the fifth day. Eight days after the end of the Deerskin dance, the people move from Wakhtek to Merip, where on a hill above the river they hold the Jumping dance. Yurok from the upper reaches of the river, 1 This name was applied to the white men who first entered the country, and nowadays, in order to distinguish it, the mythic race is called haiIlkau-wdghai (" back-in-the-mountains waghia").

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THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN as well as Hupa and Karok, join the dancers in considerable numbers. There never was a Deerskin dance at Rekwoi, but at very infrequent intervals they held the Jumping dance in a house. The informant said it has been held there only twice in his lifetime. In the years when the ceremony is not held at Kepel and Wakhtek, it is observed at Weitspus, where the procedure is as follows: The ceremony occurs in September, but before it begins the head of every family that has experienced "bad luck" during the year, that is, the death of a member of the family, must be paid two dollars and a half in order to indemnify him for the insult of making merry in the face of his grief. The leading men take a collection among all the Atsepar-Kenek people, each of whom contributes what he can. Other groups that intend to participate collect funds among their own people and pay their own bereaved. The same rule applies in many other circumstances. Thus, if a Weitspus man visiting the Hupa finds a dance in progress and knows that at home there is a family that has not been compensated for its misfortune, it is necessary for him to leave at once and go back home. Then, after the bereaved family has been paid, he and any others may return to the dance and participate in it. Nobody may engage in a game of any kind, so long as there are families within the group of villages whose "bad luck" has not been requited. If a party attending a dance in another village receives news that one of their people has died, they at once take up a collection among themselves, amounting at the present time to five or six dollars, which is laid aside. Then they attend the dance, and on their return home pay the family for the disrespect they have shown. If they have lent any regalia to those in charge of the ceremony, they go to the leader and say: "Now, we cannot see this dance, for which we have given these things. Perhaps you can help us." And the dance leader contributes to the fund. But if a visitor is alone, he is unable to raise the necessary amount and hence must go home and canvass the community. Rich men are always paid first for their bereavement, so that their help may be had in paying others. Thus, having paid the rich man, those in charge of the collection return and say, "We must pay for the bad luck of this other man." He would then give fifty cents, and they, having made up the necessary amount, pay it to the man for whom it is intended. To him they say, "We must pay for the bad luck of so and so," naming another bereaved family, and he contributes fifty cents. So it goes until,

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The forest stream [photogravure plate]

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THE YUROK 49 when the head of the last family to be solaced has been reached, his pay amounts to fifty cents less than that of the others, because there will be no call upon him to contribute to a bad-luck fund. But frequent visits are paid to the rich man who has been first satisfied, so that usually his entire pension is disbursed. This work is undertaken in each village by some man who, having heard that his friend of another village or tribe is going to have a dance, feels obliged to see that nothing prevents his own people from attending. During the year preceding the celebration the people from Atsepar to Kenek make provision for entertaining their numerous guests by gathering large stores of acorns, seeds, and salmon, and by making a large number of baskets in which to serve the food. Some rich man who wishes to sponsor the ceremony calls on several of his friends and requests their aid in obtaining sufficient dancing regalia, and in feeding the people. When he has made these necessary arrangements, they go to see the proper priest, who is called mewalep ("clear out"), referring to the clearing of the danceground. There is, and was, only one man possessing the right to fill this position. But the priest needs a little urging. He objects that he has no acorns. One of the men answers, "I will give you some of mine." Also, he requires salmon. Another promises salmon. When at length the old man is satisfied, he names the day for the dance. Then the sponsor and his associates visit the various villages up and down the river, as well as the Hupa and the Karok, to obtain what dancing regalia they can. The less valuable articles they bring back with them, but the deerskins and the ceremonial obsidian blades are brought later by their owners. The ceremony is supposed to last ten nights. The dancing begins soon after sunset, and before that time the priest has made a small fire on the terrace in front of a temporary wall of boards, which represents a house that was washed away by a freshet many years ago.' Carrying a firebrand, a basketry dipper containing incense roots, and a pipe, he follows a certain path that winds down the terrace to a level about twenty feet lower than the wall and just above the river bed. There he kindles a small fire, clears away all stones, and cuts off the brush from the dance-place. At this spot there are three stones in a row, on which the singers sit between the songs, and in front of them is a flat stone on which the priest 1 An illustration of the manner in which many inexplicable customs originate. VOL. XIII-7

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50 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN himself sits behind a little fire, while the dancers perform. After clearing the ground, the priest goes back and sits in front of the wall of boards until the dancers appear. For the first few days there are rarely more than nine dancers, but there must be at least that many. In the middle are the three singers. These and all the others are dressed alike, with deerskin skirt and wolf-skin head-band in which eagle-feathers or sticks are thrust. Each carries a white or an almost black deerskin with stuffed head, into which a staff is inserted. With them are two men who, besides the deerskin skirt, wear head-bands consisting of a number of sea-lion teeth set into a skin band and curving upward. Under the left arm is a quiver containing a bunch of grass instead of arrows, and each carries a ceremonial obsidian blade. Led by the priest, they all march down the path to the dance-ground and there stand in line facing the village. The priest himself sits behind his fire, into which he occasionally throws powdered incense while repeating the pertinent myths. At each end of the line and somewhat in front of it stands one of the two obsidian-bearers. The singers begin a song, and the dancers rhythmically thrust forward the staffs on which the deerskins hang, while at the same time the blade-bearers march in a long ellipse in front of them, back and forth, passing each other at the middle of the line, blowing on bone whistles and holding the blades before them in the right hand. At the end of each song the singers sit down on their stones, while the others remain standing. After the third song the obsidianbearers march around behind the line and stand in the row just outside the ones next to the singers, and when the singing is resumed they dance there, holding the blades in both hands close to the waist. After three or four songs more, they all march back to the spot in front of the board wall and remove their costumes. But the priest remains seated at the dance-ground, and from their camp down on the sandbar come the dancers of the neighboring village Wakhshek (Martins Ferry), or those of Pekwuteu and Ertlerger, the two villages across the river from Weitspus at the mouth of the Trinity. They dance in just the same manner, and are followed after an interval by the dancers from the other community. As soon as a set of dancers have removed their costumes they run down to the river and bathe, even while the next group is performing; unless, indeed, performers are so scarce that while they are undressing a man from another group is waiting right on the

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Hupa war-chief [photogravure plate]

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THE YUROK 5i spot to ask some of them to dance for him. Sometimes the entire group go down to one of the visiting camps on the river and dress in the costumes there offered them. Each of the three groups performs twice, and in conclusion each camp has a feast, the dancers eating in the camp for which they last performed. But the priest goes directly to his house. Two of the old-fashioned houses still stand close to the danceground. One is that in which the priest lives during the ceremony, and it is kept in repair only for this use. These houses contain no modern material, except the doors, and the timbers are held in place by withes. The use of nails would be sacrilegious. The priest spends the remainder of the night in his sweat-house, and early in the morning he builds a small fire in front of the board wall. When he hears sounds that indicate that the dancers are nearly ready, he takes a firebrand, a basket dipper with incense, and his pipe, and goes down to the dance-ground. It is generally about two hours before the performers make their appearance, and there he must sit until the morning dance is done, without food and drink. In the first few days each group dances only once, as described above, but toward the end each one repeats its dance after the others have appeared; so that they continue sometimes far into the afternoon, during which time the priest and the dancers neither eat nor drink. (This rule is no longer observed by the dancers. They eat breakfast before the dance begins.) About sunset the priest returns again to the dance-ground and the performance is repeated. The people from other villages do not generally arrive in time for the beginning of the dance, and meanwhile the Weitspus people dance by themselves. When the Pekwuteu people are ready to come, they cross to the left bank of the Trinity and join the people of Ertlerger, and after their dancers have there dressed, all embark. In the bow of the canoe with the dancers are two men wearing sealion-tooth head-bands with a single feather in the back. They carry no obsidian blades nor quivers. Behind them stand the dancers, holding deerskins on staffs, and in the stern is a single man with a paddle. The dancers sing and strike the right foot on the bottom of the canoe, while the two men in the bow constantly blow bone whistles and kneel with hands on the gunwale and sway their bodies to and fro, shaking their heads from side to side, in imitation of sea-lions. They land on the bar between Trinity and Klamath rivers, cross it on foot, walk a few yards up Klamath river, and get into another canoe, in which they approach the shore below Weits

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52 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN pus.1 Here are gathered a great crowd of people watching them. As the canoe comes close, some one with a long pole repeatedly pushes it back into the stream, so that the spectacle may be the longer enjoyed. When at length they land, they walk down to the camp which their people have already set up. On the last few days there are four men who dance with blades. If at the end the people are not satisfied, because perhaps the majority of the spectators and dancers did not come early enough, the dance may be prolonged under the pretense that the first five days, when they danced without visitors, were merely for practice. They then dance five days longer. Sometimes either the dance must be prolonged, or after its inauguration there must be an interruption, because the people down the river are having difficulty in making a settlement with their bereaved members. Again, word may come to the people in one of the camps on the river bars that a man of their village has died. It is then impossible to continue the dance until money for the necessary payment to his family has been raised, because these people could not avoid seeing the dance, inasmuch as the dance-ground lies right before their eyes. So there is a day's delay while the assembled people help them raise the necessary sum. Formerly the priest was accompanied in all his official acts by a maiden, who wore only the primitive apron, skirt, and deerskin robe over the shoulders. She observed the same restrictions as the priest himself, refraining from food until the day's dancing was done, bathing in the river with the priest, and at no time drinking any water except what was contained in the acorn soup she ate. In recent years it has been impossible to persuade girls to undertake this arduous duty, especially as they do not like to expose their bodies to the public. The maiden's part has not been filled in the last thirty years. At the end of the Deerskin dance there are two days for rest, and at dawn on the third day the priest (formerly accompanied by the maiden) goes to various places just behind the village, and there, sitting on certain stones and facing certain directions, he repeats formulas and blows a pinch of tobacco to the wagfhai addressed in the formulas. In his right hand he carries a basketry cup with incense root, and in his left a small deerskin containing tobacco and pipe. Slowly he works his way from the village up the hill and 1The transfer to a second canoe has no ceremonial significance. This is the regular and easiest method of crossing to Weitchpec.

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A house at Wakhtek - Yurok [photogravure plate]

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THE YUROK 53 along a ridge to a place about three miles back in the hills. On the way he clears the ground at the six places where the dancers will stop to perform. Soon after the departure of the priest the dancers of Weitspus, and those of the two villages across the river, start out, accompanied by two or three young men who help to carry the loads. The first dance-place is on a high point just above the village, and as soon as they arrive there, the men throw down their packs of costumes, and dress. The Weitspus dancers perform first in exactly the same manner and with the same kind of costumes as the Hupa use in their Jumping dance. The Pekwuteu and Ertlerger dancers follow, then they all move on and dance successively at the next four stations. Finally they come to the last and principal place, where they find the priest sitting at his incense fire, and all the people from the village and from the river camps, who have gone up by another and shorter trail and established themselves, family by family, in spots rigidly prescribed by ancient usage. The inhabitants of Wakhshek, having gone home after the Deerskin dance, have arrived here by a direct route from their village, and have danced along the way at places of their own. Here after the usual dances they have their first meal of the day. It is midafternoon. In the evening each group dances again, Weitspus first, Pekwuteu and Ertlerger second, and Wakhshek third, and the evening meal is eaten after dark. The priest remains awake all night, smoking and frequently walking about in order to do so. (The assisting virgin of other times bathed at intervals in a spring prohibited to all others.) Early in the morning the leader of the Weitspus dancers begins his preparations for the day's performance, but in spite of all his efforts it is usually well into the morning before a start is made. There are long intervals of waiting between dances, due to the difficulty of securing performers and dressing them, and as each group repeats its dance, the end does not come until mid-afternoon. The priest (and formerly the virgin) immediately starts back to the village, and the others move about a quarter of a mile before they eat. Then after the meal all the visitors hurry away to Weitspus for the night. The others come in a more leisurely fashion, because they, the hosts, have heavy loads of household utensils to carry, and after covering part of the distance they stop for the night in the hills. The purpose of the ceremony is to ward off bad luck of every kind, such as sickness and famine. Fish and game are expected to be more plentiful thereafter, and health better.

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54 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN In Yurok mythology there are three important characters, corresponding to similarly named Hupa and Wiyot personages.' Wafhpeku-mau (" oceanward widower") is the equivalent of Hupa Yimantuwinyai ("across-ocean he-went-away"), who improved the natural features of the river country as a reward to those who gave him their prettiest virgins. Pulfikuhl-qerreq ("far-down-stream pointed-buttock") is the same as Hupa Yinuka-tuwinyai ("south he-wentaway"), the transformer who contended with the evil beings along the river and either destroyed them or made them harmless. Coyote is the usual trickster, working for his own ends, sometimes successfully outwitting his opponents, sometimes ludicrously defeated. 1 See page 26.

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Yurok houses at Weitspus [photogravure plate]

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The Karok

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Entrance to a Yurok sweat-house [photogravure plate]

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THE KAROK HE Karok inhabited the banks of Klamath river from a few miles above Happy Camp in Siskiyou county down to Redcap creek in Humboldt county, and Salmon river up to the Forks of Salmon. The Klamath in this region flows in a southerly direction, but soon after passing out of Karok boundaries it swings rather sharply to the northwest, so that a portion of the territory of the Yurok, who occupy the river below the Karok, actually lies west of the southerly village-sites of the latter. The two areas however are separated by the divide between the southerly and the northwesterly courses of the river, and all intercourse between the two tribes was by way of the Klamath. Invariable participation by visitors of one tribe in the ceremonies of the other kept then on intimate terms. West of the northern part of Karok territory were the Athapascan Tolowa in the extreme northwestern corner of the state. Here the dividing line was the ridge between the watersheds of Klamath and Smith rivers, which was a barrier to frequent communication, but not sufficiently difficult to prevent at least one war. In the north the Karok controlled, for food and hunting, the watershed of Indian creek, which joins the Klamath at Happy Camp, and so touched the California-Oregon boundary in a narrow sinus of the high Siskiyou range. With the Takelma and the Rogue River Athapascans beyond the mountains in Oregon they had no intercourse. Eastward on Klamath river, which makes a sharp turn shortly before entering Karok territory, and on its southerly affluents, as well as on Salmon river above the Forks, were various Shastan groups, with whom the Karok constantly associated. Indeed, both Karok and the Shastan Konomihu dialect were spoken at Forks of Salmon in the village Suimnannuik, and elsewhere intertribal marriages were common. The Karok were frequent visitors at the ceremonies of the Hupa, whose country lay southward on Trinity river. Formerly supposed to constitute a distinct linguistic stock, VOL. XIII-8 57

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58 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN which Powell named Quoratean by adaptation of the Yurok name, Kworatem, of a locality just below the mouth of Salmon river, the Karok are now known to be related to the Shasta and hence a member of Dixon and Kroeber's Hokan family. In the northern part of their territory was a dialect called Karahuka, but with this exception the language was uniform. Karok is from the native word for "up-stream," and was first used, in the form Kahruk, by Gibbs,' who visited the tribe in I851. He also called them Peh-tsik, and McKee, one of the two Indian treaty commissioners in whose party Gibbs was employed, with true American orthography gave us in the same year Patesick, both of which are forms of the Yurok name for their neighbors, Pe-tikla (peftku, "up-stream"). Dotting the banks of Klamath river and the lower part of Salmon river are a very large number of village-sites. Not all of these were occupied simultaneously, and few contained as many as half-a-dozen houses. The great majority consisted of two or three houses, and.not a few of a single dwelling. The largest of all had not more than fifteen families, but as a family consisted of parents, unmarried daughters, sons, daughters-in-law, grandchildren, and perhaps a few orphan relations or slaves, such a village could boast a substantial population. Considering the list of villages in the Appendix with reference to the number of houses seen by the informant about the year i860 and with reference to the records of Gibbs and McKee in I85I, it seems probable that the Karok population in that decade was about two thousand. In the summer of I852 there was trouble between white settlers and the Indians about Orleans. Some cattle were found dead, and the former blamed the Indians, who insisted that the cattle had eaten poisonous weeds. There was an attempt to deprive the Indians of the guns that had been sold to them at very high prices. Some gave them up, others refused, and the result was fighting in which both sides suffered losses. The white men burned most of the villages from Orleans to a point above Salmon river, and the Indians fled to the hills. After a time they returned to find that their villages were no more; the sites were occupied by white men's houses and farms. Some of the refugees were given permission to build houses in unoccupied places near the farms, and thus began their unattached existence, which in most cases has continued to the present day. No reservation has ever been established for the 1 Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, vol. III, p. I5I, 1853.

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THE KAROK 59 Karok, and the survivors live in small groups near their old homes. They numbered 775 in I9IO. Karok implements and utensils, clothing, houses, food, and methods of hunting, were little different from those of the Yurok and the Hupa. It is safe to say that few artifacts from this district could be confidently assigned by the collector to any particular one of the three tribes. Practically all the fighting of the Karok was occasioned by feuds between villages of their own group; and these brawls were the result of physical injury or of damage to property. If the offender refused to pay an indemnity, the family of the injured one were certain to take revenge. In some cases they obtained aid from their friends among other tribes. The people at Panamnik sometimes enlisted allies from the Yurok and the Hupa. Several generations ago there was a war between the Karok and the Tolowa, which arose in the following way: At a Deerskin dance in the Yurok village Wakhtek there were visitors from upper Klamath river and from Smith river. A Tolowa woman from the latter district became enamored of a Karok youth and accompanied him to his village; and some time later one of her people came to demand payment for the damage to the reputation of her family, because she had been taken away without being purchased. The Karok refused at first on the ground that she had actually followed the youth of her own volition, and had not been taken against her will. In the end, however, they paid him, and the Tolowa started home; but he had not gone far when he was waylaid and killed for the money. Then a war-party of Tolowa crossed the mountains to attack Amaikiara. They saw smoke rising from the valley, and supposed that the people were assembled there in a celebration. As a matter of fact it was the time of the Iruravahevi ceremony, and consequently nearly all the inhabitants were back in the hills, so that the warriors found only one man, the priest at his fire making medicine. They attacked him and the few old people who were in the houses, but some one ran back into the hills with the news, and the men swarmed down and drove off the Tolowa. It is said that only one man of the party reached home, all the others falling victims to grizzly-bears, rattlesnakes, lizards(!), falling trees, and disaster in various other forms. In making peace to end a feud, both contestants paid indemnity to their opponents for the families of those whom they had killed, a high price for "good" men, and less for ordinary men.

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60 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The village was the only political, and the family the only social, division. Rich men and hereditary priests were the important individuals, but they were not chiefs in the ordinary sense. The only Karok word that in any way corresponds to "head-man" is iAhpukat-ar, "money person." Values were measured by dentalia of varying length. Those that ran eleven to a string were equivalent to three dollars each; twelve to a string, two dollars and a half each; thirteen to a string, two dollars each; fourteen to a string, four dollars per string; fifteen to a string, two dollars and a half per string. Marriage was by purchase, as among the Yurok, and supplementary wives were permitted to those who could afford them. Descent was in the paternal line, and the only social restriction as to marriage was blood relationship. Clans did not exist. A woman who became pregnant before marriage was compelled by her brothers to reveal the identity of her child's father, and him they forced either to marry her or to pay an indemnity. If he could not or would not do either, they killed him. If he paid indemnity, the act was equivalent to acknowledging the child and removing from it the stigma of illegitimate birth. If no indemnity could be collected, and the man would not marry the girl, the new-born infant was cast into the river. A woman who had given birth to an illegitimate child and then led an exemplary life, by remaining closely at home and working industriously, was held to be a very desirable match, for she had proved herself fertile. Therefore a man who desired to be sure of raising a large family might prefer to take her rather than marry a merely nominal virgin who might prove to be sterile. But the price paid for such a woman was not large. Generally she was taken by a rich man who already had one wife or more. In other words, she was quite in the position of a concubine taken solely for purposes of reproduction. All adolescent girls had sexual relations with young men, but only when they became pregnant before marriage was there any serious trouble. The customs of burial, subsequent purification, and mourning were like those of the Yurok. A fence was erected around the grave of a rich man even in very early times. It was made by lashing upright pickets to a horizontal pole by means of grapevines, and on it were hung various articles of clothing and household utensils. The enclosure was about two by six feet. When the fence decayed and collapsed, the remnants were made into a single sheaf, and

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Modern Yurok house [photogravure plate]

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THE KAROK thrust upright into the ground over the grave, there to stand until it rotted away. The dead were always buried with the head up-stream, regardless of the actual direction in which the river ran at that place. The corpse was kept in the house lying on a board until the day following death, or, in the case of rich men, until the second day if the weather were not too hot; and the women occupied the house as usual, but kept a fire burning all night. The body was carried out on the board and prepared at the grave. Before burying a rich man they pierced the nasal septum and inserted in it two long dentalia joined at the base. The Karok differed from the Yurok in their ceremonies more than in any other phase of their activities. For, although they performed the Deerskin and Jumping dances, the former was of only two days' duration and the latter occupied ten or eleven days; while the Yurok Deerskin dance lasted ten days and the Jumping dance two days. The Karok, like the Hupa and the Yurok, had an annual ceremony for the purpose of "cleaning off the earth" of sickness, and a so-called salmon ceremony at the beginning of the spring run. Based on the place of performance, these religious rites fall into two divisions. At Yuhtuyirup (52)1 and Tishainnik (70) were separately performed the Deerskin dance and the "cleaning off the earth" ceremony; and the latter was observed also at Inamsufkarom (i ) and at Amaikiyaram (57). The Jumping dance and the salmon ceremony occurred only at Amaikiyaram. Many villages took no part in the Deerskin dance. In some cases the reason was poverty, but this was not always the determining factor. Not a few villages possessed wealth, and even the valuable deerskins and other dance paraphernalia, but they never used them either in a dance of their own or at the two places where the Deerskin dance was celebrated. A rich man of such a village would rent his regalia to friends of other villages that did participate. In the Deerskin dance at Yuihtuyirup there were four groups of dancers: I. Pasiruuvara (29), assisted by Humvaru (I3). 2. Homnipak (27), assisted by Asannamkarak (59). 3. favihtim (53), assisted by Aftaram (39). 4. Yuhtuyirup (52), assisted by Infitakiich (48). 1 Numerals in parentheses identify the villages in the list in the Appendix, pages 222-225.

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62 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN At Tifhannik the Deerskin dancers appeared in three groups: I. Chamikninuch (72), assisted by Panamnik (67), Sahavurum (74), Tuiyivuk (73). 2. Taha-siufkara (64), assisted by Vunhairuk (86) and Tighiramaachip (55). 3. Viupm (76), assisted by Asammam (56). The Deerskin dance, Vohuvuha, occurred about the first of September and lasted two nights and two days. For several days preceding the dance the priest in charge went into the hills, each day to a different place, and kindled a fire, beside which he sat burning incense, while the men of the villages gathered near and engaged in the common gambling contest of shooting arrows at stakes set in the ground. They shouted continually in order to encourage the priest, who by reason of eating only one meal every two days was becoming weaker and weaker. Deep trenches were worn at these places by the feet of the archers. At Yfihtuyirup the first evening was spent in dancing on the sandbar, one set by each division, and in the morning this was repeated. After an early supper they moved to the danceground on the hill, where they danced until late in the night, and the next day nearly until sunset. A feast was then served, and the people scattered to their homes. In the ceremony at Tihfinnik the first evening and morning were spent in dancing on a bar at the left bank of the river at Chamiknilnich, and the next night and day at the dance-ground of Tishannik. The last performance of this ceremony was about I912. The Jumping dance, Vohuvfiha-ka'm ("deerskin-dance big"), occurred annually at Amaikiyaram about the last of August or the first of September. There were three groups of dancers: I. Chamikniniuch (72), assisted by Panamnik (67), Sahavuirum (74), and Tuiyivuk (73). 2. Von-viriuk (75), assisted by Amaikiyaram (57). 3. Viupum (76), assisted by Asammam (56). The first and third groups participated also in the Tishannik Deerskin dance. The Jumping dance lasted either ten or eleven days and nights. It began in the evening, and the first nine days and nights were spent at the dance-ground of Amaikiyaram. For the first few days only one set was danced each day and each evening, and later two or three sets each time. On the ninth day after an early meal in the evening they moved down to a gravel bar and danced nearly all

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Yurok house on Klamath River [photogravure plate]

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THE KAROK 63 night and all the following day. That evening - the tenth day - they crossed the river to a spot a short distance south of Salmon river and danced two sets, and on the eleventh day they performed until sunset, ate a meal, and dispersed. The last observance of this ceremony occurred about I895. The ceremony Irahivi, or Ikhariyara', for the purpose of "cleaning off the earth" and freeing it of the sickness that had accumulated during the year, was in the charge of a priest called fatauvenum. It was observed about the last of August at Inam-sufkarom, shortly thereafter at Tishannik, and immediately after that, at Yuhtuyirup. It was last held about I918 at Amaikiyaram. The sole surviving priest has since died. The priest spent the day in the hills, making fires for incense here and there, gathering medicine, and praying. In the evening he returned to a certain place on the sandbar and built a fire, and the people assembled there and passed the night in a performance that included dancing by men in a canoe while holding bunches of brush in their hands. Then in the morning the people went back to the village for their usual secular pursuits, while the priest went again into the hills to make medicine. In the evening he returned and all gathered at the dance-ground, where the men danced for a short time with bunches of brush in the hand in the manner of the Deerskin dance, and sang Deerskin dance songs. Then the priest went to bathe in the river, and the people feasted. At Amaikiyaram, Inam-sufkarom, Tishfnnik, and Yuhtuyirup in the fifth moon after the beginning of autumn (probably about the first of April), occurred Irura-vahevi ("run-away hide").2 The priest spent a number of days in the sweat-house, eating only a little each evening, and on a certain day all the people retired into the hills to a place from which they could not see the priest at the ceremonial place by the river. He built a fire and half roasted a salmon, and placed certain roots and herbs in its flesh. The people must not see the smoke, lest disaster befall them, particularly in the form of rattlesnake-bites. He ate what he could of the half-cooked salmon and placed the remnants on the fire, which he covered with a tall heap of stones. He then went to the village and tossed a stone on the roof of the sweat-house, and a man in 1 The ceremony has been called "making the world." The name Ikhariyara' is said to signify "ameliorating the world," and apparently is connected with the name of the creator, Ikhareyau. 2 One informant maintains that this rite was simply a portion of the ceremony of " cleaning off the earth."

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64 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN waiting there proceeded halfway up the hill to call the people, who returned to the village. As in the ceremony of "cleaning off the earth," the priest prayed for good supplies of food, and health for all. It is said that a visiting party of Shasta from the region of Etna Mills were warned not to disturb the officiating priest at Amaikiyaram, but they were heedless, and only one reached home. Thereafter the medicine-making at that village was regarded as more potent than any other. The so-called brush dance, a shamanistic healing ceremony for sickly children, is still held in the manner described for the Yurok. Karok mythology centers about the character Ikhareyau, who appeared at Katimi'n. He created the world and its present features, and with a female whom he found he begot the race of Indians. Coyote, the buffoon, appears in many tales, but he was not, as in some mythologies of northern California, the foil of the creator.

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An ancient Yurok [photogravure plate]

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The Wiyot
VOL. XIII-9

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4

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THE WIYOT TH * HE Wiyot inhabited the country immediately surrounding Humboldt bay. The northern limit was the southern watershed of Little river, a few miles south of Trinidad; the southern boundary the Bear River mountains south of Eel river. The eastern line crossed Eel river at the mouth of Van Doosen fork, and Mad river just above Blue Lake, between these points following the ridge of the Humboldt bay watershed. The length of coast-line involved is thirty-five to forty miles, and the greatest width about fourteen. This is a region of excessive rainfall, and dense redwood forests prevail. The settlements therefore were without exception either on the riverbanks or near the beach. Eel river had a comparatively dense population from the sea to the head of tidewater at the site of Fortuna, this stream being very favorable for salmon-fishing; and there were populous communities too on the bay, where shell-fish were abundant. Five or six houses constituted a village of fair size, and none exceeded perhaps a dozen; but as each average house was the abode of about ten persons, such a settlement was of no mean size for an Indian village. There are three districts recognized by the Wiyot. Patuwat is the Mad River country, less than ten miles in length. Wiyat is the territory on Eel river, of very little greater extent. The largest district, Wiki, is coextensive with the drainage of Humboldt bay. In no sense were these divisions political. It is true that there is a collective name for the inhabitants of any particular district, as for example, Wiyat-taretahihl; nevertheless, each village is, or was, a separate unit, and the only political division. Although the Wiyot have a word descriptive of their language, Sulateluk, they have never had a distinctive name for themselves as a people. Wiyot, the name of one of their districts and that by which they are known to most of their neighbors, is now generally used in preference to the formerly favored Wishosk, which, being 67

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68 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN their own term designating the Athapascans (female), was erroneously applied to them by Gibbs. They speak a uniform language, which, until Sapir recently showed its relation to Algonquian, was regarded as comprising the so-called Wishoskan stock.1 The northern neighbors of the Wiyot were the Coast Yurok, another Algonquian group; and on the northeast, east, and south were various Athapascan hill-dwellers - Chilula, Whilkut, Nongatl, Mattole - with whom hostilities of a petty nature were not infrequent. The commonest cause of these affrays is said to have been the killing of Wiyot women harvesting tan-bark acorns in the mountains: for the Athapascans regarded the oak groves as their own particular property. Then the Wiyot from the bay and the rivers would unite in a war-party, and just before dawn would attack some Athapascan village, endeavoring to set fire to the houses and shoot the inhabitants as they fled. Scalps were not taken, and the Wiyot slain were brought home for burial if possible. The Wiyot at the mouth of Eel river were sometimes attacked by those at Van Doosen creek, because of their following the salmon up-stream into their neighbors' territory. Generally speaking, hostilities between the people of different Wiyot settlements were in no wise different from the family feuds that occurred even within the limits of a village. Any war was ended by a peace which provided for the payment of money for each person killed - a system that penalized the victor. The Wiyot knew of the existence of the white race as early as I775, when the Spaniard Bodega anchored in Trinidad bay, just north of Wiyot territory. In I8o6 Captain Jonathan Winship, an American, conveying a party of Aleut hunters from Sitka to California to hunt sea-otters for Russian interests, entered Humboldt bay, but quickly departed southward. It was on the strength of the favorable report made by this expedition that the Russians established themselves temporarily at Bodega bay in I809, and more permanently in 1811 at Fort Ross, eight miles north of the mouth of Russian river. Winship's vessel is remembered in Wiyot tradition, and apparently was the only one within the bay prior to I850. The following account of the early contact with the white race is by Jerry James, son of the former chief at Indian island in Humboldt bay. 1 Dixon and Kroeber had proved the genetic unity of Wiyot and Yurok before the appearance of Sapir's paper, The Algonkin Affinity of Yurok and Wiyot Kinship Terms, 7ournal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris, N.S. XV, I923, pp. 36-74.

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Bob Peters, Trinidad Yurok [photogravure plate]

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THE WYIYOT 69 The first white men were seen at the mouth of Little river south of Trinidad, five men with seven horses. They came southward and passed out of our country at Eel river. In the following year [December, 1849] the people at Kufsuwahlik [on the site of Bucksport, a suburb of Eureka] thought they saw some elk on the spit across the bay at the deserted village Hiyuighutkik, and some men got into canoes with the intention of crossing over and driving the animals down the spit and into the water. As they neared the shore, one said, "It seems that those elk have tails!" They came a little closer, and another said, "Oh, those are what the white men have!" They landed and found a party of white men, who had been down the narrow peninsula, but, finding their passage stopped by the harbor entrance, had turned back. They treated the Indians kindly and gave them tobacco. After a few days the white men returned up Mad river and down the east side of the bay. One of my father's sons guided them from Kufsuwahlik some distance below the village, and then left them. [This was a party of eight miners from Trinity river.1 They made their way to Sonoma, and in April, 1850, returned, about thirty strong, to Humboldt bay, where they found a vessel at anchor. The ship's party had already taken possession of Humboldt point and laid out Humboldt city, and the overland travellers proceeded to stake out Bucksport and Arcata. Several other vessels and overland parties arrived the same season, and the Wiyot suddenly found themselves almost overwhelmed and partially dispossessed of their village-sites.] In a short time several vessels appeared outside. Two of them were wrecked on the spit in trying to enter the bay, but three came in. There were women in the party, and the men put up tents on shore. From that time people began to come in rapidly, some by ship and some over the mountains with horses and mules and oxen. Sometimes cattle were missed, and the owners blamed the Indians; but the white people of the coast knew that it was the fault of the mountain Indians. A white man was killed in the mountains, and his friends thought the guilty man was my father, Captain Jim of Tuliiwat on Indian island. But the bay settlers stood by their neighbors, and the hill settlers attacked some mountain Athapascans and killed about twenty.2 The white people began 1 See The Discovery of Humboldt Bay, from a newspaper account by L. K. Wood quoted in W. W. Elliot & Co., History of Humboldt County, San Francisco, I88I. Wood was a member of the original and of the second party. 2 This may refer to the slaughter of the Chilula, which was manfully accomplished by inviting them to a friendly council at the house of a settler whom they trusted. The settler, let it be recorded as a bright spot in a sordid record, was not implicated in the plot; but he was afterward killed by the Indians, who of course could not have been aware of his innocence. The narrator almost passes over in silence the difficulties between the Athapascans and the lawless element among the settlers and adventurers. As a matter of fact several hundred mountain Indians were killed between I858 and I864, and a large number of these affrays occurred before the Wiyot massacres of I86o. The Wiyot were always friendly and practically blameless.

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70 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN to hate the Athapascans, and those at Eureka warned Captain Jim never to invite the mountain Indians down to his dances. In I860 he held a big dance and invited all the people around the bay, and those from Mad river and Eel river. There was a man from Blue Lake who could speak the Athapascan language, and in the course of the dance he jokingly used that language and was overheard by the white men who were looking on. These were spies for the conspirators. They at once left the house. Before daylight [February 26, I860] the village was attacked by white men with guns and axes. Most of the women and children were killed, and the houses burned. I was one year old. My mother was killed, and when I was picked up by a friendly settler I was covered with my mother's blood. That same night a village at Eel river and another at Mad river were treated in the same way.' This horrible massacre, wholly without extenuating circumstances, was perpetrated by six or seven desperadoes, manfully wielding their hatchets on women, children, and decrepit old men. Most of the able-bodied men fled without resistance. Such were the foes of these valiant knights. The number killed is not certainly known, but appears to have been about sixty. Unfortunately a large number of the visitors had departed from the island at the conclusion of the festivities, else the crusade had been even more successful. The statement that other Wiyot villages were attacked on the same night stands unverified, and may be only a repetition of reports that gained some currency at the time. On the other hand, it seems likely that such may have been the case, in view of the fact that when, in April, I860, all the Wiyot were removed to Klamath reservation, they numbered only four hundred and fifty. A few soon returned surreptitiously to their homes. The others were shunted hither and thither to various reservations, which were all abandoned in a few years, and those who survived starvation and disease returned to their old homes. The population of the Wiyot was estimated in 1853 at about 800; and considering that settlers had been crowding them for three years, that diseases had undoubtedly preceded the newcomers, and that there had been a notable slaughter at Blue Lake by the Chilula, we may conclude that in 1840, a decade before the white occupancy, there were well over a thousand Wiyot. Inspection of the list of villages leaves no definite conclusion, but convinces one that these estimates are probably not too large. The survivors, who live at 1 The narrator was so affected by the recollection of this unmerited massacre that for some time he was unable to speak.

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Weitchpec George - Yurok [photogravure plate]

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THE WIYOT 71 Blue Lake, the mouth of Mad river, Indianola, and Bucksport, comprise about fourteen family groups. According to the census of I9IO they numbered I52. Wiyot houses were like those of the Klamath river tribes, with plank walls and gabled roof, and a deep excavation occupying the greater part of the enclosed square. They varied in size from about ten to fifteen feet. Boards ten to fifteen feet long and two to five feet wide were split from sections of wind-fallen redwood trees, or from redwood drift logs. In cross-cutting a tree, two parallel grooves were made by means of an elk-horn chisel and a maul of the same material, and the wood between the two cuts was knocked off in the form of short slabs, or large chips. In riving boards the workman, with elk-horn wedges and maul, first took off a slab of double thickness, and if it were of equal thickness throughout its length he knew that he could safely split it again and secure two boards from it. Planks were smoothed with an adz, the primitive blade of which was mussel-shell or of elk-horn. The first iron for this purpose was obtained from wreckage, and later from sealing schooners which came annually to Trinidad. Canoes were of the same type as the Yurok craft.1 Three fathoms (fifteen feet as the Indians measure a fathom) was the greatest length, and the maximum depth was measured on the leg, the gunwale coming to a level several inches above the knee of the workman as he stood in the craft. Prow and stern were modelled alike. At the bow a strong spruce withe passed through a pair of holes in the sides and was drawn together across the prow in order to strengthen the craft and prevent splitting in case it ran on a rock. In these rude, log-like, but stable canoes the Wiyot navigated bay and river, and in calm weather sometimes fished outside the heads. In the stern on a raised portion of the hull sat the steersman, while the other paddlers stood, and passengers sat on the bottom. The paddles were long and narrow, scarcely more than poles. Passing through breakers, two men steered. The clothing of a man was a deerskin about the loins. In cold weather there was a fur robe, preferably deer or raccoon, for the shoulders, and for hunting or travelling through the woods there were moccasins and hip-length leggings. Women wore a deerskin skirt belted about the waist and extending below the knees. It was open in front, and the space was filled, as if by a panel, by an In 19I5 during investigation about Humboldt bay, Hoopa valley, and Klamath river from Orleans to the ocean, a few canoes were found on the Klamath, but none elsewhere

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72 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN apron of deerskin fringe ornamented with pendent pine-nut and viburnum-seed beads. This costume was everywhere used on Klamath river and the adjacent coast. Hemispherical basketry caps were worn by women and girls. The hair of women hung in two twists in front of the shoulders, or, sometimes, these ropes were doubled up and tied in a bunch below the ears. Men tied their hair in a bunch at the nape of the neck, or occasionally on the top of the head. The hair was combed with an instrument of baleen. All girls had three to seven perpendicular lines tattooed on the chin, and men were tattooed on the body. The work was done by scraping the skin with a bit of obsidian or flint, and rubbing into the wound the carbon deposited by burning pitch-wood. Bead necklaces of clam-shell, and ear-pendants of dentalia and bits of abalone-shell were used by both sexes. Dentalia and clam-shell beads were the bases of valuation. The former were measured by lines tattooed on the left forearm at certain distances from the end of the thumb; clam-shell beads, which were less valuable, were measured by the fathom. The occupation of men, in addition to the construction of houses and canoes, was the making and use of implements for hunting and fishing. For hunting there were sinew-backed yew bows; arrows pointed with obsidian or flint; quivers made of the pelts of raccoons, foxes, or otters; horn-pointed sealing harpoons; iris-fibre rope snares for deer; deadfalls and fowling-nets. Not all men were hunters, only a few who from boyhood had been trained to the profession. In preparation for an elk-hunt, a man lived apart from his wife for as long as two months; but there was no abstention from food. Then he went out with his "coyote dogs," two, three, four, or more of them, and on finding elk-tracks of large size, even though they were two days old, he took up the chase. All day he followed with his dogs running ahead. Sometimes two days were required to trail the elk down, and during that time the hunter ate nothing, but only smoked. When finally the dogs brought the elk at bay, the hunter shot it, and after cutting up the carcass hung up the meat, while uttering a wish that no predatory animal might disturb it. He then returned to the village and sent out enough men to bring in the flesh, hide, and antlers. The meat was divided among the people without price, and some was eaten fresh while the remainder was smoked. This kind of

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A Yurok widow [photogravure plate]

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THE WIYOT 73 hunting was called raqh-ii, which also describes the pursuit of deer and elk by bands of wolves. Deer and elk were taken in rope snares, which were set in the edge of the timber at a clearing where the animals were known to be in the habit of feeding. At dawn the next morning the hunters took their dogs to the clearing and set them on the feeding animals, which dashed madly for cover. Sometimes an elk succeeded in breaking the rope, but this seldom occurred because it was made fast to the middle of a strong pole, which dragged behind and prevented the captive from exerting a breaking strain. Black bear were trapped in deadfalls, which apparently were somewhat complicated in their construction. When a hibernating bear was found in a hollow log, it was suffocated by smoke after strong stakes had been driven into the ground in front of the opening. Then a man crawled in and slipped a noose over the bear's head, and thus the carcass was dragged out. Small animals, such as raccoons, foxes, otters, rabbits, and skunks, were taken in deadfalls. Rabbits were also snared. A seal sleeping on the water was warily approached by two men in a canoe, who remained quiet while the animal's nose was above water and paddled when it was submerged. When the canoe was a few yards distant, the man in the bow launched a harpoon. This implement was a fathom in length and had a detachable point of elk-antler with two barbs on one side and none on the other. At the upper end the shaft broadened out into a flat blade provided with undulate finger-holds, which portion also served the purpose of steadying the missile in flight. The rope attached to the harpoonhead was wound spirally about the shaft, to the middle of which it was made fast. The seal, dragging the shaft crosswise through the water, was so greatly impeded that the canoe could easily follow it. Sea-lions were harpooned as they lay on the rocks. The victim plunged into the water, carrying the harpoon along, and the hunter then rejoined his men in the canoe and gave chase. Other small harpoons were planted in the animal as opportunity was offered, and at last when it was somewhat exhausted the line was drawn in while one of the men stood ready with a heavy club and another with an additional harpoon. The largest sea-lions were dangerous, and would attempt to seize the canoe with their teeth. From a blind constructed where fresh water ran into the bay a hunter with thirty to forty wooden-pointed arrows would succeed in killing perhaps six or eight waterfowl out of a flock. A few arrows VOL. XII —IO

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74 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN were carried off by wounded birds. Small noose snares were set where ducks fed in the salt grass at the water's edge. A very effective method of taking wild fowl, especially the larger species, was by means of a light and a net. In the bow of a canoe on a clay hearth was built a hood of clay mixed with grass, the form being designed so as to throw the light straight ahead on the water at a point about five yards distant. The net was spread on a pair of stout, divergent sticks. At a distance of about five yards from the flock, the man in the bow cast the net forward, and the heads of the birds were caught in the meshes. Before starting out for this kind of hunting the hunter announced his intention publicly, and said: "Now, as soon as I am gone, my wife will go to bed. Let no one enter my house tonight, or I will be unable to approach the fowl." While the belief that a wife's misconduct would prevent successful hunting was widespread, one can hardly help thinking that in such a case as this the hunter was not altogether blind to the opportunity of insuring the sanctity of his mate. Nets were set at night in places frequented by diving fowl, the lower edge being staked to the bottom, so that some of the birds, rising to the surface, would become entangled. Fishing implements included hooks made by lashing a pointed bone to a tough, wooden shaft; lines of iris-fibre; spears with single, detachable bone points; and fish-weirs and nets of several types. The nets of the Wiyot were made of iris-fibres twisted into cords between hand and thigh, and took the form of gill-nets as well as the more common dip-nets. Salmon were caught in gill-nets twenty to twenty-five Indian fathoms long, which were stretched across the channel on a rope between two stakes. The nets were anchored with stone sinkers, and never extended from bank to bank. Each net was attended by two men in a canoe, who sometimes waited on the river in their boat, and sometimes sat on the bank beside a fire. In the latter case they hung the dry carapace of a crab on the top of the channel net-pole, and when a school of fish struck the net, the pole was shaken and the rattling carapace gave warning. The fishermen then launched their craft and removed the catch. On an earthen hearth in the canoe was a small fire, at which they warmed their hands. Two wings of pole-and-brush fence, converging down-stream to an opening of about thirty inches in mid-channel, formed the fishweir called h7likuvi. In the opening was placed a net-bag held open on a pair of divergent poles and a bottom cross-piece. This was

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A Yurok cemetery [photogravure plate]

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THE WIYOT 75 identical with the Klamath river dip-net. On the ebb tide the fisherman sat on a platform, holding the net-poles and the signalline that extended across the mouth of the net. When the line twitched, he drew up the net. Tapaw6owuzl was a fish-weir extending across the stream with a number of short perpendicular wings projecting down-stream. The weir was made with closely set redwood saplings, which were held together by means of three courses of willow-bark twined work. Above each of the short wings was a platform, on which sat a fisherman holding a net against the end of the wing with its opening upstream. When a salmon, swimming against the current, struck the weir, it turned aside, and coming to the wing, followed it down and passed into the net. On the upper side of the weir were several enclosures about ten feet square. When the fishermen became weary, they drew enough stakes in the weir to expose a funnelshaped opening into each enclosure, and in the morning would dip out the fish that had found entrance easier than escape. Salmon were speared in the riffles on moonlight nights, or in the autumn by a crew of three men, one using the spear, another holding a pitchy torch, the third managing the canoe. In the spring, when steelhead trout were running down to the sea, the Wiyot used tupuaghupsaswzuM, a weir roughly made of saplings and poles with leaves and twigs in place, and without bark twining. In mid-stream the fence bowed out down-stream, and on each side of this part there was a downward depression leading into an opening where a net was held by a man on a platform. Arachaqhli was a slender, conical basket, which was placed in a riffle at the angle of diverging wings extending up-stream to both banks. The lower edge of the mouth was underneath a substantial stake, which was weighted down with stones. Crosswise under the middle of the basket was a thick billet, which raised the floor of the trap above the water. The lower end of the basket was bent down into the water and covered with brush to hold it down as well as to keep the sunlight off the captive fish in case the trap should not be emptied before the day became warm. The trout, swimming rapidly with the current, struck the inclined floor, shot over the part that stood out of the water, and found themselves prisoners in the end of the trap. The surf-net, a bag suspended on two diverging sticks, was used for smelt. At the bottom of the surf-net proper was a restricted opening into a long net-bag, which dragged in the water behind

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76 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the fisherman. Standing in the waist-deep water, bending his head to meet the higher waves, he dipped and raised his net, allowing the smelt to fall down into the bag, where they were securely held until he had enough to justify him in going ashore and emptying it. The hook and line were used for rock-cod and in trolling for salmon, and flounders were speared from canoes. Fish, shell-fish, marine mammals, including an occasional stranded whale, waterfowl, deer, elk, and small land animals such as rabbits, gophers, and skunks, yielded a bountiful supply of food, and somewhat compensated for the difficulty of securing adequate quantities of acorns and grass seeds, which were mostly to be found in or dangerously near Athapascan territory. In any event harvesting acorns required an arduous journey through the forests, and the great staple of the Indians of central and northern California was of less importance to the Wiyot and other north coast tribes than to any others, with the exception of the Klamath and the Washo, neither of which is typically or wholly geographically Californian. Even so, acorn mush was regularly used, and its comparative scarcity was supplemented by seaweed, various bulbs, berries, and green shoots. Tobacco was rudely cultivated. The ground was broken with a dibble, ashes were mixed with the soil, and after strewing the seed and erecting a brush fence around the plot, the gardener gave it no further attention until harvest time. A few herb remedies of actual worth, most of them laxatives, were known to the Wiyot. The steam rising from a basket containing.hot water and fennel was found efficacious for reducing swellings, but probably the results would have been equally good without the fennel. The decoction of fennel was taken internally to produce abortion. Besides her ordinary household duties of preparing food, making clothing, and caring for her children, the woman wove the numerous baskets required by a culture that knew neither pottery nor wooden vessels. The art of basketry has not yet become obsolete (although many of the old forms are no longer made), and the product is like that of the Hupa and the Klamath River people. Only twined basketry is made, and the warp is always hazel shoots (luuiliswu/l), the weft hazel shoots, spruce-root (tap), or willow-root (laghapitk). White designs are produced by overlaying the weft with Xerophyllum grass (hemanuwuil), black with the bark of maidenhair fern (siswdqi), and reddish with the two flat fibres (tiqamufdawulha) drawn from

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Yurok fishermen [photogravure plate]

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THE WIYOT 77 the pounded stems of a Woodwardia fern and dyed with alder-bark juice by drawing them between the lips, the basket-maker chewing a small quantity of bark. The conical, open-meshed burden-basket was used for carrying on the back, by means of a strap across the head, fuel, fish, and other bulky objects; and a tightly woven one was for acorns and seeds, which were stored in a very large, broad-bottomed storagebasket with a small opening closed by a lid. Dried fish and meat were kept in similar receptacles. For use with the flat stone mortar and cylindrical pestle there was a funnel-shaped, but bottomless, basketry hopper, which prevented the acorns or seeds from scattering under the blows of the pestle. For two inches at the bottom the weft of the hopper was hazel for strength, but above that Xerophyllum for tightness. Near the top and also near the bottom were two courses of hazel laid on the outside of the warp and wrapped with spruceroot, and inside at the top was a coil or two of strong hazel to stiffen the basket. At the top the warp rods were bent over and braided under one another. The tray, pashachach, for sifting meal, was eight to twelve inches in diameter and three or four inches deep. It was held in one hand while the fingers of the other tapped the bottom, causing the fine meal to be shaken over the edge. The coarse meal remained to be pounded again in the mortar. Seeds were parched by shaking them with a few glowing coals in a tray about twenty-two inches in diameter and eight inches deep, and baskets of the same kind were employed as receptacles for food in preparation, as fish after it had been cleaned. Water-tight baskets for boiling with hot stones were round, and straight-sided, and smaller ones of the same form, about nine inches high and six in diameter, served for individual mush receptacles. Dry food, such as fish and meat, was served in open-mesh trays. Women also used to make tule or cattail mats, which served as mattresses and were a staple article of commerce with the interior people. The stalks were laid parallel and strung on iris cords by means of a very long crane-bone needle. The best spoons were of elk-horn and were ladle-shaped with handles decorated with incised geometric figures, especially on the edges. Common persons, and most women, used musselshells. Fire was produced by a spindle revolved between the palms with the point pressed on a piece of dry wood. The fine dust resulting from friction rolled down a notch in the edge and fell on

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78 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the cedar-bark tinder. Tobacco was smoked in tubular stone or wooden pipes. Wiyot dandies used the elder flute common to the entire state. Although all games were attended by gambling, they fell into two classes: contests in which luck or skill in guessing was the feature, and those of an athletic nature. HalfiKkanila, or vakilla, the so-called grass game, required half-a-dozen sticks about six inches long (sometimes elk-horn was used), five of them having a black line around the middle. Two players faced each other, each with a bunch of fine, dry grass and his sticks. In the space between them lay two lots of ten tally-sticks each. A player wrapped the six rods in a bunch of grass, divided them into threes, and his opponent indicated which hand he believed to contain three marked rods. The other threw out one by one the rods in the other hand, and if the three were marked, he won a point and took a tally-stick. If, however, one of the rods was unmarked, he lost his inning. When all the tally-sticks had been taken from the centre, a winning player was rewarded with a stick from his opponent's store, and the wager was decided only when either player had the entire twenty in his possession. Rarely was there any singing with this game, but if a player had been winning several times in succession he might burst into an exuberant song. The wagers were large, including shell money, canoes, skins, or weapons. Spectators stood behind the contestants, and if a player felt unlucky he might have one of these onlookers make the guess for him. Taqupluwuznu was the dice game of women. Two large discs of mussel-shell and two small ones were held in one hand, and the two hands were then clapped together and quickly thrown apart above a basketry tray, which was covered like a drum with a piece of deerskin. If the two large ones were matched, that is, if both showed the inside or both the outside of the shell, and the two small ones likewise matched, one point was made. The tally-sticks numbered fifty, and a single game sometimes lasted for several days. Many women looked on and posted wagers with one another, but only two played. When the players became weary, they would have two of the spectators try their luck. Between women of wealthy families the stakes were large. RaqElaiyz'uwuk, the so-called stick game, was played between representatives of different villages. On each side were three players armed with sticks (raqh7alaiytuwul, thrower) with a crooked end. Two pieces of heavy wood about three inches long were tied together

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In the shadow - Yurok [photogravure plate]

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THE WIYOT 79 near one end with a short piece of deerskin thong. In the middle of a two-hundred-yard course two opposing players stood with their sticks. One held the missile (rakiTi7) between his teeth. At the word of the umpire (luwilisihl) he dropped it, and each tried to toss it toward his opponent's goal. The other players stood in opposing pairs about half-way from the middle point to the goals, and each grasped the wrist of his opponent and held his stick between his teeth. As soon as the missile was dropped, and tossed, the pair in the centre began to wrestle, and each man of the other two pairs grasped his stick in both hands, placed it behind his opponent's back, and endeavored to bend him backward to the ground so that he himself might escape and throw the missile toward the opposite goal. Any hold was allowed, but the stick could not be grasped by an opponent. When at last some one broke away from his antagonist and raced toward the missile and hurled it, his opponent leaped up and pursued him, and, if he succeeded in catching him, seized him by the waist or the leg or the neck and hurled him to the ground with all possible violence. Heavy wagers were laid. Hichachharawanu was played by boys and youths. A wellbalanced stick about two feet long, pointed at both ends, was tossed into the air with the object of causing it to implant itself in the ground. Among archery contests was haluthaluwilu, in which a heavy bit of wood was thrown about forty paces and each of two men shot an arrow at it. He who first struck it took all the arrows that had been shot. Wagers were laid on shooting for distance (hlawis-vala) and at a target (talalaku). The mark was a small circular hole in the ground, in which a stick was set as a guide, and the distance was about forty yards. Foot-racing and wrestling were greatly enjoyed. Each village had as its chief the richest man in the community. His principal duty apparently was to act as mediator between disputants; for every injury, whether to property, person, or name, must be made good by a payment of damages. Thus, if a number of youths should throw stones against a house, and the owner, coming out, should say, "Why are you doing this to me?" and one of the youths should answer him with jibes and revilements, that man would send word to the youth's family that he had been abused and insulted, and the injury must be requited. The head of the family would probably answer by a messenger that he was willing to pay a certain sum. When the amount of the indemnity had been

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80 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN agreed on, the money or property was sent and the two families resumed friendly relations. But if the family of the offender were too poor to pay, the head would go to the chief and say: "I have abused a man, and must pay. If I do not pay him, I am afraid he will kill me some time." The chief would then either pay the debt, or would call upon the people for contributions. In either case the offender was not expected to repay the chief. The head-man was the dispenser of village hospitality. Any visitors or passing travellers went to his house for food and lodging as a matter of course, and they gave neither pay nor presents. He was able to play this role because he was a good trader and because the hunters kept him supplied with meat and fish. Also, when any of his people saw him after a long absence, they usually made him gifts. The principal duty of the second chief was to investigate disputes and brawls between villagers, to fix the blame, and to endeavor to have the injury compensated by payment of money, in order to avoid disastrous feuds. Not infrequently the chief of another village was called in to make peace. Thus the local chief might say to himself when approached by a man who had suffered injury: "Well, that man is always doing wrong. Let him be killed. I will keep my hands off and let them kill him." Then if the injured man still preferred peace and payment to bloodshed and revenge, he himself might send for the chief of another village to act as mediator. A deceased chief was succeeded by his son or his brother, or some other relative; or if there were no male relative fit for the place, by the assistant chief. If a new head-man showed a tendency to be niggardly or an inability to gain enough wealth to keep open house, the people soon became dissatisfied and talked to one another about selecting a new chief. Some would stand by the chief, and would take it upon themselves to speak to him. If he heeded their advice and conformed to the expectations of the public, all might be well. If he did not, the entire populace gradually came to favor some other rich man, and finally public opinion made him chief. Like all other people of northwestern California the Wiyot had neither tribal organization nor clans. Descent was patrilineal, and only blood-relations were prevented from marrying. There was no restriction of ordinary intercourse between a man and his mother-in-law. The Mad River Wiyot observed a puberty ceremony called takawuwuk. For five nights the people assembled and sang all

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Fishing for smelt in the surf - Trinidad Yurok [photogravure plate]

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THE WIYOT 8I night, sometimes standing, sometimes sitting, and each one striking two wooden batons together. A woman attendant sat or stood behind the girl with her hands on the girl's shoulders, and swayed her from side to side in rhythm with the songs. The girl fasted during the ceremony, and each evening she was led outside to run a certain distance from the house and back. Her head and face were constantly covered with a piece of deerskin. The Humboldt Bay Wiyot had no singing on such occasions. The girl remained in seclusion with her head and face covered, and fasted five days. Each morning and evening for a period as long as six months she took a bath before eating. A girl in this condition was called qraftviwask. She ate only twice daily, and never ate nor drank outside the house without first building a fire to protect herself from sickness. There were no puberty rites for boys. The marriage of two people in the same village was sometimes preceded by secret courtship, and when they had exchanged their vows they simply informed their parents that they were married. Then the girl's father sent word to the other family that he must have money for his daughter, and the young man's father brought the required amount. The girl lived in her husband's house. Among rich families weddings were more often between persons of different villages. Hearing reports of a certain girl in another village, and thinking her to be the kind of girl he desired, a young man opened the subject with his father. If the elder man agreed to the plan, he called his family together, raised the means to buy her, and sent a messenger with the shell money. But the girl's father, after talking the matter over with his wife and his brothers, invariably replied: "I am sorry, my friend, but we shall have to refuse this money. It is not enough. My daughter is a good worker and a virtuous maiden." With this answer the messenger returned, to be sent back with a slightly increased amount. This offer too was refused, and again the amount was increased, and this time it was generally accepted. Then on a certain appointed day the girl's people came to the bridegroom's village. She was arrayed in her very best, with a profusion of shell ornaments, and the people brought presents of shell beads and other valuable objects. The bride remained there with her husband, and a few days later his family visited her people for two or three days, carrying gifts to them. A poor youth, unable to purchase a wife, might win one by frequently visiting the family of the girl he was wooing, and thus beVOL. XII- II

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82 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN coming friendly with her father and working for him. Then after a time the father would urge his daughter to marry this industrious young man. He would say: "I am not looking for money. This is a good young man. He works well. He will come to live with us, and work for me and provide me with wood and food." When the girl's consent was secured, her husband became a permanent member of her family. This kind of marriage was called katawahlui. The dead were buried lying at full length in boxes, and the heads of those who died a natural death were placed to the east, of those who had been killed, to the southwest. For though the former went to sirawatana, which was under the earth, the latter departed to a place about which those who had never been wounded were not told. The body was washed, dressed in its best garments, and wrapped in a skin, and the personal trinkets were buried; but no food nor weapons nor implements were placed in the grave. The burial place of a prominent man or a greatly loved relative was surrounded with a fence and was kept in order for some years. Excavations on Indian island in 1913 by Loud 1 yielded unmistakable evidence that at one time cremation of prominent men was practised by the inhabitants. The modern Wiyot know nothing of this former custom. As tokens of mourning, men and women cut the hair short and wore a ring of Xerophyllum grass about the neck until the braid wore out and fell off. There was no mourning ceremony. The name of a deceased person was not mentioned for many years, and even words incorporated in the name were taboo. Thus, the informant's father bore a name that contained the word h6ol ("water"), and after his death this was replaced for years by burachi ("drinkable"). This custom is probably responsible for the remarkable abundance of long, descriptive names in the Wiyot vocabulary. The religion of the Wiyot differs from the northwestern California type, as seen on Klamath and Trinity rivers, in lacking the well-developed ceremonial cult of the Deerskin and Jumping dances and the excessive use of myth-formulas, and in ascribing to their principal myth character the creation of the world. Many of their myths are parallelled on Klamath and Trinity rivers, but not a few are distinctive. The four principal mythological characters are identical, except in name, with those of the Hupa (see page 26). Kudiqtat-kaqihl, or Kutathidi-kaqhil (both names mean "above old-man"), created 1 Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Arch. Ethn., vol. I4, no. 3, I918.

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Old sweat-house walls at Orleans bar - Karok [photogravure plate]

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THE WIYOT 83 earth, vegetation, and people, in a time when there was nothing but water. How he accomplished this is not told. Because the people were quarrelsome, he caused a flood, which destroyed all except Condor and his sister, who were the ancestors of a new population. Children were taught that this deity beheld their acts and heard their words, no matter how secret. Adak-sora-hlukil ("down-toward ocean he-went") travelled about the country changing the character of the earth and demanding for reward the favors of pretty maidens. In addition to these beneficent deeds some purely mischievous amours are ascribed to him. Puchfiri-ghuirrii ("pointed buttock") is the transformer hero, who destroyed numerous creatures hostile to human life. Witkahl, Coyote, is the familiar buffoon. The ebbing tide is believed to run westward until the ocean in that quarter is full, when it returns on the flood to this side and fills up the eastern ocean. Far away at the eastern edge of the world the sun is kept redhot by a fire of Olivella shells. At evening it goes down just over the edge of the world and passes around the north along the edge until it comes again to the east, to be reheated. The Wiyot claim as an aboriginal invention a "sun stick" for determining noon. A stick was thrust into the ground, and two small pegs were set close together on the north side. When the shadow of the stick fell between the two pegs, it was noon, shapayaq. The phases of the moon were carefully noted, but apparently the Wiyot- had no explanation of the phenomenon. Eclipses (talm-piwi'lu, sun they-eat) of the sun and of the moon are believed to be caused by the dogs of the sky trying to eat the luminary because, as the dogs think, the sun and the moon talk too much. When an eclipse occurred, the people used to go outside and shout and pull the dogs' ears in order to force the dogs in the sky to stop eating the orb. Kuwulli is a being who lives under the earth far away in the southwest. He never goes about, but lies there in the same place, and when he moves his eyebrows the earth quakes. Thunder is made by Takak, who rolls heavy wooden cylinders or throws them upon the floor of his house. His assistant, the son of Above Old-man, stands ready with a receptacle containing fire, and before the thunder is made, the vessel is dropped to the earth and bursts, causing lightning. Sometimes his assistant is shaken

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84 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN off his feet and tumbles to the earth, and grasping for support at the top of a tree, he strips off its branches, and we say that the tree was struck by lightning. In summer the dry clouds sail southward to soak themselves in the ocean until winter. At the beginning of the rainy season they come out and move northward; but the first ones, not having soaked as long as those that come later, do not precipitate so much rain as the latter. Above Old-man shakes his hoary head and then we see snow fall. Lughuiina lives in the west. There once was a girl at a village on the southern peninsula of Humboldt bay, who every day sat on a sand dune weaving baskets and singing to herself, and every day a flock of small gulls would circle about overhead. She wondered why they never flew away to find food. Her song was always the same, "I wish I could see Lughuna." And the gulls would listen to the song and then at night fly out to tell Luighuina that a girl was wishing to see him. And one day he came. He said: "If you wish to be my wife, you will have to pound ice to make hail. For that is my business, to make hail." But she thought that would be too hard, and did not go with him. So Lughuina left her and found a wife elsewhere. She spends all her time breaking up ice for her husband. Qidiq-so'ri ("outward ocean") wears a white head-band. When he removes it and casts it forward, it becomes a white cloud. With a stick he goes behind and drives it landward, and it spreads out and covers the land up to the ridge of the hills in a blanket of fog. In the east is a person who prevents it from going farther. When he thinks it has been foggy long enough, he comes out of his house and raises his bow, wikchachha'sva't, and Qidiq-so'ri retreats to the west and puts on his head-band. The north wind is cold because as a baby he was washed in cold water, and for a similar reason the east wind is warm. The south wind's house was once full of dead people, and he dragged some of them outside. Now when the south wind blows the people become sleepy, because it passes over those dead bodies. The winds are not the breath of supernatural beings who control them; rather these beings simply wish that wind may blow, and it happens as they desire. A man or a woman became a shaman by dreaming of Wighitiiqa, who is said to be quite black. When the dreamer woke, he began to sing the songs he had heard in the dream, and the people knew

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Karok house at Soames bar [photogravure plate]

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THE WIYOT 85 that he was to become a shaman. Then all the medicine-men from the neighboring villages assembled in the dance-house and instructed the novice in the methods to be followed in treating disease. No other person was present. When a shaman was called to the house of a sick person, he went first to the edge of the water, either salt or fresh, laid a board there, and knelt on it. This represented the raft of Avilik, or Tahanalakuk, the first shaman, who took his sick son north on a raft, fleeing from the sorcery of Avakirask.1 Kneeling on the board, he prayed: "Board, you must help me. Water, you must help me. I hope you will do the best you can for me, and help me cure this sick person." Then he went into the water and bathed, still praying to the water. He went to the house where the sick person lay on the side farthest from the ocean, for the ocean is conceived to be the abode of dangerous things. He smoked ceremonially, offering the usual appeal for help, and danced with his back to the ocean, singing the songs learned of Wishitiiqa. A basket containing water was placed beside the patient. The shaman looked closely at his body, and professed to discern the exact location of the trouble. If he was a novice, he said: "I have not the power to cure this. You had better call in another shaman. If there were two, they could the better see how to cure this person." So they asked another to help him. Having seen the sickness, the shaman knelt beside the patient and sucked the place where it lay. He then rose and tickled his own throat with a condor-feather, and spat into a basket. After expectorating several times, he ejected something into his hands, and this he showed to the people, declaring it to be the poison that was making their friend sick. He might defer the capture of the poison until near the end of his two nights of treatment, and if the patient were desperately ill, he would perhaps make no pretense of securing it. In any event he always applied the sucking treatment five times, even if he succeeded the first time, or if he failed completely. After bringing out the poison, he explained under what circumstances it had come into the patient's body, and how long it had been there, as, for example: "This man has been sick for a month, though he did not know it. Still he was sick all that time. He went into the mountains, and the sickness got into him there. He drank water in a -dangerous place in the mountains, and the sickness went into him while he was drinking." See the myth, page I92.

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*I 86 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Then the shaman stood with his back to the ocean, holding the poison in his hands, and said: "Perhaps this came from the sun. Perhaps it came from the mountains. Perhaps it came from some gorge. Perhaps it came from the ocean. Perhaps it came from Wiyat [Eel river country]. Perhaps it came from Patuiwat [Mad river country]. Perhaps it came from the low-lying fog." Thus he named all the dangerous places known to him, until at last he guessed the locality from which the disease actually had come, and then suddenly he would open his hands and show that the object was no longer there. All the people in concert then expelled their breath with a shout: " P.a...! Go out of this house, and never return! We do not want you! Go!" Although the Wiyot did not perform the Deerskin dance, one of their myths declares that it originated in one of their Eel River villages, but was soon given up and passed on to the Yurok. They call the ceremony Tapfhluruwoi. The Jumping dance, Tuitkalik, was performed only by the Mad River division, and was an occasion for wishing for good luck. There seems to have been but one public ceremony common to all the Wiyot. This was Wishiyiuluwui, a dance held for the purpose of insuring good luck, so that the shell money, hides, rope, and other articles of value in the possession of neighboring tribes would come to the Wiyot; that the people might have good fortune in hunting; or that the pestilence which some man believed imminent might be averted. The people assembled in the ceremonial house, and a woman shaman, called in this instance viloi, stood beside the fire, holding the wing-feather of a condor. Men and unmarried girls stood in a circle around the walls, and while the woman led the singing, they danced by flexing the knees without moving from their places. At the end of the song, the leader gave a signal with her feather, and the dancing ceased. After a few minutes for resting, she stood up again and started another song, and the people danced as before. This continued the greater part of the night for several nights, the leader being relieved at frequent intervals by other female shamans. Each led the singing for about two songs before yielding to another. On the last night the dancing continued until daylight, and was concluded by a feast, all the people having brought food to the dance-house. Black paint, siswa-w'ghzirzinih7, a mixture of carbon obtained from burning pitch-wood and elk-tallow, and red paint, hiktin

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The mush-basket - Karok [photogravure plate]

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THE WIYOT 87 talutkak (Hiktina, the Klamath River country), a mixture of tallow and probably iron oxide, were used on the faces of dancers. Men wore head-bands of light-colored fur, such as that from the breast of a raccoon or a fox, or from the belly of a deer; and the wealthy had head-dresses made by sewing the scalps of red-headed woodpeckers on a broad band of deerskin. An ornament made of the scalps of the small woodpecker is called paftakunaqiTl; and one made of the scalps of the large woodpecker is adatayuzna. Dancing women wore basketry caps, and fringed skirts and aprons of the everyday type but much ornamented with shells. Very rich men sometimes owned large obsidian blades, and danced with them, holding them up in the hands. Black blades, siswa-gfhurulu ("black -— "), were somewhat less valuable than sagha-wila ("red -"), the reddish ones. Several times in the course of a night of dancing the head-man stood behind the woman leader, filled his pipe, and lighted it. Then blowing the smoke out with upraised face, he said: "Psuha! I hope we will have good luck from this dance. I hope there will be many from the Klamath River country and from the north who will bring rope. I hope you boys when you go hunting will get good elk and deer. I hope we will have good luck from this dance. We want no sickness. I hope everybody will be well." Then he put a piece of angelica root (tuhmir) on the fire. In wishing for rope, he meant that visitors should bring their valuable iris-fibre ropes, used in snaring deer, and lose them in gambling.

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Ii i'

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Tolowa and Tututni
VOL. XIII-I2

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i.. j,~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~1

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TOLOWA AND TUTUTNI T HE Tolowa were a group of Athapascan villages in the northwestern corner of California, from the Oregon boundary southward to Wilson creek, a distance of about twenty-five miles. While all the settlements were either on the coast or on Smith river not far inland, the territory controlled by them extended to the divide between Smith and Klamath rivers, where the Karok country began. On the south were the Yurok, and on the north the Athapascan Tututni, whose villages were situated on lower Rogue river and on about thirty miles of coast-line southward to the interstate boundary. Other Athapascans lay north of the Tututni on the coast and east of them on Rogue river. Lacking a tribal organization, neither of these groups has a collective name for itself. Tolowa is the term applied to the California group by the Yurok and Hupa, and Tututni is the self-name of the inhabitants of a former populous village on Rogue river at the head of tidewater. From the first the American trappers, miners, and settlers had trouble with the Indians of southwestern Oregon. As early as 1834 a party of Smith, Sublette, and Jackson's trappers and traders were nearly exterminated by the Athapascans on upper Umpqua river, and similar occurrences, with suitable retaliation, continued both there and on upper Rogue river, where not only Athapascans but Shasta as well were concerned. With the Tolowa at Smith river there was trouble almost from the very beginning. In 1853 Hawunkwuit was burned and about seventy people were killed. The survivors rebuilt their houses on the island in the mouth of the river. In 1854 some Indians from Crescent City, accompanying as guides a party of three miners, capsized the canoe in crossing Smith river and killed the miners. Suspicions were aroused in the settlement when no word was received from the three men, and became a certainty when Indians were seen with the guns and pistols of the missing miners. The settlers 9I

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I 92 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN attacked the Tatatteni at Crescent City, burned their houses, and killed many of them. At the same time events in Oregon were approaching a crisis, and in 1855 the Rogue River war broke out. According to the Indians of today the spark that ignited the conflagration was struck by the Kammatwa Shasta in California, whose chief, Tyee Joe, was on bad terms With Tyee John, chief of the Shasta on Rogue river, and therefore imputed his own people's crime to the Oregon Shasta. A white man was killed in a quarrel with drunken Indians who had ordered him off their land, and one of whom he had shot without killing. Then the Kammatwa went into a miners' camp, pretending to be friendly and on their way to a hunt. They slept in the camp, distributing themselves among the miners. At a signal in the night they shot the white men and killed twenty-four. Only one escaped by leaping into the water, and he took the news to Yreka. The Kammatwa went on and came to a settler's house. Their chief, Tyee Joe, said: "I know him. Everybody stay back." He went on slowly, pretending to be digging roots. The white man said, "Hello, Joe!" Joe pretended to be surprised. "What are you doing here, Joe?" "Well, there is much trouble. Twenty-four white men have been killed. I want to go away and keep out of trouble." "Where are your people?" "Oh, they have scattered all around." "Do you know who killed the men?" "Yes." He named the three sons of Tyee John, who lived on Rogue river at Table Rock. The white man wrote the names in a book, and some time later men came from Yreka to the reservation at Table Rock. They read the names and said, "Which men are these?" When the three sons of Tyee John were pointed out, they said: "Well, John, we want to take your boys to Yreka and make chiefs of them." So they were taken away. When the news came that they had been hanged, John would not believe it. When he learned that the Kammatwa were the cause of this, he went to war with the Kammatwa and then with the whites, and made all the other Rogue River tribes join him. His brother's wife was a Shasta from Applegate creek, and these people joined him quickly. The Rogue River Athapascans and all the Shasta bands joined, and the Tututni came in unwillingly at the end. In 1856, while the war was in progress, four men came down from Natltane, a Tututni village north of Chetco river, and urged the Tolowa to rise against the whites before their land was taken. The latter refused, and the emissaries threatened to remain in the country and kill white men wherever they found them. So they

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Karok woman [photogravure plate]

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TOLOWA AND TUTUTNI 93 began to lie in wait in the woods and kill solitary travellers, hoping thus to involve the Tolowa. The whites informed their Indian neighbors that if they did not kill these murderers, they would be held responsible. Threatened with arrest and imprisonment in San Quentin, Kailus, chief at Hawunkwut, took five men, two women, and a boy 1 to carry food, and went into the camp of the four hostiles as if for a friendly visit, for his mother was a native of Natltane. The six men had long knives in their sleeves, and at a favorable moment they murdered the four Natltanetunne. They found a large amount of gold money in the camp, and the leader's scalp, which they delivered to the settlers as evidence of duty well performed, was sent to San Francisco.2 The war was brought to a close in I856, and a large number of the hostiles, including the Tututni, were removed to Grand Ronde, and subsequently to Siletz, reservation in Oregon. Not for its historical value, which is not great, but for its intimate view of the inexorable hardships of native life in wartime and of the difficulties attending "reconstruction" of the individual, the following spontaneous narrative of a Rogue River Shasta is given. John Adams paced thoughtfully about the green terrace at Siletz reservation, and without solicitation began to speak his thoughts. This used to be soldiers' house. Some holes there, where posts used to be. I was prisoner once. Soldier give me wedge and ax, split spruce blocks. Wedge go in, block won't crack. Too green. Soldier say, "Go ahead, split more block." I say, "Got no wedge." He say: "Twice I tell you go ahead, split more block. You no split more-I fix you!" Well, what I going do? No wedge for split more block, soldier he going fix me. Don't I want get shot. Ball so heavy I can't drag him, have to pack him on my shoulder. Well, I carry that ball, go up to soldier. I lift my ax, say, "Go ahead, fix me!" He try back away, I follow him, keep close so can't use his gun. Then somebody run between us. Another soldier say, "What's a matter you fellows, what's a matter?" "Well, I got no wedge for split more block. This man say, 'You no split more, I fix you.' Don't I want get shot. He fix me, I fix him first plenty." That's what I say. 1 Joe Hostler, the informant. 2 A man residing at Smith River in I915 confirmed these statements of the native informant, excepting the one about the scalp. As he was one of the settlers concerned in the turbulent events he was obviously disinclined to harrow his memory by recalling detailso He admitted that a reward was offered for the scalps of the Tututni.

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94 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Pretty rough times! Awful hard time when I'm baby. Rogue River Injun war that time. Well, soldier come, everybody scatter, run for hills. One family this way, one family other way. Some fighting. My father killed, my mother killed. Well, my uncle he come, my grandmother. Old woman, face like white woman, so old. "Well, my poor mother, you old, not run. Soldiers coming close, we have to run fast. I not help it. I sorry. Must leave you here. Maybe soldiers not find you, we come back. Now this little baby, this my brother's baby. Two children I got myself. I sorry, I not help it. We leave this poor baby, too." That's what my uncle say. Course, I small, maybe two years, maybe nearly three years. I not know what he say. Somebody tell me afterwards. Well, old grandmother cry, say: "I old, I not afraid die. Go ahead, get away from soldiers." Well, just like dream, I 'member old grandmother pack me round in basket on her back. All time she cry and holler. I say, "Grandmother, what you do?" "I crying, my child." "What is it, crying, grandmother?" " I sorry for you, my child. Why I cry. I not sorry myself, I old. You young, maybe somebody find you all right, you live." Then like I sleep long time. When I wake up, winter gone, spring time come. I 'member plenty flowers, everything smell good. Old grandmother sitting down, can't walk no more. Maybe rheumatism. She point long stick, say, "Pick that one, grandson." I weak, can't walk. S'pose no eat long time. I crawl on ground where she point. "This one, grandmother?" "No, that other one." "This one?" "No, no! That one no good. That other one." Bimeby I get right one, she say, "Pull up, bring him here." I crawl back, she eat part, give me part. Don't like it, me. Too sour. Well, she show me everything to eat, I crawl round, get roots. Pretty soon can walk. Old grandmother never walk. Just sit same place all time. One day she point big tree. "You go see. If hole in bottom, inside you find nice, sweet ball hanging up. That's good." Well, I find hole, crawl inside. White stuff there, sweet, good. I like that. Every day go to that tree. Grandmother say: "S'pose you hear something say 'Pow! Pow!' That's man. You holler, he come help us." But I can't holler, too small, just make squeak. She make new basket, tell me: "Put upside down out there, maybe somebody find it." One day hear something: "Pow! Pow!" She's too old for holler, me, I'm too small. Maybe I'm scared too. Well, I crawl inside tree and eat sugar. Pretty soon hear somebody talk. Then I'm 'fraid, hide in tree. Somebody coming! I lay down on ground, hide close. "Where are you? Where are you?" Well, there's my

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Old Bob - Karok [photogravure plate]

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TOLOWA AND TUTUTNI 95 uncle. He pick me up one hand. I 'member hanging over his arm while he go back my grandmother. "Well," that man say, "soldiers not stay long that time. Pretty soon come back, can't find you. Think some grizzly-bear eat you. Look for bones, can't find bones. All winter I cry. Then I say my wife: 'Maybe better go other side today. Maybe find something other side.' That's how I come find that new basket. Then I look close. Little grass been moved. Pretty near can't see it. Some kind little foot been there! That's how I find my old mother." Pretty soon soldiers come again. That's the time they leave my old grandmother cause she can't walk. Maybe she die right there, maybe soldiers kill her. She cry plenty when my uncle take me away. Well, all time going round in the woods. After while my uncle get killed. Then I'm 'lone. Klamath Injun find me, bring me to new reservation. Two my relations, they're married to Rogue River man. They take me, but pretty soon both dead. One Rogue River man he say: "Well, you're small. You can't do nothing. I keep you. Long as you like to stay, you stay with me." I can't talk his language, my mother's Shasta Injun. So we talk jargon. Few years after that, then he die. Then some woman hear about me, say she's my sister. Well, I don't know. I look at her. Don't know her. She take me in steamboat from Port Orford for Portland. It's like the ground falling under me, one side, other side. Can't eat, sick all time. Well, we get Portland, I'm glad. Eat lots. Then we stay Dayton good many years, come Siletz. I'm young fellow now. All this Coast Injun say: "That fellow bad blood. His people make that Rogue River war. They start it. He's bad fellow." They keep talking that way, looking at me. Sometimes throw rocks. One day they start again, maybe twenty. I tired all that talking, get mad. When they throw rocks, I throw too. That's the time lose these front teeth. Got no teeth since then. Rock knock 'em out. When that rock hit me, I get crazy. I start for my house for get gun. They head me off. Can't run fast, feels like my head coming off. All time throwing rocks. One fellow's got knife. Says, "We get him!" I grab fence rail, hit him on the neck. He drop, squirm like fish in canoe. Next one come, hit him on the head. He drop too. Don't squirm. That rail too heavy, throw him away and run again. Can't get to my house, they head me off. What I going do? Well, I get in fence corner. What I going fight with? Some white man on other side say, "Here, Johnny, some rocks." Push some rocks under fence. I say, "Well, you come over help me." "No, I 'fraid. Here's more rocks." I pick up rocks. Four men get close now. He's got knife, too. Thump! Hit him in ribs. Stagger like drunk. Next man, thump! Hit him in ribs. He go back. Others all stop. Then I jump fence, run home, get my gun. They go back. That's rough times!

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96 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Official report gives the Tututni a population of 1311 in 1854. The Tolowa were much less numerous, and an epidemic of dysentery in the early sixties greatly reduced them. According to the Census of I9IO there were in that year 383 Tututni and 121 Tolowa. The primitive warfare of these Coast Athapascans, whether among themselves or with other tribes, was in the nature of feuds growing out of refusal to pay a satisfactory indemnity for damage to person, property, or reputation. When enough blood had been shed, peace was made by payment on each side for those killed. About the year I850 the Tolowa on Smith river experienced a shortage of food, and heard that an old woman at Rekwoi was boasting that her prayers had caused stormy weather, with the result that the people could not gather mussels, and that she had prevented whales from stranding on the beach. A party of men from the villages between Smith river and Crescent City proceeded to Rekwoi and demanded satisfaction of the Yurok. The old woman admitted that she had been working against them, but urged them to go home, promising to see that food should be supplied them. They returned home. Shortly thereafter a Tolowa man visiting at Rekwoi was killed, and the Tolowa sent a party down to collect indemnity. This was refused, and a battle ensued, in which a number of Yurok were killed. During the epidemic at Smith river in the early sixties, a Tolowa at Yfntakiut boasted that he had sent the sickness. The present informant had just returned from a visit at Orleans, and sat in the house of the chief Kailus. The chief himself was sick, and his wife and daughter lay there dead with nobody to bury them. He said, "You had better go and kill that man." So the informant went to Yfntakuit, and the guilty man said he would pay Kailus for the damage. But others also came for indemnity, and of course he could not pay them all. Then Kailus said they had better kill him. He was brought to the island and there before the eyes of the people he was led out and killed by striking him on the back of the neck with a native ax made of ship's iron found on the beach. The clothing of Coast Athapascan women was like the Klamath River costume, a deerskin kilt with the opening at the front protected by a fringed apron. In many cases, especially among the Tututni, the apron was shredded bark. The feet and legs were bare except when travelling through the woods, and the upper part of the body, ordinarily naked, was protected in cold weather by a fur robe. Basketry caps were used. Men wore a breech-cloth, and

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Tolowa man [photogravure plate]

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TOLOWA AND TUTUTNI 97 when travel or weather made them necessary, moccasins, leggings, and a shirt made by sewing together the edges of two deerskins. The nasal septum of rich men and women was pierced, and two long dentalia joined at the base were worn in the perforation at dances. The ears also were pierced for shell pendants. Women had perpendicular lines tattooed on the chin, and rows of dots on the forearms; and men had similar marks on the forearms, some of them for measuring strings of dentalia. The hair of women hung in two strands in front of the shoulders, and that of men was tied in a bunch at the back of the head. Tolowa houses were like those of the Klamath River tribes, except that the roof was never in three planes, but always in two meeting at the peak. The sweat-house too was the same as the Klamath type, but the menstrual hut was not used. The material culture in general strongly resembles that of Klamath river, but various modifications tending toward the north coast type appear. Thus, rod-armor gives place to the long elkhide shirt exclusively; the dip-net disappears, elk-horn spoons are more numerous; rope is made of bark instead of iris-fibre; the rattle is a bunch of deer dew-claws dangling at the end of a wooden handle; nose-ornaments and shirts are worn. Redwood canoes of the Yurok type were made by the Tolowa. In these craft they visited the off-shore rocks for shellfish and seals, but so small were they that if a school of porpoises sported about them the navigators were in great fear of capsizing. Stephen Powers recorded that he saw a craft on Smith river forty-two feet long and eight feet four inches wide, with a capacity of twenty-four men and five tons of freight. It probably came from the north. All basketry was twined, and the materials were hazel shoots for the warp, spruce-root for the weft, Xerophyllum (tutehl)1 for white overlay and fibres of a sharp-edged mountain-grass (tamfs) dyed in crushed alder-bark for reddish brown. All burden-baskets, whether for carrying wood or acorns and other food, were tightmeshed, and of the familiar conical form. Baskets for cooking mush and fish, for serving moist and dry foods, for parching seeds, sifting meal, and storing acorns and seeds, were like those previously described in this volume. Mats of tules strung together on cords were used as mattresses, robes, and rain-capes, and, spread on the ground at meal-time, they served for the family table. 1Native words in this chapter are Tolowa. VOL. XIII 13

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98 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Meal was produced by means of a stone pestle and a flat stone base with basketry hopper. The blades of adzes and axes in early times were made of iron picked up on the beach. The bow was yew reinforced with sinew, and arrows were pointed with flint. Tobacco pipes were long stems of ash, and flutes were stalks of elder. The drum, a square wooden frame covered with deerskin, was probably made, like the similar instrument on Klamath river, in imitation of the drums seen in military camps. Deer and elk were usually taken in pitfalls with crossed stakes at the bottom, which prevented the captive from leaping out. Rope snares were used, and in both cases dogs were employed in the drive. Rarely the hunter used arrows at dusk. Bears were killed in deadfalls, and seals and sea-lions were harpooned on the rocks. Whales were sometimes found on the beach, and the people from near and far flocked to the scene. Fortunate was the man who discovered the carcass, for it belonged to him; and he gained honor and credit by giving portions of the meat and blubber to his friends, and wealth by selling to others. Salmon were speared in the riffles at night by the light of pitchwood torches, and were caught in gill-nets stretched across the river. The fish-weir was employed in winter for catching steelhead trout returning to the sea. Funnel-shaped openings led into compartments, escape from which was rendered difficult by the narrowness of the entrance and the swiftness of the current. In the morning the fishermen removed the catch with gaffs made by lashing a pointed piece of elk-horn to a shaft. Hooks were used in salt-water fishing for whatever came - cod, perch, flounders, an occasional halibut, - and the surf-net, suspended on two divergent sticks strengthened by a cross-piece near the apex, was employed in smelt-fishing. The sea and the rivers supplied the Tolowa with an abundance of food, although a protracted storm meant serious privation because it prevented them from visiting tidal rocks for mussels or seals, and from digging clams and gathering seaweed on the beach. No great store of fish food was provided against such contingencies, and acorns and small seeds were here of rather minor importance. Mussels, clams, crabs, and every kind of fish obtainable, were eaten. As on the north coast, the octopus was highly regarded. Porpoises and sharks were eaten when found on the beach, and lampreys were staple. Besides whales and porpoises, the earless seal and the sea-lion,

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On the shores of the Pacific - Tolowa [photogravure plate]

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Libr TOLOWA AND TUTUTNI 99 and on land the elk, deer, and black bear, furnished a not very abundant supply of flesh. The smaller land mammals, such as skunks, raccoons, the rabbits, and gophers, the last a favorite food, were killed whenever possible. The flesh of wildcats, as of grouse, was held to be poisonous, and many still refuse to eat grouse. All waterfowl were relished. The bracken fern, abundant in the forests, supplied a favorite food with its roots, which, like the less plentiful camas bulbs, were steamed in pits with hot stones. Young eel-grass, the white subterranean stalks of the tule, wild rhubarb, and new salmon-berry shoots, were eaten raw. Seaweed of the genus Porphyra was boiled. Fresh fruit was furnished by the abundant salal, huckleberry, elder, madrona, and various species of Rubus. Acorns, hazelnuts, sugarpine nuts, and sunflower seeds, were to be had in limited quantities. The favorite form of gambling was chatlti, a winter-time, intervillage game for large stakes, in which they used a double handful of small rods, one of them being distinguished by a black stripe. The method of play was to divide the rods into two bunches, whereupon the opponent attempted to select the bunch containing the marked one. Joe Hostler, the informant, was three times host and sponsor for this game. Once he lost a hundred dollars, and again a smaller sum. His silence as to the amount of his winnings on the other occasion may be inferred by the reader who knows something of the non-communicativeness of the player who loses heavily and wins lightly. The dice game of women, chahuit, was played with two large and two small shell discs in the same manner as by their southern neighbors. Nastutlta, a shinny game, was played by six men in equal parties, with a wooden ball five inches in diameter. Of similar principle was nastutl-teiEl, in which the women players, three on each side, tossed toward their opponents' goal by means of a throwing-stick a missile made by joining two bits of wood with a thong. Arrows were shot at a stake in the ground for large wagers. The village chief was invested with considerably more authority than was commonly the case in northern California. He had power to demand the services of as many men as he needed in order to enforce payment of indemnity for injury, or to inflict the death penalty if payment were not made. A poor man unable to pay would offer his life service to the chief or to some other rich man who would pay the indemnity, and he then either became the slave

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:1! I00 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of his creditor or sold a sister or other female relative into servitude. As the richest man in the village was chief, the office rarely remained in the family when an incumbent died, because his property was distributed among all his immediate relatives, with the result that some other man could justly claim the distinction of possessing the greatest wealth. The same marriage customs prevailed here as on Klamath river. The wife was purchased, and the two families exchanged presents. There were no clans, the village and the family being the only divisions of society. Conversation between a man and his mother-inlaw was not restricted. A man was not permitted to be in a house where there was a young married woman with whom he was known to have had improper relations before her marriage. Descent was in the male line, and polygyny was practised by rich men. The puberty ceremony for girls, Chanhltai-wunsteyun (" adolescentgirl sing"), took place only in winter, and in honor of girls of wealthy families. If the first menstruation occurred in summer, the ceremony was not held until winter, and then at a time when the girl was experiencing another menstruation. It was thought that rigid observance would result in her being purchased in marriage at a great price, which was the highest ambition of northern California women; but a prime object of the ceremony was to fend off epidemic sickness. During the ten days required for the rites she was supposed to eat only three times, and then very sparingly of acorn mush and dry fish. She drank no water. A bone head-scratcher hung on a string at her neck. At one side of the family dwelling the girl sat in concealment under a tule mat stretched like a penthouse from the wall to the floor. She wore a kilt (cheshhi) of bark strands and a head-dress consisting of four rows of bluejay tail-feathers placed like an eyeshade. Men and unmarried girls danced in a straight line with the back to the fire, occasionally turning sideways and then back to the first position, all the time flexing the knees. At dawn a little girl led the virgin to the river, where she bathed while the dancing continued. A small boy kept watch, and when, seeing the virgin returning, he announced, "She is coming," the dancing ceased. She came into the house, and they resumed the dance, moving slowly around the fire while she watched them. All these acts were repeated nightly, and on the tenth night the virgin removed her bark kilt and donned a deerskin dancing dress with profuse shell ornaments on the fringe of skirt and apron, and

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Tolowa tattooing [photogravure plate]

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TOLOWA AND TUTUTNI IOI strings of shells about her neck. Near the end of the night's performance she was brought out before the people and was wrapped up in a deerskin like a corpse. This was done to satisfy Sickness by making it think it had accomplished its purpose and secured a body. She stood before them a short time, and then the skin was removed and she resumed her seat. At daylight all the people ran to the river and bathed, and when they came out and stood on the bank, they clapped their hands and shouted: "He... Sickness go away!" A girl who during her first or second menstruation ate outside the house, instead of remaining inside in seclusion and eating little food, was thought to be in danger of having her teeth and nose eaten away by worms. Apparently this is an attempt to account for the ravages of syphilis. The dead were wrapped in deerskins and laid on the back with the head to the north in graves lined with boards. Shell money, broken so as to be useless to the living, was put into the grave, but neither food, clothing, nor baskets were provided, nor was a fence built around the spot. Rites of purification for those who had touched the dead were similar to those practised on Klamath river, and the hair of a mourning widow or widower was cut short, while others merely clipped off the ends. The spirits of the dead go to tri"ne-tanhun ("dead join-in"),1 far in the west beyond the ocean, being lifeless five days after passing away and then resuming a living existence in the other world. In much the same way that plains and mountain Indians sought good luck, Tolowa men would go into the mountains and spend there four to seven nights, fasting and wakeful, wishing for good luck in gambling. Usually the individual was alone, but sometimes two fasted together. They were especially careful not to be seen by others, for such an accident would have destroyed their luck; and they were wakeful because "money does not like you if you sleep much." Such men sometimes saw a spirit in a vague, cloudlike form, but it never spoke to them. Very few shamans were men. A young woman who dreamed that she was to become a shaman related the experience to her parents, and if she wished to follow the course indicated by the dream and become a shaman, they arranged with an old member of the profession to preside at a dance for their daughter. This ceremony occurred in the winter and 1 Trinne is cognate to Navaho flindi and Hupa chfntrn.

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I02 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN lasted ten nights. Men sat on the floor and sang, striking the ground with the right foot, while the novice stood between two old medicine-women and danced with them. As the evening wore on, the old women sat down, but the novice had to continue all night, sitting down to rest only in the intervals between songs. Sometimes she would fall in a faint, dripping with perspiration, and the old women would throw water on her chest. After several nights the novice might become, as it were, intoxicated, dancing like a staggering inebriate and uttering short, panting exclamations. Such a one was bound to become an especially good shaman. In practising her profession, the medicine-woman danced, while men sang and the patient lay on the floor. She sucked the place where the pain seemed to be, and spit out what she declared was the sickness. Besides the ceremonies for the puberty of girls and the making of shamans, the only Tolowa dance was ne-stas, which was performed for amusement in the winter. It lasted five nights, and dancing continued until daylight, after which food was served and the people slept. The dancers formed a circle about the fire and stood in their places, striking the ground with the right foot and singing. Unmarried girls danced with the men, and like them wore only a deerskin sash. The song-leader, who stood outside the circle, used neither drum nor rattle. On the earth shelf around the excavation of the dwelling sat the spectators, some of whom from time to time shouted approval.

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A Tolowa [photogravure plate]

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The Shasta

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THE SHASTA HE Shasta were regarded in Powell's classification as a distinct linguistic stock; but now, thanks to the elaboration by Dixon of Gatschet's suggestion, they are known to be only a branch of a stock that includes also the Achomawi and Atsugewi, or Pit River Indians. Furthermore, this stock has been extended, mainly by the collaboration of Dixon and Kroeber, to include also nine other supposedly distinct California stocks: namely, Karok, Chimariko, Yana, Pomo, Washo, Esselen, Salinan, Chumash, and Yuman; as well as two Mexican stocks, Tequistlatecan and Serian. This new stock the collaborators have named Hokan, from the native word for "two," because this word exhibits cognate forms in more branches of the stock language than does any other single term. The Shasta branch of this great family occupied a large part of Siskiyou county in California and a portion of Jackson and Klamath in Oregon. This irregular territory is defined by a line extending northward from Mount Shasta in California to Mount Pitt in Oregon, westward to the junction of Bear creek with Rogue river, southwestward along the divide between Bear creek and Applegate creek, curving around the head of the latter stream and running westward along the ridge of the Siskiyou mountains, including the drainage area of Klamath river almost as far as Happy Camp; then southward and eastward along the edge of the Scott river and Shasta river drainage areas to Mount Shasta. With the exception of Shasta and Scott valleys and small valleys where tributaries cut into the cafnon of the swiftly flowing Klamath, this entire area is mountainous, much of it being well wooded and all abundantly watered. Fish, game, and vegetal products, such as roots and acorns, were plentiful. The Shasta had no collective name for themselves, and the name by which they have been known to us from the earliest times is of uncertain origin; though, as Dixon has pointed out, and as a native VOL. XIIII-4 I05

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io6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN informant of the present writer inclines to believe, it probably is an adaptation of Suistika, the name of a prominent man who lived near Yreka in the days of the gold prospectors. There were five or more groups of these people, differing more or less in language and habits. The Katiru extended along Klamath river from just above Happy Camp to Seiad valley. From Seiad valley to Scott river and up this stream at least as far as Scott Bar, were the now extinct Kammatwa, speaking a dialect unintelligible to the other Shasta. The Iruwaitsu (properly Iruaiftuhis) occupied Scott valley from a few miles above Fort Jones down to the territory of the Kammatwa. The Kikatsik (Kika'f!) were in Shasta valley as far south as Edgewood and on upper Klamath river, extending into Oregon. In Oregon the IkarakafSuhis 1 extended along Rogue river from Ashland to Table Rock. All these groups may be distinguished as the Shasta proper. In addition there were three other divisions which Dixon classifies as linguistically Shastan: the New River Shasta, on New river in the northwestern corner of Trinity county and on the upper course of the Forks of Salmon river in Siskiyou county; the Konomihu, at the junction of the Forks of Salmon river; and the Okwanuchu, between Mount Shasta and Shasta Retreat on the headwaters of Sacramento river. The westerly neighbors of the Shasta in California were the Karok on Klamath river; and in Oregon the Takelma and various Athapascan bands on Applegate creek and Rogue river adjoined them on the west and north. East of them were the Achomawi, the Klamath, and the Modoc. On the south lay Wintun territory. The Oregon Shasta were in frequent conflict for territory with the Rogue River Athapascans, and the Shasta Valley bands lived in fear of the ever-present threat of Modoc invasion and the less frequent menace of the Wintun. Not a summer passed without a raid by the Modoc, who came principally for the purpose of carrying off children to sell to the Cayuse, a trade by which they obtained their numerous bands of horses. In I908 there lived at Yakima reservation in eastern Washington an aged Shasta who as a child had been captured and traded from tribe to tribe until at last he reached the country north of the Columbia. For a number of years after the founding of the mining settlement at Yreka (Waiika, Mount Shasta) the Modoc would come down ostensibly to trade in 1 Dixon gives Kah6sadi, which has an Athapascan sound.

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Elk-horn spoons - Tolowa [photogravure plate]

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THE SHASTA I07 the town, but actually to kill a few Shasta and carry off captive children. It was not their practice to burn houses, but both Modoc and Shasta took scalps. A few years before the Modoc war of 1872 a large band visited Yreka and committed the usual depredations on the Shasta. When they were preparing one morning to start homeward, a small party of Shasta waylaid one of their chiefs on his way from the town to his camp, and as he crossed the bridge over Yreka creek they killed him. When Judge Steele of Yreka, an old resident and the staunch friend of the Modoc, heard the news, he upbraided the Indians and warned them to cease their brawls before some one of them should kill a white man. The Shasta protested that it was all the fault of the Modoc, and Steele sent a Modoc woman, wife of a white man, to invite her people back to the town for a council. The Shasta thereupon despatched messengers to Scott valley and Shasta valley, and the two hostile tribes met in council on the south side of the town, where the settlers had provided a quantity of flour and beef. At the conclusion of Steele's strong speech to both tribes, the Modoc promised to cease their depredations, and that was the end of hostilities. Apparently the Shasta never invaded the territory of their neighbors, but among their different divisions there were the usual feuds and assassinations, which were soon compromised by the payment of blood-money. Though they were as unwarlike as most California tribes, the Shasta had a war-dance, which they performed before setting out for another village to demand satisfaction for the injury or murder of one of their fellow townsmen. Twenty to thirty men would stand in a row and sing the war-song while striking the ground with the right foot, and two young men with eagle-feathers in the hair and eagle-bone whistles in the mouth would dance and leap about in front of them, occasionally shouting with a strong expulsion of breath, "Pah, pah!" The first white men in the Shasta country were fur-traders who came down along Klamath river. An old man living near Yreka remembers the unexpected appearance of the first party seen by his band near the site of Ashland, Oregon. They were armed with flintlocks. The Indians fled, but the white men motioned them back with their hats, and when the natives returned, the white men made signs to sit down, placing their hands on their breasts and saying, "Makoi, makoi!" which the Indians took to mean that they

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Io8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN had friendly intentions. Probably the men were French-Canadian trappers, and said, "Bon caeur, bon ceur!" With the discovery of gold in California came an influx of adventurers, and the troubles of the Shasta, as of all Indians in the northern half of the state, rapidly became acute. There were depredations on both sides, and when in 1853 the "Rogue River war" broke out, many of the Shasta bands became involved. Never very populous, they were much reduced when peace was restored, and succeeding years of combating disease and famine finished the work, until now careful search is required to find a full-blood Shasta. It is a tale that becomes wearisome with repetition in the history of California Indians. The simplest costume of Shasta men consisted of a deerskin loin-cloth. As temperature, environment, or occasion made them desirable, moccasins, leggings, shirts, robes, head-bands, belts, and hats were used. Moccasins were made of deerskin or elk-skin with an extra sole of bear or elk rawhide. For winter wear there was a single sole of bear-skin with the fur on the inside; but poor men simply wrapped the feet in ordinary fur or even moss or dry grass, and encased them in summer moccasins. The leggings reached to the hips and sometimes were ornamented with dyed porcupine-quills or beads, in the fashion common to the Plains tribes. Three deerskins were required to make a shirt, one forming the front, another the back, and a third smaller one the sleeves. The seams were fringed, and the garment sometimes had porcupinequill ornamentation. Ordinarily the men wore nothing at all above the waist, and frequently instead of a shirt a deerskin was thrown about the shoulders. On special occasions rich men wore belts made of wide strips of blackened elk-skin, and head-bands decorated with porcupine-quills. Such men had also for occasional use elkskin hats painted with blue and red designs and adorned with eagle tail-feathers. Warriors protected the upper part of the body with a corselet of elk rawhide or of a double thickness of service-berry rods held together by cord twining. Women ordinarily wore nothing but a knee-length deerskin skirt and an apron of fringe to fill the gap at the front. A few had sleeveless shirts for cold weather, but mostly mere skins were draped about the shoulders. On particular occasions they wore over the ordinary skirt an ornamental one of deerskin, fringed at the sides and with each fringe covered with braided grass and ornamented

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Measuring shell money - Tolowa [photogravure plate]

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THE SHASTA IO9 with beads, shells, or pine-seeds. The moccasins of women were like those of men, but the well-to-do had knee-length leggings sewed to the tops of their footwear. Basket-caps were worn at all times. Men either allowed the hair to hang loosely, or twisted it into a rope which they confined in a knot at the nape of the neck by means of deerskin thongs or on the crown of the head by means of a bone pin. Fighting-men wore upright in the hair a slender stick with numerous white downy eagle-feathers attached by short strings. Women parted the hair in the middle and wore it in two ropes in front of the shoulders, wrapping the ends with strips of skunk or mink fur. The comb was the skin of a porcupine tail with the bristles stiffened by singeing off the ends. Every girl at about the age of twelve had the chin tattooed in three vertical lines by a woman who made such work her profession. The skin was scarified with an obsidian chip, and pitch-pine soot collected on a flat stone was rubbed into the cuts. Some men, but not all, had designs tattooed on the forearms. Most men and some women had the nasal septum pierced, and on occasions wore therein either a pair of long dentalia or, if they could not afford those, a blackened spill of wood or a feather. Both sexes had the ears pierced and wore in them, either pendent on a short cord or thrust through the holes, ornaments consisting of five or six porcupinequills dyed yellow by boiling with yellow-green moss (hata) that grows on pines. On special occasions the face was ornamented with various designs in red paint (isur). War paint was white earth and soot. The winter house of the Shasta was built over an approximately rectangular excavation three or four feet deep. The ridge beam, in two sections, rested on a row of three crotched posts erected in the excavation on the line of the longer axis, and the eaves-poles were supported by similar but shorter series at the sides. Rafters extending from the eaves to the ridge supported a number of battens, on which were arranged slabs of bark, which at one side of the ridge overtopped those of the other side, in order to shed water at the peak. In the centre of the roof was a smoke-hole. The walls were of slabs, sticks, and bark, banked up with earth; but a few rich men had board houses. All the timbers were lashed together by means of withes. The doorway at the middle of one end was less than the height of a man and was covered with a tule mat. At night the entrance was partially blocked by means of a log across the bottom and poles lashed across the doorway above the log. The very poor

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I IO THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN inhabited huts made by erecting two crotched posts in an excavation, placing a short ridge-pole on them, and raising a set of rafters, the bottom of which rested directly on the ground in an approximate oval. This frame was covered with grass, tules, sticks, and earth, and the opening in the front was closed by a mat. The communal sweat-house was used mainly by young unmarried men and old widowers, the married men generally sleeping in the dwelling-house and going occasionally into the sudatory for the morning sweat. The framework of this structure consisted of a stout crotched post planted in the centre of a circular excavation, and numerous rafters, large and small, extending from the edge of the pit to the crotch. This frame was covered with bark, pineneedles, and earth. In the front a space was left between two heavy rafters, and a stout bar lashed across them a few feet from the bottom supported a mat curtain; while at the back a small tunnel led into the open. When the oak fire was started in the fire-pit at one of the rear corners, the tunnel and doorway were left open to create a draft; but after it was reduced to a bed of coals, a closely fitting slab was inserted into the mouth of the tunnel, the mat curtain was lowered, and the inmates lay at ease on a floor covering of pine-needles. They slept without clothing or covering; but if the heat became dissipated before morning, they drew blankets over themselves. At dawn they dismissed any boys who might have spent the night there with their fathers, and then built up a fire, opening the tunnel but leaving the doorway covered. They sat about chanting in low tones and gently striking their chests with their palms. After replenishing the fire once or twice, they bathed in the stream and went to their homes for the morning meal. Still in occasional use by the few remaining Shasta is the true sudatory, which they construct by covering with tule mats a hemispherical frame of willow rods with their ends thrust into the ground and with lashings at the intersections. It is heated by pouring water on hot stones, and is employed only in the treatment of sickness. The small menstrual hut was constructed on a frame consisting of two forked posts, a connecting ridge-pole, and numerous pole rafters resting on the ground. The roof consisted of bark slabs and was banked up at the bottom with pine-needles and earth. Regardless of age, women withdrew to these huts for their menstrual periods, and during parturition. Campers slept in the open without shelter, unless they were to

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Tolowa basket-maker [photogravure plate]

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THE SHASTA III remain in one place for a number of days, when they erected windbreaks of dead wood and bark. Nuts, berries, and roots furnished the Shasta a varied and abundant supply of vegetal food; while deer, antelope, elk, bears, and small game gave them their meat. Salmon also was one of their principal foods. Chief among edible nuts were several species of acorns, which were usually eaten in the form of thick soup or mush. After the kernels had been dried, the outer membrane was removed and they were crushed into fairly fine meal in a mortar consisting of a flat stone and a basketry hopper. The bitter principle was then removed by leaching. On a miniature scaffold of sticks a few inches from the ground a layer of dry pine-needles was placed, and on them a slightly concave bed of sand. On this filter the meal was spread, and a quantity of water, warmed by heated stones, was poured over it. The palm was then pressed down on the wet meal, which adhered and was lifted away to have the sand removed by dipping hand and meal into a basket of water. Finally the meal was placed in another basket containing water, where it was cooked by means of heated stones. Sugar-pine nuts were gathered in August, the men climbing into the trees and shaking the branches with their feet, and the women gathering the cones, which were roasted on hot stones in a covered pit. The nuts were then picked out, dried, and stored for winter use. The meats were crushed and made into cakes, or the whole nuts, mixed with dried salmon, were pounded up and eaten without cooking. Red manzanita-berries were crushed and stirred in cold water, which was lapped up by means of brushes made of hairs from a gray squirrel's tail tied to a stick. To obtain yellow-pine bast, the Shasta girdled a tree by bruising the bark with a stone and ripped the section longitudinally with a sharp stick. The inner surface was then wiped off with a bunch of grass, to remove the pitch, and the bast was scraped off with a sharpedged piece of manzanita and eaten uncooked. Madrona-berries were eaten after boiling, and pinole, or parched meal, was made principally of tarweed seed, which was gathered by shaking the plant over a deerskin bag sewed on a circular frame. Camas and ipha (Calochortus) were the principal edible roots. Deer were captured in noose snares set at narrow openings in brush fences, along which the animals were driven slowly in order

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I 12 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN not to frighten them and so cause them to leap the barrier. When they came to an opening they would attempt to pass through, and the noose would catch them by the horns or the neck, when they were clubbed or shot. There were a few men so fleet and persistent that single-handed they could run down a deer, remaining on its track all day and sometimes for two days. As they ran, they would frequently utter a long call, "Peu, peu, peu!" somewhat like the bay of a hound. In summer deer were sometimes driven by firing the mountainside, and on one such occasion a hunter known to the informant became engulfed in a whirlwind of flame and was burned to death. Deer were killed also by stalking, the hunter wearing the skin of a deer and the stuffed head with imitation horns. For summer use the horns were made by sewing mink fur on a pair of forked sticks, imitating horns in the velvet. Elk were sometimes stalked, but more frequently were run down in deep snow by men on snowshoes. Some hunters successfully imitated the bleat of a fawn by holding a thin leaf between the lips and drawing in the breath forcibly; and by uttering the chirping call of young rabbits they brought the old ones within reach of their arrows. Ground-squirrels also were called out of their burrows. Black bears were stalked while feeding in the evening or early morning by several men in a party, who, after the first shot by the leader, surrounded the animal and as he charged past them in the effort to escape, implanted their arrows. When an occupied bear den was discovered, the hunter would stand in front of it and shout: "Come out! It is time now!" And the arrow would fly when the bear, aroused by the noise, showed his head and shoulders in the mouth of the den. Grizzly-bears were sometimes stalked by men brave enough to try it and active enough to avoid the wounded animal's charges; but generally they attacked the grizzly at his den, setting a number of sharp stakes around the entrance and then shooting while the enraged animal was demolishing the barrier. Small animals were killed only with arrows. Deadfalls, pitfalls, and traps of all kinds were unknown. Venison was never boiled, but was either roasted, or dried in the sun and stored in long tule bags. After killing a deer, the hunter cleaned out a length of intestine and filled it with blood and pieces of kidney and lung. When he brought the sausage home, the woman placed it in hot ashes, watching carefully to see that excess of heat

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Tolowa type [photogravure plate]

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THE SHASTA II3 did not burst it, and testing it by piercing it with a sharp stick: when no blood bubbled out, the contents were cooked. The carcass of a hibernating bear was placed unskinned on a large brush fire, and scraped and turned with a pole until the hair was singed off and the hide roasted to a crisp. It was then cut into large pieces, which were boiled, wrapped in fine grass, and laid away for future use. The Indians compare this meat to fat bacon. Sometimes the skin with a thick layer of fat was singed and roasted, and then eaten. Salmon were taken principally in wicker traps and dip-nets. It is said that formerly the salmon run in Klamath river and its tributaries occurred in the spring at the time of greening grass, and at that season weirs were built at a few favorable points in the Klamath and at a number of places in the smaller streams. The building of a weir was begun by driving a row of strong stakes into the bed of the river with the tops inclining up-stream. On the up-stream side a transverse line of poles was lashed to the stakes at water level, each end being anchored to a tree by means of a grapevine. Brush weighted with stones was then placed along the upper side of the weir. At each of several openings was the mouth of a wicker trap, which was eight to ten feet long and two or three feet in diameter at the opening, tapering to a much smaller diameter at the upper end, where a trap-door was placed. These traps were sometimes set also in a riffle ten to fifteen yards below the weir to catch some of the fish which, finding their upward progress barred, turned back. When a trap became partially filled, the fisherman raised the trapdoor and after clubbing the salmon took them out and strung them on grapevine withes. The weir belonged nominally to the chief who owned the fishing rights at that particular locality, but actually the catch was communal property, being divided according to the need of the different families; and any man had the right to spear salmon at the weir. In the spawning season the Shasta built small shelters of tule mats at the edge of a stream, and at dusk and on moonlight nights they would crouch there in the shadow, spear in hand. If a female salmon came within reach of their spear, they would not strike, but waited for the numerous males that soon would be attracted to her. Of the type used all along Klamath river was the conical dip-net suspended on a pair of divergent poles and two transverse rods. The fisherman stood on a platform built over the water at an eddy, where the set of the current held the apex of the net up-stream while VOL. XIII-15

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II4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the opening was down-stream. The outer side of the net was held against the current of the eddy by a grapevine rope running downstream to a fixed object, and the inner side by a grapevine loop attached to the frame of the net and sliding freely up and down a pole at one side of the scaffold. A number of light strings fastened at regular intervals to the bottom cross-piece of the frame crossed the mouth of the net and converged into a single strand, which the fisherman held, so that the slight tug caused by a salmon touching one of the strings as it entered the net would warn him to raise it. Salmon were dried in the sun without salt or smoke, and stored in large, bag-like receptacles of tules with pine-root twining. For the average family about one hundred salmon were stored. Fresh and dry salmon were cooked by roasting on skewers. On the roasted dry fish a little water was sprinkled in order to soften it. The manufactures of the Shasta were of fairly wide variety, but not remarkable for workmanship or artistry. Stone objects include knives, arrow-points, and hide-scrapers of obsidian; mauls, pestles, arrow-straighteners, and arrow-smoothers of massive stone; and shallow dishes of steatite. In making a knife the workman heated a piece of obsidian and split off a sliver by a sharp blow with a stone. This he reduced by chipping the edges with the pressure of a deerhorn point attached to a stick, which extended under his forearm in order to give greater leverage. Sometimes the knife was fastened by lashing in the cleft of a piece of wood, which served as a handle. In butchering game, the hair that adhered to the uneven edge was removed by the lips. Mortars were not made by the Shasta, but were found in their territory and were regarded with awe as being used by shamans in their evil work of "poisoning" victims. They were held to possess the power of moving from place to place, which is a superstition common to many tribes of northern and central California. Awls were made of a slender bone, usually that of a wildcat; spoons of a portion of a deer's skull, but more frequently of wood or antler; salmon-gigs of deer-bone; and wedges of elk-horn. Shell objects were dentalia, abalone, and clam-shell beads and pendants, but these were obtained in trade with the Indians on the lower course of Klamath river. From wood the Shasta made a few rude canoes of the Klamath river pattern, but they were not clever workmen and as often as not employed the makeshift tule balsa. The wooden craft was made of a cedar or a yellow-pine log. The tree was felled, and the log cut

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THE SHASTA I5 off and hollowed out, by means of fire, and the finishing was accomplished by rubbing a large smoothing stone back and forth across the parts to be cut away. They made excellent yew bows, strengthened by a backing of sinew, which was protected by a covering of salmonskin heated in the fire between large leaves and then scraped thin. Lieutenant Emmons, who led a contingent of the Wilkes expedition through this region in I84I, reported that the Shasta arrows were deadly at a hundred yards. He saw an archer strike a button three times out of five at sixty yards. Inferior bows were made of manzanita, and arrow-shafts were syringa or manzanita, with three grouse-feathers singed straight by passing an ember along the edge. Other wooden objects were salmon-spear shafts, tubular tobacco pipes, three-holed flutes, fire-drills, soup-paddles, canoe-paddles, and tongs for lifting heated stones used in cooking. Baskets for a variety of uses were made after the fashion of the Klamath River baskets, the usual material being hazel and willow rods for the warp, willow and pine-roots for the weft, and Xerophyllum grass and maidenhair fern stems for white and black ornamentation respectively. Tules were the material for mats used as mattresses and for balsas. Cord employed in weaving nets and ropes for deersnares were made of hemp. The games of the Shasta were few, the principal one being kahatapik, a form of the widespread hand-game. Each of two players had a bundle of about twenty small, slender, nicely made rods, all except two being variously marked with painted rings according to individual fancy. Among Indians gambling usually involves pseudo-religious observances by the players to insure good luck. The making of these sticks is a case in point. Two players, after five days of continence, retired into the hills, where, on a limited diet of dry fish and acorn meal and to the accompaniment of songs and prayers, they performed their work. The game was played as follows: The two players sat facing each other, each with seven tally-sticks thrust into the ground. One of them then rolled a decorated stick and an unmarked one in separate bunches of grass, and interchanged them rapidly from hand to hand while singing his gambling songs. His opponent, when the shuffling ceased, endeavored to guess which hand contained the plain stick. If he succeeded, no tally-stick changed hands but he received the "deal"; if he failed, he paid a tally-stick and the other continued the game as before. When a player had only two counters remaining, his failure to guess correctly did not entail the loss of one, but his opponent shuffled

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II6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN again, this time using three bunches of grass and two decorated sticks. The other then indicated two of the three bunches of grass, and if either of the two contained the plain stick he received the deal; but if not, he paid over both remaining counters and the game was ended. This provision of course greatly favored the losing player, and had the effect of prolonging the game. The play was attended with constant singing and great excitement, and wagers were laid between the numerous backers of the two principals. The game is still played by many tribes of California. A game of similar principle, ku'ik, was played by two women, each of whom had a bundle of numerous slender rods painted from end to end, and one with a single band of paint at the middle. The bundle was shuffled by twisting the ends in opposite directions, and then was separated into two portions; and the opponent guessed which one contained the marked rod. Kiratik was a game of shinny played by women, in which by means of throwing-sticks they endeavored to toss over the goal of their opponents a pair of short sticks joined by a deerskin thong. Athletic contests of men included archery, foot-racing, and hurling sharpened shafts in such a way as to make them stick upright in the ground. Children played string-games, and people of all ages enjoyed a form of the widespread cup-and-pin game, using twelve salmon-vertebrae strung on a cord which was attached to a short, pointed stick, the object of the game being to give the vertebrae a sharp upward swing and catch as many as possible on the point of the stick. Socially and politically the Shasta were organized on extremely simple lines. There were no clans, the family and the village being the sociological units. There is however a trace of tribal organization, as the phrase is generally understood, inasmuch as the Shasta recognized five divisions of people speaking their language: two of them on Klamath river, the others respectively in Scott valley, in Shasta valley, and in Oregon. Each of these divisions, and each considerable community, had its head-man, and the office passed to the son, or other male relative in the direct or collateral line, of the deceased incumbent. Women seldom occupied the position, but there was a woman at Ikiruik (Jacksonville, Oregon), named Hapautuqharapha, who by reason of her eloquence and her ability to prevent fighting became chief. The principal duty of a chief was to preserve peace among the people and to this end act as mediator between disputants. In the

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THE SHASTA II7 morning or the evening he would stand in front of his house and harangue the people, urging them to live at peace with one another, to do good, to have kind hearts, to be industrious, to rise early and hunt game perseveringly. When any offense was committed, such as theft or bodily injury, the chief was in charge of the ensuing negotiations. All such cases, and even murder, were settled by the payment of property, which sometimes included women; and if the offender was unable to pay, the chief paid for him, trusting to the future fortunes of his debtor for recompense. It follows that wealth was a necessary qualification for chiefship. The only trace of personal ownership of land among the Shasta was in the possession of rights for fish-weirs by a few wealthy families; but since the owners were compelled to call for communal assistance in constructing the weirs, they were bound to give a reasonable number of salmon to any who asked for them, and sometimes they even permitted others to fish for a limited time. The few slaves held by the Shasta were prisoners of war captured in childhood. They were treated like members of the family, and when grown were permitted to marry into families of not too high standing. In all cases wives were acquired by purchase. By marrying on any other terms a woman would have confessed herself worthless and made herself and her prospective children social outcasts. The negotiations as to price were far from being an occasion for the purchaser to practise shrewdness; for the more he paid for his wife, so much the more would he receive for his daughters at their marriage and for his sons if they were murdered. A man unable to pay for a wife sometimes sold his services to his father-in-law, living at his bride's house and hunting and fishing for the family until the purchase price had been paid in labor. Among wealthy families wives were generally sought in more or less distant communities, and the match was made in early childhood, of course without consulting the principals. In other families however their wishes had some weight. Desiring to marry a certain girl, a man sent a relative to her family to make the negotiations. If her parents were willing, a price was set, and the young man borrowed from his relatives what was necessary. The very next day the messenger was sent back with the property, and various persons, aware of what was going on, followed him to witness the bargain. The man led his bride back to his father's house, and in the evening her family came to partake

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II8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of a feast. The couple lived permanently in the bridegroom's father's house, and etiquette required that the other occupants pay no attention to the young couple's actions. Only the wealthy purchased more wives than one, and these were members of the same family. Other men sometimes had additional wives obtained in war or by the common custom of marrying a deceased brother's widow without payment. When a man learned that his wife was unfaithful to him, he had the right to kill his rival, but he would then have to pay indemnity to the dead man's family, the usual price for a "good" man being forty strings of dentalia, or about four hundred dollars. But if his first anger passed before there was an opportunity to kill the guilty man, he might instead of killing him compel him to pay damages to the amount of about four fathoms of dentalia, and then dismiss his wife, or keep her, as he chose. Even when thus justified in killing an enemy, a man had to pay for the privilege, or at some time, even after the lapse of twenty years, his life would be forfeited, and all the time he would live in dread of assassination. And when finally he had paid the penalty and the score was apparently settled, blood still called for payment, and there could be no peace between the two factions until each life had been redeemed by money. Sometimes a man who killed another without provocation would offer his sister to one of the dead man's relatives. If the offer was accepted, the incident was closed, and later the woman's husband would make a small payment to her brother in order to give her good standing. For either adultery or sterility a man might discard his wife and receive back the full amount of purchase money; but if for any other reason he sent her home he received nothing. In some cases the family of a sterile woman made amends by giving her husband an additional wife without payment. Childbirth was attended by a great many taboos and regulations. Throughout her pregnancy the mother restricted her diet in quantity and variety, and she was particularly circumspect during this period lest some unusual occurrence exert a malign influence on the child. Meanwhile the father was not so active as usual, restricting his hunting and travelling to a minimum and killing only deer; for the Shasta believed that to kill other game would fasten upon the child the most conspicuous peculiarity of the animal killed. During parturition, and for a month thereafter, the mother occupied a menstrual hut under the care of an old midwife. The umbilical cord, before being severed, was tied with a hair from the mother's

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THE SHASTA II9 head. During the succeeding five days, the allotted time for the sloughing off of the cord, the father ate no meat, a restriction observed by his wife during the entire month; and if the cord was slow in dropping off, he smeared pine gum on it to make it "rot" quickly. Were he to eat meat during this process, the infant would die, swollen almost to bursting with an excess of blood. He lived in seclusion, and took a sweat-bath each morning. The cord generally was wrapped in a bit of deerskin and kept by the mother in a secret place. Names were usually taken from some peculiarity of appearance or deportment on the part of the child or its parents, or from some circumstance of birth. Thus, an informant was named Ahaiya' ("dogtrot"), because his father was a great deer hunter, who ran down his game at a slow trot, and hoped that by so naming his child the boy would develop a similar ability. His wife is Usuwi ("goes ahead"), because her father was a high chief and a very rich man, who outstripped all his rivals in the accumulation of wealth. Her sister was Kimpinuni ("large one"), because she was a large child at birth. Names of the dead were for several years taboo to the surviving relatives and to those who spoke in their hearing, and apparently the names of deceased ancestors were never bestowed on children. The childhood name was retained through life. Rather elaborate rites were performed by the Shasta when a girl of good family arrived at puberty. The ceremony lasted ten nights at the time of her first menses, and five nights at the next two recurrences. In summer it included much dancing inside a brush enclosure, the girl sitting under a bark shelter; but in winter the dancing was all but omitted and the rites consisted mainly of singing in the dwelling-house, with a few rounds of dancing outside. For the summer ceremony people from near and far assembled, especially the young. The girl wore a cap, and an eye-shade of bluejay tail-feathers thrust under the edge of the cap and extending far over her eyes; for if she looked upon the people, or the sun or the moon, she might have troublesome dreams, which would result in her early death. Any sickness that ordinarily would prove inconsequential would in her case terminate fatally. For a similar reason, when she slept a bit of charcoal was placed in each ear, lest she dream of the sun, or moon, or stars, or sky, which would have been exceedingly unfortunate. Red stripes were painted from her forehead to her chin, and at her wrist dangled a pointed deer-bone, called hisak, with which alone she was permitted to scratch her head. During the

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I20 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ten days which in large part she spent in the hut, accompanied by a female companion, she avoided looking at fire; she spoke very little, and only to her attendant and in low tones; she ate no meat, and very little of anything else, and drank only warm water; she slept little. Twice in the night the attendant would put bits of charcoal into the girl's ears and tell her to sleep. After about half an hour she would then arouse the girl and inquire if she had dreamed. If the answer was negative, all was satisfactory, but if she had dreamed of the sun or of anything connected with the sky, the woman in great haste blew upon the girl's wrists and said, speaking to the thing dreamed about: "Now I have found you out. But you will not poison this girl." Each day with the assistance of several others of her own age, the girl brought fuel for the evening's dancing, and distributed a small quantity to each house in the village. The girl's hut stood at the rear of the brush enclosure, facing its entrance and the east, and the fire was placed at one side of the hut and behind the rows of spectators and participants, who faced eastward. The women started the singing, keeping time with rattles consisting of pieces of deer-hoof pendent on short sticks, or with batons struck on thin boards; but as the men joined in the song, the women gradually ceased. The girl herself, with her deer-hoof rattle thrust upright into her belt at the back, danced forward and back, with light, running steps. After a while the others formed in a circle, joined hands, and shuffled slowly to the left, while the girl, between two men, danced from side to side, still facing the east. There were frequent intervals for rest, but if the girl was not inclined to stop, she continued to dance forward and back, shaking her rattle, while behind her a woman danced with her hands on the girl's shoulders. Whenever a party of new arrivals announced their approach with a shout, the dancing was immediately interrupted. The men of the newcomers, in war paint and holding before their faces bows and arrows and green branches, entered the enclosure and danced. Discarding the branches, they danced sideways, and their women now ran up and danced behind them, each grasping the belt of the man in front of her. Then all joined in the continuation of the interrupted dancing in a circle. All these events were repeated on each of the ten nights, the dancing continuing until near daylight. On the last night however it ceased only at dawn, and was resumed after the morning meal. About noon one of the men removed the girl's cap and eye-shade and tossed them eastward over the heads

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THE SHASTA 121 of the dancers, to be caught by another man. Meanwhile a fire had been burning in a trench about eighteen inches deep. The ashes were now raked out, and the bottom was covered with dry grass, on which the girl reclined, while a little wickiup of sticks and bark was built over her. There she remained until sunset, when the attendant led her to the stream to bathe. Returning in her finest garments, she participated in the war-dance, and was then given a meal of meat. During the last night of the ceremony all restrictions as to relations between the sexes were removed. The Shasta disposed of the dead by burial in graves excavated by means of digging-sticks and shallow baskets; but those who died far from home were sometimes cremated, the ashes being carried home for burial. Immediately after death the corpse was removed head foremost through a hole made in the wall or the roof, and was laid out on the ground, where relatives of the same sex as the deceased person washed it and clothed it in the finest garments and ornaments. Meanwhile word was sent to friends and relatives in other villages, and the body lay outside the house until they had come to view it, four or five days perhaps elapsing before the burial, even in the case of poor people. A fire burned constantly near the corpse, which from time to time was removed to a new spot. At frequent intervals a party of relatives and friends, twenty or more in number, holding fir or pine saplings tipped with leaves, would dance about the body and wail, while the village chief sat by as host, smoking a tubular wooden pipe about four feet long. After smoking, he stood up, and the dancers stopped. Amid perfect silence he cried out: "It is good! You have come to help me with my food! I am glad you have come to help me!" Then the dancers laid their saplings in a pile. After a time they or others resumed the dance with new saplings, and the chief, after smoking, repeated his speech and the saplings were added to the pile. So it went every night as long as the body was kept. At night also young people would tie sprigs of fir about their heads, necks, waists, arms, and legs, and dance around the corpse. A relative of the dead person then removed the sprigs and piled them up, and others lifted the body to the level of their heads and laid it down again, while the mourning relations scarified their arms and legs. When the chief decided that the proper time for burial had arrived, the corpse, bound up in a deerskin, was lifted to the back of the grave-digger, where it was held by a pack-rope that passed about its knees and shoulders. The grave was lined with the fir sprigs VOL. XIII —6

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122 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN taken from the dancers, and the body was laid on its back with the head eastward. Beads and other gifts from relatives were first destroyed and then thrown into the grave, along with the bow and arrows, if the dead person were a man, or the baskets and other personal possessions, if a woman. After the grave was filled in, inverted baskets were placed on it with stakes driven through the bottom; or if a fence was built around it with the saplings used in the dance, the baskets were impaled on them. Neither clothing nor food for the use of the spirit was exposed. When a woman, married outside of her native village, died, her family might insist that the body be brought home for burial. It was then placed on the back of a man hired for the work, or on the widower's back if he could not afford to hire anyone, and in the midst of a wailing crowd it was carried at night to the village of the bereaved family. On the way they were met by the mourners and assisted in carrying the body. The reason for doing this at night was to keep the corpse out of the hot sun. Immediately after the burial, all bathed in the stream, in order to prevent troublesome dreams, and after their return to the village the house was cleared out and the rubbish burned. Near relations, as well as the grave-diggers and all who had actually touched the corpse, refrained from eating meat for five days, and joined in a sweat on each day, following the last sweat with a plunge in the stream. Parents, widows, and widowers observed an additional form of purification. On the fourth day an old woman set boiling a quantity of katfvihu, a root obtained in Little Shasta valley, and on the following morning at sunrise each mourner drank a spoonful, or at the most two spoonfuls, from a mussel-shell, while a man stood beside them and, looking at the rising sun, thus addressed it: "Let them see you well. Let them swallow well. Let them feel well now." In mourning for close relations, men and women cut the hair short, either burning it or preserving it, and smeared pitch and charcoal on the face; and women also smeared their heads with pitch and wore about the neck a deerskin thong with black beads of pitch on it. This continued until the pangs of sorrow were somewhat assuaged. The property left by a dead man was divided among the wife and the grown children. The immaterial part of man, which the Shasta identified with the heart, was believed by some to leave the body by way of the feet and to go instantaneously to the home of the dead in the east. Others

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THE SHASTA 123 held that it went slowly to the west, where it rose to the sky and journeyed eastward along the Milky Way. The larger religious conceptions were extremely nebulous, though the Shasta were not lacking in the usual numerous taboos that predicted dire consequences from the most trivial actions. Their creation myth, which is so fragmentary that probably it was derived from outside sources, does not even name the creator. The earth was small. He said: "There will be new people. I will make the earth larger. All the people now on it shall become changed." He called all the people together. Some he turned into deer, some into bears, some into rabbits, some into squirrels. All beasts and birds were made at that time. Some of those first people were evil. One man could not be killed, no arrow could pierce his body. He became Waiika [Mount Shasta]. Then the different tribes of human beings came into the world. The myths deal principally with animal characters, chief of which is Coyote in the familiar role of trickster and transformer. Shasta religious practices were in large part connected with the activities of the numerous shamans, who in many instances were women. Shamanistic power was derived by the medium of dreams from the hirivo, who were supernaturals dwelling in the mountains. Warned by the frequent recurrence of the dreams that he was destined to become a shaman, the dreamer began to abstain from meat and to collect ten each of several kinds of skins. Then suddenly some day he would be heard uttering strange cries, and would be found lying in a trance with blood issuing from his mouth. In this condition he was supposed to receive from his hirivo a song, which on reviving he began to sing. Immediately a dance was arranged, to take place on five successive nights, the principal features of which were the dancing and singing of the incipient shaman and his acquisition and exhibition of one or more "pains," which were supposed to be shot into his body by the hirivo. These "pains," which were the source, or at least the symbol, of the shaman's power, and the presence of which in the human body by the will of some malevolent magician was the cause of all sickness not explicable on natural grounds, manifested themselves to the eye as small, slender, double-pointed spindles of ice-like appearance. In the following winter was held Kakapamma, a ceremony in which the novice became an actual shaman. An old shaman prepared five elder sticks five or six feet long, scraping off the bark and marking them with variously arranged rings of red paint; and a

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I24 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN taller pine sapling with a tuft of needles at the tip. The latter was then thrust into the ground behind the house, and the elder stalks were planted in a small circle around it. On the pine were hung'the skins and feathers collected by the novice. All these were an offering to the hiriv6 which had appeared to the novice in his dreams and demanded certain kinds of skins and feathers. The dancing occurred on five successive nights in a dwelling-house crowded with people, who sang without rattles or batons or drum, while the novice danced, accompanied by a young person of the same sex. They did not move from their places, but merely raised the feet, and the novice led the singing of his songs, some of which he had received from his hirivo, others from an older shaman. He announced that blood would come from his mouth a certain number of times, five or ten, and the people, ostensibly skeptical that such a thing could be, counted the flow. When they saw that the full number promised had been accomplished, they believed that he was really a shaman. On the first night of the ceremony the novice, without going from the house, called out to the hirivo: "I give you now this pine and these elder sticks! I give you now this deerskin, this fox-skin, and these eagle-feathers!" He might profess to receive an answer from the supernatural on a neighboring hilltop, demanding certain other offerings. From a male novice these offerings were usually ten basketry trays, and from a woman ten tule mats, which were made in miniature and hung on the pine. Epidemic sickness was believed to be the work of evil shamans in other places. If an unusual number of people in the village were ill, the leading men would discuss the situation, and decide that the medicine-men ought to dance and find out from which direction the sickness was coming, and then take measures to repel it. They would then go to the principal shaman and tell him their wish. So that night a dance was held in the largest house of the village, the people singing while the medicine-man danced with arms outstretched, turning this way and that, and shouting a warning to the sickness to keep away. After a long time he announced where the sickness was coming from, and at daylight the people ran out and shook their blankets in that direction, in order not only to rid their blankets of any sickness that might have lodged in them, but also to frighten the sickness that had not yet come. The ceremony of healing occurred in the dwelling in winter, and under a brush shelter in summer. In treating a patient the medicineman danced before him while the people sang. Then he scooped

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THE SHASTA 125 up the "pain" in his hands, and after "drowning" it in a vessel of water showed it to the people. This treatment lasted one, two, or three nights, according to the seriousness of the case. The fee was from ten to twenty yards of dentalia, that is, one hundred to two hundred dollars. If the patient died within six months the money was restored. Grown men and women, but not boys, sought good luck by keeping vigil in the mountains at night. Desiring supernatural aid in hunting, in gambling, or in acquiring wealth, a man would go at night to some place in the mountains where there was a body of water regarded as sacred. Such water was called qipakehempik. He stood in the water for a time, and then arranged a bed of stones, on which he lay. Then he went into the water again. If it was a lake, he might swim across it. With a piece of obsidian he scratched his arms, legs, and breast, and rubbed a certain root into the wounds. He might then journey to the top of a neighboring peak, and after sitting there a while return to the bed of stones. Thus he passed the night. In the morning he might return home, or, deciding to remain another night, he spent the day in sleeping and sitting about idly. At nightfall he went to another place and repeated his acts of the first night. Constantly he kept his mind fixed on the purpose for which he came, and occasionally he gave audible expression to his desire. In the morning when he was seen returning, a steambath was prepared for him. He went at once into the sweat-lodge before entering the house, and after a final bath in the river he went into the house. He ate very little for five days, and no meat at all. One who was successful in the vigil was visited by a spirit, which told him how to do what the suppliant desired; but the acquirement of songs from the spirit was not an important matter, as it was with the Indians of eastern Washington and Idaho, who acquired the aid of supernaturals in much the same manner as did the Shasta. The ceremony called Kustehe'mpik-uqiaammatuk (" dance sudatoryat") was held annually in the spring in each sweat-house. Entirely naked, except for a loin-cloth when women spectators were present, ten to fifteen men danced by flexing the knees and giving a slight jump which scarcely raised them from the floor but carried them a few inches to either side. From time to time they turned this way or that. The hands were clenched at the thighs, and they cried, "Hu! hu! hu!" in a moderately pitched and rather resonant voice, while glancing fiercely from side to side. A fire was kept burning, and perspiration rolled down their bodies in streams. At intervals

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I26 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN they rested. At noon they swam, and after eating they started again and danced all afternoon. Near evening they bathed again and ate. Outside the sweat-house young men were gambling at the grass game, and young women played shinny. The puberty ceremony for girls, the shaman's dance, the sweathouse dance, and the war-dance were the only public ceremonies of the Shasta, except a ceremonial modelled on a dance common to the Wintun, Maidu, and other northern California tribes, and colloquially designated as the "big-head dance," in allusion to the huge feather head-dresses worn by the performers. This Kirukhihiruk ("go sidewise back and forward") was held in the spring, and lasted one or two days. Men and women, with eagle-feathers upright in the hair and with faces painted red, stood shoulder to shoulder, holding hands, and by shuffling the feet moved sidewise across the dance-ground and then back the other way. In front of the line a woman danced alone with the same step. The dance was repeated many times during the day, and at noon a feast was spread on several long strips of mats.

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The Achomawi

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THE ACHOMAWI HE Pit River Indians, classified by Powell as the Palaihnihan linguistic family, but shown by Dixon to be a branch of a large family that includes also the Shasta tribes, fall into two sharply differentiated divisions, the Achomawi and the Atsugewi, with languages mutually unintelligible. Powell derived his designation from the Klamath word Palaikni, signifying "mountain-dwellers"; and Achomawi (incorrectly accented on the penult) is their self-name, signifying "river-dwellers." The present-day Klamath are unacquainted with the appellation Palaikni, and know the Achomawi as Moatwas, "southerners." With the exception of Hat Creek and Dixie valleys, the Achomawi occupied the drainage area of Pit river from a few miles below Round mountain up into the south end of Goose Lake valley, about twenty miles above Alturas. This territory is about one hundred and twentyfive miles in length, measuring on a straight line, or probably one hundred and seventy-five as the river flows, and lies in the counties of Shasta, Lassen, and Modoc. The Atsugewi, or Hat Creek Indians, held the watershed of Hat creek and Dixie valley in Shasta county.' The Achomawi bands of Modoc county eked out a precarious existence on the scanty fare obtainable in their semi-arid habitat, and as a consequence were very inferior physically to their more happily situated congeners on the lower stretches of Pit river. The neighbors of the Achomawi were the Modoc and Klamath on the north, the Shasta to the northwest, the Wintun westward, the Yana on the southwest, the Maidu on the south, and the Paiute eastward. With all these tribes the Pit River Indians were intermittently hostile, although their encounters with the peaceable Maidu and Wintun were scarcely more important than the brawls and feuds that were constantly occurring among bands and families of the same tribe. 1 About 1885 a number of Hat Creek Atsugewi settled about the town of Burney, working on the ranches, and a few still remain there. This doubtless is the basis for Dixon's statement that the Atsugewi occupied Burney valley. VOL. XIII-I7 I29

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130 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The earliest wars known to Achomawi tradition were with the Paiute, bands of whom came into the Pit River country every summer for several years in the time of the great-grandfather of an informant who was born about I853. This could not have been much earlier than the close of the eighteenth century, because the invaders had a few horses. They took no prisoners, and were addicted to the habit of mutilating the bodies of young girls, cutting off and carrying away their breasts in order, as the Achomawi thought, to chew pieces of them. Boys they would repeatedly crush with large stones. In their last invasion they killed a very large number of people, two or three hundred, it is said, at a camp about two miles below the mouth of Fall river. Then followed negotiations between the Pit River bands and their neighbors, which resulted in a temporary confederation including the Achomawi, Atsugewi, Modoc, and Warm Springs (Oregon) Indians, who were friends of the Modoc. In the following summer these four tribes formed in Big valley a very large camp, which the Paiute scouts promptly discovered, as it was intended they should. But while the Paiute were closing in, they were surrounded by men lying in ambush, and after two days of fighting they were driven off. Then they sent a peace messenger to say that they would never again attack their western neighbors.1 In the next generation three Modoc living with the Big Valley band were killed by the Achomawi, one of them having appropriated a woman claimed by an Achomawi. This was the beginning of a long series of hostile acts between the Modoc and the AchomawiAtsugewi, which ended only with the close of the Modoc war in I873. Each tribe sent a war-party annually into the enemy's country for the purpose of killing whom they might and taking children for slaves. The Modoc attacks were made in summer or autumn, sometimes two invasions occurring in the same year. Three times the Pit River Indians attempted to make peace, sending one or two chiefs to their enemies with offers of shell money and girls to seal the treaty; but each time the truce was soon broken by irresponsible young fellows whom the chiefs could not control. In the informant's grandfather's time began their war with the Shasta. Some Achomawi hunters pursued a wounded elk across their own boundaries and killed it in Shasta territory. The Shasta came and demanded the hide, but the hunters refused; and the Shasta began to lie in wait along the territorial boundaries and killed several hunters. Thereupon the Achomawi sent a party into 1 See a future volume for the Paviotso (Paiute) account of these wars.

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Achomawi man [photogravure plate]

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THE ACHOMAWI I3I Shasta valley and took revenge, and hostilities of this sort continued until the outbreak of the Modoc war. Every year or two the Shasta would come on snowshoes to creep into a house and kill the inmates, and in the following spring the Achomawi would send a retaliatory expedition, which would surround a party of Shasta like so many deer. They generally had little difficulty in vanquishing these enemies, because the Shasta were numerically inferior. But they themselves by their own admission would have been nearly exterminated by the Modoc if Captain Jack's war had not intervened; because the Modoc were fairly numerous, while the Achomawi had been much depleted not only by war but by the removal under military guard of five hundred to Mendocino county. The Atsugewi and the Yana were at one time so friendly that the former had the unusual privilege of gathering acorns and berries in their neighbor's territory. But about the middle of the nineteenth century trouble arose when a Yana shaman announced that he had "poisoned" certain Atsugewi men who had recently died, and of course it was not long before he was killed. There followed several encounters in which a considerable number of Yana were killed, the last fight occurring when the informant, who was born about 1853, was a very young boy. He remembers seeing three captive women forced to dance in the celebration of the victory. They were treated rather roughly and were threatened with sticks to make them dance faster. It was not long before they escaped, for they were not guarded. The Maidu once killed an Atsugewi medicine-man, whose relatives thereupon secured the aid of the Achomawi of Warm Spring valley, Big valley, and South Fork, and administered a severe punishment, which ended the matter. The informant's father, a young man, accompanied this expedition. The principal articles of trade possessed by the Achomawi were furs and bows. From Maidu and Wintun they obtained the clamshell wampum beads that were made by the western tribes, and dentalia from the Columbia River country by the medium of the Shasta and Modoc. In later days the Warm Springs (Oregon) Indians and the Modoc would come down with droves of horses to exchange for clam-shell beads, giving one horse for a fathom of wampum. This traffic ceased only about the year I9IO, when white traders began to sell to the Oregon tribes shell beads purchased from the Pomo bands of Lake and Mendocino counties, where the manufacture of wampum has recently become almost a commercial industry.

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I32 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN From the very beginning relations between the Pit River Indians and white settlers were marked by violence on both sides. The following is the account given by the present chief of the Fall River band, an unusually well-informed man. About the year I840 the first white men, a party of about forty trappers with horses and mules, came from the north and stopped among the Modoc at Tule lake. They invited the Indians to a feast. The food was spread in a long line on the ground, and the Indians sat down; but Captain Jack's1 father and another man stood apart and would not sit down, because chiefs never ate with the common people. At one end of the line was a small cannon, the use of which the Indians of course did not understand. While they were eating, the weapon was fired, and a large number of the feasters fell dead. The others sprang up and fled, but the two chiefs were seized and bound. One of the white men began to address the others in angry tones, and after he had spoken a long time they unbound the chiefs and released them. Then the party packed up and moved southward. In Warm Spring valley near the present Canby they came upon two Achomawi and killed them. They continued to Pit river, the Warm Spring people following at a distance and observing their movements. The white men finally made a camp on the north side of Pit river about two or three miles below the mouth of Fall river. When the natives of that locality saw them approaching, they fled to the lava beds, and there they were joined by those who had been following the trappers, and who now told how two Achomawi had been killed. From lookout points on the bluffs at the edge of the lava beds they watched the strangers moving about along the creeks, trapping beaver. One day they were discussing the question what they should do, and had decided not to attack the white men; but just then they saw a single man with a pack of skins on a horse, coming down the river toward the trappers' camp. They proposed to kill him. They concealed themselves beside the trail, and one of their number approached the trapper with some roots in his outstretched hand. The white man looked down from his horse and extended his hand to take them. At that instant his body was filled with arrows. They killed man and horse, and rolled the bodies into the river, after which they retreated to the lava beds. They watched, and observed two men from the camp coming to look for their companion, and saw them find the place where he had been killed. They took his pack and returned to camp, and a little later the entire band moved away toward Bald mountain. It was many years before other white men were seen. The informant's father was then a grown man, and the informant himself, his second child, was two or three years of age. This was about 1 Captain Jack was the leader in the Modoc war of I872-73.

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Achomawi woman [photogravure plate]

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THE ACHOMAWI I33 I855. These men came from the north through Warm Spring and Big valleys. They did not stop, and there was no trouble with them. Then numerous parties were seen passing through the country. Wagons began to appear. A large band with wagons passed, many of them being sick. The Indians of Dixie valley found a middleaged woman, abandoned to die, whom they took home and cared for; but she could not eat, and soon died. They buried her. About this time the Warm Spring band went to Yreka and stole a number of horses and mules from the miners, and the white men tracked them to their camp and killed a good many. After that the Indians, desiring revenge, occasionally went over to Yreka and waylaid a white man or woman; and the Modoc also began to commit depredations against the trains of wagons and pack animals. A band from Big valley and Fall river drove off a bunch of horses from Shasta valley near Yreka, and were followed and overtaken near Danaville (now Dana). Fifty to sixty men, women, and children were killed, and the horses were recovered. Then things were quiet for a year or two. By this time the old route from Oregon by way of Klamath lakes and Big valley had been largely abandoned, and traffic came through Shasta valley and southeastward past the present Dana, fording Fall river above the rapids about two miles from the mouth and Pit river at the present Pittville (but after one season the route avoided both fords by crossing Pit river on a ferry below the mouth of Fall river), and then proceeded southward and westward past Mount Lassen to Battle creek, and so to the Sacramento. All summer long the road was dotted with travellers. Work was started on a wagon road from Shasta valley into Fall River valley, and a stage was operated from Yreka to Red Bluff. Many cattle and sheep were driven over the road. Three settlers established themselves near the mouth of Fall river. One, a man named Harry Lockhart (?), employed two young Indians. One day he sent them out to drive up his horses from the range, but they could not find the animals and returned without them. Lockhart and a man living with him, known as Buckskin Pants, took up their guns and drove the youths back to search for the horses. In the lava beds Lockhart shot them both. The white men then found the horses and drove them in. Buckskin Pants told the Indians that Lockhart had killed the two boys, and that very night they set fire to his house. He leaped through a window and ran to a house up the river, but another band had just killed the man who lived there and were setting fire to the house. They killed Lockhart as he came up. The third settler in the valley was killed the same night. Buckskin Pants was not harmed, and a few days later, accompanied by a large dog, he set out for Yreka on snowshoes. In the spring the Indians established a camp on the rim of a canon near Dixie valley, where the women remained while the men fished in the river below. At dawn one day a party from Yreka,

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I34 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN headed by Lockhart's brother, attacked the camp and killed ten or twelve women and children. The narrator was a little boy. His grandmother dragged him out at the first sound of shooting and crept under the edge of the bluff, where she hid in a cave, concealing the entrance with stones. Others saved themselves in the same way. At noon the men returned from the river, but the miners had gone. That summer General Crook came into the valley, and the soldiers killed four men while the narrator watched them from a hilltop. The Indians, about two hundred in number, took refuge on an island in Mud lake near the present McArthur. The General's Indian interpreter came and urged them to surrender, promising them food for the winter, and Captain Dick and two other chiefs went ashore and met Crook, and having heard his promise brought their people off. Then Captain Dick was sent among all the Achomawi bands to ask them to come in and make a treaty of peace; and a great many responded, passing the winter near Fort Crook and receiving rations. To signify their acceptance of the treaty they brought a great quantity of furs to the General. The next spring some Atsugewi under Shavehead killed a man and a woman who were travelling from Red Bluff; and, in the summer, a band of white men from Red Bluff attacked the Fall River Achomawi in camp at Beaver creek and slaughtered the entire number except thirty or forty men, who escaped. The narrator was then a young man, and with an Indian companion, both of them being in the employ of a white man who was cutting hay for the Government, stood on a hill overlooking the scene. He saw the white men chop off women's heads with axes, and build up a big fire into which they threw the bodies of infants. About a hundred and sixty were killed. When the slaughter was ended, the two youths started for the house to get their breakfast, thinking that the men had gone. To their surprise they came upon the settlers lying beside a haystack, and saw them leap up and level their guns. Their employer addressed the men, and then ran back into the house and returned with a pistol and three armed men. He went up to the leader of the settlers and put a pistol to his head; then the men from Red Bluff lowered their guns and lay down again beside the haystack. The boys went into the house, but could not eat. The narrator was told by a halfblood Cherokee who had aided in the slaughter that his father had escaped, but his mother, sister, and grandparents had been killed. Three white men had been wounded, and two of them died the next day. That fall began the work of rounding up Indians to place them on a reservation, and with the first snowfall about fifty were taken to Mendocino county. Meantime the brother of Lockhart had established himself on the north side of Pit river at the mouth of Fall river, where he maintained a toll bridge. Every Indian he saw alone he would shoot. He was always accompanied by three or four huge dogs, which would tear an Indian to pieces. It was said that he alone had killed at least twenty Indians. One night the soldiers

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Achomawi summer hut [photogravure plate]

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THE ACHOMAWI I35 came (probably to arrest him) and shot him. But they only wounded him in the arm, and slipping into the river he swam away downstream and so escaped. The soldiers burned his establishment. In 191o there were 985 Achomawi and 240 Atsugewi. The Achomawi were fairly skilful in manufacturing weapons, implements, utensils, and ornaments of stone, wood, bone, shell, and vegetal and animal fibre. The arrow consisted of a shaft of service-berry or reed, with a wooden foreshaft and a point of flint or obsidian. The shaft was straightened by means of a perforated flat stone, and smoothed by working it between two grooved pieces of pumice. Arrows were carried in the entire uncut skin of a raccoon, mink, coyote, or other small animal. The very primitive knife was simply a flake of flint or obsidian. The maul, a rather unsymmetrical, mushroom- shaped stone, was used in connection with a wedge of antler for breaking up and splitting fuel. The pestle for pulverizing acorns and seeds was the usual cylindrical, round-headed stone, and the base of the mortar also was stone. Loss of flying fragments of the food to be prepared was prevented by the use of a basketry hopper made of willow warp and pine-root twining. Tobacco was smoked in tubular stone pipes. Bows were made of yew and of juniper, and rude canoes of yellow-pine logs, which were hollowed out by burning and finished by rubbing with a stone. Canoe-paddles were of the same material. Balsas, the long, boat-shaped bundles of tules generally used throughout central and southern California for floating persons or possessions across bodies of water, were unknown to the Achomawi. Confronted with the necessity of crossing a deep stream, and no canoe being available, they built rafts of driftwood and ferried their children and goods across. Fire was kindled by means of a drill, the base of which was thoroughly dried pine and the spindle ash. Snowshoes were commonly used in winter hunting. Spoons were usually of oak, rarely of horn or shell. The only musical instrument was a flute of elder. Even drums were not used by the Achomawi. Bone and horn were used in the manufacture of awls, fish-hooks, spear-points, wedges, and rattles. The awl, which was employed in sewing deerskin garments, was a pointed piece of deer-bone. The fish-hook was a curved piece of deer-bone, and the fish-spear consisted of a long wooden shaft, a double-pointed bone head with a socket in which the base of the shaft fitted, and a line fastened to

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I36 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the spear-points and ending in the hand of the spearsman. Pieces of deer-hoof (not dewclaws) clustered about the end of a short stick formed the rattle used in accompanying the songs of the puberty rites for girls. Hemp cord was used principally in tying fish-nets and in twisting ropes for deer-snares. For heavy work requiring less nicety, as in lashing the elements of a fish-weir, rawhide thongs were employed. Five kinds of nets were made by the Achomawi, three of them being dip-nets, one a gill-net, and one a seine. The three dip-nets were of course in the shape of bags. Talaka'yi was suspended on the prongs of a forked pole, and was used from a canoe, from the bank, or by a wader, for taking trout, pike, or suckers. Tamichi is still used, principally in fishing for suckers. The bag is four or five feet deep and equally broad when closed. The meshes at the lower edge of the opening are threaded on a strong resilient stick, to the centre of which is lashed a stout upright. The whole arrangement resembles a bow and arrow, with the resilient rod representing the bow, the upright shaft the arrow, and the upper edge of the netopening the bow-string. The fisherman wades in the stream, holding the net open by drawing the upper edge back along the upright stick, and other waders, mostly women and children, drive the fish in toward him. When he feels a tug in the net, he releases his hold and the net closes. Lipake was a small bag with an oval hoop sewn into the mouth. The fisherman dived into the pool, and holding the net in one hand drove a sucker into it with the other. Then quickly flipping the net over the hoop, with the fish securely in the bottom, he came ashore to deposit his catch, and dived again for another. The gill-net, tuwatifshi, was forty to sixty feet long and was weighted with stone sinkers. One end was made fast to a tree, the other to a tule buoy, any unusual movement of which indicated the capture of a fish. Trout and pike, but not salmon, were thus taken. Talamamchi, the seine, extended across the stream in quiet water. The lower edge was held on the bottom by stone sinkers, the upper edge was buoyed by tule floats. The fisherman sat in his canoe at one bank, and the float line passed around a fixed support on the opposite shore, which served the purpose of a pulley. The net was like a very wide, shallow bag, six to eight feet deep. When the fisherman perceived a tugging in the net, he hauled in the float line and removed the catch, and then by pulling on the other end of the line drew the net back into position. Large quantities of minnows were caught for drying by means

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Achomawi mother and child [photogravure plate]

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THE ACHOMAWI I37 of a basketry trap made of willow rods and pine-root weft. A cylindrical basketry trap, with its mouth set with inwardly converging splints to prevent the escape of fish, was used in connection with two types of weirs. The weir called tatapi was erected in shallow streams for trout, pike, and suckers. A line of stakes was driven across the stream, and stones, logs, stumps, and earth were piled up against them, so that the water was completely dammed and poured over the top in a narrow waterfall, which carried into the trap any fish caught in its current. The weir known as taftif-chi was set in the main stream for catching allis (steelhead trout) on their return to the sea in the autumn. Two sections of fence, extending from opposite banks at a down-stream angle and almost meeting in mid-channel, were there connected by a short section of tight wall made by lashing horizontal poles close together across the gap. As this was the lowest point in the dam, the water poured over it and into the basket below. Tule stalks were strung together on cords to form mats, which were used for seat pads and mattresses, and for covers of anything that required protection from sun or rain. Without exception Achomawi baskets are produced by the method known as twined weaving, never by coiling. In general they have bottoms and sides slightly rounded, broad openings, and rather shallow depth. Of this class are baskets of various sizes for cooking by means of hot stones; those for the serving of liquid and semi-liquid food, and for containing water; and the basketry caps worn by women. With the exception of the caps, all these have willow rods for the warp, or upright elements, and pine-root strands for the weft, or horizontal elements. In the caps, tule fibres are the only material. Made of the same material as the food baskets, but of different shape, are the conical, tight-mesh burden-basket, carried on the back and supported by a strap passing across the head; the large, rounded storage basket with very small opening; the openmesh tray for serving certain dry foods; and the cradle-basket. The shallow circular baskets used for parching seeds by shaking them about with live embers are made both with tule warp and weft, and with willow warp and pine-root weft. Open-mesh beaters used by women in harvesting edible seeds into their burden-baskets are made of willow and pine-roots, or entirely of willow. Usually the basket is overlaid with the straw-colored strands of Xerophyllum grass, and on this as a background designs in black are produced by the use of fibres from the stems of maidenhair fern. VOL. XIII —8

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I38 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Achomawi women ordinarily wore a kilt of fringed deerskin, or tules, or Xerophyllum grass, or bark. It appears that the long deerskin dress, fringed at the seams and with beads on the fringe, was sometimes worn at dances: a garment probably borrowed from the Shoshonean tribes. For protection from the weather a deerskin, or the fur of a coyote, wolf, or bear, was thrown about the shoulders, and moccasins and knee-length leggings were used only when necessity required them. Moccasins had separate soles of bear- or elk-hide. A basketry cap was necessary to complete the feminine costume. The hair was dressed in two braids, which hung in front of the shoulders, or was coiled on the head. Girls and young women painted the face daily with a mixture of grease and scrapings of a red mineral, probably hematite, and on special occasions those who were fortunate enough to possess dentalia wore a long one in the septum of the nose and others, strung on cords, dangling from the lobes of the ears. A few girls had perpendicular lines tattooed on the chin, but the fashion was not general. Men ordinarily went about either quite naked or wearing only a loin-cloth; but for protection they used also deerskin shirt, fur robe, moccasins, hip-length leggings, and fur cap with the hairy side next to the head. They doubled the hair in a bunch at the back of the head, and on special occasions wore nasal and ear ornaments of dentalia, and painted their faces red. Men were never tattooed. Clam-shell beads, made by the coast tribes and passing eastward through the hands of the Yuki and the Wintun, were used by the Achomawi as the principal medium of exchange. A string about twelve inches long was the equivalent of two dollars. Contrary to the general rule, the Achomawi valued dentalium shells less than clam-shell beads, because of their fragility. Four strands of dentalia, of such length that, when the ends were held in hands extended wide apart, the middle sagged to the level of the knees, were given in exchange for a horse. The permanent winter dwellings of the Achomawi closely resembled in general features those of the Shasta. The usual size was about fifteen feet square, though there were houses of twice that dimension, these being used not only as habitations but for ceremonial assemblies. The entire ground space having been excavated to a depth of about three feet, the workmen erected, at a point about midway between either rear corner and the centre, an eightfoot crotched post twelve to eighteen inches in diameter. From

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An Achomawi [photogravure plate]

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THE ACHOMAWI I39 opposite sides two heavy beams, which necessarily were of unequal length, were extended to the top of the post, their lower ends resting on the top of the excavation; and in the front were two other long timbers, each resting on one of the two lateral beams near its upper end. Poles, and slabs split from logs with the aid of antler chisels and stone hammers, extended from the ground at the rear and the sides to the peak of the roof, and most of the space between the two long front beams was covered in the same way; but an opening was left for the escape of smoke. Grass thatching was then applied, and a heavy coat of earth completed the roof. At the front between the base of the two long rafters was a narrow trench, which extended about eight feet beyond the wall, for the purpose of creating a draft for the fire. When the family retired, or when no fire was burning, a bundle of tules was stuffed tightly into the entrance of the trench. This passage was sometimes used as an entrance or exit, but generally the occupants made use of a ladder lashed to the post and passing up through the smoke-hole. The ladder was made by binding crosspieces to two poles by means of skunk-berry' withes. The fireplace was a square pit lined with stones, and the earthen floor was covered with tule mats. In this house the entire family, or several families, passed the winter, cooking, sleeping, working, singing, and telling stories. The inmates slept on the floor in a circle with their feet to the fire. The bed covering was skins, and the mattress several thicknesses of tule mats. Instead of the wooden head-rests found on Klamath river, the Achomawi used either a roll of tules or, in special cases, a badger-skin stuffed with duck-feathers. The summer habitation was a conical or hemispherical, rarely an oval, tipi covered with tule mats. In such huts as these, menstruating women isolated themselves in all weather. In winter the Achomawi bands lived scattered about along the streams, in their semi-subterranean houses, one here, two or three there, rarely more than four or five in one place, each house sheltering several related families. Only occasionally did the men indulge in a sweat-bath. When a bath was desired, they built a fire in the dwelling and danced about it, and then leaped into the river. The winter was passed in comparative idleness, with occasional hunts in the neighboring hills for deer, or in deep snow for antelope. The informant's father once killed two hundred antelope near the mouth of Fall river by merely walking about the helpless herd and breaking their necks. Fish were caught in nets, and ducks also in 1 Rhus trilobata.

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I40 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN nets stretched across a stream where the fowl were in the habit of flying. In the spring the inhabitants of each district assembled and went into camp at various root-digging grounds. All summer they travelled about in company, accumulating for the winter such stores of food as they obtained above their present necessities, and indulging in games and dances. Not rarely these natural crops failed, and the people then scattered in small bands to eke out a living as best they might. Acorns, pulverized with pestle and mortar, leached with hot water on a bed of sand, and made into mush or bread, were one of the staple foods. Of perhaps equal importance was pinole, the fine flour of parched seeds gathered from several species of grasses, as well as from such plants as tarweed and sage. Pine-nuts, manzanitaberries, camas, bast of the yellow pine, tule roots, and various fruits such as plums, grapes, and berries, were to be had in greater or lesser abundance. A very great variety of edible animals were native to Achomawi territory. Of prime importance were the ruminants, deer, antelope, and elk. Rabbits were numerous and captured without too much labor. The flesh of even the rarer and less palatable mammals was not disdained: badgers, gophers, mink, cougars, otters, skunks, wildcats, and woodrats were eaten whenever they could be had; and grasshoppers and yellow-jacket larvae were tidbits. Fish and waterfowl of all kinds were staple foods. Deer were hunted by no fewer than six distinct methods. In midsummer very large parties, sometimes as many as two or three hundred men, would form a line around a mountain, and after setting fire to the dry leaves and grass, would draw slowly together, marching with the fire. In this there was comparatively little danger, because they kept the mountains so well burned off that there was never an excess of undergrowth; but on one occasion, which the informant remembers, two or three men were caught inside the circle of flames and burned to death. The quarry, bewildered by the flames, smoke, and shouting, ran round and round, until the hunters closed in and killed the game by scores. Deer were driven also by beaters through a line of hunters stationed a bowshot apart. In winter the animals were surrounded and pursued by parties of fifteen to twenty men on snowshoes, and a dozen were not an uncommon number to be killed in this manner at one time. Antelope also were sometimes slaughtered in the same way. On a steep hillside

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Achomawi matron [photogravure plate]

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THE ACHOMAWI I4I below a deer trail a hunter would dig a hole and build a fire in it; and at night he would sit in the warm hole and wait for passing deer, which were easily seen silhouetted against the sky. Hemp nooses were suspended in the trails in the manner employed by many other California tribes, and pitfalls were dug in the trails for deer, as well as for elk, bears, wolves, and coyotes. No bait was set, nor were sharp stakes planted in the bottom of the pits. In many places these pitfalls were so numerous as to give Pit river its name. The only method of trapping otter and mink was to place a partial obstruction in the channel of a creek in the form of a stone wall, at the opening of which was placed a basketry trap with its mouth up-stream. Once having entered the trap the animal was unable to escape past the converging splints that formed the throat of the trap. Occasionally these small animals were speared. Black bears were not only caught in pitfalls, but shot with arrows. A grizzly-bear when found on an open plain was surrounded by a number of brave, active men, and filled with arrows, and at last worn out with rushing first at one, then at another of his tormentors. "Coyote dogs" were essential in this bear-baiting. Mountain-lions were tracked and treed by dogs, and despatched with arrows. Fish were taken in nets, which have been previously described; in basketry traps set below artificial dams; by hook and line; by spearing from canoes with the aid of torchlight. Vast quantities of suckers were captured by diverting the water from one channel to another and scooping up the helpless fish. In winter a species resembling a bass took refuge under the banks, and the Indians, after making an opening in the ice, would pound on the ground above the fish with a heavy stone, when the fish would float out and rise to the surface in large numbers, frozen stiff. The informant himself has seen this done many times. These fish are not now plentiful. Formerly they, as well as suckers, and salmon, which were taken in great numbers by net and spear, were dried for winter consumption. The only approach to tillage of the soil by the Achomawi was in the sowing of tobacco seed on ground where a log had been burned. There was no other preparation of the soil, nor was the plot enclosed by a fence. The seed was originally obtained from the Shasta, for the plant was native in the country about Shasta butte, but not formerly on Pit river, though it is now found in the latter region. The seed was given first to the people at the Great Bend of Pit river, who were somewhat intermarried with the Shasta, and from them

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142 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN it was passed on up the river. Tobacco and tobacco-seed were not sold, but freely given; for the creator Qan ordained that tobacco should be free to all. Whenever a number of men were assembled, the chief among them filled his large pipe, and after taking a puff handed it to his neighbor on the left; and so it passed around the circle, to be refilled and passed again. Warriors of the Achomawi blackened their faces with charcoal. Their weapons were poisoned arrows, and their protective armor either a vest of perpendicular service-berry rods held together by hemp twining, or a two-ply tunic of elk-skin reaching below the knees and up around the back of the head. An indispensable article was the painni, a fine-meshed net-cap with a bunch of eagle- or hawk-feathers tied by a short cord to the crown, so that they flapped about when the wearer fought or danced. The poison for war-arrows was prepared by splitting open a certain organ1 of a deer, placing inside it crushed spiders, black ants, and wild-parsnip roots; tightly binding the organ with cord, and placing it in the sun. When the contents were putrid, the end of the organ was cut off and a portion of the contents squeezed out on a stone. The arrow-point was dipped in it and allowed to dry. Pulverized rattlesnake "gall" - a small green organ of the reptile - was also used for this purpose. The effect of even a slight wound with such an arrow is said usually to have been fatal. An enormous swelling developed, which could not be reduced. In the slaughter of the Achomawi at Beaver creek, one of the three wounded white men was shot in the back with an arrow. He did not die, but in 1871 the narrator saw him in Los Angeles, and the same great swelling remained on his back which as a youth he had seen just after the fight. For about a week before the departure of a war-party the wardance was held daily in the open. The men danced about in much the same manner as the Plains Indians, leaping hither and thither as if dodging arrows, making minatory gestures toward the imagined enemy, while the women stood in a long line, singing and striking two sticks together. The women wore long deerskin dresses, and both men and women had the war head-dress, panni. All the time the warriors were absent, the women daily formed in line and sang the war-songs, which were generally appeals for help addressed to 1The liver was the organ generally used for this purpose. The present informant, however, denied that the Achomawi used the liver, describing the organ as about eight inches long, two inches wide, and situated near the liver and the gall.

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Klamath duck hunter [photogravure plate]

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THE ACHOMAWI I43 various fierce, cunning, and quick animals, such as eagle, hawk, owl, crow, weasel, mountain-lion, grizzly-bear, skunk. Some songs expressed the certainty that the enemy would be defeated and the power of the Achomawi increased. A successful war-party, that is, one that had inflicted loss on the enemy without its own members having a man killed or seriously wounded, announced its return by uttering the war-cry as it neared the home camp. Then the women quickly donned their dancing dresses and panni, and drew up shoulder to shoulder across the line of approach. As soon as the men came in sight, the women started to sing and to beat with their sticks, while the men executed the war-dance as they approached. In front of the women they also formed in line, facing them. Each scalp they had taken had been fastened on a pole, which the owner of the trophy held in his hand and shook up and down. They danced without moving from their places, while the women marched around them, and with bunches of grass, of which each had two, they brushed off the warriors. After each woman had thus expelled the evil influence of blood and violence and enemy hatred from each man, the warriors ran to the river and completed the purification by bathing. When the news of their return spread through the district, the people began to assemble, and on the following day the victorydance was celebrated. Men and women formed in a circle with the captives among them and danced to the left, those who had taken scalps holding their trophies aloft. Then they formed in a line and sang, while the prisoners in pairs were forced to endure the disgrace of dancing along the line with the scalps of their slain tribesmen. If they refused, or were unable to dance, they were likely to be killed; and even weeping might call for the same fate. The victory-dance was performed daily for about a week. Every war-party was accompanied by several shamans, who not only prophesied as to the outcome of the expedition, but took a leading part in the fighting. In fact, they were regarded as the best warriors, because of their supposed possession of supernatural power. At each camp as they proceeded, they would dance together in a row, while the others sat about and sang the songs belonging to the different shamans. Then they inquired, each of the other, what his tamakumi, or guardian spirit, had told him about the result of their expedition. While the shamans danced, their tamakumi were supposed to be flitting about and talking to all the various animals, in order to learn from them what would be the result of

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144 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the undertaking. One of the medicine-men might announce that he had told his tamakumi to send the Crow to the enemy's camp, and with very little delay he would repeat what the Crow had reported about the conditions they would find there. When the shamans after dancing began to question one another as to the reports made by their tamakumi, one after another they announced the result aloud so that the warriors could hear. They did not always predict success, nor did they always agree in their prophecies. One might say, "My tamakumi tells me that we will kill many of the enemy without loss to ourselves." The next might declare: "My tamakumi does not tell me that. My tamakumi says that we will lose two men." It may well be that these discrepancies in their prophecies were deliberately made, so that whatever the result of the expedition it would necessarily tally with some one of their predictions; or perhaps each shaman tried to forecast the event accurately so as to enhance his own reputation. Sometimes a medicine-man would say, "My tamakumi tells me that we will fight in a line." This was an announcement far from welcome, for it meant that the enemy would be aware of their approach, and therefore the camp would be alert and guarded, so that they could not creep in among the houses and kill their sleeping victims. And, too, the enemy would have sent messengers among the neighboring bands, and assistance would be coming all day long while the battle was on. In such cases the attacking party was likely to be driven off with loss. The shamans were usually reckless men, and hence were not infrequently killed in battle, but this did not diminish the popular confidence in the supernatural power of their tamakumi. A favorite game of the Achomawi is called tokole. It is a guessing contest between two parties who sit in rows facing each other, and involves the use of four service-berry sticks, two of them about ten inches long and two half as long. The captain of the side that has the first inning covers his set of sticks with a flat basket and arranges them in one of four ways, thus: I I I I I I I I I,,I II I 2 3 4 His opponent then indicates what arrangement he thinks has been made. In order to understand the method of paying losses, it must be remembered that the sticks are regarded as pairs, a long and a short (probably "man" and "woman" in the usual Indian way) constituting a pair; and the combination in which both shorts are

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Klamath child [photogravure plate]

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THE ACHOMAWI I45 together and both longs together, in other words, in which the components of one pair are separated, is never used. The object, then, is to guess in what way the pairs are arranged, not the individuals. If the arrangement of neither pair is correctly indicated, the guesser's opponent takes two tally-sticks; if one is correctly indicated, one tally-stick; if both are named, the deal passes to the successful guesser. The gestures and their application to the different arrangements are as follow: For the first arrangement a gesture to the right with forefinger or thumb wins; while the opposite gesture, which wins for number two, is here a double loss, because neither pair is arranged as in number two. But a movement downward with all the fingers outspread (which indicates number three), or a downward sweep of the forefinger (number four), would result in the loss of only one counter if the actual arrangement is number one or number two, because in either the first or the second arrangement one of the pairs will be found to be arranged as in either number three or number four; consequently the guesser is wrong as to only one pair, and loses but a single tally-stick. There is only one possible gesture that wins the deal; one possible gesture that loses two tally-sticks; and there are always two gestures that lose a single tally-stick. At the beginning of the play twelve tally-sticks lie between the two rows of contestants, and when all these have passed into the hands of the players an unsuccessful guess must be paid for out of the losing side's store. The game continues until one or the other has all the tally-sticks. The wagers are piled between the lines. Bets are made between individuals, not between the contesting parties collectively, and when the game is over each member of the winning side claims whatever wagers he has matched. Tapetuki, the so-called grass game, is another guessing contest, played in the same manner as by many other tribes in California. The counters are thick, cylindrical pieces of wood, one having a black stripe about the middle. Some players are clever enough to cheat at the game by having a black mark halfway about each counter, and when the guess is made they turn the two counters so that either of them appears to be plain or marked, as they will. Recently this deception has been discovered, and the Achomawi no longer play the grass game, having substituted the hand-game, in which two small bones are concealed in the hands.1 1 In 19I5 a young fellow had a white man in Redding make for him a pair of bones in two sections with a screw at the middle, so that by unscrewing them a little he could show VOL. XII-I19

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I46 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Tatipnayi was played by women. Two small mussel-shells were tossed into the air. If both lay with the inside up, two sticks were won; if only one, the reward was one stick; if neither, the opponent took the play. Women no longer play this game, but sometimes participate in the hand-game. Tiskake was generally played by two old men. About fourteen sticks the size of a match were made into two packets, which were wrapped with grass and laid on the ground. The opponent then sat for a long time and carefully considered the question which packet contained the single marked stick. Sometimes, unable to make up his mind, he would roll a stick between his palms and toss it into the air, and "let it do the guessing." The tally-sticks were ten. Tichipaktemiuch was a game of football played by five men on each side over a course about a hundred yards in length. The goal was indicated by two stakes driven into the ground so as to form the sides of an isosceles triangle just large enough to permit the passage of the ball, which was about five inches in diameter and consisted of hair or grass stuffed into a deerskin bag. No tactics on the part of the players were barred, short of attack with a weapon. Sometimes the course extended about a quarter of a mile, and this gave a great advantage to the swift runners over their brawny opponents. Tliswali was played by opposing groups of four or five women, who by means of sticks tossed toward their opponents' goal, which was a pair of crossed stakes in the ground, a roll of deerskin about eighteen inches long. Foot-races, wrestling, shooting arrows for distance and at targets, were popular pastimes. Children's games were apparently very rare. They played at modeling mud and paddling in the water. String games were known to the adults. There were two forms of dancing for social pleasure. In tiniwati the performers took their places in a circle, holding hands, males on one side and females on the other, while four song-leaders stood at equidistant points within the circle. All sang and moved slowly to the left with short, shuffling, sidewise steps. With brief interruptions for rest, this continued until about midnight, and sometimes a black mark on either one, and vice versa. The deception was discovered at the Fourth of July game, and a fight was prevented by the sheriff, who happened to be present when the 'opponents of the dishonest gamester seized the hundred-and-sixty-dollar wager.

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Thinking of the old days - Klamath [photogravure plate]

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THE ACHOMAWI I47 was repeated on a second night. It occurred in the open and only in summer. Teneschi'mi was a dance in which men and women in equal numbers, from one to five, performed for the entertainment of spectators. The men danced forward and the women came toward them, passing one another in the middle of the dance-ground and at the end turning and repassing until the song ended. There was only one singer, and because of the intricate rhythm the dancing was too difficult for the crowd. The social organization of the Achomawi is characterized by the simplicity prevailing in a large part of California - a total lack of clans and the complex laws that accompany the clan system. Within the band, the family remains the only unit of division. The several bands of Achomawi occupied their own well-defined territories, but there seems to have existed rather more of a sense of tribal unity than is common in the California area, a feeling due largely no doubt to the fact that all these bands resided in parts of one long watershed, in which intercommunication was not too difficult. Each division had two or more head-men, who in the winter inhabited different parts of the district and were the active leaders of their respective bands; and in summer, when the people were all together, they remained the spokesmen for their own particular followers. Chiefship was loosely hereditary, the office descending to the nearest male relative whom the people as a whole endorsed. A chief's business, briefly, was to keep down trouble of every description. When any injury was committed against one of his people, he took a number of his followers and called on the offender, demanding payment under penalty of violent reprisal. Payment for injury was made in shell money, or horses, or in the person of a young girl, and the injured family generally offered the chief a part of the amount received. In some cases a good chief would himself pay the sum demanded in order to preserve peace. The informant had such an experience about the year 1885. The Atuami chief, Captain Dick (Chustami), died after a long illness, and an Atsugewi medicine-man boasted that he had killed him. Therefore three of that tribe were killed by the Atuami. Then came a party of about seventy well-armed Atsugewi to demand payment of fifteen horses and fifteen guns. The informant, a cousin of Captain Dick, was the new chief of the Atuami. He tried to reduce the demands of the Atsugewi, but failed, and some of his men

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I48 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN began to make proposals that they kill the Atsugewi; but he would not listen to them. In secret these young men sent messengers by night to the Hewisaitu-wi, the Ilmawi, and the Humawhi bands of Achomawi. There were already on the ground two to three hundred Atuami and Fall River people. An equal number set out from the other bands, sending messengers ahead; and not until the first messenger entered the camp did the chief become aware what was going on. He then sent secretly to the Atsugewi chief, Buckskin Jack (Alupwami-wahelul), warning him that a fight was imminent in which both sides would lose heavily, and offering to pay a horse and a gun if Buckskin Jack would immediately depart with his men. The Atsugewi chief accepted the offer and withdrew; and a messenger met the approaching Achomawi, who, learning what had been done, turned their faces homeward. On occasions of great moment, especially when there was any grievance to be discussed, the chief called a council of all the men. The birth of an Achomawi child occurred either in the common dwelling-house, or, if that were old and drafty, in a tightly constructed hut. An old midwife attended the mother, and the treatment consisted principally in massaging the abdomen. The body of the newly born infant was dried with the fur of a squirrel, a wildcat, or other soft-haired animal, and then wrapped up in another skin, and several hours later, or even the next day, it was bathed. Great care was taken to prevent the mother and the child from catching a cold. The navel-cord was cut off at once and rolled up in fine grass and deerskin, and the little packet was tied to the cradlebasket, where it remained as long as the child occupied the basket. On the stump of the navel-cord the midwife placed a poultice made by crushing small fresh-water snails, in order to "rot" it, and after it sloughed off she applied deer tallow to heal the scar. Until that occurred, the parents ate no meat, and as the time approached they maintained a careful watch. When the cord sloughed off, and someone announced, "It is off!" they went quickly out of the house and up a hill. In a short time the mother returned, but the father travelled on, always up into the hills, for two or three hours, and here and there piled up stones. This doubtless was to make the child active and industrious. For every firstborn child, no matter what the station of its parents, a dance was held on several successive nights, the men, assisted by a few boys 1 Alupwami, the name of a pond in the Hat Creek country; wahflu, chief.

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Gathering basket material - Klamath [photogravure plate]

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THE ACHOMAWI 149 or girls, but not by women, standing in a line shoulder to shoulder and dancing forward and back. Sometimes the husband of a pregnant woman had the symptoms of the woman herself, such as vomiting, but the couvade does not seem to have been practised. Children generally received the name of some long-dead ancestor, boys being named for a member of the father's family and girls for a maternal relative. When her first menstruation occurred, a girl put on old garments of the ordinary kind, and as a symbol of her condition she wore the pahtiu, which was made by braiding two long, thick ropes of greasewood bark and sewing them along opposite sides of a thick, unbraided roll of the bark. This resulted in a long strip of bark about three inches wide, which hung down the back from neck to heels. From time to time during the day, she brought a little fuel to each house in the community, and the remainder of her time she passed in the menstrual hut, observing the usual restrictions as to food and water, and scratching the body with the fingers. All night she danced in the house while the assembled people sang, this part of the ceremony being just like that of the Shasta, and on the morning after the fifth night of dancing she washed her body with warm water and donned clean garments. All this was repeated four or five times at her succeeding menstrual periods. Every boy at the age of puberty was sent to the mountains to observe a vigil of two or three or four nights in quest of dreams, by which he would obtain good luck in that particular line of activity in which he himself desired to be proficient. Before doing this, he was not permitted to smoke nor to cohabit with women; but after his vigil, whether or not he had a dream, he was regarded and treated as a man. This act is called t-nnihui. In the country about Fall river are three or more places that were visited for this purpose, and each is at a lake or pond. A favorite place was Medicine, or Crystal, lake (Sat!), about fifteen miles south of Lower Klamath lake, which was visited by all the Pit River bands, by the Wintun of the upper Sacramento river, and by the Modoc and the Shasta. The youth left the camp very early, before breakfast, clad only in a loin-cloth and carrying only bow and arrows and fire-drill. Arriving at the lake late in the afternoon, he dived into the water and swam about for a few minutes, and then sat on the bank; and after repeating this two or three times he gathered wood and carried it to the top of a neighboring hill, and then, returning for more wood,

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ISO THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN he swam again. This he continued to do until he had enough fuel to burn all night. On the peak were several small spaces surrounded by circular stone walls, in one of which the youth took his place and built a small fire. These low walls were for protection from severe winds. At intervals throughout the night he moved about, climbing up and down the mountain, occasionally returning to the lake to swim and to carry up more fuel. Now and again he went to the stone enclosure to build up his fire and warm himself; for he was quite naked. At daylight he lay down to sleep, and it was then that the dreams came. Even if he were fortunate enough to have a dream the first day, he did not go home at once, but remained for the full number of nights upon which he had set his mind; for the more dreams, the better. After sleeping, he resumed his wandering through the mountains and swimming in the lake, and at night he built up his fire again. After completing his vigil he turned homeward, but, arriving in the vicinity of the camp at evening, he stopped and spent the night there. Then at dawn he came home. The people of his household gave him a little warm water and a small quantity of vegetal food, but for two or three days he ate no meat. The nature of his dreams, and even the fact that he had or had not dreamed, were carefully concealed from his relatives. It appears that the dreams of different youths were much alike; that is, there were certain conventional dreams which came to them and imparted good luck of the same kind; which proves that the injunction to secrecy was not a permanent one. A dream of frequent occurrence showed a man skinning a deer. His wrists and forearms were spirally wrapped with sinew from the neck of a deer. He lifted the skin and held it, all dripping with blood, stretched out before him. This meant that the dreamer would be a lucky deer hunter. It was a common custom to wrap sinew about the forearms after killing a deer, and to hold up the dripping skin for good luck. Another common dream was one in which a strong man pursued a deer, and another showed a man hauling in a net full of fish. Sometimes the dreamer would see himself winning huge wagers at the gambling games, or in a great battle against numerous enemies successfully dodging their clouds of arrows. Or he might see Coyote, with certain peculiar red feathers on his head, in a rocky cave; which meant that he would become a shaman. At some future time he would hear a voice singing on a distant hilltop, a voice inaudible to all others, but to him so real that he would feel irresistibly

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Klamath woman [photogravure plate]

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THE ACHOMAWI 151 impelled toward it. On top of the hill he would find a bunch of red feathers, such as his dream had showed on the head of Coyote, and in the quills would be poison. These he would take and guard carefully. Such feathers seemed to be alive, for they never wore out. As showing what faith is placed in the efficacy of dreams to assure good luck and long life, the informant related how his father, as a youth, had a dream in which he saw a large, long basket, from the mouth of which extended strips of rabbit-skin. The basket was old and crushed. It said: "You will not die; you will live long. See how old I am; yet I do not die." Years afterward he lay desperately ill in midwinter. They expected him to die soon. Then he had the same dream again. The old basket said: "You will not die. Jump up and bathe in the river!" Not conscious of what he did, he climbed the ladder, ran down the roof, sped to the bank of Pit river, and jumped into the icy water. His father ran after him and tried to catch him, but another detained the old man, saying, "Maybe something has told him to do it." The sick man dived and swam across the river. Something threw him out upon the bank, where he lay naked on the snow. Again he saw the old basket, and also Coyote, and they told him he would recover. Then he became conscious and returned to the house. Many years afterward he and another man were building a fish-weir below the mouth of Hat creek. Something told him to dodge. He leaped aside, just as two guns were fired, and his companion fell dead, but he himself dashed away and leaped into a pond. A number of General Crook's soldiers surrounded the pond and kept firing at him, but they inflicted only two surface wounds. He thought he had better surrender, so he ran to a soldier who was motioning him to come. Then something suddenly told him to drop. He leaped down into a small watercourse, just as the soldier fired. The secret voice told him to hide behind a big rock. He did so. Then it impelled him to show himself. He thought this meant that he was to draw the soldiers' fire, so he raised his head. They fired, but missed, and he leaped across the creek and escaped. When he got home, a medicine-man happened to be in the house. "Lie down, and I will cure you," said the shaman. He held an arrow in his left hand, drew the right down over its point, and placed that hand in a vessel of water. Then he opened it, and showed them a bullet. He said: "That is the bullet. Now you will get well." Marriage among the Achomawi was far less a matter of formal purchase than among the Shasta, a condition to be expected in view

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152 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of their greater distance from the Northwest coast, which was the focal point, in California, of the cult of wealth. In most cases there was at least a tacit understanding between the two persons most concerned, but not rarely girls were compelled to marry against their wishes. Having secured the consent of the girl he desired to marry, a young man talked the matter over with his family, and if they agreed to the marriage, he went to her people and asked their approval. They raised no question as to the amount he would pay for their daughter, but if they were satisfied with him as a prospective sonin-law they acquiesced without ado, and the day was set by mutual agreement. It might be either the very next day or a month later. At the appointed time all the people, duly notified, assembled at the girl's house and awaited the arrival of the bridegroom and his family, who brought whatever they intended to pay for the bride. This in some cases amounted to the equivalent of a considerable sum. The informant gave ten ponies, two draft horses, a wagon, a quantity of clothing, and some money, for his wife. Whatever was given was divided among the girl's male relatives, and they later united to make up a gift for their new relations, but of less value. Finally, the chief delivered a speech, exhorting the young man to be a good husband and son-in-law, and a feast concluded the day's events. After a few weeks or a few months in the home of his father-inlaw, during which time he was expected to be very diligent in providing meat and fish, the young husband led his bride to his father's home. The commonest cause of separation was adultery. If a woman were found at fault, her husband would either abandon her, if he were living in her parents' house, or would provide her with new clothing and send her home; if they were living in his father's or his own house. If the price paid for her had not been requited by her people, he would despatch a friend to recover his property; but if anything had been given him in return, he could say nothing. When her husband proved inconstant, a woman had the privilege of returning to her parents; and if he came to take her back, they might reprimand him and turn him away. A man who seduced another's wife might be killed for his act; but more commonly a friend of the wronged husband offered the seducer the opportunity of paying for the damage done, a horse, perhaps, or two. If the death penalty was imposed and the dead man left powerful friends,

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A Klamath costume [photogravure plate]

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THE ACHOMAWI I53 they might with perfect right insist on payment for his life. But this custom of compounding the crime of seduction and murder was not nearly so general here as it was nearer the coast. A man had the first right to his brother's widow, even though he were already married. Himself not desiring her, he could bestow her on any of his relations; and if she married contrary to his wishes, he had the right to kill her. A man was not permitted to look too closely at his mother-inlaw, nor could the one accept anything directly from the hand of the other; but they were permitted to converse casually together, and they might even be in the house alone together without transgressing any law. The same rules applied to a woman and her father-in-law. It was the general practice of the Achomawi to bury the dead in graves; but warriors killed in battle were commonly cremated. This custom doubtless originated as the solution of the problem what to do with a corpse far from home; nevertheless, cremation was sometimes employed, by analogy, when a man was slain by enemies at home. As soon as death occurred, the inmates of the house began to wail, and the entire village, and the inhabitants of other villages within hearing, took up the wailing, and gathered about the house. Some persons of the same sex as the deceased, whether relations or not, prepared the body for burial by quickly washing and dressing it. The rule was that nearly all of an individual's valuables be buried with him; and if he had a long string of shell money, the relatives cut off a small portion for a keepsake and parted with the remainder. Probably they saw to it that when death threatened, the bulk of their expiring relative's valuable trinkets was distributed among them. Property of other kinds was appropriated by such relatives as had the power to deprive the others of it. In many cases a man's brothers left his children and widow without means of support. The corpse, wrapped in a skin, but with the face exposed so that friends might see it, was always kept over night in the house, and a number of men and women watched beside it with a constantly burning fire. The grave-digger began his work early on the following morning; for it was not permitted to prepare a grave and let it remain empty over night. When it was ready, several men raised the body on a narrow slab or on a pair of poles with cross-pieces, and carried it out head-foremost, through the door of a summer hut, VOL. XIII-20

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I54 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN but through the ventilating tunnel of a winter house. The crowd followed. Just behind the bearers walked a woman with a bowl of water, which she sprinkled on the ground they passed over. Two of the bearers descended into the grave to receive the corpse and set it on a block of wood, with its back against the western wall. If one were buried with his face to the west, he would be "lost"; that is, his spirit would be unable to find the trail to the spirit world. They placed a basket of water in the grave, and clothing, robes, baskets, beads, and other valuables were cast into it by relatives and friends. As the earth was filled in, any woman who felt so impelled jumped into the grave and trampled the loose earth down about the corpse, and finally heavy stones were piled up to prevent the depredations of wild animals. The house in which a very prominent man died, whether a summer or a winter house, was burned, and in some other cases the families moved out of the house and did not return to it for a long time. Those who handled the corpse purified themselves by a steam bath and a plunge into the river, the men first and the women after them, and this was the sole purification. Close relatives of the deceased person cut the hair short and smeared pitch over the head and face for as long as two or three years, and some women renewed the pitch and kept the hair short for many years. To pass in front of a mourner was an insult to be effaced only by the payment of money or life. The abode of the dead is not named nor localized, but it is believed that the spirits live somewhere. The religion of the Achomawi is very simple. It consists simply in following the precepts of right conduct laid down by Qan, the benevolent creator. Jemul, who was more or less a mischief-maker, instituted all the customs that were to be observed, such as methods of hunting and fishing, cooking, gathering food, marrying, burying, making war, paying for murder, killing shamans. Some of his institutions are good, some are bad. The rules promulgated by Qan are few, and relate entirely to moral conduct. They are such as these: to have no sexual relations with relatives; not to kill without just cause; to be kind and generous, especially in providing food for the hungry; as to theft, if anyone steals from you, to await a favorable opportunity and steal from him a like amount, but no more. The Achomawi hold no strictly religious performance and offer no prayers to any deity. The nearest they come to prayer is the

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Among the tules - Klamath [photogravure plate]

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THE ACHOMAWI j55 expression of hope that the animals will aid them with their supernatural power in hunting or in war. No explanation of the natural phenomena is attempted. They say simply that the creators Oan and Jemul arranged all things as they are, and that is the end of it. The practices of medicine-men and the popular belief in them are pseudo-religious, inasmuch as these men are supposed to have been predestined to their profession by some supernatural and irresistible power. The fact of an individual's predestination is indicated to him in his youth by the experience of a dream in which he beholds Coyote sitting in a cave, with red feathers on his head. This dream he keeps secret. At some time in later life he hears on a far-away hilltop a singing voice, which drags him to it against his will. There he finds a bunch of red feathers, in the midst of which is a cylindrical piece of polished wood containing many small feathers and the tamakumi. This is a very small black object, which the shaman ordinarily keeps in a deerskin bag under his right arm, and by his magic throws into the body of anyone whom he wishes to afflict with a fatal sickness. It is this so-called "poison" (though the word does not mean that) which a medicine-man professes to extract from the body of his patient. The tamakumi is supposed to be a living thing, and is in fact the shaman's guardian spirit. It calls him its father, and its language of course is understood only by its possessor. It understands the language of all animals, and the shaman holds conversation with them only by its aid. When a foreordained medicine-man finds this bunch of red feathers, the symbol of shamanism, it rises at once from the ground to meet his outstretched hand; and at night he comes back to the camp and shows it as evidence that he is called to be a shaman. That night the men and women assemble, in the underground house, if the season is winter, or in a tule wigwam in summer; and the new shaman dances up and down, holding the bunch of feathers and the bit of wood tightly in his hand. His tamakumi is supposed to sing songs, describing its power; but these songs only the novice himself can hear, and as he repeats them, the people, especially the other shamans, catching the air and the words, take up the song and sing while he continues to dance. He may sing the songs of various other tamakumi which are contained in the wooden case; for there is a special tamakumi for each kind of death, such as death by drowning while fording a river, by falling down a precipice from the back of a stampeding horse, by rattlesnake bite, by an enemy's bullet. At some time during the ceremony the novice pretends to take the

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i56 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN tamakumi out of its wooden case and throw it into the air. It then travels swiftly about the world, and in a moment he receives it again in his hand, reeling back as if overpowered by the contact. Several men hasten to support him, and he restores it to its case. The dancing continues until about midnight, sometimes until daylight, and may be repeated nearly every night during the entire winter, at which season it usually occurs. All sickness not readily assignable by the primitive mind to natural causes is held to be the work of a malevolent medicine-man, who has sent his tamakumi into the body of his victim. A cure can be effected only by another shaman whose tamakumi is still more powerful. This belief in the evil power of medicine-men has resulted in the death of so many professors of the cult that in former times few of them died natural deaths. And the murder of medicine-men still continues. In the spring of 1915 a shaman was killed near Alturas, and the present chief is constantly being urged by various young men to consent to the death of a certain man who is suspected of causing sickness among the people. Asked why shamans insist on boasting of their illegitimate exploits when they know it means almost certain death, the Achomawi explain that in any case the dead man's friends will ascertain the truth through their own medicine-men, who, after taking out the tamakumi from the sick individual, question it, and are informed by it regarding the identity of its "father." The chief of the Fall River Achomawi, a thoughtful, intelligent man, aged about sixty-two at the time of the conversation, but a genuine Indian in training and feeling, said that he cannot believe the power of the medicine-men is true. He thinks they claim supernatural power for the purpose of deceiving the people, thereby acquiring property and a position of awe. But all the others, he said, believe firmly that the medicine-men can kill by magic, and many are advocating that the Government segregate them on some distant reservation. A local medicine-man has been shot at two or three times, and undoubtedly will be killed; but it would be useless for him to declare that he had discarded his power, in order to save his life, for the people would not believe him: the power cannot be dismissed. Why any man will announce himself as a shaman, when he knows that almost certainly he will some time meet a violent death, is a thing no white man can fully understand. The explanation offered, that when they hear the distant singing on a hilltop they are forced to go and take up the bunch of red feathers, satisfies

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A Klamath profile [photogravure plate]

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THE ACHOMAWI I57 an Indian, but not a white man. It may be that they actually do think they hear this magic singing. Whether or not that part of the matter is popular deception or only self-deception, no one can be sure except the medicine-man himself, and him we find it difficult to believe. When the services of a medicine-man are required, a relative of the sick person goes to him and offers the equivalent of five, ten, fifteen, or twenty dollars. The last-named sum is the highest regular fee, but in rare instances as much as fifty dollars or even a hundred has been paid. The smallest fee is usually refused. After the shaman has consented to accept a specified sum, the messenger shows him that amount in shell money, and the medicine-man smells the beads in order to ascertain if the "smell of death" is on them. If it is, he says: " It will be hard, but I will try. Perhaps he will die anyway." If the smell of death is absent, he says: "I will cure him. He will recover." He then makes his preparations. His tamakumi in its wooden receptacle surrounded by feathers hangs on a cord from his neck. If the case is desperate, he comes naked, with stripes of charcoal across his chest and face. On his head is a panni, a feather head-dress. In the house of the sick person are six to ten men and women to sing for him, and after his arrival none is permitted to enter. He sits down beside the patient, holding the sides of his head in his hands and humming his songs, while studying the sick person to find out where the disease is seated, and what its nature is. The men and women join in his songs. When he has determined the location and nature of the sickness, he rises and dances, and then with various contortions drops to his knees and sucks at the patient's body. After a time he spits blood, and if he has been successful in drawing out the "poison" he shows a small black object, the tamakumi of some malevolent shaman who has been trying to kill the patient. He holds it up between thumb and forefinger and asks, "Who is your father?" He pretends to receive an answer, and then names the man who has inflicted the disease. This means that if the patient should not recover, his relatives will try to kill that supposedly guilty medicine-man; but if he recovers, they will do nothing. Nevertheless, that shaman will be regarded thereafter with suspicion and dread. In some instances a medicineman shows a frog or a snake, which he declares he has sucked out of the patient's body. In very serious illness he remains as long as three days in the sick man's house without going home at all, and performs his incantation and sucking each day and each night. If

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158 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN at the end of that time he has not accomplished his purpose, he says: "I cannot cure him. You will have to try someone else." In such a case they pay him a small part of the stipulated price; similarly, if the patient dies soon after a supposed cure, the shaman must give up his fee. There is no fraternity of medicine-men among the Achomawi.

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Praying to the spirits of Crater Lake - Klamath [photogravure plate]

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The Klamath

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I

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THE KLAMATH HE Klamath Indians of southeastern Oregon are the larger of two divisions of the Lutuami, the other being their neighbors, the Modoc. The language of the two divisions shows only dialectic differences. The origin of the name Klamath is uncertain. The proposed derivation from maklaks, their word for "people," is not convincing. Some other tribes know them by variations of the word Klamath, but it is not certain that these appellations are not simply adopted names. The word has a Chinookan sound, and it is not improbable that if its ultimate origin is not Chinookan, at least its present form is derived from that language. Lutuami is the Achomawi name for the Klamath, and is of true Achomawi origin, meaning "Lake Dwellers" (alutwam, lake). Modoc is from the Klamath Moata-kni, (m6at, south; Moatak, Tule lake; -kni, dwellers). The Klamath have no name descriptive of themselves except maklaks, people, but they have geographical names for the six groups into which they fall. The territory of the Klamath was bounded on the west by the Cascade mountains, which form the divide between the Klamath River basin and Rogue river and other streams flowing westward into the Pacific. Northward it extended to the vicinity of Bend, in latitude 440, thus including, in the headwaters of Deschutes river, a portion of the Columbia River drainage. On the east it took in the drainage of Sycan marsh, and a portion of the drainage of Goose lake, which lies partly in Oregon and partly in California. The southerly boundary was approximately identical with the OregonCalifornia line. With the exception of small areas in Crook and Lake counties, Klamath territory almost coincided with what is now Klamath county. South of the Klamath were the Modoc, who held the country from the Oregon-California line to the divide between Klamath river and Pit river, where they adjoined Achomawi territory. Roughly, then, the Klamath held the country tributary to Klamath marsh, Upper Klamath lake, the northern part of Lower VOL. XIII-21 161

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i62 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Klamath lake, and the northern part of Goose lake, while Modoc territory was the region tributary to Tule lake and the southern part of Lower Klamath and Goose lakes. The western portion of this region is heavily forested, the central basin is dotted with lakes and marshes fed by the melting snows of the Cascade mountains percolating the porous volcanic soil, and on the eastern border sagebrush plains are characteristic. It is the lakes and marshes that are responsible for the specialized features of Klamath life. The westerly neighbors of the Lutuami tribes were the Athapascans of Rogue river in the northwest and the Shasta in the southwest. On the north were the Shoshonean bands known as Warm Springs Indians. Eastward were the Shoshonean Paviotso (Paiute), and southward the Achomawi. With all these the Lutuami made war, and indeed the Klamath and the Modoc themselves were frequently involved in hostilities. In the early days of white traders on the Columbia, but before they had penetrated the Klamath country, there was a war with the Walams-kni1 of Rogue river. These people killed two Klamath beaver-trappers in the mountains, a young man and his father. A boy escaped. He built a fire in the mountains as a signal that something had gone amiss, then hurried to the valley and told what had occurred. Warriors from all the Klamath bands were assembled, and a scout was sent into the Rogue River country. He reported that the enemy were engaged in a dance in a locality favorable for attack, and the Klamath warriors timed their march so as to arrive on the last night of the dance. Just before dawn they surrounded the camp, dividing into two parties. It was agreed that when the advance of these two divisions met on the other side of the camp they should give a coyote howl as a signal for attack. With knives, traders' tomahawks, and bows they slaughtered the entire party, except a few women and children, whom they took captive. The Klamath annually sent slave-making expeditions into the Pit River country. A few years before the treaty of 1864 the informant as a youth accompanied in the capacity of horse-herder what was probably the last of these forays. They attacked the Achomawi near Fall river. Many of the captives were taken to Warm Springs, Oregon, and exchanged for horses, and others were kept by the Klamath. This party included some Modoc. 1 "Wailams Dwellers." This appears to be a loan-word from Walamt, the aboriginal name of Willamette river,

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Day dreams, Crater Lake [photogravure plate]

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THE KLAMATH i63 The Paiute were wont to invade Klamath territory. Before the informant's time a party from the direction of Fort Bidwell, California, came to Chiloquin. The people were all absent, and the Paiute loaded themselves with dried fish and fled. About fifteen miles from Chiloquin they stopped. Some said: "We had better go on. Those people will follow us." Others jeered: "Those people wear tule moccasins. They are like frogs. They cannot run." They settled down for a feast. But some went on. While the loiterers ate, the Klamath crept up and surrounded them. The attack was made in daylight. The Paiute chief was a man who had only one sound leg, the other being shrivelled. He sat there and said, "After I have eaten I will fight." He continued his meal, while the others took to shelter to repel the attack. The chief's son himself was filled with arrows. On the following day those who remained alive were all killed, including the crippled chief. The Klamath for a joke cut off his shrivelled leg and laid it across a brook, like a bridge. This was the last invasion by Paiute. Some years before the days of the traders the Dokoan-kni, a Klamath group at the mouth of Williamson river, began to harass the bands that occupied the upper part of that stream and Sprague river. The only reason was their desire to fight. After a time the up-river people combined and came down to attack their tormentors. About a mile below the present bridge they attacked the D6koan-kni at very close quarters. The informant, then a youth, stood near watching. At last they succeeded in killing the principal fightingman 1 of the Dokoan-kni. This internal war lasted about ten years. People in those days could not sleep nor travel alone in safety. Klamath men frequently went to Yreka, California, to trade deerskins to the settlers. More than once the Shasta killed one or more of these visitors. The father of George Gray was killed by a Shasta bullet, and his brother, Link River Jack, led six men to Yreka and killed a Shasta to even the score. The Modoc once came to fight the Klamath, but were persuaded of the folly of such a course. Later they returned, and a fight ensued in which none was killed. Before setting out to fight, warriors participated in a dance. Led by a man with a long spear, they danced in single file in a circle, 1 The father of a man (Charley Stokes) still living in I9I6. Chihwi was another good warrior. He died not many years prior to I916. It is said that Stokes' father killed forty men at one time!

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I64 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN carrying their bows and arrows, and making vigorous, warlike gestures. The leader harangued them vehemently, exhorting them to be brave and begging for good luck. The victory-dance was celebrated when a successful party returned. One behind another they danced violently around a pole on which were displayed the scalp, heart, hands, and pieces of the feet of the principal man killed by them in the battle. Some wore head-bands and baldrics of eaglefeathers. The Klamath and the Modoc, especially the latter, had their share of difficulties with immigrants and soldiers. In 1852 the Modoc slaughtered an entire party en route to California, and volunteers from Yreka, California, and from Jacksonville, Oregon, hastened to Tule lake. At the approach of the Californians the Modoc abandoned their siege of another wagon-train and took refuge on islands in the lake. Later in the summer Captain Ben Wright, commanding the California company, induced the Modoc to attend a feast for the purpose of making peace, and during the discussion that followed the meal, Wright and his men suddenly opened fire and killed thirty-six of their unsuspecting guests. In 1864 a treaty was negotiated between the United States and the Klamath, the Modoc, and certain Shoshoneans of Oregon, establishing the present Klamath reservation. As this lay entirely within their former boundaries, the Klamath were inclined to lord it over the Modoc, who were therefore removed to a sub-agency in another part of the reservation. Still discontented, a large part of the tribe under Captain Jack returned in 1870 to their old home on Lost river, which flows into Tule lake. Complaints of cattle-killing and petty thieving began to come in, and in 1872 a military detachment was ordered to bring them back to the reservation. Instead of trying conciliation, the officer in command surrounded the camp at dawn and demanded surrender and disarmament. The Indians, doubtless abashed by this sudden turn of affairs, refused, and finally opened fire, to which the soldiers replied. There were casualties on both sides. The Modoc scattered, perpetrated a series of murderous raids on the settlers, and retreated to the lava beds, an incredibly rugged region of broken volcanic rock. Here, about fifty strong and encumbered with women and children, they repulsed attack and inflicted severe losses. Commissioners were then named to negotiate terms of peace, but at a meeting with the Modoc leaders they were attacked, and General E. R. S. Canby and Reverend E. Thomas were killed and another of the commissioners was severely

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A Klamath in costume [photogravure plate]

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THE KLAMATH 165 wounded. After that there was no hope of amicable settlement. The cave in the lava beds was shelled, the Indians were at last driven out and captured when they scattered and fled. They had put up a stubborn fight against great odds, having killed sixty-five and wounded sixty-seven, not including the settlers, as compared with their own loss of about a dozen warriors and some women and children. After conviction by a court-martial, Captain Jack and five others were hanged at Fort Klamath in October, I873, two were sentenced to life imprisonment on Alcatraz Island in San Francisco bay, and the rest of the band were sent east, most of them to Indian Territory. The clothing of Klamath men and women consisted of a robe, moccasins, short leggings, and loin-cloth. According to a man's means and to the season of the year, clothing was made of skin, usually that of a deer, or of woven tules, which sometimes were intermixed with feathers held in place by pine pitch.l When the day became warm all these garments were discarded except a narrow strip about the loins. Skin moccasins were of the usual type, covering the entire foot up to the ankle, but those of tules were sometimes mere sandals protecting the sole and the toes. In summer the Klamath used deerskin moccasins, in winter tule or fur. Tule footwear was well stuffed with dry grass, and fur moccasins were never permitted to dry on the feet. The difficulty of keeping skin in good condition when it is subjected to frequent wetting probably accounts for the use of tule footwear in winter. The snowshoe was a wooden hoop about fifteen inches in diameter with irregularly crossed strips of untanned fur. Devices of similar pattern were worn in travelling over swampy ground. Women wore bowl-shape caps of twined tules with black ornamentation of fibre from tule rootstocks, and men had for winter use fur caps with rawhide vizor at the front and at the back, and for summer, crownless, vizored hats of tules or of aspen-bark turned inside out and painted red. The hair of men was arranged in two braids, which were wrapped with strips of otter-fur and either doubled up short or allowed to hang at full length. Women either wore similar braids or tied the hair in a bunch at the back of the head, where it was covered by the basketry cap. The comb was either a toothed strip 1 An informant tells a queer tale of people so poor that they protected themselves from cold by smearing pitch on the skin and sticking feathers to it. In a region where tules were so abundant, and the art of weaving known, this could scarcely have been actual practice, even if physically possible.

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i66 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of wood or a porcupine-tail. Most adults of both sexes had in the nasal septum a perforation, in which on special occasions they wore a pair of dentalia, or, lacking these valuable articles, a blackened bit of cornel shoot. The septum was pierced by means of a bone awl, and not until the individual had attained maturity. The ears of most girls and of a few boys were pierced, and the ear-ornaments worn in later years were usually dentalia. Tattooing was not common, but a few women had perpendicular lines on the chin. The heads of all infants were flattened by means of a deerskin pad placed on the forehead and lashed firmly to the sides of the cradle-basket. The practice was abandoned before 1864, but evidence of its former prevalence is still to be seen in the peaked heads of the older individuals. The winter house of the Klamath was merely a conical roof thatched with round tules, grass, and earth, and covering a circular excavation about three feet deep. The framework consisted of a heavy central post and numerous rafters extending from its forked top to the edge of the pit, where they were supported by the ground. All were unhewn timbers. Entrance was through the smoke-hole at the peak, and the descent was made by means of a ladder, which was merely a post, sometimes the central post itself, with foot-holes cut into it. Structures of this kind sometimes exceeded forty feet in diameter. For public assemblies, such as a dance, there was an elliptical structure consisting of two tall forked tamaracks, a long ridge-pole connecting them, and rafters extending from the ground to the ridge-pole. The sides were covered with slabs of bark, and the top was open. The summer house is of the type seen among the Salish tribes of eastern Washington. Roughly elliptical or rectangular, it consists of a willow frame covered with grass and with tule mats. Willow poles thrust into the ground and slightly bent down at the top, where they are lashed to the ridge-pole, serve the purpose of both rafters and studding. In other words, there is practically no break between wall and roof, the structure being much like an elongated tipi. The thatching, which is laid on horizontal poles lashed to the rafters and is held in place by other poles similarly attached, consists of three layers of matting: the first, of a kind of coarse grass; the second, of the triangular-stemmed tule, Scirpus robustus; the third, of the round-stemmed tule, S. lacustris. The matting of the first two layers is woven; that of the last course is made by stringing the

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Klamath tule hut [photogravure plate]

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THE KLAMATH t67 stems on parallel transverse cords, a process that produces a better watershed than can be obtained by weaving. The doorway is an opening at one end, and the smoke-vent is along the ridge-pole. Summer houses vary in dimensions from five by ten feet to ten by about twenty-five feet, and are usually about six feet in height at the ridge. Structures of this type are still in use. A small, well-thatched hut used to be built overhanging the edge of a river for the protection of a fisherman, who sat inside with his spear, watching for prey. The sweat-house was constructed over a shallow, circular excavation. Near the front of the pit was a short, forked post, which supported one end of a sloping ridge-timber, the other end resting on the ground at the rear. On this timber rested the upper ends of numerous rafters, which extended laterally to the ground at the edges of the excavation. Battens were laid across the rafters, and the thatch of tules and grass was covered with earth. The entrance was a low opening at the front, almost a tunnel, between the two rafters with the steepest slope. The eccentric placing of the supporting post gave almost the effect of a gable in the front, and it was in this gable that the entrance was made. Within recent years this permanent sweat-house has been supplanted by the Plains type, a small framework of willows, almost hemispherical, covered with a sheet of canvas or with blankets. In the sudatory steam was generated by means of heated stones. When the water was poured on the stones, one of the four or five men present began to pray, apparently addressing the stones but in thought appealing to Palaitalk-kni ("far-above dweller"),1 asking for strength, health, and success in hunting. When he had finished, another continued in the same strain. The bath became a test of endurance, the one who poured the water endeavoring to drive the others out by raising the temperature to an excessive degree. The sweat was followed by a plunge. Men bathed nearly every day, but women only rarely and then either by themselves or only with their husbands. The staple article of food was the seed of the yellow water-lily, Nymphea polysepala. It is still used as a delicacy. The extensive marshes of the region are in many places covered solidly to the extent of hundreds and thousands of acres with the spreading leaves 1 This character does not appear in any myth collected in this investigation, and it appears probable that the conception of a powerful spirit in celestial regions has been lately acquired from outside sources.

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I68 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of this plant. W6kas, as the plant and the seed are called, is gathered in the latter part of August and through the whole of September. Poling a canoe through the masses of leaves and trailing stems, the harvester, always a woman, pulls the nearly ripe pods from their stems and drops them in the canoe. The mature pods, having burst open, are too sticky to be taken in the hand, and are scooped up in a tule ladle and deposited in a canoe-shaped basket. At the end of the day the contents of the basket are poured into a pit about two feet in diameter and of equal depth, and from day to day the harvest of ripe pods is added. The whole is covered with a mat. At the end of the season the contents of the pits, now by fermentation a viscous mass, is transferred to a canoe, and after the admixture of water it is thoroughly stirred so as to separate the seeds, which drop to thi bottom. The gluey liquid and refuse are skimmed off, and the seeds are drained on mats. After more thoroughly drying and partially cooking the seeds by shaking them in a tray with a few embers,' the woman cracks the hulls with muller and metate, and separates the kernels from the hulls in a winnowing tray, which is operated with much the same motions as a gold-miner's pan. The finished product is now ready to be thoroughly dried on mats and stored, formerly in pits, now in bags. The seeds are prepared for eating by parching them with embers in a basketry tray (the frying-pan is used at present), a process which causes them to swell and burst. It may be eaten so, a food of excellent flavor, or covered with cold water. The immature wokas pods, which constitute by far the greater part of the daily harvest, are spread on the ground to a depth of six to eight inches, and in about ten days those exposed to the sun are dry enough to be crushed on a mat with a stone pestle, after which the seeds are winnowed in a tray and stored. The pods that have not been exposed to the sun have partly decomposed, and the sticky mass is crushed where it lies and spread more thinly to facilitate drying. Later the seeds are winnowed in the usual manner. The seeds derived from immature pods are prepared for eating by parching, removing the hulls on the metate, and boiling into a mush in a cooking basket by means of heated stones. This method of cooking has of course been superseded by more modern processes. In order to avoid waiting for the sun to dry them, the pods gathered near the end of the season are roasted in a fire, crushed into a gluey mass, and dried by admixing pulverized decayed wood or ashes, after which the seeds are separated by screening and winnowing. 1 The modern practice is to dry the seeds in a frying-pan.

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The wokas harvest - Klamath [photogravure plate]

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THE KLAMATH I69 Other vegetal foods of the Klamath were numerous: Camas (Camassia), ipos (Calochortus), roots of Scirpus robustus and cattail (Typha), and a diversity of other roots not identified; the seeds of sunflowers, sage, tumbleweeds, wild rye, and "redtop"; chokecherries, grapes, huckleberries, plums, service-berries, and "swampberries"; tender shoots of Scirpus lacustris, and the outside of the matured seed-stalks of cattails; pine lichens and pine bast; hazelnuts and pine-nuts. Fish and waterfowl were abundant. Antelope, deer, elk, and mountain-sheep, black bears and grizzly-bears, beaver, mink, porcupines, and rabbits, foxes, badgers, wildcats, raccoons, and skunks, squirrels, gophers, and woodrats, even mountain-lions and coyotesall were good for food. Bats, buzzards, and turtles were not disdained. Fish were taken with hooks, in nets, or by spearing. There were two kinds of hooks: a straight, double-pointed bit of teal- or deerbone, to the middle of which the line was attached by means of sinew and pitch; and a double-barbed hook, the shank and the barbs of bone, and all three fastened together with sinew and pitch. The barbed hook was baited with small fish and was used in trolling for salmon and trout from the shore or in a canoe, as well as on short lines attached to a set-line stretched between two stakes and left over night. The commonest form of fish-spear resembles the implement so widely used in northern California. The long shaft has a secondary foreshaft lashed to it at an acute angle, so that the spear-shaft is like a Y with a greatly elongated stem, with the difference that one of the foreshafts does not make an angle with the shaft, but is simply an extension of it in a straight line, being in fact an actual part of the main shaft itself. On the tip of each prong is fitted the socket of a barbless bone point. Each point is attached to a cord at its middle, and the two cords unite in one line, which extends up the shaft. When either point is driven through a fish, it is jerked free of the shaft and turns toggle-wise at a right angle to the wound, holding the fish in spite of its struggles. Another fish-spear has a head consisting of about a dozen hardwood points held apart in the form of a cone by a hoop lashed inside of them. This is used to pin to the bottom fish of a sluggish nature, and another spear with double-pointed barbed head of steel is employed to transfix it and bring it to the surface. The dip-net called tewas is a very large, bag-like net hung on a frame consisting of a pair of long, divergent poles, a strengthening VOL. XIII-22

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I70 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN cross-bar near their intersection, and a stout cord connecting their tips. It is manipulated by a man in the prow of a stationary canoe. Two other canoes propelled by women approach in converging lines, and in the bow of each is a man who beats on the sides of the craft in order to frighten fish into the net.1 The net is raised by using the intersection of the poles as a pivotal point against the under side of the prow. As the tips emerge from the water, the cross-bar is hooked over the prow, and there the net rests, with the cross-bar over the prow, the intersection of the poles beneath it, and the poles themselves extending forward, outward, and upward from the canoe, the mouth of the net in the air and the bottom of the bag in the water. The fish are then removed and deposited in the canoe, and another cast is made. Luteas is a conical net hung on a hoop, which is attached to a pole. It is used from the bank, from a canoe, or by one who wades the stream. Spiwas is a gill-net equipped with sinkers of elliptical, grooved stones and with tule floats. It is stretched across small streams, or in larger waters is operated by making one end fast to a post ashore while the other end is carried around a circle by men in a very large canoe. Others in a small craft inside the enclosed space make a commotion in the water and beat on the sides of the canoe, so as to frighten the fish, which become entangled in their efforts to escape. Wecholas is a very wide-mouthed bag-like seine held across a stream by two men while others drive the fish into it. Practically all nets are made of nettle-bark, but in rare cases Asclepias is the source of the fibre. Nets of three kinds are used in taking waterfowl. Spensis, a long, narrow net, is drawn taut over the water between two poles. When a flock of birds flies into the net and becomes entangled like fish in a gill-net, watchers lower the rope on which the upper edge is stretched, and others paddle out to remove the captives. Kiudels is suspended in the water at openings in the ice, the lower edge weighted with stone sinkers, the upper edge stretched between two stakes set into holes in the ice. In this fashion is taken a waterfowl called chakunus, which dives in the open spaces for minnows. The dip-net tewas is poised at the prow of a canoe at night, and waterBarrett, Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Arch. Ethn., vol. 5, no. 4, I9IO, page 249, says that the canoe carrying the net is paddled forward by a man in the stern, who makes as much noise as possible in order to frighten fish forward into the net. It is difficult to see how this can be accomplished when the canoe is being paddled "quite rapidly along," with the opening of the net away from the stern.

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Grinding wokas - Klamath [photogravure plate]

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THE KLAMATH 171 fowl, dazzled by the light of a fire burning on a hearth amidships, fly into it. Ducks are sometimes caught on baited fish-hooks. Deer were killed with arrows, either by lying in wait at a place where their trail crossed a stream, or by stalking. For the latter purpose the hunter might tie a bunch of white-leaved plants to his hair and creep toward the animals, which would not only stand, but even approach, out of curiosity; or he might wear a disguise, the skin of a deer's head with small natural antlers. To attract antelope within range, Klamath hunters sometimes fastened a strip of white weasel-skin to each heel and then lay on the back waving the feet. Both deer and bear were taken in pitfalls, and the former were sometimes snared in nooses suspended in their runways. The deadfall is said to have been invented by a Kombat-kni (Pelican Bay Klamath) man. This means, of course, that he was the first of his people to adopt the device. Just prior to the Modoc war the soldiers arrested a Modoc man, who, escaping, took to the woods and was found dead in one of the "inventor's" traps. Klamath implements of war were bows and arrows, and javelins. The bow was made of yew from the Cascade mountains, reinforced with sinew glued along its back, and recurved at the ends. Arrowshafts were of cane or the straight shoots of service-berry or rose, with foreshafts of hard wood, preferably mountain mahogany. The shafts were straightened by inserting them in a perforated block of wood and bending in the necessary direction, and were smoothed by rubbing with a grooved stone. The points were flint or obsidian. Hunting arrows had shafts of cane, and the mahogany foreshaft served also as the point. Arrows to be used for waterfowl had near the point a slightly raised ring, either of the wood itself or of sinew and pitch applied to the wood, for the purpose of deflecting the missile upward when it struck the water and causing it to skim along the surface, thus greatly increasing the likelihood of its striking a bird. The quiver was either the entire skin of a small mammal, as raccoon or fox, or a tule bag. The spear used in warfare had a shaft of hard wood, and an obsidian blade several inches long. For defense the Klamath warrior had a corselet of upright wooden slats with nettle-cord twining. The character of the Klamath habitat, studded with lakes and marshes which provided their principal food, made the canoe an object of great importance. The Klamath canoe is simply the thin shell of a log-pine, cedar, or Douglas spruce-undercut at both ends

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I72 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN at an angle of about forty-five degrees, but less at the bow than at the stern. Both ends are shovel-nosed, that is, they are not pointed but are practically as wide as the beam of the craft. The hollowing of the log was formerly done by means of fire and the elk-horn adz, and surplus wood on the outside was removed with the adz, after which the surface was rubbed down with a stone. Some of the modern canoes are so slightly touched on the outside that, but for the undercut ends, an overturned craft might almost be mistaken for a drift log. Klamath canoes show no attempt to model the lines so as to produce a swift or a seaworthy craft; a cross-section would resemble the cross-section of a log with a couple of slabs removed from the upper side. The largest canoe observed in this investigation was twenty-two feet long, seventeen inches wide at the gunwale, and twenty-three inches deep. Others, which seemed to be of average size, were about eighteen feet long and varied little in width from end to end. On streams and lakes the canoe is propelled by means of cedar paddles from three to five feet in length, with long, thin blades. On the marshes the paddle is displaced by a long pole, split at the base, with the two prongs held wide apart by a bone or a wooden bar. Such a device is made necessary by the character of the bottom of these swamps, a mass of oozy silt and interlaced roots of tules and water-lilies. The forked pole quickly finds a firm support, where a straight one would sink so deeply as to be withdrawn only by great effort. Besides net-sinkers, arrow-smoothers, and points for arrows and war-spears, all of which have been mentioned, stone artifacts of the Klamath include metates and mullers, mortars and pestles, mauls, tobacco-pipes, and knives. The metate, which is still used in grinding seeds, is simply a flat piece of lava rock worn smooth in actual service. The muller, or upper stone of the primitive mill, is roughly the frustum of a cone with two cusps at the top for hand-holds. In grinding, it is pushed forward on the metate and drawn back, pressure being applied on the forward stroke. A smaller, hemispherical muller is operated with a circular movement in grinding pinole, the meal of parched seeds of grasses, sage, and tumbleweed. The mortar was formerly used in pounding dried fish, dried meat, and seeds. It was rudely bowl-shaped, and the pestle, which was worked to shape by pecking with a stone, was either roughly cylindrical or a long, slender cone with a rounded base and, in some instances, a knob at the upper end. Some of these utensils are still in use. The maul was conical and about six inches in height. It was used for driving

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Gathering wokas - Klamath [photogravure plate]

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THE KLAMATH I73 wedges of elk-horn or of mountain mahogany in splitting logs for canoes. Pipes, usually angular, sometimes rudely spheroidal, are of tufa, with stems of wood or of wild grass. They are still used. The knife was a broad celt of obsidian or of flint set in a split wooden handle with sinew wrapping. In addition to fish-hooks and harpoon-points, objects of bone and horn were adzes, wedges, and awls. The adz, a blade of elkhorn lashed to a trapeziform wooden handle, was used in making canoes and in cutting firewood. Large stocks of fuel were provided for the winter, the favorite kind being the top branches of pines, which were cut off the standing trees.1 The elk-horn wedge was the instrument for cutting and splitting logs. In making a cross-cut it was used as a chisel for the two transverse cuts and as a wedge to remove in large chips the waste material between the cuts. The awl was a pointed sliver of deer-bone. Elk-horn spoons were purchased from the mountain tribes to the west. Cordage and textiles were, and are, among the most important products of the Klamath. Nettle-bark cord, always two-ply, is used principally in nets. Basketry is wholly of the twined variety. In contradistinction to California practice, pliable basketry here predominates. The warp of these flexible baskets of the finer weave is the twisted outer fibres of mai, the round tule, and the weft is the shredded and twisted leaves of p6pas, cattail, or the skin of the round tule. The long, fibrous roots of the latter plant furnish material for dark-brown designs, and dead black ornamentation is produced by the use of the stalk-fibres dyed in a mixture of blue mud and water-lily seed-husks. Of this class of basketry are the caps of women, parching baskets, platters, and bowl-shaped receptacles of various sizes. Loosely woven objects of tule material include the canoe-shaped, floating basket for harvesting water-lily seeds, the bag for the same purpose, the straight-sided burden- and storage-basket with tump-line laced through eyelets around the edge, food-trays of varying shapes, and the cradle-basket. A rigid, conical burden-basket, with an opening of about twenty-four inches, is made of willow, and a basket for cooking, as well as one for winnowing, of willow-roots. Sieves of willow and of split juniper-roots with cord twining are used for separating dry water-lily seeds from the pods and as graters for removing the skins of tubers. Mats of the triangular tule, with twining of the same material, or, better, of nettle-bark cord, were formerly used in making leggings, 1 The informant knew a man who was thrown to his death by a falling limb.

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I74 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN shirts, and robes. Round tules, never woven, but strung together on a series of transverse cords, formed the mats used as house walls, as mattresses, and as lining and cover for the circular storage-pits in which dried fish, roots, and seeds were kept. In an emergency a raft was made by tying together several long bundles of tules. Two or more men, lying prone, propelled the craft by paddling with their hands. The Klamath drum was a hollow cross-section of juniper with a deerskin head, the flute a hollow piece of grapevine, the shaman's rattle a cluster of deer's dewclaws attached by strings to a wooden handle. Fire was kindled with a drill operated between the palms, the shaft being of any convenient wood pointed with a bit of sage- or willow-root, and the hearth the lower part of the handle of the cedar canoe-paddle. It was preserved and transported by means of tightly twisted and wrapped sage-bark. The Klamath had several methods of gambling, two of which, sakals and naiatias, are still in vogue. In the game called sakals, two pairs of sticks are concealed under a mat, and the opposing side guesses what the arrangement is. With two short or two long sticks side by side in the middle (skadas), the winning gesture is with the first two fingers extended. With the short and the long sticks alternating (wais), the gesture is a motion to the right with thumb extended. If skaftas is missed, the side having its inning counts two points, but if wais is missed, it takes only one. When the guess is correct, the inning passes to the guessers. The wagers are won by the side that secures the entire twelve tally-sticks. Naiatias is the widespread so-called hand-game, in which a marked and an unmarked bit of bone are interchanged by the leader from hand to hand, with great rapidity and with many confusing movements and swayings of the body, while his fellows sing vehemently. The leader of the opposition must guess which hand contains the marked bone. In the game s-knaas two contestants, usually representing different bands, stood about forty feet apart, each beside a stake surmounted by a large ball of tules, which his opponent tried to impale with a long willow javelin. The one who first succeeded, while the corresponding cast of his opponent failed, won the wagers for his backers. Foot-races, archery, and wrestling were favorite sports. Women played chimaas, hurling toward opposite goals by means

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A Klamath head-dress [photogravure plate]

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.0 THE KLAMATH I75 of long sticks a pair of billets joined by a thong, and their gambling game was skosas, in which beaver-tooth dice were used. There were six geographical divisions of the Klamath, each of which had its head-man. That they were much farther advanced toward a tribal organization than any California Indians is shown by the fact that when the treaty was negotiated in 1864, and for some years previously, Liliks, head of the Klamath Marsh band, was recognized as chief by all the others. At that time, having foreseen possibilities of trouble with the encroaching settlers, he had already enlisted the cooperation of the other five head-men: Cheloqan (Chilokin), Pama, Kakatketk (a Modoc), Notas (Link River Jack), and Poskeu. They selected a number of peace officers, of whom the present informant was one, with orders to disarm the young men from whom trouble with the immigrants might be expected. From time to time they made arrests, both of men and of women, for quarrelsomeness, drunkenness, and adultery, confining the prisoners in two adjoining underground cells, the men segregated from the women. The prison was north of Williamson river near the present Agency road. Punishment was by flogging at the hands of two strong men wielding service-berry switches. A very few floggings produced such a state of the public mind that the services of the whippers were rarely required.1 The position of chief was not inherited: the man best fitted for it gradually assumed it. At the beginning of spring the people left their winter houses and assembled in large camps in favorable open places to hold athletic sports, gambling games, dances, and feasts. Later the various bands broke up into smaller groups and moved from place to place to gather food. The country was not divided into districts held for the exclusive use of the several bands, for any Klamath family had the right to seek food in any part of the Klamath territory. The approach of cold weather sent them back to their winter residence, where they either moved into the houses occupied during the previous winter or with the help of friends built new ones. The houses were not so much grouped together in villages as they were scattered here and there in favorable locations, either singly or in pairs. Generally several families, usually those of brothers, occupied a house. The only unit of society was the family group, comprising usually the parents and their sons, unmarried daughters, daughtersin-law, and grandchildren. 1 A similar institution was in effect among the Kalispel. See Volume VII, page 75.

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176 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Blood relationship, even though so remote as second cousins, was a strict bar to marriage. Some men refrained from conversation with their mothers-in-law on account of their wives' jealousy. Prisoners of war were not enslaved, but were forcibly adopted and treated as members of the family, suffering no abuse and contracting as favorable marriages as the native Klamath. A proposal of marriage was reported by the girl to her parents, and if they approved her choice each family made preparations to give the other a certain amount of property. After this exchange of gifts of equal value, the couple lived together, sometimes with the family of the wife, but more commonly with that of the husband. Virginity in a bride was rare, and a deal of trouble was caused by adultery. Not infrequently the husband of an adulteress would assassinate her paramour, and even after the lapse of ten or fifteen years the relatives of the slain man would try to avenge him. Sometimes the woman herself was beaten by her husband. In the time of the chief Liliks both men and women adulterers were whipped and confined. Children were named from some peculiar or noticeable feature or characteristic, and the names of infancy were kept throughout life. Examples of masculine names are Nonam ("sore throat"), Akawat ("big mouth"), Nochoks ("burnt [that is, kinky] hair"); and of feminine names, Iks, abbreviated from Ikas ("lazy"), Yamkas ("lazy"), Siwals ("talkative"). Both girls and women during menstruation abstained from fish, but not from meat, and from drinking cold water. If the act was attended with difficulty, the girl was made to sit on a heap of juniper-leaves piled on a layer of hot stones in a pit. At the time of a girl's first menstruation a dance called yokal was held in the open air on five successive nights, and while the people sang and shook rattles consisting of deers' dewclaws hung on sticks, she and her woman attendant danced. At the end of the ceremony the girl was bathed. This custom has long been obsolete. The social dance, yekal, is still performed by men and women, who join hands and dance slowly in a circle. Boys and girls at the age of fifteen to eighteen were sent to spend a night, or even two or three nights if they could endure it, in the woods and on the mountains, seeking help from supernatural beings. During the day they would build piles of stones here and there, in order to secure the strength of the rocks, and they would pull small trees from the ground and embrace the larger ones with a similar

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Klamath matron [photogravure plate]

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THE KLAMATH I77 purpose. After returning, they would practically fast during four or five days; for eating a normal amount during that time would have destroyed the good effect of the vigil. This custom is called sp6to. Not even after many years had passed would an individual tell what had happened during this vigil in the lonely places. By spoto some became shamans, others received power to become good gamblers, and others rich men with many horses. The finding of an obsidian celt portends good luck. Gamblers keep these objects concealed in secret places, either buried in the earth or submerged in water, and when they are about to play they secure the charms and keep them on their person during the game. A warrior charmed his arrows by talking to them at night. He then placed the points among a swarm of red ants, which were believed to poison them, or dipped them in the decoction of an unidentified organ of a rattlesnake while repeating some formula, such as, "I am going to die, I want something to eat!" Similar formulas were addressed to them at night, in order to secure for them some mysterious power. The rattlesnake poison was obtained from the Achomawi. A man became a shaman by bathing in streams or lakes at night and fasting on mountaintops, until he had a dream in which some animal spoke to him and told him how to cure disease. Crater lake was held to be very potent for this purpose. Not infrequently the vigil was undertaken as the result of grieving over the death of a relative. When the services of a medicine-man were needed, a messenger was sent who understood the speech of shamans. In answer to his summons, the medicine-man replied, "You had better call my suwis [a shaman's tutelary, also his song] from the east, the north, the west, the south, from above and from below." Then the messenger, using a pronunciation in which the words were so lengthened by the addition of meaningless syllables that the common people could not understand, called upon the birds, and the reptiles and other animals living close to the ground. The medicine-man promised to visit the sick person at a certain time that night, and the family then began to prepare the house. The patient was laid in the middle of the floor, and those who were to assist or wished to observe the procedure sat around the sides of the room. When the shaman arrived, the fire was extinguished. There was a song-leader, who was assisted by several female singers. Whatever the medicine-man said in his work, the man who had acted as messenger repeated it to the people in the ordinary language. The VOL. XIII-23

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I78 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN treatment consisted of singing the shaman's suwis and sucking out the disease, which he exhibited as a small black object or as an expectoration of blood. In some instances he announced that the sickness was caused by the power of some other medicine-man, who must be hired to remove it; whereupon they sent for the shaman indicated and engaged him to remove the sickness. If he failed, the sick man's relatives might threaten him, which resulted in renewed efforts; and if in spite of everything the patient died, his relatives killed the medicine-man supposed to have bewitched him. A probable explanation of the question, why a man would announce himself as a medicine-man among a people where he certainly would be killed if suspected of using malign power, is that the hope of gain from apparently saving the life of persons not seriously ill outweighed the sense of danger. Many medicine-men died natural deaths, and doubtless each novice felt that it would be anyone but himself who would meet an untimely end. The Indian is a good deal of a fatalist. Shamans had various feats of magic. One was to place burning embers in the mouth, another to swallow from ten to twenty short sticks or obsidian celts tied together on a string. Or, while men held his arms and legs, another man would bring a string of obsidian celts close to the shaman's fundament, which would swallow them. Then the shaman would wrap a tule blanket about himself and dance, and the spectators would hear the points striking against the blanket as they worked their way through his flesh. He would throw off the blanket and show the celts sticking among the tule fibres. Again, he would wrap himself in a tule blanket, on which pitch was smeared, and others would thrust a great many small sticks among the tules. These were then ignited, and flames shot up to the roof. But when the fire burned out, the blanket was not harmed. These feats were performed at night, when deception was not too difficult. The native practice was to burn the dead. In pre-treaty times the chief Liliks, travelling to Jacksonville, Yreka, and The Dalles, observed that the white people buried the dead, and he instituted this custom among the Klamath. He himself was buried. A dead person's possessions were burned; but only in rare instances, when the bereaved family was especially grief-stricken, was the house so treated. The ashes were then heaped up and left where they lay. Women mourners, and rarely men, cut the hair short and smeared pitch on the head, face, and hands, and widows placed rings of

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Klamath canoe [photogravure plate]

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THE KLAMATH I79 sage about the neck, wrists, and ankles. Women still sometimes cut the hair and defile themselves with pitch. Widows and widowers are said usually to have waited two or three years before remarrying, and in some cases widows refused to remarry at all. After the cremation those who had been in close contact with the corpse took a purifying sweat-bath together, and if a widow were involved she removed and burned the sage rings. The name of a dead person was taboo for several years. The spirit was believed to seek its future abode in the west. Ideas and practices of a strictly religious nature were few. The sweat-house prayer, the addressing of war-arrows, the vigil for good luck, shamanism, the belief in charms for luck in gambling, have all been mentioned. There was no ceremonial dance or ritual. The myth character Kamuikam'fs ("old man ancient"), with the assistance of Pocket-gopher, created the land, placed the natural features and named them, changed the inhabitants into animals in their present forms, and finally created the Indian tribes and assigned them their respective territories. Wass-kamus ("coyote oldman") played his customary role, now mischievous, now benevolent. Thunder was held to be a personage who required placating. He was imagined as a diminutive individual with very long hair and claws. At the approach of a storm a worn-out burden-basket was placed on the top of a pole by a girl who in her observance of the puberty customs, or by a woman who in her fast of several days and nights after childbirth, had dreamed of thunder, or of anything that could be so interpreted, such as something beating on the side of a canoe, or a dry deerskin flapping in a breeze.

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V &

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Mythology

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I

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MYTHOLOGY The Gambler of Miskut Wins Good Luck
1 A young man lived at Miskut. His name was Miskut-kinale ["Miskut gambler"]. He was a gambler with kin ["sticks"]. He lost all his property, but he could not stop playing. At last he had nothing left, not even a garment. He had lost all to Tahchwintin-kinale. His parents said: "We are not going to feed you; we are not going to clothe you. You might as well go and die." He thought: "That is too bad, if they are not going to feed me, to cloth me. There is nothing I can do in this world. I have nothing. It must be true, what they tell me. I might as well die." In the middle of the night he decided to get sweat-house fuel in the mountains, and to cry there. He built the fire in the sweat-house, and went outside. As he sat there, he asked a man: "What shall I do? Do you know any good-luck place?" The man answered: "Yes, they say there is lucky water for a man to go into. Go far up the creek at Haslinding, to the head of the creek. There is lucky water, but it is dangerous. If you go in, you might not come out. But if you know the medicine,2 you might be safe." The youth thought, "Well, I might as well die anyway." So he started, following the river. He knew the country, but had never been to the lake, because holftait [a monster] lived in it. Just before the sun set he arrived at the lake. On each wrist he had tied a small piece of anise-root, which was the medicine mentioned by the old man at the sweat-house. He sat down beside the water and said, "I wish you would pity me, this World." He tied his hair up with a string, and went into the water. It was boiling up, and shot between two rocks. It felt as if something was pulling him down, as if his legs were entangled. Something was sucking him down. The people at Miskut missed the young gambler and made inquiries across the river. Nobody had seen him. Then they knew that he had gone to the mountains. Ten days passed. The next morning when the men at Djishtangading went to swim, they saw something sitting on a rock in the river. It was white. It was bald. It seemed to move. One of them thought they had better investigate, so he swam to the rock and there found a man who could scarcely speak. He was nothing but bones covered with skin. His head was hairless and scabby. The swimmer went back and said: "I have found a man. It must be the one who was lost from Miskut." A messenger was sent to Miskut, and the relatives of the lost man came to see if this was their relative. They knew the tattooed marks on his arms, and this was the only means of identifying him, for his whole appearance was altered. They took him home in a canoe, and gave him food in separate dishes. They did not wish to spoil his good luck. In five days he was stronger, and began to speak. "I went into that water," he said, "and something sucked me down. I drifted under ground into the river at Djishtangading." They rubbed skunk grease on his head to make the hair grow. For a year he was unable to do anything. Then he began to play again. The first night he won back all that he had lost, and it was not long until he had taken everything from his rival. He became a rich man. 1 Narrated by Jackson, Takimilding Hupa. 2Ky'motlo. Kyim6 is any kind of medicine, even what white physicians prescribe. 183

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I84 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Origin of Medicine for Purifying Defiled Hunters and Weapons
t At K6hum6 [on Willow creek] lived two brothers and two sisters. They were kyifidnnai. They had a hunting dog. They set snares along the ridges above the gulches. They hunted ten days, but caught nothing. No deer was to be seen. They wondered why it was-so. They asked their sisters if either had gone out with a man during their absence. One of them said that she had had a miscarriage, and she had been eating venison. She said: "I have wanted to try this. People are coming soon. That is why I did this. I sat on this deer meat when I had my miscarriage. I wished to learn if that would be bad for the people who are coming." "Well, sister, we have been having a hard time. You should not have caused us to go so long without killing a deer. For ten days we have travelled, working hard without seeing a deer. We have seen a few tracks, but they were so old that they were nearly washed out by rain." She said: "Yes, I did that purposely, to see whether we can make any medicine for this new race of people. I think I can make medicine. We will make medicine, and it will be good. We are doing this for the new people, because they will not know how to make medicine when they take our place. They will not understand. We had better show them how to do when anything happens like this." She took some willow leaves and said, "That will be the medicine." She pounded them up and said to her brothers: "Rub your arms and hands with this. Bring in those Douglas spruce boughs." They brought in the boughs. It was dawn. They placed them on the fire and she sang, and the others helped her. She said, "Hold your bows in the smoke." When they had finished, she said: "Now go and try it. See if you can find a deer." They went a short distance and each killed two bucks. "When the people come into this world," she said, "and anything like this happens, they will have medicine for it." Some Adventures of Coyote
I Coyote heard there was much money in the north. All winter long he worked, and made ten strings of beads and ten pairs of moccasins. For he was going to travel. He bade farewell to everybody, and said he was going north to get money. He arrived at Howungkut when the people were setting fire to the brush. He gathered many burned grasshoppers. He said: "This is a fine lot of food, but I am not going to stop. I am going to get money." He went along singing his song about money. Then he saw some roasted mice, but still he did not stop to eat. Then he saw roasted woodrats. He said, "Well, I think I had better see how this meat tastes." He sat down and ate. It tasted good. A little farther on he came upon a great quantity of roasted grasshoppers. He said, "Well, I am going to try a little of this." He sat down and ate heartily, a handful at a time. "Why is it I cannot get enough? There is something wrong with me today. I cannot get enough." He looked back and saw that everything he had been eating had gone right through him. "What is the matter with me? I cannot hold anything in my stomach. I know what I will do." He took off his moccasins and went to the woods, where he gathered some pitch. He smeared it over his fundament, and began to eat again. After a time he looked back and saw that the food was not going through. But he failed to notice that he was coming to a place where there were some live embers. When he sat down, the pitch caught fire, and he ran to a creek and leaped into it. Then he heard someone coming along, and he said: "I do not want those girls to see me here in this predicament. I will make myself a salmon." And he did so. The girls went in to swim, and one of them saw the salmon. They all began to try to catch it. The salmon would leap between their legs, and they could not catch it. They began to be exhausted. One of them said: "I do not think that is a salmon. That is 1 Narrated by Jackson, Takimilding Hupa,

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MYTHOLOGY I85 Coyote." So they ran away. They told about the big salmon in the creek, and an old man said: "Yes, that is Coyote. Now one of you will be pregnant." And so it was. Coyote lived with his grandmother. He could not get a wife. So he pretended to be sick, and he said: "Grandmother, I am going to die. I have a chum. When he comes, speak well of me to him. He is a young man, and he looks like me. He will come five days after my death. You must bury me with my head out of the ground." So he died, and the grandmother buried him with his head out of the ground. On the fifth day Coyote called on the wolves, bears, and cougars to drag him out of his grave. When the old woman heard the noise, she thought, "Oh, they are eating the body of my poor grandson!" The next morning she went to the grave and found it empty. She wept. Later in the day a young man came to the house and said: "Old woman, are you living here? Where is my chum?" "My poor grandson is dead," she said. "Well, old woman, how are you going to make a living? I think you had better marry me. So the old woman married the young man. But afterward she discovered him to be Coyote himself, and she drove him out.of the house. Pulukuhl-qerreq, the Transformer
1 PulukuFl-qerreq ["far-down-stream pointed-buttock"] knew that there were many evil beings along the river, which made travelling so dangerous that people dared not move about at all. So he started up the river to improve this condition. At Kenek he found ten brothers. They invited him into their house, and the youngest gave him a pipe. He smoked. Then the next older handed him a pipe with stronger tobacco, and again he smoked. The third gale him still stronger tobacco, which he smoked. So it went until he had smoked even the powerful tobacco of the eldest brother. Never had anyone done that and lived. But Pulukuhilqerreq, knowing how they killed people, had pushed his flute down his throat and clear through his body, and when he inhaled the smoke it passed through him without harm. The next morning the brothers built the fire for a sweat. This was another way they had of killing people. They placed long logs in the fire with the ends running up into the low doorway, so that none could escape. But Pulukuhl-qerreq had said to his invisible helper, "I wish you would stand above me and drop cold water on my back." So the fire was started, and he bowed his head and cried with the others, "Hatetuwa, hatetuwQ!"2 The fire burned hotter and hotter, and one by one the brothers escaped through the hole at the side, but Pulukuhl-q6rreq remained there singing with bowed head. They stood outside and said: "What kind of man is that? We cannot kill him. Let us send him up the river to Merip." He could hear them speaking about him, and he knew what was at Merip. He came out and said: "You must not kill people. Hereafter you will be unable to kill them. You will be common people." Then he went up the river. Across the stream from Merip he found an old man driving a wedge into a log. The ground was covered with bones. The old man said: "My wedge will not go in. I wish you would crawl inside the cleft and push the point aside while I drive it." So Pulukuhil-qirreq crawled in. But first he told his helper to place a large stone under the split log, so that the cleft did not touch the ground. The old man at once knocked the wedge out, and the log clapped together; but Pulukuhl-qirreq slipped down out of the cleft and under the stone, and soon stood beside the old man. He said: "I do not know how to push the wedge. I think you had better do that part, and I will strike with the hammer." So the old man went into the cleft, and Pulukuh-l-qrreq knocked the wedge out and killed him. He crossed the river to Merip. There were two women, who had a stripe down each cheek. Their husband, when he went away, always put these stripes on, and when any person even passed by that way, the marks faded as if the women had been caressed. Then 1 Narrated by Weitchpec George, Weitspus Yurok. 2 In the sweat and also while gathering wood for the sweat-house this phrase is repeated in a high, wailing tone. VOL. XIII-24

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i86 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN he would follow that person and kill him. Before entering the house, Pulukuhl-qerreq took out his heart and placed it between his toes. He asked, "Where is that friend of mine?" They said: "You had better go. Our husband is a man who will kill you. He will soon be here." "Ya ha! He cannot kill me. He is my friend." "No, he is no friend." "No, but he is my friend." Still they insisted that he go, but he would not. He sat there and said only, "I want to see my friend." Then they heard the man coming. He entered, and in the passageway before coming to the ladder he saw Pul6kuhl-qerreq sitting there between his two wives. He stepped back and drew an arrow. Said Pulikuhl-qrreq: "Oh, that is not the best one. I want the best one." The man drew a second arrow, but Pulukuhl-qerreq said, "That is not good." Another and another the man drew out, and the points began to flash fire, so poisonous were they. But still Pulikuhl-q6rreq said, "I must have the best one right in my heart." The quiver was nearly empty. The last arrow was pulled out, and fire played in a stream from its point. "That is the one; give it to me right in the heart," said PulukuFl-qerreq. The man drew his bow, and the arrow struck Pulukuhl-qerreq in the breast, and he fell. The man threw his bow down the hill among the bones. After a while PuldkuhI-qerreq came to his senses, and crawled to some tuptuip [a fern, Polypodium occidentale]. This was his medicine. He crept on to some sahsip [buckbrush]. He chewed these two medicines, and the arrow came out. He went back to Kenek with the arrow-point. He found Qa'ri [a small bird with red eyes] and asked him to chip the arrow-point into small pieces, for it was so poisonous that even the small bits would be fatal. So Qa'ri climbed to the top of his house and began to chip the arrow-point, and fire flew from it. He did not know there was anyone in the house. But the children of Rattlesnake, Yellow-jacket, Scorpion, and Black Spider were there, and as the fire flew down they caught it. So they became venomous. With a piece of the point Pulukuhl-qerreq returned to Merip and killed the man with two wives. He went to Plaskau [a place on Bald hill, west of the mouth of Trinity river]. From the house came the sound of women pounding seed. One said: "How is it? Is yours nearly fine enough to eat?" "I do not know," said another. "Give me some," said the first speaker, "I can tell." Pulukuh1-qerreq peeped in. A woman picked up a handful of meal from her mortar hopper and reached out, while another stretched forth her hand, palm open, to receive it. He dropped a quantity of ashes in the hand. The woman said, "It is fine, but it does not taste good." The other said: "How is yours? Give me some." She stretched out her hand, and Pulukuhil-qerreq put ashes in it. She tasted, and spit it out, saying: "It does not taste good. What is the matter? That is ashes. Something is wrong." She got up and closed the door. When that door was closed, nobody could open it, and people thus trapped inside always died. The old women began to poke about with their staffs. When anybody was touched with those sticks, he could not move. Pulukuhl-qerreq was praying, "When they touch me, I wish they would let me go." Then one of them caught him and cried: "I, i, i...! He has a strange shape. I never heard of people like this. Feel of him." The other began to feel of their captive. He was small, and his buttock was sharp. "I wonder if that is the one we have heard about, who was coming to make eyes?" "Oh, I think that is the one." Then they asked, "Can you make eyes?" "Yes," he said, "that is why I am travelling, to make eyes for people." "I wish you would make eyes for us." "Well," he said, "I can do it. Give me an acorn basket and a dipper, and let me out. I will get my medicine." They gave him what he desired, and opened the door, rejoicing that now they were

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MYTHOLOGY I87 going to have eyes. He went outside and set fire to all the corners of the house and to the door. Inside, one of the old women said: "I smell smoke. I wonder if the hillside is burning now. We must go and get seed before it burns." But all the house was in flames, and both of the women were consumed. Pulukuhl-qSrreq went down the hill toward the river. He saw standing there a man who kept whipping the air with a fish-line. When he approached, the man threw the hook toward him, and it caught his flesh. The man dragged in his captive, saying, "Ho...!" He put Pulukuhl-qerreq into his bag and carried him home, and set the bag down back of the house. In the house were two boys, for whom he was catching people. Pulikuhl-qerreq prayed constantly, "I wish there might be some way of escape!" The man said to the boys: "Take him out! Punch out his eyes!" Puldkuhl-qQrreq prayed, "I wish the boys may not find that eye-puncher!" He repeated it over and over. After a while he heard a boy call out, "We cannot find it!" The old man said: "It must be there somewhere. I had it yesterday. You have not looked carefully." Pulukuhl-qerreq kept repeating, "I wish the boys may not find that eye-puncher!" Again they called out, "We cannot find it!" Then the old man was angry. "Come out!" he shouted. "I will go in and find it. I know where it is." They came out, and the man went into the house. The boys began to feel the captive through the bag. One said: "Oh, he has a strange shape. I never knew anything like this. Let us open the bag." One of them opened a corner of the bag, and Pulukuhl-qerreq jumped out. The boys shouted, "He is getting away!" The man in the house mocked them, "He is getting away!" When he realized it was true, he came running out, and gave chase with his hook. But Pulukuhl-q/rreq prayed, "I wish I would see a pond with a stump in the middle!" It was not long before he came to a pond with a dead tree in the middle. He leaped into the water and climbed up the tree. The man saw him in the water and threw the hook toward him, but could not catch him. He was casting at the reflection. At last he dived into the water and felt about for his prey. In the tree sat Pulukuhil-qerreq, saying to himself, "I wish he may not find me." The water became turbid, and the man was chilled. He climbed out and lay down in the sun with his face in his arms. He fell asleep with his pole and hook lying beside him. When Pulukuhl-qerreq saw that he was asleep, he came down, took the pole, and threw the hook into the man's back. He hauled in the line, crying, "Ho... I " Then he clubbed the man and killed him, and burned the house with the two boys inside.1 The Shinny Player of Kewet
22 The young men at Kenek were always beaten at shinny by the players from down the river. One of them was willing to give away his two sisters if only he could find out how to win. He learned that there was a good player on Kewet mountain. He said to his sisters: "You had better go to Kewet and see if you can win that man. For he is a good player. Go into the house in front of which stands a dead tree. Crow is acquainted there, and says that this will be the house of the good player." So the girls started. But in that village on Kewet lived also Coyote, and he knew that these girls were coming. So in the night he moved the dead tree and stood it in front of his own house at the lower end of the village. The two sisters arrived in the evening, found the house with the dead tree in front of it, and went in. There was an old woman. She was Coyote's grandmother. After a while Coyote came in from the sweat-house. One of the girls said to the other: "I think we are lost. This is not the place we were looking for." But they remained. There was no food 1 Numerous other feats were accomplished by the transformer. 2 Narrated by Weitchpec George, Weitspus Yurok.

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I88 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN except grasshoppers and gophers, and the girls ate nothing. The next morning before Coyote came back from the sweat-house, they ran away to their home. Crow said: "This time I will go with you. When you come to the right house, they will ask you to cook salmon. Now those people cook salmon by cutting the fish down the back, spreading it open on a stick with skewers, and setting the stick up in the ground beside the fire. But the floor is all rock. Many girls have tried to win that young man, but because they cannot roast salmon, his father has always refused to let him marry. But I will sit down with my feet apart, and each foot will be near one of the two holes in which those people set their roasting-sticks. Push your sticks into the ground right at my feet, and you will strike the holes." So they three went to the village on Kew&t. In the meantime the people there, noting that the dead tree was out of place, had put it back. The younger sister went in first, and saw a very handsome, powerful young man sitting at the fire. This was Kewet-afin ["Kewet youth"]. Her sister quickly followed, but in that instant the young man had become an ugly old fellow with sores and scabs covering his entire body. His dog was mangy and stunted. The younger girl thought: "There is some reason for this. He must be a great man." But the elder, not having seen him as a young man, thought: "What an ugly thing! I do not like him." Then came Crow, who sat down with his heels far apart. It was evening, and the old man said: "I think we had better eat. Roast these salmon for us." So the two girls cut the salmon down the back, spread them with skewers on the roasting-sticks, and went to where Crow was sitting. They pushed the sticks against the floor, and the points went easily into the holes. The old man sat looking at them, and he thought: "How did they know that? They must be good girls. I think my son had better marry them." After the meal he directed his son to go with them. But the elder sister would not look at him. In the morning they started back to Kenek: the two sisters, Crow, and the scabby, ugly man with his mangy little dog. At Kenek the young men were preparing to play shinny, and the brother of the two sisters told them to have their husband get ready to join them. In the house the scabby man said to the younger sister, "Get me a basket of water and some anise-root." The elder girl, looking at him, thought: "What good will water and anise-root do you? You can do nothing." But the younger brought the water and the root. The man pounded the root, mixed it with the water, and said, "Pour this over my head." She did so, and the scabs and sores came off like dust. He poured some over his dog, and its scabs came off. Now again he was handsome and young. The elder sister was astonished. Kewet-afin went to the playing field. The stick he carried was a slender little rod no longer than his hand. The others looked at him and laughed, "What is he going to do with that?" He went to the middle of the field and drew his switch out into a strong, full-length stick. He said to his little dog, "Stand down there in the course between the middle and my goal." The game began. The missile was thrown toward the goal of the Kenek players, but it fell abruptly beside the dog. For though they could see only a very small dog, in reality its body touched the sky. It was like a mountain in the path of those players, so that they could not throw the missile past it. In a short time the Kenek players won a point. On the next play Kewet-afsin threw the missile from the centre clear across the goal. Then the man playing against him was ashamed, and tried hard to win the next point, but Kewet-aftin almost cut his waist asunder with his stick as they wrestled. Thus he made the first black ant. After the game another opposing player sat there with bowed head and with the handle of his stick against his mouth. He was ashamed to look up. Suddenly he became a bird with a long beak and flew away into the brush on the riverbank with quick, eccentric movements, dodging from the view of the people. This was the first Kennek-Allqrghurhl [" Kenek shinny-player," a kind of snipe].

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MYTHOLOGY I89 Some Adventures of Coyote, the Trickster
I Coyote was travelling. He came to a place where there was a pond of clear water close to the river. His eyes were not good, he could not see clearly. In the water he saw Steelhead Trout. As soon as he approached the edge, Trout darted awav. He thought: "This fish must have good eyes. He can see me quickly." He spoke: "You must not be so wild. I will not harm you." So Trout lay there in the water and talked to Coyote. "How would you like to have good eyes," asked Coyote. "Oh, I have good eyes. I do not need better eyes than I have." "I do not think you have eyes as good as mine. Look up at that mountain. I can see flies there. Can you see them?" Trout looked and said: "No, I cannot see them. "Well, I will take my eyes out and you try them." Coyote took out his eyes, and Trout removed his own and put Coyote's in their place. "Can you see the flies?" asked Coyote. "Yes," said Trout, "I can see them now." But he only imagined he saw them. In reality Coyote's eyes were so bad that Trout's vision was filled with floating specks. With his new eyes Coyote travelled on. There was a man who had only the juice of gooseberries to drink. He was A'ruwi [black lizard]. His drink was in a basket outside the sweat-house. When Coyote came along, Lizard was just making a fire in the sweat-house. He saw the juice in the basket, and tasted it. "Oh, it is very good!" he said, and drank it all. When Lizard came out, Coyote was gone. He went to drink, and found the dipper empty. He was angry. He did not know who had taken his juice. He said to himself, "Whoever did this, I wish he may have bad luck." Coyote came to a burned-over place in which were many roasted grasshoppers. He was very fond of them, and ate some, but could not satisfy himself. At last he happened to look behind, and saw that the grasshoppers were passing through him. He did not know what to do. He wanted to satisfy his appetite and fill his stomach. He came to a pine tree and stopped up his anus with pitch. Then after a time his stomach was filled. He was thirsty. Hearing water in a creek, he ran toward it; but when he found the creek, it was dry and the mud on the bottom was cracking. He went on to another place and had the same experience. He came to a burning place and started to run across it; but as he leaped over a blazing bush, the pitch on his anus caught fire. The faster he ran, the more it blazed. Finally he ran down a hill toward the river, but before he reached the bed he was consumed. In the rainy season the river rose to the place where the remains of Coyote lay. They had become alder wood. They floated down the river to the ocean, and were washed up on the beach. A woman gathering fuel found the piece of wood and set the edge of her elkhorn wedge on it and began to split it. Then Coyote uttered an exclamation and jumped, and the woman ran away. Coyote woke. He did not know where he was. He went to the village Rekwoi and entered the sweat-house while the men were eating their evening meal in the dwelling-house. There was a greasy smell. He felt about and found a wooden head-rest from which the smell emanated. He bit it. It was good. He ate the entire block of wood, and that was all he had that night. When the men returned to the sweat-house, one of them missed his head-rest. After a while someone said, "Let us go to Kaamen [the Karok village Panamnik at Orleans]." Coyote pricked up his ears. He had come down from that place, floating on the river. A few young men went out. The next day he heard someone say again, "Let us go to Kaamen." He saw some young men leave the sweat-house, and he asked one, "Where are you going?" "We are going to Kaamen." "Could you take me along?" "Of course. We are going in a canoe." They got into a canoe, and the young man whom he had addressed said, "You must keep your eyes closed." Coyote closed his eyes. He heard the canoe go rapidly, but he kept his eyes shut. Soon he heard the canoe slide on a rock. They said, "Now you can look." He opened his eyes and saw that he was at the pond near Kaamen. The young men 1 Narrated by Weitchpec George, Weitspus Yurok.

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I90go THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN were ducks which every evening flew from the mouth of the river to this pond, which they called their sweat-house. And the sound of their rushing through the air was what Coyote had taken for the flow of swift water along the sides of a canoe. He was so pleased to be back that all day long he rolled on the ground. That is why the site of Kiamen is flat and level. Wahpeku-mau, Seducer of Women
1 Wahpeku-mau [oceanward widower] was constantly travelling up and down the river, seducing girls and at once leaving them pregnant. Everybody grew to hate him. The women would not look at him. When he appeared, women and girls would go into the house and remain there until he went on. Still he always found some means of seducing girls, and at last the people decided that something must be done. They determined that the best thing would be to leave Kenek and send perpetual snow upon the place. That winter seemed to Wahpeku-mau to last a long time. One day he saw a bird with a ripe red berry in its bill. Then he became suspicious. He put on his snowshoes and went up the river. After a time he saw sunshine ahead, while behind him the sky was black. He threw aside his snowshoes and went on to Kaamen. He knew there were two very pretty girls here, though he had never seen them. But they kept out of his sight, and he wondered how he could come at them. He began to watch their house, and at daylight he saw them go to a small creek. He followed them, and watched them weaving baskets. All day they sat there. He planned what to do, and went up the creek. He made a canoe no larger than a hand, and became a tiny bit of wood shaped like a man. In this form he sat down in the stern, and the little canoe floated down the stream. One of the girls put out her hand and took it. "Oh, what a pretty little canoe!" she cried. She held it in her lap. The other took it, and after examining it she said, "Perhaps this is the one we do not like." She threw it into the stream. Almost at once her sister began to feel that something was wrong, and it became clear to her that Wahpeku-mau had tricked her. They went home and told their brothers, who caught Wahpeku-mau and said: "We are going to confine you until our sister's child is born. If she comes through safely, we will release you. If anything happens to her, we will kill you." So they confined him. And Wahpeku-mau made medicine, that the child might be safely delivered. At the proper time it was born, but the mother did not like it. She would not look at it. They tried to make Wahpeku-mau take it away, but he would not, and he departed alone. So the grandmother of the infant took care of it. The child grew and became a strong young man, and then his mother was more pleased. But he said he was going away, and she was unable to keep him. One day the youth got into a canoe and went down the river. His mother was crushing acorns, and ran after him with the pestle in her hand. But the canoe kept ahead of her, and when she reached Rekwoi at the mouth of the river the craft was out on the ocean, moving westward. She hurled the pestle after it, and it fell into the ocean and became a huge rock outside the mouth of the river. Origin of the World
2 Kudiqtat-kaqihl ["above old-man"]3 was alone. There was nothing but water. He thought there should be people and some land for them to live on. So he made the land, but it was barren. He thought it did not look right, because it had no trees and no grass. So he made vegetation on the earth. Then he made people. These people were not good; they quarrelled and talked ill, so he sent a tidal wave and drowned all except two, ShatiCh [condor] and his sister. These two, knowing that a flood was coming, had made a large storage basket, and in it they floated about on the water. When the water subsided, the 1 Narrated by Weitchpec George, Weitspus Yurok. 2 Narrated by Jerry James, Humboldt Bay Wivot. He professed to be ignorant of the full details of the myth, but it was plain that religious scruples prevented him from telling the story in full. 3 Also called Kutithidi-kaqihl, having the same meaning.

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MYTHOLOGY I9I man went to look for food, and to observe the country. When he came back he said, "My sister, are you home?" "Yes," she answered. But she would not say, "Yes, my brother." Seeing that she would not so address him, he became suspicious that she might not regard him as her brother. One day he returned from his travels and said to her, "Are you here, my wife?" Then she laughed. She liked it. So this man married his sister, and they were the ancestors of all who afterward peopled the earth. Puchur-ghurru, the Transformer
1 Qidiq-so'r-hlauWa ["outward ocean long"] was a water monster who preyed upon the people. He took only the handsome ones, and whenever he came, the people piled themselves up with the handsome ones at the bottom. But he would throw the ugly ones aside and eat his fill of the others. That is why the people here are not now handsome. Puchdri-ghurrfl ["sharp-pointed buttock"] came to this place, and when Qidiq-so'r-hiuwa came out to eat the people, he met the monster. He said: "You are a rough man, I have heard. And I am a rough man. I will show you what I can do." He made a fire and placed in it a flat green stone [serpentine], and when it was red he threw it into his mouth. But from his throat right down through his intestines ran a large hollow stick, and the stone passed out upon the grass on which he sat. But the monster thought it remained in him. Then he got up and showed where the grass was burning, and challenged the monster to do the same thing. He put the stone back into the fire, and when it was red, Qidiq-so'r-hiliuwa threw it into his mouth. " Sh...! " sizzled the stone. It stuck in his throat, and he could neither swallow nor disgorge it. Soon he was dead, and his body rolled down into the water. In the hills lived two old blind women, Kuvuinu-hluichk ["pitchwood old"], who had a net which they would throw over the head of a traveller, and it would kill him quickly. Puchdri-ghuirrC went to see them. They threw their net over his head and hung him up on the wall. He said to himself, "I will move a little so that they will know I am still alive." So he moved, and they heard him. He did it again, and then a third time. The blind women thought: "Who can this man be? He is still alive!" They had heard something about Puchuri-ghuirri. One said: "Oh, I guess that was my nephew Puchdri-ghuirru. He must be the man. Excuse me, nephew. I did not want to kill my nephew." She went to him and removed the net. He said: "Yes, it is my aunt. Why do you want to kill me? I did not come here to be killed, but to visit you. Well, I am going away now. If I stay longer, I might be killed after all." So he went out. The roof of their house was pitchwood. He said to himself: "That is the only way I can be quits with them. I will kill both of them." He set fire to the house, and both were burned up, and thereafter people travelled there in safety. Puchuri-ghuirru went to the place where lived Puka-t6waks ["big-timber splitter"]. He had a very large log split down to the middle and held open by a wedge. In the cleft was another wedge, lying loose. Whenever any traveller came along, this man would say, "Go in, please, and get my wedge for me." And when the traveller was inside the log, Bigtimber Splitter would knock out the other wedge, and the log would clap shut and kill the man. He was at work on his log when Puchdri-ghuirru came up. On the other side of the log was a pile of bones. Big-timber Splitter said, "My nephew, please get my wedge for me." So Puchdrighuirru went to the end of the log and stepped into the cleft; but very quickly he stooped, crept out, and slipped under the log. As it clapped shut, he spit the juice of some alder-bark he was chewing into the cleft. When Big-timber Splitter saw the red juice ooze out of the crack, he thought he had killed his man. But at that instant Puchdri-ghuirru came around from the end of the log and said: "What are you trying to do? Are you trying to kill me?" "No, I do not want to kill you, nephew." "Well, let me split that timber." Puchdri-ghurrfi opened the log as before, and said, 1 Narrated by Jerry James, Humboldt Bay Wiyot.

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192 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN "Well, you had better bring out the other wedge." So Big-timber Splitter went in, and Puchdri-ghuirrd knocked out the wedge. The log flew together, and Big-timber Splitter was killed. Puchuri-ghuirru went away, leaving the body in the log. He went southward to a place where there were three small streams. When a traveller stepped across one of them he fell dead. Carrying two shoots of red huckleberry, Puchurihuirrf arrived at the first stream. The water looked peculiar. It was yellow. He stood there looking at it. He saw a great many bones. "Well, I will try it," he said. "I will wade across. He started, using the rods as staffs. The water seemed to take his strength, but after a time he gained the other side. He sat on the bank to rest, and his fatigue left him. He looked back and said, "I hope that stream will become dry." Again he looked back, and the stream was dry. He went on then to the next stream. Its water was brown and swift. He stood a long time looking at it, uncertain what to do. There were many bones. "Well, I might as well die here. I will go across," he said. He steadied himself with the two rods and stepped in. The water nearly swept him away, and he thought, "Surely I will die this time." But the sticks held him up, and at last he reached the other bank. He sat down, and after a long rest his strength returned. He looked back and thought, "I wish that stream would become dry." After a few steps he looked again, and it was dry. He went on to the third stream. Its water was red and the ground was covered with bones. He thought: "Surely I will die this time. That second stream was hard. This red water must be worse. Well, I will try it. I shall not be the only one to die here." He started across, and after a few steps he was almost exhausted. He braced himself with the sticks, constantly imploring them: "Help me! Be strong! I came here to make these streams dry, so that the people may travel safely." At last he got across. He sat down and rested a long time, and when he was strong once more, he went on. He looked back and said to himself, "I wish that stream would become dry." And after a few more steps he looked again, and saw that it was dry. He went farther south. He saw a person. He said: "Well, my friend, if you wish to travel, you can go northward now. I have made everything right." All this time Puchurighuirru never ate. He only smoked tobacco. Now he said, "I am going to eat." He went on southward, and never returned. The First Shamans
1 Avakirask and Aviluk, who is also called Tihanalfikuk ["shaman"], lived in the south in houses not far apart. The former was alone, but Avillk had a wife. Avakirask desired that there should be no increase of the people, and whenever he heard of the birth of a child he would go and destroy it. Now it happened that Aviluk had a son. One day the boy came in and lay down. He was sick. His father asked, "My son, what is the matter?" "I am sick. I saw that Avikirask." Then AvilLk said to himself: "I thought he was my friend. But it seems that he wishes to destroy even my son, his friend's son. I wonder what I ought to do." At last he decided that the best thing was to go northward, away from Avaikirask. So with the split roof-boards of his house he made a raft. In those days the ocean was always smooth. He placed his son on the raft and paddled toward the north. At length he came to Tuluwat [Indian island]. He paddled the raft ashore, and people came to meet him. They asked, "What is the matter?" "Avakirask has made my son sick," he said. "Can you cure him?" They carried the boy up to the village, and the medicine-men looked at him. After a while they said, "The best thing is to take him far to the north, where even the thoughts of Avikirask cannot reach him." So Avilik put his son again on the raft and paddled away to the northwest. When he reached the place he sought, he asked the boy, "How do you feel now, my son?" "My father, I am well," said the boy. "I will show you." He leaped from the raft and ran up the beach. "That is how I feel," he said. 1 Narrated by Jerry James, Humboldt Bay Wiyot.

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MYTHOLOGY I93 After a few days Avilfk said: "Now, my son, I am going to leave you here. If you go back, Avikirask will make you sick again. For he does not desire any increase in the people. But I must go back and look after my house." "My father," said the boy, "I am going to live in the ocean. It does not seem right that the ocean should always be smooth. I would like to see it sometimes rough with billows and breakers. I am going to be the billows and the breakers." So Avilik got on his raft and paddled southward. When he arrived home and went toward his house, he saw a footprint. He said: "Oh, that must be the footprint of Avikirask. I suppose he is trying to kill me." He went over to the other house. The door was drawn half-way across the entrance. He put his head in. There sat Avikirask chipping arrowpoints. Aviluk said to himself, "I suppose he is making those points to use against me." He went in and asked, "What are you doing?" "Oh, I am just making these arrow-points." "Perhaps you are making them to do me harm." "Oh, no, I am just making them," said Avikirask. Avilik stood behind him and thought: "I wish I could kill him. Some time he will do me mischief. I wonder if I could kill him?" After a while he said to himself, "I will try it." He urinated a little on the floor, and. Avikirask stopped his work, and his head dropped slightly. Aviluk urinated again, and Avikirask rolled over on his side. Then Avilfik went home. For a time Avakirask lay as if dead. Then he rose. He thought: "Perhaps I have been wrong. Perhaps there should be more people in the world. I think there should be more people. I will kill no more children."' How Salmon Were Brought to the Rivers
2 T.wipilihl ["rope"] was the youngest of three brothers who lived on the south side of Klamath river at its mouth. The eldest was Wanaq-halihl ["always hunting"]. He took game in snares. The second was a hunter of small game, which he took in deadfalls. T.wip.ilihl did nothing but sit in the house nursing his protuberant belly. On the north side of the river lived a girl, whom men from all the tribes used to visit and woo; but she would wed no one. Her father always was in need of wood for his sweathouse, and the men who wooed his daughter brought wood for him. But the old man was never satisfied. The wood burned too rapidly. One morning T.wipulihl said, "I should like to be over on the other side." He could see the door standing open. The second brother said: "Yes, I should like to see you go over there. I think you are the kind of man he would like to have for his son-in-law, that old man on the other side." The eldest said: "There is no use in talking that way to him. This is the first time he has spoken of going anywhere or doing anything. It is best if we take him across. He has always been staying at home." So they took the youth across. Tu.wip.ulihl was too fat to walk, and they carried him up to the sweat-house. The old man came out and said, "Enter." Tuwipialihil answered: "I cannot get in through that doorway, I am too big. But I will try it." So he tried, and for a time he stuck fast in the doorway, but finally he got through. In the evening at meal-time the old man went out. Soon he returned and said, "Come and eat." 1 These two still live far away in the south. The son of Avilufk, who became the waves, is Tahanaliakk-kuwiliyawanaq ("shaman his-son"). When a man goes outside the bay to fish, he utters the following prayer to this spirit: "Please help me. Do not make it rough today. Help me along. Make it smooth. I know where you were born. You were born far in the south. I know your father's name. Your father was a shaman. They took you up to the northwest when you were sick. When you got to the northwest, that is where you became well. Your father went away to the south and left you in the northwest. You told your father, 'I am going to be the waves and the breakers, and I will make the ocean rough.' Now today please be kind to me and help me, because I was born at Tuluwit, whither you came on your way to the northwest. So please help me today, and keep the ocean smooth." 2 Narrated by Jerry James, Humboldt Bay Wiyot. VOL. XIII-25

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I94 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN "I cannot get out, I am too big. That is something I never do, I never eat." So they let him remain in the sweat-house. The old man thought it strange that he should be so big and yet eat nothing. Just before it became dark, Tuwipulihl tried to go out, and they helped him through the doorway. They asked, "Where are you going?" "I just want to go outside," he said. He was absent a short time, and returned with twelve sticks of firewood. He piled them outside the door of the sweat-house. The old man was inside. Tuwipulih1 passed the sticks in to him, and those twelve pieces of wood filled the house. The old man said, "I think we had better leave some outside the sweat-house." The twelve sticks were of twelve kinds of wood. He piled some outside, and the pile grew and grew. The old man was pleased. He said: "That is the man I should like to have for my son-in-law. I would have fuel enough all the time." That night Tuwipulihl and the old man stayed in the sweat-house with the other men of the place. In the middle of the night there was a noise. The old man wondered, and said to himself, "I should like to know what that noise is." But he did not speak. Daylight came. Then the old man saw that Tuwipuilihl had a dip-net. He had been making cord in the night, and the sound the old man had heard was the sound of twisting and stretching cord. The old man started a fire in the sweat-house, and when it had burned out and the men went to swim, Tuwipuliil accompanied them. He was a slim young man. All his fatness had been caused by the cord in his body, and when he had used it to make a net, he became slender. They returned to the sweat-house, and the old man said, "My son-in-law, can you eat?" "Yes, I will eat," he said. "This is the first time." They went to the house and ate. Then returning to the sweat-house they remained there all day. Tuwipu.lihl had not yet spoken to the girl. In the evening they sat in the dwelling-house for a long time, and Tuiwipuilihm talked to the girl. At last he said: "It is time to sleep. I think I will go down the hill. I want to lie outside." He went out and down the hill to the bank of the river. Then the girl went down after him, and he waited. She came slowly. He said: "Do you know what I am going to do tonight? I am going north tonight." They entered a canoe and both took up paddles. They put to sea and turned northward. He had his new net, which he had made because he expected to use it at the fish-weir of Kuchachkoshihl [Pleiades].' In the middle of the night they arrived at the place. He got up on a platform, removed the net from a pole that was lying there, and put his own in its place. His wife remained in the canoe below the platform, and as he drew out the fish he would empty the net in the canoe. Before daylight it was filled, and he said: "I have enough fish. I will start home." He left his net on the platform as a present to Kuchachkoshihl and took home the old net he had removed from the frame. So they returned southward with a canoe full of live fish, and whenever they passed a stream they threw out one of each species. If any fish refused to enter a stream, Tuwipulihl took it back into the canoe; but those that entered became native to that place. At the mouth of Smith river they threw out a tuvui'l [a species of summer salmon]. It did not go in, and they took it back. They threw out an adikpiawurruvail [a species of fall salmon], and it went in. At Klamath river he threw out a tMvu'l, saying, "I should like to see the best kind of fish go into this river, because this is where I live." The fish went in and swam clear up to the source. At the mouth of Redwood creek they threw out a vurwdgzhacchk [dog-salmon], and it went in. At Mad river they threw out an adikpawzurruvahl, and it went in. At Humboldt bar they threw out another of the same kind. It tried to go into Elk river, but the water was too shallow. They took it back and threw out another dog-salmon, and it went to the source of the stream. At Eel river they threw out an adikp&awrruvahl, and it went in. At Bear river they tried tuvu'l, but it could not get in, and then they tried a steelhead trout, and it went up. At Mattole river they tried.tuvi'l and adikpfwaurruvaihl, and both went in. From that place they returned to the mouth of Klamath river. 1 During the time the constellation of the Pleiades is absent from the sky, the Wiyot say that Kuchachkoshihl has gone down fishing.

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MYTHOLOGY I95 The First Deerskin Dance
1 Adak-sor-hilukiFI ["down-toward ocean he-went"] was in love with a girl, but she would not look at him. He could not come near her. He had a dog, which was about to produce a litter. He said, "I wish that she may have only white and black pups." When they were born, they were all white and black, six of them. They were coyote dogs. Adak-sori-hMlkihl took them up to the headwaters of Mad river, and with their help drove an elk into the water. Three dogs on each bank kept the elk swimming down-stream, and would not let it land. So they drove it clear down to the village Ch6meuh, and there he let it land, and killed it. He called the people down to butcher it, and divided the meat among them. Then he went to the girl's house and said: "There is an elk on the riverbank. Come and get your meat." So the girl went down. He had a very heavy piece cut off ready for her. She tried to lift it on her back, but she could not. He said, "I will help you." He raised the meat to her back, and she went home with it. Not long thereafter she discovered that she was pregnant. When the child was born, she would not look at it, nor would her mother have anything to do with it. They said: "We will not raise this baby. That Adaksori-hlukiil is always doing wrong. If he wants this baby reared, he will have to do it himself." Adak-sora-hlikih1, outside the house, heard them. They laid the naked infant in front of the house, and there he found it. He said, "I wish that baby to become a young man." And soon he was a young man. Then Adak-soria-hlukihl went away and left his son with the woman. One day the youth went travelling to Eel river. He had nothing. On the way he met another man, who said, "I should like to gamble with you." "That is something I have never done. I do not know how to gamble." But the man persisted, "I should like to have that deerskin head-band you are wearing." "Well, if you want it, we might play for it." So they gambled, and the young man won. By and by he had all the other man's clothing and valuables. Then he won the man's house, and last there was nothing left to play for except the Deerskin dance, which that man owned. So the son of Adak-sora-hlukihl won the dance, and with all these things he went home; and they went with him of themselves. For two days they danced at Ch6omuh, and then the young man said to himself: "There is no use in having this dance here. I will take it to Hiktina [the Yurok country]." So he took the dance to those people, and they have had it ever since that time. The Cause of Lightning
2 Kudiqtat-kaqihl had a son. His name was Kudiqtat-kaqihl-kuwiliyawanaq ["above oldman his-son"]. They lived alone. Kudiqtat-kaqihl desired his son to be rich and powerful, and so he invented the gambling games. Then when the men from other places came and wished to gamble with the young man, his father would secretly keep saying to himself, "I wish that my son may win." And always his son was winner. He became very rich. Whenever he went hunting, his father would say, "I wish my son would get an elk at once." And the young man would kill an elk without difficulty. But he began to mistreat his father, who therefore shut up all the elk in the side of a mountain, so that the young man could not kill even one. And now again the men from other places came to gamble, but Kudiqtat-kaqihl would say, "I wish my son may lose." And the young man never won. It was not long before he had nothing, and he went away to the west. There he found Takak, whose work was to make thunder, and he remained there to help the thunder-maker. When very heavy thunder occurs he is unable to hold on, and is shaken off and falls down to the earth. He seizes a tree-top, but it is not strong enough to hold him, and he falls to the ground, stripping the tree of its limbs on one side. 1 Narrated by Jerry James, Humboldt Bay Wiyot. 2 Narrated by Jerry James, Humboldt Bay Wiyot. The story is told to boys in order to inculcate obedience and respect for their fathers.

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I96 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The Pleiades and Their Pursuer
1 Par6t'hvi ["bright"] had a harpoon for killing seals and sea-lions, and Kuchachkoghihl [Pleiades] coveted it. But Parit'hvi refused to sell it. He kept it hidden in his house, and would not permit anyone to go near it. Then Kuchachkohiihl called his friends together, and they made a plan to steal the harpoon. In the night they crept up to the house of Parit'hvi. Frog slipped inside and crawled up on the beams above the fire, while Mouse gnawed at a board in the wall opposite the place where the harpoon was kept, and Louse tied the hair of the sleepers together. Down on the beach another Mouse gnawed holes in the canoes that were there drawn up. Late in the night a board was gnawed off and holes were gnawed in all the canoes. Then Kuchachkoshihl reached in through the wall, seized the harpoon, and ran. The women in the house woke and shouted. Someone threw the embers in the fireplace together, but Frog dropped his water on them and put out the fire. The people, at last tearing themselves apart, ran out and saw a canoe fleeing in the distance. They launched a canoe, but it filled and sank. They tried another, but it also foundered. So they tried nine. Then they took the last one, and this very one Mouse had overlooked. So Parut'hvi and his men gave chase, but they could not overtake the fugitives. And every night they go across the sky, the party of Kuchachkoshihl ahead and that of Parit'hvi pursuing, but never overtaking, the thieves. How the Bay Became Salt
1 Adak-sora-hfiukiml was in love with Tsaraihihl [butterball duck]. She was always in his canoe, yet she would not consent to be his wife. He despaired of ever winning her consent. In those days the bay was fresh water, and as he paddled along she would dip her fingers into the water and drink. He decided that he would make the water salt; and after scraping out a hole in the sand at the shore, and splashing water into it, he urinated in the bay, and the water became salty. The next day they went out in his canoe, and she dipped her fingers into the water; but she found it unfit to drink. Then Adak-sora-fiukihl took her ashore, scraped away the sand, and opened the pool of fresh water for her. So for this she consented to marry him. From that time the bay has been salt, but anywhere along the shore fresh water can be found not far below the surface. The Man Who Became a Dog
2 Two brothers lived in the north. They spent all their time in hunting elk. One day when they were very tired, the younger said, "Oh, I wish we would hear a dog bark away down in that gorge." The next day he repeated this wish, and again on the third day. On the fourth day the elder said to his brother: "You can go on home. I will stop here and rest." So the younger brother went homeward. He felt a pain in his stomach, and stopped to relieve it. He resumed his way, and happening to look back he saw a coyote dog trotting behind him. It went straight to the excrement and ate. Then it ran down the hill into the gorge. The young man went home and waited for his brother, but no one came. He went back to look for him. At the place where they had parted, he found his brother's tracks and saw where suddenly they became dog-tracks. Then he knew that his brother had become a coyote dog. He heard the dog barking in the gorge, and went home. The dog came to the house, and the young man tried to treat it like a brother. He invited the dog into the house, but it would not come in, and it did not speak. So he fed it outside. He decided that it was useless to try to treat it like a man. The dog went hunting with him each day and trailed elk. It became old. One day the young man went hunting alone, leaving the dog lying beside the fire. When 1 Narrated by Jerry James, Humboldt Bay Wiyot. 2 Narrated by Jerry James, Humboldt Bay Wiyot. The story is told for the purpose of teaching kindness to dogs.

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MYTHOLOGY 197 he returned, it was not in the house. He asked, "Where is our dog?" His wife answered: "Perhaps he is outside. I do not know." The man went out to look, and found it lying outside. He placed food before the dog and went in to eat his own. When he went out again, the food remained untouched. He wondered what was wrong. He thought perhaps his wife had whipped the dog, but she denied it. He went into the sweat-house, but could not sleep. He was thinking about his brother, the dog. The next morning the dog was nowhere to be seen, and at last he decided to trail it. He found its tracks leading from the place where it had been lying in the night, and followed them. They led southward. Suddenly they became the tracks of a man. He followed on, and came to an old man resting under a tree. Said the old man: "I am vour brother. I am going away from you. While you were hunting yesterday, I lay in the house. My sisterin-law was undressing, but I did not look at her. When she threw off her apron, she slapped me across the face with it. Now, my sister-in-law knows that formerly I was a man and not a dog. That is why I do not want to see her again. So I am going away to the south. But there is one thing I must tell you. Never go hunting again, for you will never find another track of elk or deer or any other game. For I wish to see my sister-in-law eating deerskin." Then the old man sang a song of mourning. He got up and went on, and the younger man returned sadly. He went into the sweat-house and lay down, for he did not wish to see his wife. After a time he went into the house and charged her with mistreating his brother, but she only denied it. For some months they lived on dry meat and fish, but at last they felt hungry for fresh meat. So the young man thought he would try it. He went hunting, but he could not find a track. Again and again he tried it, but always without success. At last they were starving and had to eat deerskin. Then his brother, far away in the south, saw this and rejoiced. But soon the knowledge that his brother was eating deerskin made him unhappy, and he sent Raven to him with a message. The Raven found the young man, and said: "Your brother says that you are to go to the beach and sit on the sand tomorrow before dawn. At daybreak you will see on the breakers something coming ashore. There will be a small basket with roots in it. Take it. Those roots will be your good luck." The Raven told him also what to do about killing elk. So in the morning the young man did this, and he took the roots into the sweat-house. The next day he went hunting, and immediately he came upon fresh elk-tracks. He followed them and came to a band of elk in a meadow, but he did not kill any. They were not the kind his brother had told him to kill. He found other tracks and followed them. This time he saw a band of black and white elk with straight, unbranching horns, and one of these he killed. For his brother had told him in the message, "The first elk you kill must be a black and white elk with straight horns." The Sleepy Youth Who Was Saved by Adak-sora-hlukihl
1 WafiayughidiMl-hi'niuthw ["point-of-land-between-two-streams sleepy"] was a youth who lived at Wafiaytilhidihl on Eel river. He had two sweethearts. All day long he would sleep and the' two girls were always loitering about, wishing to see him, 'but still he would sleep. So they made a plan. "We will get a canoe and carry this man down to it, and take him down the river." This they did, and at the mouth of the river they said, "We might as well take him out on the ocean." So they carried him out over the bar and left him on a rock. Nobody knew what had become of the sleepy one. After a time, lying there on the rocks, he woke. He did not know where he was nor how he came there. He looked about. He saw no land, nothing but water was to be seen. "How did I come here? Somebody must have done this," he said. He began to cry. "How am I going to get back home?" Late in the afternoon he looked toward the south. It was a clear day. He saw some birds sailing in the still air. Always he cried. Again he looked south. The birds were larger. They were approaching. Still he cried. He looked again. A person was coming over the water. Still he cried. He looked again. This time he was sure that a man was walking on the water. He cried, and watched the man. He 1 Narrated by Jerry James, Humboldt Bay Wiyot.

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I98 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN said: "I should like to know who this is. I am sure I can walk on the water, if he can. I wonder who this is that walks on the water as if it were land?" The man climbed up on the rocks. It was Adak-sora-hilukih1. He asked, "How did you come here?" "I do not know how it was," said the youth. "Are you sure you do not know?" "Yes, I do not know. I have been sleeping all the time. I had two girls, who loved me. They stayed about the house when I was sleeping, and I think it may be they who brought me here. But I do not know." Adak-sora-hlflkih- said, "I am going north." "Do you know how I am going to get home?" inquired the sleepy one. "Yes, some time you will get home. But I am going northward now. There is going to be a dance. I am going to see it. You had better come with me." "No," said the young man, "I should like to accompany you, but I cannot walk on water." "Well, come along with me. Try it." He climbed down and walked on the water as if it were land; but the youth feared to try it. Again he was urged, and at last he became desperate and said, "I might as well drown as starve." So he climbed down and stepped on the water. It was solid under his feet. So they went northward, and arrived at the place of the dance in the evening. The people were just commencing to dance. The youth had no money, and Adak-sora-hlukihl thought: "I will beg something for him. I am a stranger here, and nobody knows me. I will be a shaman and sing beside the fire." So he stood beside the fire and led the singing, and the people resumed their dancing. At the end of the dance, Adak-sori-hlukih- addressed them: "I should like to see you give presents to this young man. I found him in the ocean, lying on the rocks. Give him presents, everybody." So all the people gave something, and he had wealth. The next morning Adak-sori-h-lukihl said to his friend: "I am going home. Come with me. We will walk on land this time." So they started southward. They reached Wafiayughidihil, and leaving his friend there, Adak-sora-hilukihl went on. The news went about that the sleepy youth had returned, and all were astonished, for the girls had told what they had done to him. The people gathered about him and asked: "How did you come back? Did you swim ashore?" "No," he said, "Adak-sori-hlikih l-is the one who brought me home." The two girls, hearing that their former lover was returned, went to his house to see him. They sat outside the door, one on each side, and looked in. They wanted to see him, for they could not believe that he had come back. But he did not wish to see them. He came to the door and put one foot and his head out, and as he stepped through he placed his hands on the heads of the two girls, passing by without looking, and said, "I hope you will become stones." Then he looked back, and saw that they were stones. This was the origin of the two stones that are set into the pavement outside the doorway as an aid to people in coming out. Origin of Tobacco
1 Tutkilik ["jump up and down"] was planning to establish his dance [tutkalik, the jumping dance], and wished to have something good with it. So he made his wish, and there in his hands were small black seeds. He planted them, and wished that they would sprout. In a few days the sprouts broke through the ground. Still he sat there in his sweat-house, wishing, and in a few months the plants were tall and covered with broad leaves, just as he had wished them to be. He gathered the leaves and showed the people how to use them in wooden pipes at the dance. Then he said he would go southward to distribute these seeds among the people, but he left some tobacco growing, so that the people of the north might have seeds to plant. When he arrived in the south, he thought he had better make the southern tobacco with narrow leaves, and reserve for the northern people the tall, broadleafed plants. So he planted the seeds and sat in his sweat-house wishing that the plants might be of a certain height and the leaves of a certain width. And so it was. 1 Narrated by Jerry James, Humboldt Bay Wiyot.

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MYTHOLOGY I99 The Man Who Caught the Ocean Cougars
1 A man was looking for good luck. He would run along the beach from Taghestlfsa to Tatat-tun, and whenever a breaker came rolling in he would leap under it. He would run from one village to the other and back again twice in one night. When he became cold, he would go into the sweat-house and warm himself. One night he saw something near the line of breakers. He thought it was two pups. He caught them and took them home. He hollowed out a block of wood, filled it with water, and placed them in it. In the morning he went to look at his pets. They were tet-tinchhu ["in-ocean monster" -ocean cougar]. They grew rapidly, and each time he went to look at them they seemed to be hungry and ready to spring at him. The fifth night they leaped out and pursued him, but he was a swift runner and they could not catch him. He knew that these animals feared elk-horn, and he made a club of horn. The next night when they pursued him, he turned and tapped them with the club, and they stopped. He made a fence around the bowl of water, so that they could not get out. They became fond of him. He heard that a man at Hwestdnna-tun [a Tututni village at Whalehead, in Oregon, north of Natltane-tun] had two animals like his pets, except that they were land animals and he heard that the man would set them on any person who passed. They were devouring the people. He decided to take his pets to that place and have a contest. He led them to the place and left them in the brush, saying: "I will go first. You remain here and watch. I will shout when they come after me." Then the owner of the cougars saw him coming. He said to his pets, "Get ready!" He let them go. Then the man shouted to his ocean cougars, and they came bounding out of the brush and killed the mountain cougars. The people of that place began to shout disapproval, but the ocean cougars leaped upon them and killed them. Then they turned against their master, and he had to kill them with his elk-horn club. Hair-seal He Played
2 Five nights he was going about in the darkness. His father slept in the sweat-house. His father asked, "Do you hear anything when you are going about?" "No, I never hear anything," he said. "I never see anything." "You will never get riches," said his father. "There is no use in your going about at night looking for good luck. You might as well sleep." But he had heard his father say to other youths: "Up on that mountain yonder is a great bird. He is the one that is rich." This bird was never seen except when dead hairseals came ashore. The youth covered himself with a seal-skin and lay on the beach like a dead seal. He put his head under a bunch of kelp. Birds of every kind that eat carrion flocked about him in the morning. Last of all he saw two great birds coming from afar. They alighted on the beach and walked about looking at the man, cocking their heads this way and that. They wanted to see his eyes, for they always ate the eyes first. He had his hands ready to grasp them. One of them came close, and he caught it. It flapped its wings, and almost lifted him from the sand. But he had heard his father tell others what to do. He tied some of his hair about the bird's neck. He said, "I give my hair for your riches." The bird then flew away. He watched it fly to the top of Winchuck mountain and perch in a tree. When night came, it was still in the tree. That night the youth had a dream, in which the bird said: "Go up to that mountain, and under the tree where you saw me sitting, look for money. You will find shell money in abundance. Do not show it to everybody. Put it into a large basket and do not look at it until ten days have passed." This he did, and at the end of ten days he found a large basket full of shell money. 1 Narrated by Joe Hostler, Hawunkwut Tolowa. 2 Narrated by Joe Hostler, Hawunkwut Tolowa. The title of the myth is Srisrenes Tuighutlain (" hair-seal he-played"). The story is of the North Coast type. If it were included in a collection of Kwakiutl tales nobody would question its right to be there, were it not for the reference to the custom of sweating.

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200 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Gull's Grandmother
1 He was a little boy. His grandmother was old. She made baskets all the time, and the little boy would gather salal-berries for her. She always warned him to come back quickly, and to pick only unripe berries. She did not like the ripe ones. Every time he came back he would say: "I heard sounds up on the top. People must be there." And she would answer: "Yes, people are there. But you must not go there." Each day she warned him. He wondered why she told him that. One day he said, "I will go to see what kind of people are there." He went up the hill, and as he came close he heard boys and girls. They saw him and said, "Come." He went to them. They were picking berries and tattooing one another. They tattooed him all over his body. At last he said, "I think I had better go home." "Let us see your berries," they said. When they saw the green berries, they threw them out and picked his basket full of ripe ones. His grandmother knew what he had done, because he was gone so long, but she said nothing. After a while she asked for the berries. She saw the ripe fruit and threw it out, saying, "I knew you were up there with those people." She looked at his face and saw the tattooing. Then she struck him on the ankle repeatedly with the poker, and he cried and ran out. He had a little canoe. He sat on the bank of the river with it under his arm. He cried and said, "I wish the north wind would blow." Soon the north wind blew. The boards from the roof and the walls flew away, and the old woman was left sitting in the pit. She grasped a post and called to him, but he would not listen. He only kept saying, "I wish the north wind would blow." The old woman's arms blew away, and her body turned into stone, which still can be seen at Taghina-tun [Point St. George] The little boy got into his little canoe and went out on the ocean to live. He is the gull. The Man Who Visited the Creek Spirits
2 He was swimming five nights at Tatltukwut [on Smith river]. He saw a canoe coming down-stream. Sparks flew from it. He thought, "I will leap into that canoe." He climbed upon a rock that overhung the stream, and when the canoe passed under him, he leaped down into it. He thought there would be a person in it, but he was surprised to find a very small woman in the bow and a very small man in the stern. They did not speak. They took him out into the ocean to the rock Tafankwut [Northwest Seal rock, on which the lighthouse stands]. Two canoes were already there, and two were at the rock Y nsan. Then he knew these were fhghuni.3 From every stream came a canoe with two fhzhunn to take seals, until there were five canoes at each of the two rocks. The chief of those at the rock Tfifankwut was from Klamath river, and the chief of those at Yansan was from Rogue river. He saw them kill every seal on Taftankwt. Not one escaped. Then the Thgqzzune assembled at one place, the head-man distributed the seals, and all went back to their streams. The steersman said to him: "Come home with me. You shall marry this woman, my sister." He could not tell when they left the ocean and entered the river, for there was no rolling. The AhghTzun caused the current to reverse itself and flow up-stream, and soon the canoe ran under a rock into a large roomy place where it was kept during the day. When they reached the village, the Afhghunz man said, "We will go into the sweat-house." 1 Narrated by Joe Hostler, Hawunkwut Tolowa. The title of the story is Pase Suhahl ("gull grandmother-his"). 2 Narrated by Joe Hostler, Hawunkwut Tolowa. This also is very reminiscent of Kwakiutl mythology. 3 Shfgtiun, or chikaumtliyi, are diminutive beings living among the rocks along creeks. They are never seen. At night they come out from their hiding-places and work in the watercress, for bv their labors streams are kept flowing. They build dams to make a small flow, and open them to cause freshets.

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MYTHOLOGY 20I He thought he would build such a great fire of dry grass that the man would perish. But the young man could not feel the heat, although the hghWiun were sweating and could hardly endure it. They went to swim, and when they came out the men ran away to the house and left him alone. The ground was covered with snow. Nothing could be seen but snow. Houses and trees had disappeared. But the woman had warned him that they would try to destroy him and had told him what to do. He saw a small hole and went into it, and found himself in the house. Then they knew that they could not harm him. They went hunting in the mountains, and he accompanied them. He killed a small squirrel, and each hghunfn killed an elk. He brought his squirrel to the house, swinging it by the tail. They thought him very strong, because he could carry a squirrel, and a great hunter because he had killed one. For they could not kill squirrels, nor lift them, but elk were easy for them to kill and to carry. Afterward they gave him permission to visit his people, and he found that he had been given up for dead. Lizard Boy and Grizzly-bear
1 Grizzly-bear and Lizard lived not far apart. Observing Lizard storing food for the winter, and being greedy, Bear killed him and his wife, leaving only the little Lizard and his grandmother. When the young Lizard grew up, his grandmother warned him not to go near the Bear's house, but one day in spite of the old woman's tears and warnings, he said he was going to see the Bears at their work of bringing in food for the winter. He crept into the house and stood behind a post, and saw the Bears hurry in, one after another, with loads of food. Then the old Bear saw him, and growled: "What are you doing here? I will push you into the fire! Why are you standing around here? Do you know that we killed your father and your mother?" The boy crept outside and went home crying to his grandmother. She also wept when he told her how roughly the Bear had spoken to him. Then he said, "Grandmother, make some pinole." So she parched some seeds and pounded them up, and pressed the flour into balls. The boy warmed a piece of obsidian in the fire, and chipped the edge, and tested it on a ball of pinole: when it was so sharp that it would cut a ball of dry meal without crumbling it, he was satisfied. In the house of the Bears lived Coyote. When Lizard Boy went out after the old Bear had scolded him, Coyote followed to see what he was going to do. He saw the boy preparing the sharp knife, and whispered: "Take the big one! I am sleeping just inside the door with my wife. If you step on me. it will be no offense. Be sure to take the big one!" That night the boy crept into the Bear's house. He stepped on Coyote, and on his wife, and crawled along the row of sleeping Bears. He felt of their outstretched feet, found the big Bear in the middle of the row, and with his knife very gently cut off one foot. The moccasin he filled with old bones and pitch, and laid it on the fire. Then he crept out. The foot of the Bear dragged across the face of Coyote's wife, and she woke with a start and exclaimed: "Oh, what was that? Something frightened me!" Said Coyote: "It is nothing. You have been dreaming. Do not wake them." After a while the big Bear groaned: "U...! Somebody has cut off my foot!" He groaned again: "U...! Somebody has cut off my foot!" But only when he had said this five times did Coyote answer, as if he had just waked with a start, "What is that you say?" "Somebody has cut off my foot!" "Not so! How many times have I told you not to put your feet too near the fire at night? Your foot has burned off! See, there it is in the fire!" "No," said the Bear, "it is that Lizard Boy who has done this!" But Coyote said: "Surely you have burned it off. Look in the fire." They stirred up the fire and found the charred moccasin and fragments of bones. Coyote said, "I will doctor you." He began to suck at the wound, and the Bear, bellowing with pain, let him proceed. But Coyote was only sucking out the blood and fat; he was not a shaman. And before sunrise the Bear was dead. At home Lizard Boy was boiling the foot. Now the young Bears said: "What shall we do? We will burn up this sweat-house and the body with it." But Coyote said: "No! If anybody passes, he will see our house burning and will talk badly about us." 1 Narrated by Indian Jake (Ahaiya'), fkarakaftuhis Shasta. VOL. XIII-26

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202 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN "Well," they said, "we will put the body in a tree." "No, somebody will see it and take it for food, and then will talk badly about us. The right way is to bury it in a hole. But do not make the hole too deep, and do not put much earth on the top. Cover the body with bark and put a little earth on the top. Put it down there awav from the trail, so that people will not see it." So the Bears put the body in a shallow grave, and then they moved away from the sweathouse and built another on the opposite side of the hill. Coyote took his wife and his five children to Lizard Boy's house. In the night he whispered, "Now is the time to go." So Coyote and Lizard dug up the body of the old Bear and cut it into pieces, which they carried home. At daylight only the backbone was left. Then one of the Bears woke and said: "I have had a bad dream. Something must be wrong." He went to the top of the knoll and looked down toward the grave. There were Lizard and Coyote carrying away the last load. He ran back and told his brothers, and they came rushing to the place, growling and blowing. Coyote heard them and was about to throw down his pack, but Lizard made him keep it and hurry home. They slipped into the house just ahead of the Bears, but Coyote got his leg scratched by a Bear's claws just as he was creeping through the little doorway. The Bears set to work to dig them out, but the house was solid stone and they could do nothing. Lizard put some of the Bear's grease on the end of a stick and thrust it out through a crack, and said: "What do you want? Maybe this is what you want!" With that terrible insult the Bears left the place and went to live in the mountains, where they have ever since remained. Coyote and Raccoon
1 Coyote was a constant hunter, but never successful. At sunset Raccoon would bring home plenty of fish and quail. Coyote came to his house and asked him, "How do you catch these fish?" "Oh, I just hunt about in deep water. As soon as I see the water is full of fish, I go down into it with some long sticks on which I string the fish. When one stick is full, I bring it out and go down and fill another. That is the way I catch fish." "How do you catch these quail?" "I go about in the brush, and when the quail fly up into a tree, I set fire to the tree and lie down under it with my eyes shut. The quail keep falling down into my hand. That is the way I catch quail." That night Coyote could not sleep for impatience. At dawn he went to the creek and searched for a deep pool. Finding one full of fish, he cut five sticks and jumped into the water. He groped about, but the fish slipped through his fingers. When he was nearly drowned, he came out with just one fish, old and ready to die. "I think that is not the right way," he said. "Perhaps Raccoon deceived me." He went into the brush, drove a bevy of quail into a tree, set fire to the tree, and lay down under it with his eyes shut. The burning leaves and bark fell on his breast, but for a while he endured it. After a time one old charred quail fell down. "That is not the right way," he said. "I think he deceived me." He went home, and to his five sons he said: "I do not know how I shall feed you. I think I shall watch Raccoon when he goes hunting." All night he watched the door of his neighbor's house. At dawn Raccoon came forth and Coyote crept along behind him. As the sun was rising, Raccoon went into a thick clump of bushes, and Coyote saw him taking quail out of a string snare. He tied their feet together and hung them in a tree. Raccoon then went to a place where the water was rushing down in a riffle. Coyote followed him and saw him open a trap and take out many fish. While he was bending over to string them, Coyote leaped upon him from behind and killed him. He placed the body among the fish, covered the bundle with leaves, and carried it home. Raccoon had warned his seven sons that if ever he failed to return home at the usual time they would know that Coyote had killed him. The Raccoon boys were playing with the Coyote boys, and one of them said: "It is time our father was coming. I wonder what is the matter?" Soon they saw Coyote come with a heavy load of fish. He opened the door 1 Narrated by Indian Jake (Ahaiya'), fkarakaftuhis Shasta.

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MYTHOLOGY 203 quickly and pushed his pack inside. But the eldest Raccoon, looking at the end of the pack, saw the face of his dead father. He told his brothers. The next morning Coyote went away to the river, and the eldest Raccoon said to his brothers, "Let us kill the young Coyotes." So they killed them, and built a fire and roasted them, and left them lying in a circle inside Coyote's house. When Coyote came home and saw the roasted bodies in his house, he thought his sons had killed the Raccoons, and he said to himself: "That is good, my boys! You understand. You know how, my boys." He sat down and ate them. When he came to the smallest and last, he looked at its face. Some of the hair had been singed off, and he perceived that it was his own son. His heart leaped up to his mouth, and he feared it was going to pop out. He patted his breast and said, "Wait, wait, my heart! Do not come out! Do not come out!" From every corner of the house and all about outside where his children used to play he heard their voices calling. He stood up and called out: "Raccoon boys, come back! Do not run away! Your father is coming home! He caught so many fish he could not carry them!" He ran about here and there, looking for the young Raccoons. But they were climbing to the top of a tall tree. He ran to the edge of the water, and seeing the reflection of the Raccoons he jumped in after them. He scrambled out, looked down, and saw the reflection again. Once more he jumped in. Then he happened to look up and saw them in the tree. He secured a long stick with a hook on the tip, and with this he reached up, saying, "Come down, Raccoons! Come down, Raccoons!" But the eldest said to his brothers: "Do not look down! No matter what he says, do not look down!" Nevertheless the youngest looked back as they climbed higher, and immediately he fell into Coyote's open mouth and was devoured. Coyote pursuing the climbing Raccoons is now seen in the autumn and winter sky, in the form of a large star that follows the Pleiades across the sky. Beaver Overcomes Coyote
1 Beaver had three sons. Knowing that he spent all the day in hunting, Coyote went to his house one day and said to the young Beavers: "Oh, how large your bellies are! They are too large. I wish you would dig a hole and heat some stones, and I will make you slim like Otter, like Mink, like Weasel. Everybody is slim except you." So they dug a hole and heated stones. He made them lie down on the hot stones, and threw water on the stones. The eldest Beaver cried, "It is too hot!" "It will soon be cool," said Coyote, as he covered them with earth and poured on more water. Soon they were cooked, and he ate them and smoothed off the ground. When Beaver came home at night, he searched for his boys in vain. He went to Coyote's house and inquired if he had seen them. "No," said Coyote, "I have not seen them." Beaver went all around the world along the edge of the ocean, searching for his sons. Then he cut his hair short and put pitch on his face. Coyote was walking about one day, and saw Beaver across the river with a pack on his back. He called out, "Where are you going?" No answer came. "I said, 'Where are you going?"' Still there was no answer. Then he said in a low voice, "Well, you do not answer me, but just the same I ate your boys." Then Beaver stopped at once and looked at him. Coyote walked busily about, as if hunting for something. Looking up after a while, he saw that Beaver was still there. For a long time Coyote kept up the pretense of searching for something, and all the time Beaver was looking at him. Then Beaver started down the river, and Coyote thought: "I wonder if he heard me. I did not talk loudly. I believe he heard me. Beaver came swimming across the river, and Coyote asked, "What is the matter?" "Oh, you said so!" "I said nothing." Beaver walked up to him, and Coyote sidled away, complaining, "No, I did not say anything." "You said so," insisted Beaver. "No, I only said, 'Where are you going?"' Coyote kept backing away. Suddenly he kicked dirt into Beaver's face and ran. He cried out, "Did you ever see me run? This is 1 Narrated by Indian Jake (Ahaiya'), Ikarakaftuhis Shasta.

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204 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the way I run. Watch me." He ran to Irdai [Scott valley], and Beaver followed him. He turned and ran back to Puruheki [on Little Shasta river], and Beaver followed him; and then to Witihassa [Shasta butte], and to Butte creek. There he hunted for duck-eggs, and looking back saw Beaver still pursuing. Then Coyote began to fear. He ran to Auksi [Klamath lake], but Beaver at once created Klamath river and Coyote could not cross it. He was trapped, and Beaver caught him and held him under his arm while he reached into his quiver and put his white paint on his face. Then he pushed Coyote down into the water and held him there for a time. He dragged him out, and Coyote said, "Oh, I did not do it!" But Beaver pushed him down again, and drowned him. "You will be a coyote forever," he said. Coyote Destroys the Moons Who Kept the Earth Frozen
1 The people were starving. They could not dig roots, because the earth was like iron. But the ten Moons had plenty of camas and other roots. Their slave was Turdk [curlew], and the bones of his wings and legs had been removed so that he could not escape. He was constantly on guard, and whenever he saw people coming to dig roots in the soft ground of his masters, he sounded the warning, and the Moons at once sent hail and snow, and before the people could dig more than a few roots the ground was frozen hard. Now the people began to plan how they might kill the Moons. Coyote prepared four smooth sticks of white oak, and after cautioning Badger to keep a fire burning and plenty of pitchy wood at hand, he crept up to the field where Curlew kept his watch. The slave started to call out his warning, but Coyote held up an ipha root and whispered: "Oh cousin, wait! Here is some food. Oh, yes, you are my cousin." So Curlew stopped, and took the root. Coyote then put the oak sticks into his wings and legs in place of the lost bones, and whispered: "Now try them. See if you can walk." Curlew hopped about and flapped his wings, and with a little practice he was able to walk and fly. Said Coyote: "Now, quickly! Help me bring wood and stones." They carried wood into a house and made a fire, and heated water in a large basket. Then he said, "How do you call when you are hungry?" "I say, ' Kurutu, kurutu, kurutu!"' "Well, say it now." So Curlew called out, " Kurutu, kurutu, kurutu!" In the other house the ten Moon brothers heard, and one of them was sent to feed the slave. Inside the door Coyote waited. When the Moon stooped down and put his head inside, Coyote cut it off and threw it down. Then quickly he plunged his hands into the hot water. For the bodies of these Moons were frozen, and only to touch the head nearly froze Coyote's hands. In this manner one by one the Moons were called out, and Coyote killed them all. By the time he had finished, his hands were so benumbed that he could hardly hold his knife. When the last Moon was killed, Coyote ran back to Badger's sweat-house and fell down beside the fire. He lay as if dead. All day long Badger kept a roaring fire, and at evening Coyote came to life. The earth soon thawed out, and the people had food in abundance. Destruction of the Itssuruqai Monsters
1 If1ssuruqai was coming up Klamath river, devouring people. As his name indicates, he was extremely emaciated. The people fled when they knew of his approach; for whenever he reached a village, he would go into the houses, and any whom he found he would eat. Coyote, hearing of this, laid a great pile of firewood, put cooking stones among the sticks, and then covered his body thickly with white pitch. The next morning Itssuruqai was seen approaching. He came to Coyote and spoke in a hoarse whisper, like a man whose lungs are not good: "I would like to taste your meat." "Well, we will make a fire outside," said Coyote. "I will take you first." Coyote sat near the fire, and Ifssuruqai cut a piece from his breast. But it was only the white pitch that he cut off. He held it before the fire, roasted it, and ate it. He said, "Your meat is too strong." 1 Narrated by Indian Jake (Ahaiya'), ikarakafsuhis Shasta.

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MYTHOLOGY 205 "Well, many people everywhere talk about me," replied Coyote. "That is what makes my meat sour. I would like to taste your meat." "All right," said Ifssuruqai. Coyote made ready to cut off a piece; but he cut out the lungs and the liver and the heart, and ran away with them, pursued by Itfsuruqai, who cried: "My heart, my heart! Give back my heart!" Coyote ran swiftly, and after a time he doubled back to the fire, which was now a great bed of coals. The people had raked a hollow in them, and therein Coyote threw the heart and lungs and liver of ffssuruqai. There was a great explosion, and Ifsuruqai himself fell dead. Then all the people in the country, hearing the noise, said, "Oh, Coyote has killed Ifssuruqai!" In the high western mountains lived Iftsuruqai with his grandson and ten Chipmunks, his slaves. When he came home at night, he would order one of them in his husky whisper, "Go, get water!" But the slave would refuse, and he would say then: "Oh, you are bad I will hang you!" So he had hanged nine slaves on nine successive days, and only the youngest Chipmunk was left. He piled up a great quantity of brush like a woodrat's nest, and in the bottom he spread cattail down. He went hunting and killed a small squirrel, which he laid in the ashes undrawn. When it was cooked, Chipmunk opened it and took out the steaming entrails. He said, "Oh, see what a fat squirrel!" tfssuruqai, who always sat with his back to the fire, looked about, and Chipmunk dashed the hot entrails in his eyes, and ran. Blinded with the heat, Ifssuruqai could not see to pursue his slave, but he took his little grandson on his back and gave chase as best he could. Chipmunk led them out into the brush and into the midst of the pile which he had arranged, and when they were in the very centre of it, he put fire to the cattail down. Then Iftsuruqai exploded with a great noise, and the people in all the land knew that he had been killed. There were ten brothers, and one was married. His mother-in-law was always warning them, "Do not go to the top of yonder mountain." One day the eldest brother thought: "Why does she tell us not to go to that mountain? I think I will go and see." So he went to the mountaintop and sat down. A man came. He was very thin, and had red leggings, a red shirt, and a red hat. His clothing was the red summer coat of a deer. He sat down in front of the young man and said in a hoarse whisper, "Fill it up!" The young man filled his pipe and handed it to the stranger, who smoked. Almost at once the pipe burst. The young man thought, "Well, he is going to kill me." The stranger whispered, "Try my pipe!" He filled it, and the young man tried to smoke, but was not strong enough to draw through the stem. The other said, "Let me see your bow!" He took the bow, drew it. and the bow snapped. "Let us wrestle!" he said. The young man thought, "This is the time he is going to kill me." So they wrestled. The knoll on which they stood fell away in a precipice, and at the bottom was a lake. Soon the young man was thrown down into the water. When the eldest brother did not come home, the next eldest went to search for him, and, following his tracks, came to where he had sat on the mountaintop. He sat down in the same spot, facing the same direction, with his feet in his brother's tracks; and soon he saw the red-clothed man coming. First they smoked, then they drew the bows, and last they wrestled; and the second brother was hurled into the lake. In this way nine brothers were destroyed. Then the youngest took up the search. He was very small. When the stranger commanded, "Fill it up!" he filled his pipe and handed it to him, saying: "I think your father never had a pipe like this. For I am very poor." His pipe was tightly bound with deerskin, and though the stranger drew as powerfully as he could, he was unable to break it. He gave the youth his own pipe, which broke when the youth smoked. The stranger failed also to break the young man's bow, but his own was broken by the youth. Then they wrestled, and the youth hurled his opponent into the air, and he fell with a great noise into the lake. When the people in the country round about heard the noise, they knew that ifssuruqai had been killed. Then the youth went down to the lake, and gathering up the bones of his brothers, took them home and laid them in the sweat-house, and built a fire therein. Whenever he went in to replenish the fire, he did not look at the bones. After a while he heard sounds in the sweat-house, "Hu, hu, hu! " All day the sounds grew louder, and at sunset there was a voice, imploring: "Please, brother, let us come out! It is very hotl" He opened the door, and his nine brothers stepped forth and went to swim in the river.

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206 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Horsefly Outwits Thunder
1 Thunder and Horsefly lived together. Every night Horsefly brought home much blood, and Thunder one night asked, "Where do you get all that blood?" Horsefly reflected for a moment, and said, "Oh, I suck it out of trees and out of the ground." Then Thunder thought, "I will try that way to get food." He struck a tree, but found no blood. He tried another. He tried every kind of tree, and then the ground in many places; but there was no blood. He said to Horsefly, "I do not believe you get blood from trees and the ground." But Horsefly only repeated that it was so; for he feared to tell that he sucked blood from people, lest Thunder, in trying to get blood, strike them dead. Why Frogs Are in the Water
1 One said to Frog: "Do you bathe your children? Do you make them swim?" "No," he answered. "Well, you ought to do so." So Frog threw a child into the water. One asked, "Where is your child?" "I threw it into the river." "But I did not tell you to do that, I told you to wash your child." "Well," said Frog, "he is in the river now. Let him stay there." The Creation
2 There was only water. There was a person, Qan [silver fox], who had a canoe in which he travelled about over the water. The canoe was filled with all kinds of seeds. He was alone. After many years another man flew down into the canoe. This was Jemul [coyote]. Qan asked him, "Who are you?" He only pretended that he did not know. "Cousin, do you not know me? I am Jemul." Qan smiled and said: "I know now. How did you come?" "I flew down as a spark," answered J'mul. "Yes," said Qan. "I did the same way. But there is no land here." They both travelled about in the canoe. But Jemul wearied. He knew that Qan had the power to do whatever he wished, and he asked, "What are you going to do?" "We cannot get away from here," answered Qan. "We shall have to live here on the water always." After a while he continued: "If you will promise always to obey me, perhaps sometime I will do something." And Jemul promised. "Very well," said Qan, "lie down and let me cover you." Jemul was reluctant, and asked: "Who are you? Whence came you?" "I came from the vapor that rises above this water." And Jemul said: "I am the same. I am the fog from the water. We are cousins. I will lie down, and you shall cover me." "You must remain covered five days," said Qan. So Jemul lay down in the canoe, and Qan covered him with skins. Then he let down his long hair, which reached to his ankles, and began to comb it. He sang: "Air, strong air, hold up the world. Hold up the world which I am going to make, strong air." From his comb he obtained a bit of dead cuticle of his scalp. He worked it about in his palm, and it became larger. He kept drawing it out like dough, and when it was as large as he could handle, he spread it on the water. He commanded it to expand still more, and while he motioned with his hands, it grew larger and larger, and became land. Then he walked about and scattered the various seeds that he had been carrying in his canoe. They sprouted and grew immediately into grass, bushes, and trees. When the fruits were ripe, he woke Jemul, and said, "Get up and see!" Jemul raised his head. Ripe plums were hanging above the canoe. He plucked and ate them, and at once felt rejuvenated and happy. He arose. He looked about and rejoiced. He ran completely around the world. He saw sunflowers [ameal], and was glad. He made a song: "That is the kind of sunflower we used to see [in the land 1 Narrated by Indian Jake (Ahaiya'), lkarakatfuhis Shasta. 2 Narrated by Henry Wool (Lhuitami, or Aluwisamichi), Fall River Achomawi.

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MYTHOLOGY 207 which had burned up, and from which he had escaped in the form of a spark]. It is pretty. I am happy. How fine it would be if there were people to look at it." He said to Qan, "Can you make people?" "Yes, after a while. Wait. We must make another world on the other side." They went away in their canoe. When they stopped, Qan made Jemul lie down, and then in the same way he made another land. He said: "Now our land is finished. We can live." Jemul was eager to make.people. He was lonely. But Qan was fearful that Jemul would do something wrong and spoil the work. He said: "You must promise to do what I tell you." And Jemul said: "Oh, yes, I will do everything you say. I did it once. I can do it again." "Will you make the rules for the people?" "Yes," Jemul promised, "I will make the rules for them." "Well," said Qan, "I will make the people in one place. If you can make a great sweat-house, I will create people in it." And Jemul said he could make it. He went to Ilftekfiigiwa [about two miles above the mouth of Beaver creek, which flows into Pit river near Pittville] and made a large sweathouse in the rock. He returned to Qan. Qan was still uncertain. He was apprehensive about Jemul, fearing he would do ill. Therefore he was slow in starting. He said, "We will go there and live." "Good," said Jemul. "Let us go. It is all ready to live in." So they went to Ilaitkfiigiwa and lived in the sweat-house. There were no animals in the world. Jemul said: "We must have meat to eat. Can you make animals of some kind?" "Yes. I will make an animal to eat." Qan went away, and soon returned, saying that he had made the deer. He asked: "How shall we kill that deer? Can you make something with which to kill him? We cannot get close to him. He is wild." "Yes," said Jemul, "I will make something with which to kill him, like that with which we used to kill them." So he made a bow and some arrows. But there were no feathers, and he said to Qan: "What shall we do? Without feathers they will not go straight." Qan went aside and soon brought feathers. But Jemul had no string, and Qan asked, "What kind of string do you wish?" "Deer sinew," said Jemul. So Qan went aside and soon brought sinew. After the arrows were finished, Jemul asked, "What are we going to use for points on these arrows?" "I will get something," said Qan, and soon he brought obsidian, which Jemul chipped and flaked. Then he was ready to kill a deer. They went out and killed one and brought it home. On this meat they lived. Many years passed. Then Jemul began to complain: "I am tired of carrying in deer. Sometimes we kill them a long way off. You can do better than that. You can make people, and we will let them carry in the deer, and we can eat." "If I make people, do you promise to make good laws for them to live by?" "Yes," said Jemul, "I will do it." "Lie down then, and I will cover you. When I am ready, I will wake you." Then Jemul lay down and was covered, and Qan brought in many service-berry sticks, one for each tribe that he was going to create. He removed the bark and marked them in different ways. He thrust them into convenient cracks all about the wall of the sweat-house. It was night, and he lay down on his face. He made a song: "Air, bring it home to me." He did not look at the sticks. While he sang, a man came down from the wall and brought a stick with him. He threw the stick down on the back of Qan, and sat down. Qan kept singing the same song all night, and one by one men came down from the wall, one for each of the sticks, and sat in a circle, until the house was filled. They spoke one language. When all was done, Qan aroused his companion. And Jfemul rejoiced and said: "This is the way we used to have it. I am glad that we have them again. The first thing for you boys to do is to go into the woods. There are many deer. Kill them and bring them in." Each man had a bow and some arrows. So they all went out, and surrounded some deer and killed them. Toward evening they brought in the meat. It was cut up and divided among all, and they prepared their supper. Thus they lived for many years.

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zo8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Then Jemul said: "Now, it will not do. We need not all live together. The land is broad. You ought to make more deer and fill up the country." And Qan answered: "Yes, I have them all made, ready to fill up the country." "I think you ought to do something. These people should not live together all the time. Go with them and mark off how much land each man should have for hunting." "Yes, I will go and mark it off," said Qan. "Lie down again for a while. Do not look." Again Jemul lay down, and Qan called to one of the men: "Get up! Go thither, Apui [Paiute]!" He called another: "Go thither, Manafti [Washo]!" Thus he sent out also the Tisaich [Yana], Ekpimi [Wintun], Sistichi [Shasta], Alami [Modoc], Lutwimi [Klamath], Lamiwi [Oregon Shahaptians], Tuwanichi [Atsugewi] and Achimawi [Achomawi]. To each one he gave a language. Then he called Jemul and sent him out to mark the boundaries. Jemul gave the tribes their boundaries and told them to hunt on their own land and not to trespass on the hunting-grounds of their neighbors. There was still only one man in each tribe. Jemul went back to the sweat-house and said: "I have marked out all the lines. I have given them a large territory. How is one man going to fill up all that country? There is room for many families." "Well, we must do something. I know that they will be lonely by themselves. Remain here, and I will go to those people and see if I can do something for them. Do not come behind me and watch me. Remain here. Promise me to do it." "Yes, I will not come. I will remain here." So Qan went away and found the Apdi. He asked, "Are you lonely?" "Yes, I am lonely, but I cannot help it," answered the Apui. "Well, I will do something if you can stand it." "What are you going to do?" "I am going to take out the first small rib and a piece of bone out of your calf." "Oh, I think I can stand it. What are you going to do with those bones?" "Do not ask. I am going to do something. Do not look after I have taken out the bones." Then Qan removed the two bones. It did not seem to hurt the man very much. He held up the bones and told the Apui to look. He said: "Here are two bones. Now turn away again and when you look back there will be a woman." And thus it happened.1 Said Qan: "Now, that is your companion. I will go and do the same thing to the others." So Qan formed a woman for each of the men he had created, and returned to the sweathouse. And Jemul was glad. The different pairs reared families, and the land became populated. More and more the people increased. At last Jemul said, "They are becoming too numerous." "I told you to make a law for them," said Qan. "Well, cousin, I will make a law for them. I told you I would make a law, and I will do it. They are becoming too numerous. The tribes shall make war among themselves." "Do you think that will help? When they are killed in the fighting, they will come back." Now Jemul did not know how to overcome this difficulty. He thought for a time, and then said to himself: "I will attend to this. We will send away our two sons." So they sent away the two sons whom they now had, and told them to stay in the west with the tribe that lived there, and then after a time return. When the two sons started back home from the west, Jemul sent a heavy rain. In the cold, wet weather the two youths were frozen stiff at Tsi'yawif [just north of Burney peak]. Then Jemul wept and said: "I know they will be frozen. It is so cold and wet, they will surely freeze. What shall be done?" "Well, I told you to make the law for the people," said Qan. "Yes, I think I will make the law for the people." "Wait!" said Qan. "I will lie down and bring those boys back." He lay on his face. His son came under him and began to pinch his father's breast; but when he found that he could not hurt him, he came forth from beneath his father and sat beside the fire. Qan rose, and asked Jemul if he could do the same thing. "Yes, I can do that. It is not hard to lie on your belly and bring back your son." He 1 As the Achomawi were never under the influence of early missionaries, and are far removed from such tribes as were so influenced, there seems to be no reason for doubting that this is an original conception.

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MYTHOLOGY 209 lay down. Something began to hurt his chest and abdomen. He could not endure the pain, and leaped to his feet. Angrily he said: "To die is to die forever in this world." Then the two sons disappeared and were never seen again. So it was that when the tribes made war, the dead did not come back. Jemul established the law. Now Qan was displeased with Jemul. He planned to rid himself of him. One day he went apart and sat at the foot of a precipice. He sang: "Bread, roll down! Bread, roll down!" Soon a loaf of bread rolled down behind him. He picked it up and carried it home. He gave half to Jemul. "Oh, I am glad!" cried Jemul. "How did you get this bread?" "I called it down." Jemul secretly decided to try this, and the next day he went to sit under the precipice and called: "Bread, roll down! Bread, roll down!" And a loaf of bread came down. He ate it, and called for another loaf; but a great rock rolled down and nearly broke his back. In his anger he said: "To call bread down from the rocks is not the right way. Roots should be dug and made into bread." And so the law was made. Then Qan set fire to a dead tree, and quail tumbled down to the foot of the tree. He gathered them up and carried them home, and gave half to Jemul, who asked, "How did you catch these quail?" Qan told him, and Jemul tried it at once. The quail fell down, and he ate them. He went to another tree and built a fire. He sat there waiting for quail, but a heavy branch fell and struck him on the head. He said: "This is not the right way to kill quail. We will kill them with bow and arrow, or catch them with nets. That shall be the right way." And that became the law. So Qan failed to kill Jemul, and he tried another way. He made rabbits and a long net, and said, "We will go to kill rabbits with a net." When the net was set, Jemul drove the rabbits into it. They carried the game home, and the next day they went again; but this time Qan set the net close to the place where the drive started, and very quickly Jemul found himself entrapped. Qan seized a club and killed him. Then Qan went over the land, and wherever Jemul had urinated he scattered the soil, so that from the urine Jemul might not rise to life. This occupied him five days. But one place he missed, on a hill in a lake; and from this urine Jemul came to life. The earth shook and Qan knew that Jemul was alive. He was much disturbed. He knew not what to do. He thought: "I will get some pitch and cover my face, to make him think that I am mourning for him. I will sit here in the sweat-house crying." When Jemul came toward the sweat-house, he was followed by a wall of fire; for he meant to destroy the sweat-house. Near the place he stopped the fire and said: "Wait! I will go and see Qan." He crept around the house and looked down through the doorway. There sat Qan, half asleep, but crying. His face was smeared with pitch, his body and head were gray with ashes. Jemul said, "Oh, I am sorry!" He turned and called to the fire: "I do not need you. Go back! My cousin feels sorry for me. I perceive that he did not mean to kill me. Go back!" Then Qan stood up and showed the greatest joy at the sight of Jemul. He told how it was an accident that Jemul had been struck, and how glad he was to see his cousin once more. One day Jemul said: "Now, we need fish of all kinds. How are we going to make them?" "Lie down, and I will cover you. I will have a river run through here, and small streams through the country everywhere." Soon there were streams running everywhere through the land, and Qan said, "Now you can make all the fish you desire." So Jemul made salmon, trout, chubs, pike, suckers, and all kinds of fish. Jemul had a daughter. She wished to have a man, and she forced herself upon her cousin, the son of Ap6na, the fighting-man. They ran away to the west. At night while she slept, the man crept away and returned to the sweat-house; but when she discovered his absence, she followed him. The young man hid in the sweat-house, and the girl demanded that they give him up to her; but they said, "He is not here." She replied: "I know he is here. I am going to burn this house if you do not give him to me." VOL. XIII-27

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210 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN "Well, let her burn it up," said Qan. "We will go up into the sky." He told Ydinind [mouse] to shoot a straw into the sky. When this was done, the straw became a ladder, up which Qan and Jemul climbed and escaped into the sky. The Creation
1 There was no land, only a great lake. Kamdkam'fs ["old man ancient"] came from the north in a canoe. It floated along. It stopped. He shook it, but could not move it. He looked down, and in the water he saw the roof of a house. It was the house of Pocketgopher. Gopher looked up. Then Kamikam'ft went down into the house and they talked. He said, "You had better be thinking what is the best thing to do." "Yes, I am thinking of that now," replied Gopher. "If you can plan anything better than I do, you shall be the elder brother," promised Kamfikam'fs. "What kind of food are we going to have?" Gopher opened his mouth to yawn, and fish, roots, and berries came forth. "It seems that you will be the elder brother," said Kamuikam'fs. That night Gopher caused his companion to sleep, and he burrowed under the bottom of the lake and made it bulge up into hills and mountains, which raised their tops above the surface. In the morning he said, "You had better go and look around." When the other went out he was astonished. Gopher asked what was to become of his house, and Kamilkam'ft replied, "It will always remain as the oldest mountain." 2 "What will our children have for amusement?" asked Kamukam'fi. They planned the game of throwing javelins at a mark. They threw them, and their targets were hills. The javelin of Kamikam'fi knocked off the top of Bear island. Then they invented all the other games. Gopher asked, "What will live on the mountains?" "Mountain-lions, bears, elk, deer." Kamfikam'ft named all the animals, both beasts and birds. "What will grow on the mountains?" asked Gopher. "I will walk over the earth and see what I can do." So Kamuikam'fs went about and selected homes for the different tribes, and in each territory he placed something which was to characterize that particular tribe, such as obsidian in the Achomawi and the Paiute country, marble [ukis] in the Shasta country, tuilis [used for arrow foreshafts] in the Klamath country. Then he looked about and saw smoke. He said: "What is the matter? I see smoke here and there." And Gopher replied: "You have beaten me. You are the elder brother." For he knew that the smoke was from the fires of people brought into being by Kamikam'fs. They listened, and heard the sound of people talking, of children laughing and playing. The people increased very rapidly, and the animals and plants on the mountains multiplied. Aissis
1 A boy and his sister were left orphans. The boy was shooting at birds in the trees, and his arrow lodged on a branch. The girl said: "I can knock that arrow down. But first you must tell me what relation I am to you." "You are my sister," he said. "No, I do not like that." "You are my cousin." "No, I do not like that." "You are my aunt." "No, I do not like that." "You are my wife." "Yes, that is what I want." And she dislodged the arrow. So they were husband and wife. Narrated by Long Wilson (S'mausis), Euks-kni Klamath, a boy when the first white men passed through the country. 2 A mound of rocks on a bench at Modoc point is thus accounted for.

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MYTHOLOGY 211 They travelled on. The first night they slept on opposite sides of the fire, and not until the fourth night did they sleep together. Soon a child was born, and as they travelled on the youth killed a bear. They ate the meat and left the skin hanging, and on they went. The youth started out to fast. He left a comb hanging there, and said to his wife, "So long as all is well, that comb will hang; but if anyone kills me, it will fall." All this time an old woman who had reared the orphans was pursuing them. Coming to the bear-skin, she put it on and went along as a bear. She met the youth, who was seeking suwis [shamanistic power]. She asked, "Did you go around the five lakes?" "Yes," he answered. "Did you go over the five mountains? Did vou go through the five trees with holes in them? Did you split the five pine stumps? Did you make up the five bundles of serviceberry shoots?" To all these questions he answered in the affirmative, but when she inquired if he had run over the burrows of Pocket-gopher, he replied: "No, that is nothing. That is not necessary." Then the Bear lunged at him and pursued him, around the five lakes, over the five mountains, through the five trees with holes in them, around the five pine stumps and the five bundles of service-berry shoots. And in the soft ground where Pocket-gopher's burrows were she caught him and swallowed him. Then the Bear went to the camp. "Where is your water?" she asked. "I have been working hard today to catch my son-in-law." The girl pointed to a spring. But in it she had placed red-hot stones, knowing that something had killed her husband, because the comb had fallen. The Bear drank and said: "Something hurts my breast. I think I will drink the other way." She drank through the fundament, and said, "It still hurts; I think you had better step on my abdomen." She lay down, and the girl jumped on her abdomen and killed her. Then the girl built a large fire and hung the baby on her back. She was going to jump into the fire and kill herself and the infant, grieving for her husband. But over the edge of the hill peered Kamuikam'fs. He saw the young woman preparing to kill herself and the child. He threw his maul and struck the sticks that supported the baby on its mother's back, and the rebound of the resilient sticks threw the infant over its mother's head to the opposite side of the fire; but the woman herself fell into the fire and was consumed. Kamdkam'fs placed the infant inside his cheek, but the weight drew his head down to one side. He put it inside his elbow, but it dragged down his arm. Then he placed it in his knee-cap, and with difficulty he hobbled home to his daughter. He said: "Katisna [an obsolete name for daughter], I wish you would remove this sickness from my knee. I have a boil. Cut it open." She cut it open, and said, "I see a little hair." "Bring a small deerskin," he directed. When she brought the skin, there was an infant waiting to be wrapped in it. The baby cried. He said, "Do not cry, T6walshek6." But it only wailed the more. "Do not cry, Slokspanake." Still it would not stop. "Then I will give you another name, Aissik [diminutive of Aissis, 'concealed']." And the child was content. Aissis grew rapidly. In all games he was invincible. He grew to manhood, and had six wives: T6hos [mudhen], Kilitis [a crane], St6koa [a small fish], Chechilkespeas [a small bird], Qauiks [duck], and Sk6oks [tick]. In the house Kamdkam'fs lay on one side of the fire and on the other side was St6koa. He liked her better than any other. He placed his eyes in the back of his neck, and caused a spark to fly out to the edge of her blanket. She jerked it away, and he saw that she had a large vulva. He was pleased. He said to Aissis, "I wish you would come with me and climb a tree to get a young eagle for me." So they went to the eagle's nest. He said, "When I climb, I always remove my clothing." So Aissis threw off his clothes and climbed the tree. But Kamdkam'fs caused it to grow taller and taller. Then he put on the clothing of Aissis and made himself look like the young man. He returned and lay down with St6koa. Aissis kept climbing and the tree kept growing, until he was far up in the sky. He became very thin, having nothing to eat. The two Butterfly sisters [Wakoak] flew into the sky, carrying a basket of their food and clothing, which they brought to the eagle's nest. Aissis was nearly dead. They offered the juice of camas, but at first he could not take it. He

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2I2 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN drank a little and revived. They gave him other food, and dressed him in their deerskin clothing. Kamukam'fi slept only with St6koa. One day Qauks complained: "yWa wa wa wa! Aissis does not love me!" Far up in the sky Aissis heard her. The Butterflies carried him down in their basket and landed at Pifswa [a depression in Landsley valley with a deep spring], where he remained five days, being unable to walk. He directed the Butterflies to cut a staff, saying that he wished to try to walk: for whenever the Butterflies went out to dig roots, five Porcupines would come and dance around the fire, singing, "Nalfitam kanilelkeket ['we want somebody to kill us']!" So with his staff Aissis killed them. He removed the quills and made ornaments of them, and the flesh he roasted. "What is this meat?" the Butterflies asked that night. But he would not tell. He asked them to make cord for five days; he wished to string his quills. He was constantly hearing his wife Chechilkespeas crying. He said to the Butterflies that he must go to see about it. When he returned, he brought with him Chechilkespeas and her son, as well as T6hos, Kilitis, and Sk6oks. So now again he had six wives, and there were quill necklaces for all. Kilitis, having a long neck, received the most. Aissis built a large fire and said to his son: "Your grandfather is coming to visit us. When you play with him, try to get hold of his heart and throw it into the fire." Soon came Kamikam'fi to visit his son. As he played with his grandson, the little boy would take hold of the old man's heart, which hung like a bag beneath his throat. The old man would caution: "Do not touch that! That is my kaks." He would not admit that it was his heart. But after a while the boy found a good opportunity and tore off the heart and threw it into the fire. Then Kamukam'fs died and went up into the sky. He covered the sky with pitch, intending that it should drip down on the earth and kill his son and his daughters-in-law; but Aissis with three large stones built a shelter for himself and his family. He warned his wives not to look out, yet T6hos was curious, and some of the pitch dripped on her nose and made it black. Kilitis also looked out, and the back of her head was blackened. But Aissis cut off the pitch before it could harden, and now the crane's head is bald. For a long time the pitch came hissing down upon the earth, but they were not harmed. Why There Are No Fish in Crater Lake
1 Lau had two daughters, and all the various kinds of fish in Kiwas [Crater lake] were his children. Skal [marten], with his wife Sk6oks [tick] and his younger brother Chiskai [weasel], lived at Yamsi [a mountain east of Klamath marsh]. Lau was hungry. He wished to have somebody to eat. He sent his daughter to Yamsi, and she concealed herself in the spring. Skal was hunting, and his bowstring broke. He said, "Somebody has come to my house." He returned home and sent his brother to the spring for water. He knew that the woman was there. Chiskai saw her, and the woman said, "You cannot have water." "Skal sent me for water," he replied. "Well, you cannot have it, unless Skal wrestles with me." He returned to the house, but Skal sent him back. Still the woman said: "You cannot have water. I will show you what kind of woman I am." She spat, and her spittle was beads. These Chaskai took to Skal, to show what kind of woman this was. "She wishes to kill my husband," said Sk6oks. "That is why she wants to wrestle. But I am the same kind of woman." And she spat out beads. Then Chiskai said, "You too are a good woman." He picked up the beads. When it was dark, the woman came from the spring to the house. She feared Chiskai, and by her power made him sleep. But Sk6oks knew her design and wrapped her husband in five deerskins, and Skal concealed his heart under his toe-nail. Now in the night came the daughter of Lau. A sharp, slender bone she thrust repeatedly through the five deerskins, searching for the heart of Skal. She was lying beside him, pretending to sleep. But Skal took his long knife and pushed it through her body, and it broke. Then Sk6oks tried to waken Chiskai, bumping his head on the floor. But she could not. She ran over and tried to drag the woman away from Skal. 1 Narrated by Long Wilson (S'mausis), 1tuks-kni Klamath.

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MYTHOLOGY 2I3 About dawn the woman succeeded in finding the heart of Skal under his toe-nail, and she thrust her bone needle through it and carried his body away to the lake. But she had replaced the heart, and as she carried him along he came to life. At the western side of the lake he said, "You had better sit here and rest." He stroked her long hair, and suddenly cut off her head with the broken knife. Then he dismembered the body and cast the pieces into the water, saying, "Here is the leg of SkAl, here is the arm of Skal." And the children of Lau ate the flesh of their sister. K6yE [crawfish] came out of the water and crawled up the hill to see if SkAl really were dead. He was going to get some of the blood and bring him back to life: for he was cousin to Skal as well as to Lau. But Skal said: "I am still living. I am killing this Lau. You had better go back into the water." So K6y6 turned back to the lake. Then finally SkUl threw the woman's head into the water and shouted: "Here is the head of the daughter of Lau!" He ran toward Yamsi. As he ran he saw a pretty red stick in the trail. He picked it up. It began to eat the flesh of his hand; but with his knife he scraped it off and hurried on. Many beautiful things he saw in the trail, but he touched no more of them, knowing that Lau was placing them there to destroy him. So he reached home safely. He went to hunt deer, and again his. bowstring broke. Another daughter of Lau was in the spring. She was blind in one eye. As before, he sent Chiskai for water. She said, "You cannot have water unless Skal wrestles with me." "Go back and tell her that if she will let you have water, I will wrestle," said SkAl. So Chiskai got the water, and then SkUl went to the spring. At the back of his neck hung his long knife. He wrestled with the one-eyed woman, and she threw him down into the water. Instantly a thick coat of ice covered the surface. But SkAl broke through the ice with his long knife and came out. Again they wrestled, with the same result. Repeatedly the woman threw him into the water and formed ice above him, but always he broke through. At last she thrust a bone needle into his heart. She removed the organ from his chest and carried it to Kiwas, and there at the east side of the lake the children of Lou played ball with the heart, in the very place from which Skal had thrown the head of the other woman. Now Chiskai secured the aid of all those who could fly or run swiftly. He also called for Kamukam'fi. With all these he went to Kiwas to challenge the people. Kamuikam'ti carried Chaskai concealed in his arm. The game began. From the starting point the people of Yimsi carried the heart halfway around the long oval space, and there the children of Lau took it and carried it on to the starting point, where the others received it again. Thus they carried the heart four times around the playground, but the last time Chiskai and his people did not stop but ran straight on toward Yimsi. The others cried out, "They have stolen the heart of Skall" They gave chase, and the one-eyed daughter of Lau ran out and joined them. She did not know that Chiskai was there, else she would not have joined in the pursuit; for she knew that he had power to kill her. When she ran up close, Chiskai vented wind five times, and she fell dead. But soon she came to life and resumed the chase. Kamukam'fi was hobbling along as best he could, but he was very slow and the woman was overtaking him. He caused the weather to turn very cold, and he set fire to a stump. When she came to it, she stopped to warm herself, and again Chiskai vented wind, and she fell dead. They ran on, and when she came to life and again approached them, Kamuikam'ft threw behind him a tump-line, which became a broad river with steep cliffs on both sides. This delayed her a long time, but still she caught up with them. Then Kamukam'fi caused Dove to call, "O... o... o...!" It sounded so far away that the woman said to her companions, "They are so far now that it is useless to pursue them farther." So they gave up the chase. Relieving one another of the burden, the people at last brought the heart of Skal to YXimsi. Crane, the last to carry it, placed it back in the body, and Skal at once came to life. The children of Lau had remained so long out of the water in the pursuit that they perished, and thereafter there were no fish in the lake. Lau however still lives in the water of Kiwas. He goes on four feet and has a long, black, tailless body. When new people were created and the old ones were turned into animals, Skil became a marten and Chaskai a weasel.

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Appendix

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I

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APPENDIX Tribal Summary
The Hupa
LANGUAGE - Athapascan. POPULATION -The Census of I9IO returned 639 Hupa. DRESS - The ordinary dress of men was a deerskin loin-cloth. Deerskin moccasins with elk-hide soles, and deerskin leggings, were worn in the forest, and fur robes about the shoulders in cold weather. The woman's dress was a knee-length skirt of deerskin open at the front, where it revealed a fringe apron consisting of strung pine-nut shells with banded ornamentation of Xerophyllum grass. A bowl-shaped basketry cap was ordinarily worn. Moccasins and leggings were used only for travelling. Both men and women parted the hair in the middle and allowed it to hang in two ropes in front of the shoulders; but men sometimes arranged it in a single rope behind. Those who could afford them had ear-pendants, either abalone-shell discs or strung dentalia with red woodpecker-feathers protruding from the larger end. Most women had vertical lines tattooed on the chin. DWELLINGS -The dwelling was a rectangular structure approximately eighteen feet square, six feet high at the peak and four feet at the eaves. The material was cedar posts and poles and split cedar planks. The wall-boards were upright and the roof-boards perpendicular to the eaves. The roof itself was truncated. Entrance was through a circular hole little more than a foot and a half in diameter. This was at the ground level in the second plank from the left-hand (to the occupants) corner of the end facing the river, and gave on to a stone pavement that crossed the front of the house. In the central part of the enclosed space was a pit ten to twelve feet square and four or five deep, in which the family activities were carried on. Men and boys commonly slept in the sudatory, a partly subterranean, plank-roofed structure, approximately square or oblong, with an excavation four feet deep. PRIMITIVE FOODS-Vegetal foods were of great variety. Acorns, dried, crushed in the mortar, leached, and boiled to a mush, were the principal staple. The parched and ground seeds of certain grasses and other plants, such as tarweed, were second in importance. Various nuts, bulbs and corms, berries, and green shoots were included in the Hupa diet. Deer, elk, all the local rodents and game birds were taken for their flesh, as well as for their hides and feathers. Salmon and lampreys were plentiful in Trinity river, and shell-fish were obtained by barter. The modern Hupa declare that their ancestors never ate birds of prey, carnivora, reptiles, and insects, as did most California Indians. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES - Hupa material culture shows unmistakable relationship with that of the Northwest Pacific coast. The basket-weavers of the tribe were and are among the most skilful of aboriginal America. Their product, exclusively twined work, shows great variety of form, and serves a multitude of purposes, from gathering natural foods to storing and cooking them. Wooden implements and products included bows, arrows, fish-spears, rod armor, flutes, cedar planks, tobacco pipes; of stone were arrow-points, spear-points, knives, mauls, mortars and pestles; of shell, beads and other ornaments, and spoons; of bone, awls and fish-hooks; of horn, spoons, purses, and cutting and splitting wedges. Fibres from the leaves of iris were twisted into cord, which was woven into various kinds of nets and bags. The principal occupations of men were fishing, hunting, and the fashioning of all implements and utensils except baskets. Women employed themselves in making baskets and clothing, and of course in cookery and in harvesting vegetal foods. GAMES - A paucity of games is notable in Hupa life. There is a form of the widespread guessing contest, in which a player is required to guess which of two bundles of sticks in his VOL. XIII-28 217

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2I8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN opponent's possession includes a black-banded one. Women have a game of dice, using two pairs of mussel-shell discs distinguishable by a difference in size. A very rough contest for men, now obsolete, somewhat resembled lacrosse, in that the object was to toss across the goal by means of a throwing-stick a pair of billets connected by a thong. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION- The clan system did not exist among the Hupa, the family group being the only social division. For ceremonial purposes the villages were grouped in two divisions, a northern and a southern. Social rank was based on the possession of wealth, as among the tribes of the North Pacific coast, but the system did not attain the high development found in that region. A mild form of slavery existed. The political organization was loose. The position of head-man of a village depended on wealth, and along with that wealth descended to the son. The principal duties of a chief were to give the word for the inception of public undertakings, such as the construction of fish-weirs, and to mediate between disputants. His prerogatives were exemption from labor in such enterprises, and a share in the spoil of hunters. HUPA DIVISIONS AND VILLAGES 1 NatYnu-hwe, "Winding-road Dwellers," the Northern Division Honsah-tin (Honsading), "Deep-pool Place," east bank of Trinity river at the north end of Hoopa valley. Tahkylshlin-kut, on the west bank opposite Honsading. Kinchuhwi-kut (Kinchuwhikut), "Its-nose Upon," east bank just below the mouth of Mill creek. Che1ntukot-ttn (Cheindekhotding), "Dug-out Place," west bank between the mouth of Socktich creek and Miskut. Mis-kuit (Miskut), "Bluff Upon," east bank on a bluff midway between Mill creek and Hostler creek. Takyimihl-tin (Takimilding), "Cook-acorns Place," east bank a short distance above Hostler creek. At the beginning of the acorn season the people of this village would gather a small quantity of the nuts and prepare a feast of mush and salmon, which all the Hupa attended. The remnants of the feast were cast into the fire, and the cooking stones were added to the accumulated heap of previous years. This is the present residence of the northern division of the Hupa, known as Hostler ranch, and the ceremonial feast is still observed. Tsewnil-tin (Tsewenalding), "Rock-inverted Piace," east bank about a quarter of a mile above Takimilding. The locality is now known as Senalton ranch. Tinuiheneu, the Southern Division Matil-tin (Medilding), "Canoe Place," east bank of Trinity river about midway between Supply creek and Campbell creek. This is the present settlement of the southern division, and is known as Matilton ranch. Tohlfsas-tin (Toltsasding), at the north side of the mouth of Supply creek. It was inhabited until about the time of the military occupancy. Howunv-kut (Howungkut), west bank about one mile below Campbell creek. This locality is now locally called Kentuck ranch.2 Tithtana-tin (Djishtangading), "Promontory Place," east bank opposite the mouth of Campbell creek. The place is locally called Tish-tang-a-tang ranch. Haslin-tin (Haslinding), "Waterfall Place," east bank about three miles above Djishtangading, and the same distance beyond the limits of the valley. The name is preserved in "Horse Linto" creek. MARRIAGE -Marriage was always preceded by negotiations between the male heads of the interested families, and whatever sum they agreed upon was paid in shell money to the family of the bride. Until her first child was well grown, this sum was held intact, being re1 The orthography in parentheses is that adopted in the Handbook of American Indians. 2 Cf. the Tolowa village Hawunkwuit, page 229.

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APPENDIX 219 garded as a pledge for her good conduct. The married couple took up their residence with the family of the bridegroom. Inasmuch as the majority of the inhabitants of a village were related on the male side, marriages were generally contracted between the members of different villages. MORTUARY CUSTOMS - A corpse was buried in a grave about thirty inches deep, which was dug by a man of the bereaved family. The head was directed southward, and weapons, clothing, ornaments, and ceremonial paraphernalia were placed in the grave and about it for use in the spirit world. These articles were all deliberately broken or otherwise damaged so as to render them useless to the living. Widows cut the hair close to the scalp, and others of both sexes shortened the hair slightly. A band of Xerophyllum grass was placed about the neck of each member of the immediate family, to remain until it wore off. For all who had touched the corpse there were prescribed five days of purification, involving the ceremonial use of various aromatic roots and leaves, the repetition of religious formulas, aspersion, and bathing. Names of the dead were, and still are, taboo for many years. The spirit world is far westward in a pleasant valley traversed by a river, across which a silent ferryman carries the newly arrived spirit. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES - Hupa religious practice (as well as Yurok, Karok, and Wiyot) is founded on the belief that ages ago the earth was inhabited by a race of preternaturals in human form. Whatever they did became the predestined custom of the coming human race, with the arrival of which the preternaturals fled across the ocean. All ceremonies, and innumerable acts of everyday life, are attended by the muttered repetition of myths, usually quite brief, accounting for the origin of the ceremony or act. Incense in the form of pulverized roots is much used. The principal ceremonies were the White Deerskin dance, the Jumping dance, the shaman dance, the healing ceremony or so-called brush dance, and the puberty "sing." In the White Deerskin dance the performers, at least nine in number, stood shoulder to shoulder facing the priest in charge, who sat burning incense, and made rhythmic motions with poles on which were mounted the entire skins of albino deer. Its purpose was to guard the public health and increase the supply of game and fish. The so-called Jumping dance, held a fortnight after the White Deerskin dance, had a similar purpose. Shamans acquired their power through dreams. Having experienced a recurring dream in which some supernatural gave him songs, a man (or a woman), thus ordained to become a shaman, participated in a dance, repeated through ten nights, in which the people sang while the dreamer danced. The healing ceremony is usually observed for the benefit of a sickly child. One of its features is the waving of blazing spruce torches over the patient by the shaman and his assistant, hence it is known as Fire-carry. Local white people call it the brush dance, because the dancers carry bunches of green twigs. At puberty a girl was secluded for ten days, observing certain taboos and other regulations, and at night a number of men sang and danced in her presence. WARFARE - Warfare was not an important phase of Hupa life. There were occasional difficulties with the Yurok and the Karok. Weapons were the bow and arrow, knives of obsidian, and slings; and for defense some men wore corselets of upright rods or elk-hide tunics. A war-dance preceded every expedition, and a victory-dance followed the return of a successful party. MYTHOLOGY - Hupa myths principally relate the activities of the kyihfinnai, a preternatural race which originated all the customs of the then unborn Indian race. Many of them are quite brief, being in fact little more than formulas repeated in religious rites or before performance of the acts mentioned in the myth. Besides these myths, there is a cycle describing the adventures of the buffoon Coyote. NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES - Karok Kyinnus1 Konomihu (Shasta) Tl6hmitahwe Mad River Athapascans Mewinakhw6 2 Redwood Creek Athapascans Hwehlkuthwe 3 1 The Karok villages at Orleans and at Somes Bar are called respectively Nihlchwinaka-tin and Tsenunsin-tin. 2 The Mad River village at the mouth of Rock creek is called Tsenangna-tin. 3 HwehilkCut, Redwood creek. These are the people whom Powers called Whilkut. An important village was called by the Hupa JIhikan-tin.

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220 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN South Fork Athapascans Yinahchin 1 Tolowa Tilluwaih 2 Wiyot Taikyahwi 3 Yurok Kylnnia 4 The Yurok
LANGUAGE - Algonquian. POPULATION- According to the Census of 1910 there were 668 Yurok, including a few scattered families along the coast adjacent to Klamath river. In 1870 they were estimated at 2700. DRESS -Yurok clothing, personal ornaments, and arrangement of the hair, did not differ from Hupa custom. See page 2I7. DWELLINGS - Yurok dwellings and sudatories were like those of the Hupa. See page 2I7. PRIMITIVE FOODS -The diet of the Klamath River Yurok was like that of the Hupa, summarized on page 217. The Coast Yurok depended more on fishing for their livelihood. Shell-fish, seals, and sea-lions were important. Seaweed was a staple, acorns and seeds were relatively unimportant. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES - The material culture of the River Yurok was practically identical with that of the Hupa (page 217). On the coast the principal specialties were canoes hollowed out of redwood logs, and tule mats. GAMES -The Yurok had the same gambling games as the Hupa. Haqftu is the guessing game, hUrhlpfir the shinny game, and wuteghdpas the dice play of women. See pages 217-218. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION The village was the only political division. But in ceremonial activities the numerous villages along Klamath river fell into three groups. There were no chiefs. Each village had at least one man of wealth, whose riches consisted principally of ceremonial costumes and shell money. Though ceremonies could not be performed without their cooperation, they were seldom the priests in charge. Nor were they mediators in village disputes. They had no power of any kind except that which usually inheres in the possession of wealth. The family was the only social unit. Descent was patrilineal, and consanguinity was the only restriction placed on marriage other than difference of rank. YUROK VILLAGES Following are the names of the permanent settlements, beginning at the up-stream limit of Yurok territory. Four divisions are indicated: the first three corresponding with the grouping of the river settlements for ceremonial purposes, the fourth being the coast villages. As on the Northwest Pacific coast, the separate parts of each village bear names, just as do the streets, districts, and natural features of our own cities. The orthography adopted by the Handbook of American Indians is given within parentheses. I. Afspar (Atsepar), at Bluff creek, right bank of Klamath river. 2. Heyummd, sometimes called Laalegho (Loolego), "Fish-weir Make," a nickname. At Saints Rest, two miles above the mouth of Trinity river. 3. Wefspus (Weitspus), right bank of Klamath river opposite the mouth of the Trinity, now Weitchpec (from Wefspeq, the name of the spring). 4. Peqtutl (Pekwuteu), on the point between the Trinity and the Klamath. 5. Arhluirhuir (Ertlerger), left bank of Trinity river, opposite 4. 6. Wahseq (Wakhshek), right bank of Klamath river about three miles below 3, at Martins ferry. Afsap (Atsep), named in the Handbook as a village, is said by this informant to be simply a riffle near this point. 7. Kennek (Kenek), on the left bank about one-quarter of a mile below Tule creek. 1 The principal village was Hlel-tin, from hiel, the point of land between two converging streams, here referring to the juncture of South Fork with Trinity river, and its inhabitants were called Hlelulhwe. 2 From tflluwa^u, talk. Also called Yite-tinuheneu, "Down-stream Southern-Hupa." There is a tradition that the Tolowa and the Hupa were once closely associated. 3 Taiky6 is the Hupa name for the country at the mouth of Mad river. 4 The Yurok village at Weitchpec (Weitspus) is called by the Hupa Hlnail-tin.

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APPENDIX 22I 8. Mrrrip (Merip), on the right bank about four miles below 7, at Merip creek. 9. Wa's'ai (not named in the Handbook), on the right bank about a mile below 8. io. Kap!al (Kepel), on the left bank about one-quarter of a mile below 9, opposite Kepel creek. Sai (Shaa) was the lower end of Kepel. 11. Murreq (Murek), on the right bank, opposite IO. 12. Nahfsku (Nakhtskum), on the left bank about two miles below II. 13. Meti (Meta), on the left bank about two miles below 12. 14. Sreghan (Shregegon), on the right bank about a mile and a half below 13, and a mile above Pekwan creek. 15. Yohtar (Yokhter), on the left bank opposite 14. I6. Peqan (Pekwan), right bank of Pekwan creek, at its mouth. Cf. peqz.n, mortar hopper. 17. Kaatep (Kootep), on the right bank a quarter of a mile below I6. I8. Wahtaq (Wakhtek), on the right bank a quarter of a mile below 17, at Klamath Post Office. Wahkerra (Wakhker) was the lower end of Wakhtek. 19. T/kta (Tekta), on the left bank three miles below I8, at Tekta creek. 20. Surpur (Serper), on the right bank about four miles below 19. 21. Arnnur (Erner), on the right bank about three miles below 20, at the mouth of Blue creek. Ayahl (Ayotl) was the upper end of Erner. 22. Turwrep (Turip), on the left bank about eight miles below 21. 23. Saaihll (not named in the Handbook), opposite 22. 24. Ha'pau (Hoopeu), on the right bank a mile and a half below 23. 25. Wahke'l (Wakhkel), opposite 24. 26. Reqaii (Rekwoi), on the right bank at the mouth of Klamath river, now Requa. 27. Wehlku (Wetlko), opposite 26. 28. Ammene (Amen), on the coast about six miles north of 26. 29. Aseghen (Ashegen), about five miles south of 27. 30. Aspau (Eshpeu), half-way between Klamath river and Redwood creek, now Gold Bluff. 3I. Araq (Arekw), at the mouth of Redwood creek, now Orick. 32. Tsihpaq (Tsahpekw), about four miles south of 31 at Stone lagoon. 33. Aket!a (Oketo), about seven miles below 32 at Big lagoon. 34. Tsuwrrai (Tsurau), at the present Trinidad. MARRIAGE - Wives were purchased after negotiations between the men of the interested families, and daughters were regarded as valuable possessions to be sold at the highest possible price. Rarely, if ever, was a bride a virgin. When an unmarried girl bore a child, the responsible youth was compelled to purchase and marry her. MORTUARY CUSTOMS- Y-urok customs with reference to the dead were quite like those of the Hupa. See page 219. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES-The Yurok entertained the same beliefs as the Hupa regarding the former existence of a race of supernaturals in human form, who by their acts predestined every custom and activity of the human race that succeeded them. The White Deerskin dance and the Jumping dance, which were here parts of the same ceremony, were performed only by the River villages and not by the Coast Yurok. In addition to this they had the dance for making a shaman (here nearly always a woman), and the healing ceremony, or brush dance, for a sickly child, both of which corresponded to Hupa practice. Although there was no public "sing" for adolescent girls, such individuals were subject to certain restrictions intended to make them industrious and healthy. WARFARE -The Yurok had little interest in warfare. There were rare instances of hostilities with some of their neighbors, such as the Hupa for the River Yurok and the Tolowa for the Coast villages; but as a phase of Yurok life, war may safely be ignored. MYTHOLOGY - Yurok mythology is concerned principally with the doings of a prehuman race and their inauguration of Indian customs, and with the exploits of three characters: a transformer who improved the natural features of the country for those who gave him their prettiest maidens; a hero who destroyed or rendered harmless the monsters that formerly infested the earth; and Coyote, the trickster.

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222 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES - Chilula Tsulula Hupa Ammimus 2 Karok Pefikla 3 Shasta Siyaau Tolowa Tafllawihl Trinidad Yurok Nuruirnur Wiyot Weyet The Karok
LANGUAGE- Hokan, distantly related to Shasta-Achomawi. POPULATION -The Census of I9IO reported 775 Karok. DRESS - Karok clothing, personal ornaments, and arrangement of the hair were like those of the Hupa. See page 2I7. DWELLINGS - Dwellings and sudatories of the Karok were of the same type as those of the Hupa. See page 217. PRIMITIVE FOODS —The Karok depended on the same plants and animals for food as did the Hupa. See page 2I7. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES - In their arts and industries the Karok and the Hupa were practically one. See page 2I7. GAMES -The Karok had the same few games as the Hupa and the Yurok. See page 217. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION-The village was the only political division, and there was little connection between the numerous small settlements, although some of them combined in the performance of certain major ceremonies. There were no chiefs, that is, no persons of authority, but men who possessed wealth in the form of dancing costumes and shell money were looked up to as persons of importance. There were no clans, the family was the social unit, descent was in the paternal line. KAROK VILLAGES The list begins at the northern limit of Karok territory, a few miles north of Happy Camp. Names of places formerly populous are indicated by asterisks. When houses are enumerated, the estimate, unless otherwise stated, is the earliest recollection of the informant, referring to the period of about 1860, that is, about eight years after many Karok villages were burned by whites. Not all of these villages were occupied simultaneously, and some of the names represent merely outlying houses of a larger group. Families and individuals still refer to themselves as belonging to villages that have not been occupied within the lifetime of any person now living. The orthography in parentheses is that adopted in the Handbook of American Indians. I. Sammai, at Sammai-samvaru ("Sammai creek"), on the right bank of Klamath river. 2. Sitipkyuru, left bank of Klamath river. Not inhabited about 1860. 3. Chipich-vunupma,4 right bank of Klamath river. Not inhabited about 1860. 4. Impirak, left bank of Klamath river. Not inhabited about 1860. 5. Yuhirpmuvonum, right bank of Klamath river. Not inhabited about 1860. 6. Asi-sif-tishiram,5 right bank, two miles above Happy Camp. Two or three houses seen about 1860. * 7. Asi-sif-wunupma (Asisufuunuk),4 5 right bank, at the mouth of Indian creek. Formerly the most populous village of the northern dialect, but now unoccupied. 8. Is~hip1sha-tishiram,5 right bank below Happy Camp. Six houses seen about I860. 9. Kasem-viruk,6 left bank of Klamath river. Two houses seen about 1860. o1. PachichiriSh, right bank of Klamath river. One house and signs of others seen about 1860. 1 TsUla, Bald hills. 4 Untipma, water debouching into a river. 2 Hoopa valley is Htip!a. 5 Suf, creek; tilhiram, prairie. 3 Peflku, up-stream. 6 Imviruk, fishing platform.

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APPENDIX 223 * i i. Inim-suf-kfirom (aina),1 right bank at Clear creek, In~im-suf. In~im was simply the dance-ground at the mouth of the creek; the village itself was a short distance up the stream. -This was the most important of the northern group of villages, inasmuch as the annual ceremony, of "cleaning off the world " was there observed. Probably the Deerskin dance also was held there, as Kroeber states, but some native informants deny this. 12. Tin-h6mnipak,2 right bank of Klamath river. Three or four houses seen about i86o. * 13. Hlumvfiru (Homuarup), left bank at Ferry point. Nine houses seen about i86o. I14. Tasilliak, right bank opposite 13. Two or three houses seen about i86o. 15S. Utki, right bank two or three miles below 14. Unoccupied about i86o. i 6. Ihtfirinfipiin, right bank of Klamath river. One house seen about i86o. 17. Ahisiiruk, right bank of Klamath river. i8S. Pfihipas-tii~hira m,3 right bank. One house seen about i86o. 1 9. Iknimich, left bank of Klamath river. * 20. Chimuiyaas, right bank. Ten or twelve houses seen about i86o. 21. Yiihuna'm, left bank. Two or three houses seen about i86o. 22. Uruhas, right bank of Klamath river. 23. Asat~innanich, left bank. Two or three houses seen about i86o. 24. Kasflh~innik, right bank a little below Cottage Grove. 25S. Samvfiru-k~ikuka M,4 right bank just below Tailings creek. 26. I~hiviript, right bank a mile and a half below Cottage Grove. *27. Homnipak (Homnipa),2 right bank a short distance below 25. 28. Sariimihi-v6nu-vircik,5 left bank of Klamath river. 29. Pasiruuvara (Pasara), left bank. A few houses seen about i86o. 30. Tii, left bank at T-Bar creek. 31. Suf-k~irom. (" creek up-stream"), right bank at Rock creek. 32. As~immiif, left bank. Two houses seen about i86o. 33. Ahuvilich, left bank. Two or three houses seen about i86o. 34. Ayisfhrim (1yis), right bank at lyis bar. Evidences of a former large population were seen about i86o. 35S. As~ipivtunuvak, right bank. Two houses seen about i86o. 36. Ukuriuimkirik, right bank. Three houses seen about i86o. A single house now occupies the site. 37. Inpuit, left bank. A few houses seen about i86o. 38. TI~hirim-hirflk ("prairie sloping"), right bank. 39. Aft~iram. (Ift), left bank at Stansho (?) creek. Three houses seen about i86o. 40. K6chiif, left bank a mile south Of 39 A single large family about i86o. 41. Havarfimnik, left bank of Klamath river. 42. Iramni-hiriik,6 right bank at Horseshoe bend. Three or four houses seen about i86o. 43. lkihi~hnihtich, left bank of Klamath river. 44. K6chvo-k6skcim, 7 left bank of Klamath river. 45. K6chvo, right bank of Klamath river. 46. Yuhun~immit, left bank. Two houses seen about i86o. 47. Akuv~it-tiif, right bank at Reynolds (;) creek. 4.Iniitakioch (I notuks), right bank. Three houses seen about i86o. 49. Asipcik (Ashipak),9 right bank48 n1ear Ten Eyck (?) creek. Six houses seen about i86o. 1 Suf, creek; kirom, up-stream. 2 H~omnipak, a level spot on the riverbank enclosed by hills. 3 Ti~hiram, prairie. ~'Samvaru, mouth of a creek. 65 Imvirz~k, fishing platform. 6 HirzJk, sloping. 7 Ko'skrlm, a little above on the opposite side. 8 Akuvit, raccoon. J sipzik, in basket.

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224 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN 50. Simsirihiriik, right bank a quarter of a mile below 49. 51. Iviritiri, left bank of Klamath river. Two houses seen about I860. * 52. Ydhtuyirup (Yutoyara), left bank about eight miles above Orleans and a mile above Salmon river. Although this village was burned in the summer of 1852, about fifteen houses were seen in I860. Here were observed the Deerskin dance and the ceremony of "cleaning the world" on the dance-ground known as Yihtuyirup-vuhuvuhirum. A level field two hundred yards below the village is called Katimi'n (Katimin). * 53. Havishtim, on a hillside about a quarter of a mile below 52 and two hundred to three hundred yards north of the mouth of Salmon river. * 54. IshipiThirihik (Ishipishi), right bank of Klamath river opposite the mouth of Salmon river. Burned in I852. 55. Tithirim-aachip ("prairie in-middle"), the upper end of 54. * 56. Asammam (Sumaun?), right bank at a small creek below Salmon river. * 57. Amaikiyaram (Amaikiara), just across the creek from 56. Burned in 1852 along with most of the Salmon River villages. At Amaikiyaram were held the Jumping dance, the Salmon ceremony, and the ceremony of "cleaning the earth." 58. Asiouyu, left bank, two hundred to three hundred yards below Salmon river. * 59. Asinnamkarak (Shanamkarak), left bank, a mile below Salmon river and opposite 57. The site is occupied by the ranch of Ike, an Indian. Gibbs reported five houses in 1852. Seven houses were seen here about i86o. 60. Kuyiv-homnipak, right bank. One house seen about I860. 6i. Tishirim-sa, left bank. One house seen about I86o. 62. Havnimnihich, right bank at the Hans Canute ranch. Three houses seen about i86o. 63. Vitsha, left bank. Four houses seen about i86o. * 64. Tahi-sufkara (Tsofkara), left bank of Klamath river. Gibbs reported nine houses in 1852. 65. Kasinnukich, right bank about half a mile above Orleans. 66. Chinnuich (Chinits), right bank above the bridge at Orleans. The site has been sluiced into the river by hydraulic mining. * 67. Panimnik (Panamenik), at Orleans. Gibbs reported four houses in 1852. Twelve houses were seen about I860. 68. Ukaramipan (Ohetur, the Yurok name of the village), left bank below Orleans bridge. 69. Kitipirak (Katipiara), just below 68 and practically a part of it. Gibbs reported two houses in 1852. 70. Tihainnik (Apyu), right bank opposite and a little below 69. Here were held the Deerskin dance and the ceremony of "cleaning the earth." The dance-ground Tis'hinnik-vuhuvuhiruim was called by the Yurok Apyuweu (Apyu). This may be the village called Chainiki, or Tshei-nik-kee, by Gibbs, though he located it on the east bank of Klamath river. 71. Kushripish-amiyau, right bank a little below 70. * 72. Chamikninqch (Chawakoni?), left bank at what is now Wallace's ranch. 73. Tuyivuk (Tui), right bank of Klamath river. 74. Sahavurum (Sawuara?), left bank of Klamath river. Gibbs reported two houses in 1852. * 75. V6n-viruk (Aperger, the Yurok name), right bank of Klamath river. Gibbs reported ten houses in I852; three were seen about i86o. * 76. Vupum (Wopum, also Opegoi, the Karok name), right bank at Redcap creek. 77. Tiyis, left bank of Klamath river. 78. Is'hirimmam ("drinking-place-back"), right bank of Klamath river. 79. Ishpiutch, left bank of Klamath river. 80. Ininnuch, left bank of Klamath river. Three or four houses seen about I860. The following were on Salmon river, starting at the mouth of the stream: 8I. Sihtiri, right bank below the bridge. 82. Imkanviri-suf, right bank. 83. Yuhuihti-hiruk, left bank at Somes Bar. 84. Yuhku', right bank just above Somes Bar.

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APPENDIX 225 85. Ishivinniplch, left bank at Three Dollar Bar. 86. Vunhairuk (Unharik), right bank at Oak Bottom. 87. Sipiri, right bank. 88. Tiish, right bank. 89. Itir6vuti-hirik, left bank. 90. Sumnannuk, right bank at the Forks of Salmon. Both Karok and Shasta were spoken in this village. MARRIAGE- Wives were obtained by purchase, and polygyny was the practice of those who could afford it. Marriages were arranged and carried out in the same manner as among the Yurok. MORTUARY CUSTOMS - Karok mortuary customs were much like those of the Hupa. See page 219. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES- In their religious practices the Karok differed from the Yurok and the Hupa more than in any other phase. The White Deerskin dance was annually performed at two of their villages, occupying only two days as compared with ten days among the Yurok and the Hupa. At the same two places, and also at a third village, was observed another annual ceremony of "cleaning off the earth" of sickness. The Jumping dance was held at another Karok settlement, and lasted eleven days; but the Yurok Jumping dance occupied only two days, and the Hupa ten days. At this same village another ceremony was held at the beginning of the spring run of salmon, for the purpose of insuring an abundant supply of the fish. Many of the Karok settlements took no part in the White Deerskin and the Jumping dance, which indicates that the ceremonies were not indigenous. The so-called brush dance, for the benefit of a sickly child, was observed in the Yurok manner. WARFARE- Karok implements of war were like those of the Yurok and the Hupa, but they made little use of them. Practically all of their fighting was in the nature of feuds between residents of neighboring villages, the invariable cause being physical injury or damage to property. Tradition tells of a war some generations ago with the Tolowa. NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES - Hupa Kishakevir-arar (arar, "people") New River Kasa-arar Redwood Creek Athapascans Vitkirik-arar Shasta (Forks of Salmon) Mass6-irar Shasta (Hamburg) Imvirakuim-irar (Fishing-platform People) Shasta (Klamath River) Ka-yuras-arar (Source Ocean People) Shasta (Scott Valley) Kiha-irar Shasta (Shasta Valley) Tisfhirav-arar (Prairie People) Tolowa Y6hu-arar; or, Yohuararikva-arar Wiyot (Eel River) Ninaq-arar Wiyot (Humboldt Bay) Yurustim-arar Wiyot (Mad River) Karawaru-arar Yurok Yurus-arar (Down-stream People) The Wiyot
LANGUAGE - Algonquian. POPULATION-The Census of I9IO reported 152 Wiyot. In 1853 they were estimated at about 800, and before the white occupancy they probably exceeded 1ooo. DRESS - Men ordinarily wore a deerskin about the loins. A fur robe was thrown about the shoulders in cold weather, and deerskin moccasins and hip-length leggings were used in travelling through the forest. Women had the deerskin skirt and fringed apron common to the Klamath River region, and a hemispherical basketry cap. Their hair was worn in two twists hanging in front of the shoulders or doubled up and tied in a bunch below the ears. The hair of men was tied in a mass at the nape of the neck or rarely on the top of the head. Men were sometimes tattooed on the body, and girls always had three to seven perpendicular lines on the chin. 1 Shell beads were obtained from the Klamath River Shasta, hence the name. VOL. XIII-29

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226 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN DWELLINGS- Rectangular houses of riven redwood planks were of the same type as those of the Hupa. See page 2I7. PRIMITIVE FOODS- Acorns and grass seeds were mostly to be found only in or near Athapascan territory, and as poaching, when discovered, always led to war, these foods were obtained principally by barter and hence were of less importance to the Wiyot than to their southerly and easterly neighbors. Seaweed, bulbs, berries, and green shoots supplemented the comparative scarcity of the usual staples. Fish, shell-fish, marine mammals, waterfowl, deer, elk, and various rodents were plentiful and in most cases easily taken. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES- Wiyot basketry was wholly of the twined variety, and of the Hupa and Yurok type. In fact the entire product of Wiyot art and industry was quite like that of the Klamath River region, with the addition of certain items peculiar to the coast environment, such as redwood canoes and tule mats. GAMES - Wiyot gambling contests included the so-called grass game, in which a player was required to guess in which of two sets of sticks wrapped in grass his opponent had concealed the unmarked stick, and a dice game for women. The principal athletic contest was the so-called stick game, as played also by the Hupa and the Yurok. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION- Each village was a political entity, and its chief was its richest man. His duties were to mediate between disputants, and to keep open house for visitors from other localities. In consideration of this latter demand on his resources, he was kept supplied with meat and fish without effort on his part. The office and his wealth descended to his son, his brother, or to some other male relative. If the new chief proved to be niggardly or unable to maintain his inherited fortune, public opinion gradually inclined toward some other more capable man, and without formality the latter came to be regarded as chief. There were no clans, and descent was in the male line. WIYOT DIVISIONS AND VILLAGES 1 Patwait-taretahihl, the Mad River Wiyot inhabiting the region Patuawat * I. TatiqoghUk, "Trail Descending," on the north side of Mad river at Blue Lake. Four houses in 1915, perhaps a dozen in I850. 2. Takuilavaku, "(Fish) Going Over (a Riffle)," on the south side of Mad river at the County bridge below Glendale. Two houses about I870. 3. Pafsar, in the bend of Mad river at the bridge about two miles below 2. Five houses about 1870. 4. Takaktaruwuh-lirru, "Drift Pile Burned Up," on the north side of Mad river a mile below 3. 5. Ch6meuh, on the north side of Mad river near the crossing of the Humboldt-Northwestern railroad. Three houses about I870, formerly a very prominent town with many wealthy men. 6. Hlulutaliqhli, on the north side of Mad river, less than a mile below 5. Uninhabited in I870, but many graves. 7. Tasiswek, on the north side of Mad river, half a mile below 6. Four houses about I870. 8. Kachkuraye~chkura, on the south side of Mad river a short distance below 7. Uninhabited in I870, but numerous graves. * 9. Huitwilkaw, at the mouth of Mad river on the south side. Three houses in I915, eight in 1856. Wiki-taretahihl, the Humboldt Bay JWiyot inhabiting the region Jliki IO. Witahlpaiyuwim', about a mile and a half north of the bay and three-quarters of a mile inland from the ocean. Uninhabited in 1870, but many graves. I I. Tapot, near the north end of Mad River slough. A large village in I850, but uninhabited in I870. I2. Hiyighutkok, on North spit a short distance south of Fairhaven. Uninhabited in 1870. 13. Pi'mir, on the point of the southern peninsula of Humboldt bay. Ten houses before the massacre of I860. 1 The asterisk denotes a place still inhabited by Wiyot in I9I5.

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APPENDIX 227 14. Tputkakaw, on the bay midway between the lighthouse and Indianola. A single house about I870. * 15. Tolihl, at Indianola. Five or six houses in I9I5. I6. Charukighufhkak, on Buhnes point, opposite the point of South spit. Formerly a large village, its inhabitants were dispossessed by Captain H. H. Buhne, who established himself there as a pilot in 1850 and laid out the tovnsite of Humboldt City. 17. Iksiri, at the mouth of Elk river. Formerly a large village, but uninhabited in I870. * I8. Kufuwahlik, at the site of Bucksport. Eight to ten houses in I85O, a single house in I9I5. 19. Mopiraq (m6pel, redwood), at the intersection of California street and Summer street, Eureka. Uninhabited in I870. 20. Tuluwat, on the northern end of Indian island. Six houses in I85o. 21. Wipat, on the site of Arcata wharf. The ground on which Arcata itself stands was called Kuti'ni. YFiyat-taretahihl, the Eel River Wiyot, inhabiting the region WFivat 22. Turatpe-hmik, on the south side of Eel river near its mouth. Once a large village of wealthy men. 23. Ratkaniyaq, on the south side of Eel river about two miles above 22. Six houses a few years prior to 1915, until a freshet destroyed the site. 24. Hachw6chkaw, on the south side of Eel river about a mile above 23. Uninhabited in I870. 25. Taquraiq, on the south side of Eel river about two miles above 24. Uninhabited in 1870. 26. Wasallanc, on the south side of Eel river between Fernbridge and Fortuna. Uninhabited in 1870. MARRIAGE - Among people of the wealthy class, marriages were nearly always intervillage, and a considerable sum in the form of shell money was paid for the bride. A man of lower station might pay for his wife by taking up his residence with her father and becoming one of the providers of the household, but this of course involved a loss of standing on his part. MORTUARY CUSTOMS - A corpse was placed recumbent in a box, with the head toward the east or toward the southwest, according as death had been from natural causes or from violence. In the former case the spirit departed to a world under the earth; in the latter, to a place about which those who had never been wounded were not informed. Clothing and ornaments, but neither food nor weapons, were placed in the grave. In mourning, both sexes cut the hair short and placed a ring of Xerophyllum grass about the neck. Names of the dead, and even words incorporated in such names, were not spoken. Excavations on Indian island prove that cremation was once practised by the former inhabitants; but since the modern Wiyot have no tradition of such a custom, it is probable that an earlier occupancy of the region by Indians of another stock is indicated. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES - Apparently there was but one public ceremony common to all divisions of the Wiyot - a dance accompanied by singing, for the purpose of averting pestilence, of insuring good hunting and fishing, and of causing a plentiful flow of valuables, such as shell money, skins, and rope, from other tribes to the Wiyot. The Mad River Wiyot observed a puberty ceremony of the usual type for girls, and the Jumping dance of the Klamath River peoples. Although none of the Wiyot had the White Deerskin dance, a myth relates that it originated in one of their Eel River villages, whence it passed to the Yurok. The usual singing with a novice shaman was generally practised, but only shamans were admitted. The principal mythological characters correspond to the four important personages of Hupa mythology: Above Old-man, the creator of the world; Down-toward Ocean He-went, a transformer who improved the natural features; Pointed Buttock, a transformer who destroyed monsters; and Coyote, a trickster. WARFARE - The Wiyot were not infrequently involved in hostilities of a generally petty character with the Athapascans who nearly surrounded them. The commonest cause of these difficulties was poaching by Wiyot women on the oak groves in the hills, which the Athapascans regarded as their own. Sometimes warriors from the three geographical divisions of the Wiyot would unite to attack one of the hill villages in revenge for the killing of a Wiyot woman, their

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228 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN plan being to fire the houses and shoot at the fleeing inhabitants. Scalps were not taken, and their own slain were brought home for burial if possible. MYTHOLOGY- The Wiyot name Above Old-man as creator of the world. Some of their stories resemble those of the Klamath River country, many are reminiscent of the North Pacific coast, and some appear to be distinctive. NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES - Athapascans Tiakuwih1; Wishiahk 1 Athapascans (Bear River) iTvusiyaw-taretihih (Bear-river Tribe) Athapascans (Mattole River) Matol-taretahihl (Mattole-river Tribe) Hupa Haptana-taretahih- (Hoopa-valley Tribe) Karok Kaftivinats-taretihihl Wiyot (Eel River) Wiyat-taretahihWiyot (Humboldt Bay) Wiki-taretihihl Wiyot (Mad River) Patwwit-tarethifil Yurok Hiktin-taretahih (Klamath-river Tribe) Tolowa and Tututni
LANGUAGE - Athapascan. POPULATION - An official report in 1854 estimated the Tututni at 1311. The Tolowa were much less numerous. In I191, according to the Census, there were 383 Tututni and 121 Tolowa. DRESS -The clothing of the Coast Athapascans was like that of the Klamath River region - kilt, fringed apron, and basketry cap for women, a loin-cloth for men; with moccasins and leggings for rough travelling and fur robes for cold weather. Men sometimes protected the upper body from cold with a deerskin shirt. On special occasions men and women of wealth wore a pair of long dentalia in the nasal septum. All women had perpendicular lines tattooed on the chin, and sometimes rows of dots on the forearms. The hair of women hung in two strands in front of the shoulders, that of men was worn in a bunch at the back of the head. DWELLINGS -Tolowa and Tututni dwellings resembled the Hupa plank house, differing only in that their roofs were peaked, not truncated. The underground sudatory with plank roof was like that of the Hupa, but the menstrual hut of the latter was not used by these Coast Athapascans. PRIMITIVE FOODS- Acorns and grass seeds being far from abundant in their country, the Tolowa and Tututni depended for vegetal food principally on the roots of bracken fern and on seaweed. Other articles of food were camas and other bulbs, young eel-grass, the tender underground portion of tule, salmon-berry shoots, the fruit of salal, huckleberry, elderberry, madrofia, several species of Rubus, pine-nuts, hazelnuts, acorns, sunflower seeds. Almost any kind of fish and flesh obtainable was used as food; but the flesh of wildcats and grouse was, and by some still is, held to be poisonous. Mussels, clams, and crabs were important, because they were so easily obtained. Lampreys were a staple; porpoises and sharks, and occasionally a whale, were found stranded on the beach. Hair-seals, sea-lions, elk, deer, black bear, and nearly all the smaller land mammals were good for food. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES -The material culture of this region strongly resembled that of Klamath river, but there were various modifications tending toward the distinctive North Coast type. Redwood canoes were of the Yurok type; all basketry was twined and of the forms and for the purposes previously described in this volume; tule mats served a great variety of purposes. Rod armor was here displaced by the'elk-hide tunic, the dip-net was not used, bark instead of iris-fibre was the material of which rope was made, elk-horn spoons became numerous, nose-ornaments were worn. GAMES -The stick game for men, and dice play for women, were the Coast Athapascan methods of gambling. Shinny was played by men, six on each side; and a similar game was played by women, three on a side, the missile being tossed by means of throwing-sticks. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION - As elsewhere in California, there was no true 1 Respectively, Athapascan men, Athapascan women. The Athapascan language is called Wighilui, or Wiihiluk.

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APPENDIX 229 tribal organization. In each village was a head-man, who mediated between disputants and, if necessary, drafted into his service as many men as he needed in order to enforce payment of indemnity by the offender. The richest man was chief, and, inasmuch as the property of a deceased person was distributed among his immediate relatives, the position rarely remained in the family. Descent was traced in the male line, but there were no gentes. What J. Owen Dorsey called gentes among the Tututni were merely local groups, consisting of a principal settlement and scattered outlying houses in its immediate vicinity. TOLOWA VILLAGES 1 I. Taghestlfia (Turghestltsatun), at the mouth of Wilson creek. 2. Hltursm6 (Thltsusmetunne, "people on the sand"), four miles south of Crescent City. 3. Titat-tun (Tatlatunne), once a large village on the site of Crescent City. 4. Mestltehl-tun (Mestethltun), south of Point St. George. 5. Ta'ti-tun, on Point St. George, which is called Taghina-tiun (Targhinaatun). 6. Tatrghatkus-tun, on the north side of Lake Earl, a lagoon north of Crescent City. 7. lchulit (Echulit), north side of Lake Earl, once a large village with many rich men. 8. Yfntakit (Ataakut, the Tututni name for this village), now Burnt Ranch, formerly a large village. 9. Hawunkwat (Khoonkhwuttunne), on the little island in the mouth of Smith river. The island is Shtuintasunkwut (Stuntusunwhatt). In 1853 this village was on the north bank of the river, but after its destruction by settlers in that year it was rebuilt on the island. Cf. the Hupa village Howu.nkft, page 2I8. IO. Chestltuih-tun, also called Melichuin-tun, on Smith river a mile and a half above the bridge. TUTUTNI VILLAGES 2 I. Tot6-tiun (Tututni), a very large village on Rogue river, Oregon, at the head of tidewater, within sight of the ocean. Cf. the Tolowa village Titat-tun. 2. Cheme-tun (Chemetunne), "Estuary Place," at the mouth of Rogue river on the north bank. 3. Anesuinn6-tuin, at the site of Gold Beach, on the south side of the river opposite Chem6-tdn. 4. Hwestuinna-tuin (Khwaishtunnetunne), at the mouth of Wishtenatin creek. 5. Natltane-tun, at the mouth of a small stream south of Wishtenatin creek. 6. Kal6kwit-tuin, formerly a large village on the north side of Chetco river. 7. Chetanne-tiin (Chettanne), on the south side of Chetco river, at the mouth. 8. K6sa-tun, at the mouth of Winchuck river near the California-Oregon line. TUTUTNI NAMES FOR ROGUE RIVER ATHAPASCAN VILLAGES Miqunu-tun (Mikonotunne), on the north side of the river fourteen miles from the coast. Tasta-tun (Testthitun), on the north side of the river above Mikonotun. During the Rogue River war there was a blockhouse opposite this village. Hlaghutli-tuin. Chachikwuit-tun, at what is now Chastacosta, Oregon. SSahl-tun, at Big Bend, Oregon. Tsiwata-tun. TUTUTNI NAMES FOR COAST ATHAPASCAN VILLAGES NORTH OF ROGUE RIVER Taase-tuin. Yukich-tuin, about thirty miles north of Rogue river. Tsighia-tuin, at Port Orford. 1 Some villages are commonly named in the locative form, -tun, others in the root form. The orthography in parentheses is that adopted in the Handbook of American Indians. To name the people of any village, add to the root (not the locative) form the suffix =teni (people), or =ta-has (its tribe), or, for euphony, merely =hus when the village name ends in t. Thus: Tatat-teni, Tatat-hus; Ta'ti-teni, Ta'tin-tahus. 2 To form the name of the inhabitants of a village, add -tunne to the root (not the locative) form. Thus: Tot6, the place-name; Tot6-tun, locative form; Tot6-tunne, people of Toto.

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230 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Kos6mi-tuin, at the mouth of Coso creek. Soqacht-tun, at the mouth of Sixes river. K6qusunne-tun, at the mouth of a creek about fifteen miles north of Sixes river. Mishiqutme-tun, on upper Coquille river (MiShi). In I86i the Mishiqutme-tunne were said to number 225. Sistihot-tun, at the mouth of Umpqua river. MARRIAGE-The Coast Athapascans had practically the same matrimonial customs as the Klamath River people, purchasing their wives and exchanging presents between the two families. A rich man usually had several wives. MORTUARY CUSTOMS-The dead were wrapped in deerskins and laid recumbent in plank-lined graves with the head toward the north. Shell money, but neither food nor clothing, was buried with the corpse of a rich man. Rites of purification for those who had touched the body, and outward signs of mourning, were similar to those of the Klamath River tribes. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES -Youths spent four to seven nights in the hills, either alone or in couples, fasting and watching, in order to have good luck in gambling. Unlike the Indians of the plains and plateaus, these Athapascans had no thought of securing the special favor of some particular supernatural. Most shamans were women, and their destiny was revealed to them in dreams. For a young woman who had experienced such a dream, a dance lasting ten nights was held in the winter under the direction of an older shaman. Men sat on the floor singing, while the novice danced between two female shamans, endeavoring to bring herself to such a state of exhaustion that she would appear to be beside herself. The puberty ceremony for girls occurred in winter and only for the benefit of those of wealthy families. Rigid observance of the restrictions on food and water during the ten days of the rites was believed to insure her purchase in marriage at a great price; but an important object of the ceremony was to avert epidemics. There were no strictly religious ceremonies or rituals. There was one public dance, but its object was amusement. WARFARE- The Coast Athapascans resembled their distant congeners, the Apache and the Navaho, in being more warlike than most California Indians. From the very beginning the Rogue River bands and the Tolowa were in conflict with trappers and settlers, and as a result of the Rogue River war their numbers were greatly reduced and the survivors dispersed. The Tolowa had some difficulties with the Yurok and the Karok. Like their inter-village feuds, these affairs grew out of real or fancied injury to person or property and refusal or inability of the offender to pay suitable indemnity. MYTHOLOGY-Tolowa myths (see pages 199-200) are very suggestive of the type common to the North Pacific coast, in which an individual, usually a youth, wins good luck by meeting a supernatural being, usually in the form of an animal. Apparently there are no characters about whom a cycle of myths is woven. TOLOWA NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES Hupa Kwesta Karok Chuimn Yurok Tuitlmus TUTUTNI NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES Alsea Alfsi-tun-tunn6 Shasta Sisti Siuslaw Tlohwis-tunn6 Coos Sitohutm6-tunne The Shasta
LANGUAGE - Hokan. POPULATION -The Shasta are nearly extinct, notwithstanding the Census of I910, which enumerated 353. Early estimates of their numbers are lacking. DRESS- The ordinary summer garment of a man was merely a deerskin loin-cloth. The exigencies of travel and temperature were met by the use of moccasins, hip-length leggings, and fringed shirts, all of deerskin. Head-bands and elk-skin hats were not uncommon. Ornamentation of clothing with dyed porcupine-quills, and eagle-feathers attached to the head-dress, point to Plains influence. Women dressed much as did those of Klamath river,

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APPENDIX 23I using a knee-length fringed skirt of deerskin open at the front, and a fringed apron to fill the gap. Ordinarily they were naked above the waist, and, as occasion required, some wore sleeveless shirts, others draped a robe about the shoulders. Their moccasins were like those of the men, but a few had knee-length leggings attached to the tops of the footwear. Basketrv caps were always worn. The hair of men hung unconfined, or was twisted into a knot at the nape of the neck or on the crown of the head. A slender stick with numerous white downy eaglefeathers attached by short strings was thrust upright in the hair of a warrior - another habit reminiscent of the plains. The hair of women was parted in the middle and hung in braids in front of the shoulders. Three vertical lines were tattooed on the chin of every young girl, and a few men had designs on the forearms. On special occasions a pair of dentalia, or for the less fortunate a blackened spill of wood or a feather, was thrust through a hole pierced in the nasal septum of a Shasta man. Some women also affected this style. Both sexes used earornaments of yellowed porcupine-quills, either pendent or in the lobe of the ear itself. Red paint was smeared on the face in various designs for special occasions, and warriors used a white earth and soot on the face. DWELLINGS - The Shasta winter house was erected over a rectangular excavation three or four feet deep. The peaked roof was made of bark slabs resting on battens, which were supported on rafters running from ridge to ea:es. The walls were of slabs, sticks, and bark, banked up with earth from the excavation. The doorway, at the middle of one end, was less than the height of a man and was covered with a tule mat. A few rich men had houses built of planks, and the very poor occupied oval huts of which the base of the rafters rested directly on the ground, the roof consisting of a thatching of grass, tules, sticks, and earth. The sudatory, which was used not only for the sweat-bath but as sleeping quarters for bachelors, was a circular pit topped by a roof of bark, pine-needles, and earth. The entrance was at the edge of the pit between the bases of two rafters, and at the back, leading to the open air, was a small tunnel, which served to create a draft when the fire was started. In addition to the communal sweat-house, the Shasta used the Plains type of sudatory, a hemispherical framework of willows covered with tule mats, with a shallow pit in the centre of the enclosed space for the heated stones by which steam was generated. The menstrual hut was a small oval structure with a sloping roof of bark slabs banked up with pine-needles and earth. PRIMITIVE FoODS - Vegetal foods were fairly abundant, the principal items being acorns, pine-nuts, manzanita-berries, pine-bast, madrofia-berries, pinole (made largely from tarweed seed), camas, and Calochortus bulbs. Deer were taken in noose snares and by stalking with the aid of a disguise made from the skin of a deer's head. Elk were killed when helpless in deep snow. Black bears, and more rarely grizzlies, were attacked by large parties. Salmon, which were caught principally at the fish-weir by means of wicker traps, by dip-nets, and by spears, were an important food. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES- The Shasta were not remarkable in any branch of primitive art. Stone furnished the material for knives, arrow-points, hide-scrapers, mauls, pestles, arrowstraighteners and arrow-smoothers, and shallow dishes. Of bone were awls, spoons, and salmon-gigs; of horn, spoons and wedges. Wooden objects included rude canoes of the Klamath River type, shafts of arrows and salmon-spears, tubular tobacco pipes, flutes, firedrills, soup-paddles, and canoe-paddles. Twined baskets of the Klamath River type were made principally of hazel and willow rods for the warp, willow and pine-roots for the weft, Xerophyllum and fern stems for the designs. Mats were of tules, and cord was of hemp. GAMES -The "grass" game, in which two sticks, each wrapped in grass, were rapidly passed from one hand to the other for the confusion of the opponent, who then endeavored to guess which hand contained the unmarked stick, was played by Shasta men. Women shuffled a bundle of numerous slender rods, separated it into two parts, and held them up for the opponent to guess which hand held the marked stick. The cup-and-pin game, employing twelve salmon vertebrae on a cord, was a favorite amusement. Children played string-games, women contested in a play of tossing a missile across a goal line, and men indulged in archery, foot-racing, and casting javelins at a target. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION- The Shasta had a trace of tribal organization, in that they recognized and named five groups of people speaking their language. Each division, and each important settlement, had its head-man, and the position passed from father to son. Although the chief was as a matter of course a man of means, the accumulation of wealth was not so important to the Shasta as to the people of Klamath river and the coast.

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232 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN A chief's duties were to preserve peace and order, and to carry on negotiations between the parties to a dispute. There were no clans. Children captured in war were held, but they were treated less like slaves than like adopted members of the family. When grown, they were permitted to marry into the lower class. Land was not held individually, but certain rich men controlled the rights of fish-weirs at different places. Nevertheless, the construction of a weir was a communal undertaking, and it followed that the catch was for the public use. SHASTA DIVISIONS AND SETTLEMENTS I. Katiru (Katiru), on Klamath river from Seiad valley to Happy Camp. In the Shasta Valley dialect, Watiru. II. Kammatwa (Kammatwa), on Klamath river from Scott river to Thompson creek, and on Scott river at least as far as Scott Bar. Applied by the Shasta Valley people, the name is said to signify "different language." In their intercourse with the Shasta of Shasta valley and Scott valley, the Kammatwa spoke the dialect of those groups, but among themselves they employed a speech unintelligible to the others. They are now extinct. Two of their principal settlements were: I. Aika, at the site of Hamburg, California. 2. Assupak, at Scott Bar. III. Iruai-fiu-his (Iruwaitsu), "Scott-valley Its Tribe," in Scott valley from a point a few miles above Fort Jones down to the territory of the Kammatwa at, or above, Scott Bar. Their dialect was identical with that of Shasta valley, and their principal settlements were: 3. Waafiahhima, about eight miles below Fort Jones. 4. Veriqahtiqayaka (qtahti, reddish brown), near Fort Jones. 5. Ittiwuk, on the west bank of Scott river a few miles above Fort Jones. 6. Warahastira', a short distance above Ittiwfk. 7. Veriqayika ("a promontory-like butte in the midst of a plain"), opposite Ittiwuk. IV. Kika'fs! (Kikatsik), on upper Klamath river and in Shasta valley. So called by the Kammatwa. Beginning at the southern end of Shasta valley, their settlements were: 8. Qaisahanihu, at the site of Edgewood, California. 9. Himahiwuk, five or six miles down-stream from Edgewood. io. Chaakar, a short distance below 9. 11. Tahhii, on Willow creek not far from the site of Gazelle. 12. Hichuhake, on Little Shasta river. 13. Atuhunniruk, on Little Shasta river not far from I2. I4. Mahirik, on Willow creek near the site of Ager. IS. Erar, on Klamath river not far from 14. 16. Etssitarihha, on Klamath river near 14. 17. QFhepaira, near the site of Hornbrook. I8. Hasnit, below 17, and near Klamath river. 19. Ihiveah, on Shasta river below the mouth of Yreka creek; a large village, popular in the fishing season because it was the site of a fish-weir. 20. Ittiwukha', on Klamath river below the mouth of Shasta river. 21. Ifssa-amma, "Stone House," on Klamath river about six miles above the mouth of Bogus creek. 22. Asurahiva, on Klamath river about seven miles above 21; a permanent village with a very large population during the summer fishing. 23. Chuswi', above 22. 24. Wiyahavir, on Klamath river near the California-Oregon boundary. 25. Channeqah, south of the site of Ashland, Oregon. 26. Ikiruk, south of the site of Jacksonville, Oregon. V. Ikaraka-fu-his, on Rogue river from Ashland down to Table Rock.1 1 Dixon gives Kah6'sadi as the Shasta name for the Oregon Shasta. This is the Kikatsik name (Kahusari) for the Shasta language.

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APPENDIX 233 SOME SHASTA GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES Ahutirei, Little Shasta valley in the region of Montague. Makaiah, Mount Hood. Puruheki, a region on Little Shasta river a few miles above Montague. Upikdqah, a region in Shasta valley a few miles above Montague. Uqati-amma, "Many Houses," Yreka, California. Waiika (corrupted into Yreka), Mount Shasta. Witihassa, "Crotched," Shasta butte. MARRIAGE - Wives were always purchased, and in the wealthy class they usually were sought in more or less distant communities. A man unable to pay for a wife with tangible property might pay with service to his wife's family. Children of high birth were sometimes betrothed at a very early age. A married couple took up their residence with the bridegroom's father. Only the rich had more wives than one, and these were always members of the same family. A widow was commonly married without payment by one of her deceased husband's brothers. A wife's infidelity justified her husband in killing her partner, but even so he was required to pay indemnity equivalent, in.the maximum, to about four hundred dollars; or, instead of a life, he might demand indemnity for his injury, and then either send his unfaithful wife home or condone her offense. Only for adultery and for sterility could a man discard his wife and receive back the full amount of his purchase money. MORTUARY CUSTOMS - Some of the Shasta burial rites were peculiar. The corpse was immediately taken head foremost through the wall or the roof of the house and laid on the ground, where it remained until distant relatives had come to view it, even though this delayed burial four or five days. From time to time it was removed to a new spot, apparently to escape the attacks of insects. A fire burned constantly near the body, and at frequent intervals twenty or more people, bearing fir or pine saplings tipped with needles, would dance about it and wail. At the conclusion of the dancing, they would raise the corpse to the level of their heads, while mourning relatives scarified their arms and legs. Wrapped in a deerskin, the body was placed on its back in a shallow grave, with the head toward the east. Various articles of value, as well as the weapons of a man or the personal possessions of a woman, were first broken and then placed in the grave. Clothing and food were not provided for the spirit. Purification rites were observed by all who participated in the burial, particularly by those who had touched the body, and the house itself was cleared out. In mourning, men and women cut the hair short and smeared pitch and charcoal on the face; and women wore about the neck a deerskin thong marked with beads of pitch. Those who died far from home were cremated, and the ashes were taken home for burial. If the family of a deceased woman, married outside of her village, insisted that she be buried at home, the body was placed on the back of a man hired for the work, and surrounded by a wailing throng it was carried at night to her native village. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES - Shasta religious beliefs were vague and difficult to define. Adults of both sexes sought good luck in hunting, gambling, or amassing wealth, by keeping vigil at certain places in the mountains where there was a body of water regarded as sacred. There they bathed, scarified limbs and breast, rubbed a certain root into the wounds, climbed to a high peak, and lay on a bed of stones. The quest was successful if a spirit appeared and told how to accomplish what the suppliant desired. Those who dreamed frequently of the supernaturals dwelling in the mountains were destined to become shamans. Many such were women. At length the supernaturals would give the dreamers certain songs. When an indi. vidual was found lying apparently in a trance and with blood issuing from his mouth, a dance was arranged for the purpose of giving him an opportunity to sing his songs and exhibit the power given by the spirits. In the following winter was held a ceremony in which the novice became an actual shaman. In treating a patient the shaman danced before him while the people sang, then scooped up the "pain" in his hands and "drowned" it in a pail of water. The fee was the equivalent of one hundred to two hundred dollars, and the amount was restored if the patient died within about six months. For a girl of rank rather elaborate puberty rites were held. People from near and far assembled and joined in the singing and dancing. The girl herself observed the usual taboos on scratching with the fingers, regarding a fire, speaking, eating (particularly meat), drinking, and sleeping. In the spring there was a dance VOL. XIII-30

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234 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN at each sweat-house, in which ten to fifteen men danced by flexing the knees and giving a slight jump sideways. A fire burned, and they perspired profusely. With intervals of rest, and a plunge and food at midday, they continued throughout the day, while outside the sweathouse young men played the "grass" game and young women played shinny. Besides these dances, the Shasta, at least those of Shasta valley, performed a dance in which both sexes, with eagle-feathers in the hair and red paint on the face, stood shoulder to shoulder, holding hands, and shuffled back and forth across the ground. This resembled the so-called "bighead dance" of the Wintun and the Maidu. WARFARE -The Shasta in California were the favorite objective of annual summer raids by the Modoc, who traded the children thus captured to the Oregon Cayuse in exchange for horses. Less frequently the Wintun attacked them. Apparently the Shasta themselves seldom sought trouble outside their own boundaries, but confined their warlike efforts mostly to exacting a life for a life until indemnity had been paid by the first offender. The Rogue River Shasta were an important factor in the Rogue River war. MYTHOLOGY -The fragmentary creation myth is apparently derived from alien sources. The other myths deal chiefly with animal characters, of which Coyote as trickster and transformer is the most important. - NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES - Achomawi Uchahiru-fsu-his (Far-down-stream Its People) Karok Iwapi Modoc Iphannii (Lake) Wintun Hituqiwa The Achomawi
LANGUAGE - Hokan. POPULATION -The Census of I9IO reported 985 Achomawi and 240 of the related Atsugewi. DRESS - Achomawi men ordinarily wore either nothing at all or a scanty loin-cloth. For protection from the elements they had deerskin shirts, fur robes, moccasins, hip-length leggings, and fur caps. The hair was worn in a bunch at the back of the head, and on special occasions they used ornaments of dentalia in the ears and in the septum of the nose. They never tattooed. Women wore a short skirt made of fringed deerskin, of tules, of Xerophyllum grass, or of shredded bark. The long deerskin dress, fringed and beaded, was sometimes seen at dances, an acquisition, doubtless, from their Shoshonean neighbors. Fur robes, moccasins, and leggings were used as necessity required, but basketry caps were in constant use. The hair hung in braids in front of the shoulders, or was coiled on the crown of the head. Nasal and ear ornaments were used, and in rare instances the chin was tattooed. DWELLINGS- The winter house of the Achomawi was usually about fifteen feet square, but structures of twice that dimension were used not only as the habitation of the chief's family but for ceremonial assemblies. The house was erected over an excavation about three feet deep. The bases of the rafters rested on the ground at the edge of the pit, and the tops were supported by crotched posts. The roof, which was only roughly conical, was thatched with grass and earth. At the peak was a smoke-hole, which served also as exit and entrance by way of a ladder lashed to the main supporting post. In the front an inclined trench extending from the interior beyond the edge of the roof served the purpose of creating a draft for the fire. Summer habitations were conical or hemispherical, rarely oval, tipis covered with tule mats. PRIMITIVE FOODS - Acorns and pinole (the fine flour of parched seeds of such plants as tarweed, sage, and the grasses) were the staple vegetal foods. Others were pine-nuts, manzanita-berries, camas, pine-bast, tule-roots, and various fruits. Deer, antelope, and elk, rabbits, badgers, gophers, mink, woodrats, even cougars, otters, skunks, and wildcats, were eaten. Grasshoppers and the larvae of yellow-jackets were delicacies. Fish and fowl of all kinds were consumed. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES -The Achomawi made a fairly wide variety of implements and utensils. Stone was the material for arrow-points, arrow-straighteners, arrow-smoothers, knives, mauls, pestles, mortar bases, and tubular tobacco pipes. Of wood they made arrowshafts, bows, spear-shafts, rude canoes and paddles, fire-drills, snowshoes, oak spoons, and

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APPENDIX 235 elder flutes. Bone and horn were used in making awls, fish-hooks, spear-points, wedges, spoons, and rattles. Hemp was the material for rope used as deer-snares and for the cordage required in making five kinds of nets. Tule mats were made in quantities. Baskets, always of the twined variety, were made for many purposes, as for cooking by means of heated stones, for serving liquid and semi-liquid food, for containing water, for carrying burdens on the back, for the storage of seeds, for parching seeds, for cradling the infant. Men busied themselves in hunting, fishing, and the manufacture of all the articles mentioned above except mats and baskets. Women made clothing, mats, and baskets, carried on the activities incident to housekeeping, and harvested vegetal foods. GAMES -There were two forms of gambling by men: the "grass" game, as played by other tribes of northern California, and a game in which it is required to guess in which of four possible arrangements two pairs of sticks are placed beneath a flat basket. Women gambled with mussel-shell dice. Football was played by two teams of five men each. The ball, about five inches in diameter, was made of deerskin stuffed with hair or grass, the goal was marked by two stakes set into the ground just far enough apart to permit the ball to pass through. The play was exceedingly rough. Women played at a form of shinny. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION -There were several geographical divisions of the Achomawi, each occupying its own well-defined territory; but as a whole they seem to have had more of a feeling of unity than'was common in California. In each division there were two or more head-men, each in his own locality an active leader of the people; and in summer, when all camped together, they acted as spokesmen for their followers. The position of chief was loosely hereditary. The principal duty of a head-man was to settle disputes, which usually arose when indemnity could not be collected for injuries to person or property. If necessary, a good chief paid for an offender who lacked means. There were no clans. ACHOMAWI BANDS 1 I. Hewisaitu-wi, occupying the territory called Hewisaitu, that is, the valley of Pit river from about ten miles west of Alturas to twenty miles above that town. Population, 100. 2. Astaki-wi (Astakiwi), or Astaki-waichi, occupying Warm Spring valley, and including as a sub-group the Hanti-wi (Hantiwi), who lived west of Canby. Astaki is the name for the hot spring near Canby. Population, IOO. 3. Hama-wi (Humawhi), along the South Fork of Pit river. Population, IOO. 4. Atwam-chani, "Valley Tribe," occupying Big valley (Atwim, valley). The form Atwami (Atuami), which is sometimes used, is equivalent to "Valleys," or "Valleyites." Population, I50. 5. Hewis-atwam-achuma-wi-chani, "Elevated Valley River Dwellers Tribe," in the valley of Fall river and at the adjacent part of Pit River valley, the region known as Hewisatwam. Population, 200. 6. Ilmiwi (Ilmawi), along both sides of Pit river for fifteen to twenty miles, including the mouth of Hat creek and the mouth of Rock creek. lima is said to be their word for "river"; but the present informant declares that they spoke exactly the same language as his own (Fall River), and that the word does not mean river. This group includes the former inhabitants of Burney valley. 7. Matesis, or Itimi, "Westerners," in the valley along the Great Bend of Pit river, the region known as Matesi. Many were, and are, married to Wintun women, consequently that language was frequently heard there: a circumstance that caused Powers to state that these people, whom he called Pu-i-su, were "mixed Copehan and Shastan." The Wintun call them Puisus, "Easterners." Population, 500 MARRIAGE - A considerable sum was paid for a bride, but marriage was less a matter of formal purchase than was the case among the Shasta and the Coast tribes. Usually the match was arranged only after the man had secured the consent of the girl. At the appointed time the public assembled at the bride's house and awaited the arrival of the groom's party. After a sojourn in his father-in-law's house, the husband led his bride to his own paternal 1 Population figures are the estimates, in I915, of the informant, a travelled and observant man.

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236 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN home. The husband of an unfaithful wife had the right either to abandon her, if they were still living with her father, or to provide her with new clothing and send her home. If her family had not yet given him the presents that requited his purchase money, he could demand and recover it. Usually a seducer was given the opportunity of paying indemnity, but sometimes he was killed forthwith. A man could either marry his deceased brother's widow, or bestow her upon a relative; and he had the right to kill her if she married contrary to his wish. Circumspect conduct toward mother-in-law and daughter-in-law was the rule for men; but casual conversation was not prohibited. MORTUARY CUSTOMS - Men killed in battle were cremated, others were buried. The corpse was invariably kept in the house over night. Then it was carried out on a slab or on a stretcher made of poles, through the door of a summer hut or through the tunnel of a permanent structure, and deposited in the grave on a block of wood, with the back leaning against the western wall. A basket of water was provided, and relatives cast into the grave clothing, baskets, beads, and other valuables. After the death of a prominent man his house was burned. Those who had handled a corpse purified themselves by a steam bath and a plunge, but there was no ritualistic procedure. Mourners cut the hair and smeared pitch over head and face for as long as two or three years. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES -The Achomawi held no strictly religious ceremony and offered no prayers to any deity, unless we admit as prayer the expression of hope that the animals will aid with their supernatural power in hunting and in war. Good moral conduct consists in following the precepts of Qan (fox), the benevolent creator, which forbid incest, killing without just cause, and stealing more than has been stolen from one, and enjoin kindness and hospitality. Shamanism is a pseudo-religious phase. The power of a shaman, acquired as the result of a certain dream, is something that cannot be refused: it comes to him who is destined by the supernaturals to have it. All sickness not easily explained on natural grounds is believed to be an infliction by some shaman, and to be counteracted only by the greater power of another. Few Achomawi shamans die a natural death. As late as I915 one of them was killed by the relatives of a man supposed to have been stricken by him. As elsewhere in this region, the novice shaman first exhibits his power in a public dance. In treating sickness the shaman pretends to extract by sucking a small black object, which he declares to be the "power" of some other shaman, whom he names. Should death result, the accused man is killed by the dead person's relatives; otherwise, nothing is done, but he is regarded with suspicion. A shaman's fee is the equivalent, usually, of five to twenty dollars, but if the patient dies, the amount must be returned. As an initiation into manhood, and in order to have dreams that would give him good luck in some particular line of activity, such as gambling or hunting, an adolescent boy was sent into the mountains alone to watch and fast, to bathe in the water of some lake, and to climb neighboring peaks. With the arrival of puberty a girl was confined in a hut, where she observed the common restrictions on food, drink, and scratching the body with the fingers. At night she danced in the house, while the assembled people sang. WARFARE -The Achomawi were intermittently at war with most of their neighbors, including the Modoc, the Klamath, the Shasta, the Wintun, the Yana, the Maidu, and the Paiute. Their weapons were bows and poisoned arrows. MYTHOLOGY -The mythology of the Achomawi is concerned chiefly with the activities of Qan (fox), a benevolent creator who laid down the rules of right conduct, and Jemul (coyote), who instituted all customs for the Indian race, both good and bad. But for Coyote there would have been neither sickness nor death, neither war nor murder. NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES - Achomawi Ach6ma-wi (River Dwellers) Shasta Sastichi Atsugewi Tuwanichi, or, Hitiwi-wi'l Umatilla Lama-wi Klamath Lutwami (alutivam, lake) Washo ManafSi Maidu Pakimali Wintun Ekpimi Modoc Alami Yana Tisaich Paiute Apui 1 Tuwanuchi, "in the midst" (of Achomawi, Paiute, Maidu, and Yana); Hatiwi, "close to the bluff."

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APPENDIX 237 The Klamath
LANGUAGE -Lutuamian. Certain lexical similarities between Klamath, Molala (Waiilatpuan), and the Shahaptian languages indicate the possibility of linguistic relationship. Wintun (see Volume XIV) exhibits similarities to Klamath, Molala, and Shahaptian in sufficient numbers to justify investigation. The Molala, now extinct, were neighbors of the Klamath in the mountainous region at the head of Rogue river. From them the Klamath obtained their elk-horn spoons in exchange for w6kas. English Wintun Klamath Molala Nez Perce ankle mai-pak kap-kipo pakhl (foot bone) arm srm a-tim bone pak kak-o bopt pipsh ear mat mo-m6at ma-ftoiyu foot k6-le e-ho6; wa-hi (Yakima) nose sana nu-4hnu teeth tut dia'ft tit tongue piwat aipaus pewlsh dog suku sikka grizzly-bear hikas hihaft camas poks pis hazelnuts kamstuls kimstums huckleberries iwum im onion sak halh food pas pisint one naas ninga nakfi two laap lapka 10pit three ntan mitka mit-at four wonip pipa pilipt five pikuu paihut six sixe qconstant suffix constant suffix constant prefix seven eight, to one, two, three to one, two, three to one, two, three earth pom pu, pam (locative suffix) cedar tinai taimin talitat father net-tan (my pti-sap pti-tin na-tut (my father) father) man wita; win a-winsh POPULATION - In I9IO there were enumerated 696 Klamath and 282 Modoc. DRESS - In warm weather and about the house, men and women wore nothing but a strip of skin or woven tules about the loins. For protection they had moccasins, short leggings, and robes, which were of skin or of tules. The hair of both sexes usually hung in two furwrapped braids, most adults had the nasal septum pierced for the wearing of dentalium ornaments, and many women and a few men wore ear-pendants. The heads of all infants were flattened by pressure. DWELLINGS -The winter house was a conical roof of timbers, tules, grass, and earth, erected over a circular excavation. The entrance and the smoke-vent were an opening at the peak. The summer house had an elliptical or a rectangular framework of willow poles set into the ground and lashed at the top to a ridge-pole, and the steep sides were thatched from the peak to the ground with three layers of grass and tule mats. The dance-house was similarly shaped, but the covering was slabs of bark. The sweat-house was semi-subterranean, and the sloping roof was thatched with grass, tules, and earth. This has been superseded by the

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238 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Plains type of sudatory, a hemispherical framework of willows covered with canvas or blankets. In both cases steam is generated by pouring water on heated stones. PRIMITIVE FOODS -The principal food was wokas, the seeds of the yellow water-lily, Nymphea polysepala, which were parched and eaten dry or with a covering of cold water, or were boiled into mush in cooking baskets. Other vegetal foods were camas, Calochortus, roots of tule and cattail and of numerous other plants not identified; seeds of sunflowers, sage, tumbleweeds, wild rye, and "redtop;" chokecherries, grapes, huckleberries, plums, serviceberries, "swamp-berries;" new shoots of the triangular tule, pine lichens, pine-bast, hazelnuts, and pine-nuts. Fish and waterfowl were abundant, and practically all the animals indigenous to the region were used for food. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES - Fishing implements were bone hooks, both straight and barbed, nets of various types, and double-pointed harpoons. For hunting there were sinew-backed bows of yew, and arrows with cane, service-berry, or rose shafts and mountain mahogany or other hardwood foreshafts and points. Pitfalls, deadfalls, snares, and disguises also were used in hunting. Arrows and javelins for war were tipped with flint or obsidian. The quiver was the entire skin of any small mammal, or a tule bag. Corselets of hardwood slats with nettlebark twining were used by leading warriors. Shovel-nosed canoes of pine, cedar, or Douglas spruce logs were made by means of fire and the elk-horn adz. Artifacts of stone were points for arrows and javelins, arrow-smoothers, knives, net-sinkers, metates and mullers, mortars and pestles, mauls, and tobacco pipes. Wedges were of elk-horn or mountain mahogany, but the elk-horn spoons were obtained from the inhabitants of the Cascade mountains. The weaving of baskets and mats was, and remains, an important industry. The process is twining. Many of the Klamath baskets are flexible, and the materials are obtained from tules and cattails. The rigid baskets are made of willow, willow-roots, and split juniper-roots. Woven mats are made of the triangular tule, sewn mats of the round species. Musical instruments were the drum, a hollow section of juniper with deerskin head, the grapevine flute, and the shaman's rattle, a cluster of deer's dewclaws on a wooden handle. GAMES -Two forms of gambling are still practised: sakals, in which two short and two long sticks are placed under a mat in one of two arrangements, and naiatias, in which a marked and an unmarked bit of bone are concealed in the hands of the leader. The opposing side endeavors to guess the arrangement of the sticks or the location of the marked bone. Formerly javelins were cast at a target, a large ball of tules, for wagers, and foot-races, archery, and wrestling were favorite sports. Women gambled with four beaver-tooth dice, and played an athletic game of throwing toward opposite goals a pair of billets joined by a rawhide thong. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION - Six geographical divisions of the Klamath were recognized, each with its head-man, who did not necessarily inherit the position. The Klamath had a feeling of tribal unity, as is evidenced by the fact that in pre-treaty times the six headmen combined to appoint peace officers, whose duties were to arrest and confine mischiefmakers. There were no clans, and descent was in the paternal line. The capture of slaves was almost an industry with the Klamath, yet it cannot be said that slavery was an institution; for prisoners of war were for the greater part sold to their northerly neighbors in exchange for horses and beads, and those who were retained enjoyed the same rights as a native Klamath. KLAMATH BANDS Euks-kni, in the region of Klamath marsh (Euks). Iuhlal6n-kni, along Link river in the district known as Iuhlal6n. Nihlaks-kni, at Modoc point, a place known as Nihlaks because the sun is not visible there until late in the morning. K6mbat-kni, at Pelican bay (K6mbat). D6koan-kni, at the mouth of Williamson river in the region called D6koa. Iuhkik-kni, along Wood river in the region called Iuhkfik. MARRIAGE -The acquisition of a wife was less a commercial transaction here than in northwestern California. The girl received a proposal directly from her lover, and if her family approved, presents of equal value were exchanged by the two families and the couple lived together without further ado. Though brides were very young, few were virgins. Adultery was the commonest cause of domestic strife and led to beating of the wife and killing of her lover. In this way most feuds were begun.

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APPENDIX 239 MORTUARY CUSTOMS - Cremation was formerly the rule, but burial has been practised since the advent of white people. Personal possessions of the deceased were burned with the corpse, and all who had been in close contact with it participated in a purifying sweat-bath. Mourners cut the hair and smeared pitch on face, head, and hands, and widows wore rings of sage about the neck, wrists, and ankles, removing them at the time of the purifying bath. Widows and widowers usually waited two or three years before remarrying. Names of the dead were taboo for several years. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES -There was no public ceremony of a religious nature. The puberty dance for girls was observed on five successive nights, the girl dancing in company with an older woman while the people sang and shook their rattles. The war-dance, the victorydance, and a social round dance called yfkal were in no sense religious ceremonies. In fact the religious conceptions of the Klamath were vague. They appeared most prominently in the utterance of invocations while pouring water on the stones in a sweat-house and while preparing arrows for war, and in the practice of fasting and watching in lonely places in order to secure the aid of some supernatural being. The latter custom, known as spoto, is one that was widely observed in aboriginal America. Usually the faster was a youth or a girl, sometimes an older person definitely desiring to become a shaman. Sickness not readily explained as the result of natural causes was held to be the infliction of some malevolent shaman, and only one of his profession, perhaps, if his tutelary were very powerful, only he himself, could remove it. Such maladies were treated by singing and by sucking at the supposed seat of the trouble, and as proof of success the shaman would exhibit a small black object or would expectorate blood. Shamans suspected of causing death by their evil power were almost certain to be killed. MYTHOLOGY -The Klamath account of the creation depicts a friendly contest between Gopher and a personage who suddenly appears in a self-propelled canoe on the surface of a boundless lake. Each tries to outdo the other in planning the world and its natural features and inhabitants, the winner to have the honor of being the elder brother. In this respect it resembles the account of the creation told by the Achomawi. Other myths recount in general incidents common to the mythology of western America; and even a definitely localized tale accounting for the absence of fish in Crater lake is without a single incident that cannot be duplicated elsewhere. NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES Achomawi M6atwas (Southerners) 1 Modoc M6ata-kni (Tule-lake Dwellers) 2 Molala Chakfan-kni (Service-berry-patch Dwellers) Paiute Saat Rogue River Athapascans Wilams-kni 3 Shasta Sasti Warm Springs Shoshoneans Watan-kni An unidentified tribe, Yima-kni (North Dwellers) is described as a people who, prior to the arrival of traders, came from the north, mounted on horses and wearing feather warbonnets. They probably were Cayuse or Umatilla. 1 M6at, south. 2 M6atak, South Place, that is, Tule lake. 3 Wilams may be for Wilamt, the name current in northwestern Oregon for Willamette river.

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Vocabularies
VOL. XIII-31

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is

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VOCABULARIES Athapascan
ANATOMICAL TERMS English ankle-joint arm blood bone chin ear elbow-joint eye face finger-nail fingers foot hair band head heart knee leg lips mouth neck nose nostril teeth toe-nail toes tongue Hupa 1 ho-ke'chu-wtil ho-kyini-ai &!-In; oWnn ho-we&-ta. ho-chd-w6' h6-ch ich h6n-na' h6n-nin hoi-la'=mi-mis-kiik (hand small) h6h-h6; hom~mihL-lni-taI (his with feel-about) fiiu-wa' hoi-la' hoi-ta-ai ho-kyin~-sani (his abdomen inside) ho-hlel-ta-ai ho-fW in-n6 (his bone) hot-ti ho-sa. hok-k6s h6n-chuhw h6n-chu-y6h-kya-iin (his nose hole) hod~-wo hofl-hM-kyef&! hoh-hM=m!-mis-k~ik (foot small) ho-sis-tan Tolowa spi-las-ke qi-ne ttihfi; te"4 mfls-sii-gh-e ni-g'he-i ne-i q in-yu la~sa-ke hwi-'6 si-i la' si-is sre-y6 kw6-it ti-miin-f6 ta' kw~is misr (nose in hole) g~huw hw6-q~in-yu hw6=sa-ke Tututni1 ~hki-n6 ghtci-le ih66f-n6 ~4hl-a-ta sii-ghf ghna-ohi ghni ~hqtin-ni-yu ihla~si-k6 si-i ihla Thni-kas ghkut 4hg~i-ne' 4hta-mds-s6 A~ta 9hh i, s ghi~h Ahi~h-o-a A'glhu AhhA-qfin-ni-yu 9bhh~si-ke si-h-lu-u ANIMALS2 abalone 3 bat hos-saiky (night flitter) h-la-kwis-ti kwis-ti 1 The Hupa prefix ho-, like Tututni Th-, is the third personal pronoun. Other Hupa pronominal prefixes in the singular are: Iiu- (hw-), first person; nu-, second person; kyY-, third person indeterminate. In general, Hupa substantives referring to parts of the body, and terms of relationship, cannot be used without a pronominal prefix. 2 The names of animals used as food are indicated by stars. 3 Dried abalones sometimes reached the Hupa through trade channels. The Tolowa and Tututni knew the abalone only as a shell prized for ornamental purposes. 243

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244 -English bear, black * bear, grizzlybeaver bird bluejay, crested brant * buzzard civet 3 clam, horse * clam, little-neck* clam, razor* cockle * cod, red* condor coot * coyote crab* crow deer* diver* dog duck, butterball* duck, mallard* duck, sawbill* eagle elk * fish* fisher flounder * fox goose* gopher * grouse 5 gull 7 halibut* heron, blue horse THJE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Hupa sagi! mi-ky6-w6' chw~i-ai ki-yihw' kaifg; 2 kis-taf-chwu'n ha mis-si-nih1l-chwin te'=n~s-nii-i (water standup) ho=s~i~hlkai (his mouth white) ki-ya'=ku-mY-na7-ho-l~n (bird has many) t'ena'=tu'mi s h6n-t~hl=t3 (flat-country frequenter) kydl-wTHI-tafil-chwin klhl-hlil-han" no-ki-n6-yot (barker); Min na=t!o-ai (walk float) tis-mil t6'=nai (water go) ka-kit-tcik-kohw ml-chwin-tah1l-tan (dung oft) hi-tt-nu (pops up) tdh=kyo6 t6-mlIn=ki-yahw (water bird) has-lin=t6 (waterfall freq uenter) (ride sit-on); Min (dog) Tolowa tu-yuin tai~-chhu (- big) ch-yfis kis-fia'i hian-y~is chu'-shai-n6 chi-tlkcis sa-tlki si~iq-s'e Tututni 9'hi-chi-16 kis-ch~ hia chu-ihi-ghU qa-sil-ki sciq-s'e k~h1=srik (- red) shiim'm ka'-si's hfin-yuk s'ekwi's-tr'e cha-has-n~ talh-l-ki chis~chhu (- big) qahl-qiil-glh6 sqi-fi6 ka-tli ka-sigh-le s'el-gh6 mli ta -kek-chu t'es~chu t~h1l-ni han~chh6 (brant large) h~i=chu mis-ki (ocean in flounder) c-hu-k~t-n6 e-l=chhd (dog big) fli~f-chu (dog big) 1 Small birds are kiyuihfl. 2 An onomatope. I The civet is native in the Klamath river country, but not in Tututni territory. 4 A deer driven into water is called Ys-ch!In-n~liw. -1 The grouse is an article of food for the Hupa, but the Tolowa consider it poisonous. 6 Tuli, an onomnatope imitating the call of the grouse; kyo, large. 7 Gulls are eaten by the Tututni.

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VOCABULARIES24 245 English killerwhale lamprey* marten mink mountain-lion murrelet* mussel * octopus* otter otter, seaowl (generic) owl, hoot owl, horned owl., screech pelican perch* pheasant* porpoise* qual' quail', mountain* rabbit, cottontail* rabbit, jack-* raccoon* raven salmon (generic) salmon, dog * salmon, king * salmon, silverside* seal, furseal, hair-* sea-lion* shark 3 skunk* smelt * snake (generic) snake, bullsnake, gartersnake, king Hupa tle6=han (snake dip-out) sih=kyo; h6n=nh?=sahch (his face painted) m4In=nin=mih1I=h~ehtIl-l~u (its face with kill) h6-stit-si-mil h16-ke~ ti-tj~l-l6 (salmon eater) mzIn-nT=l6h6i (face big) mls-kyli-lo scream) t&e-kihl-k6-qi=kyo (drumming-he-makes) tech! rni-kyi-n6 tloh-m&.w6 (undergrowth-among) (gravel-bar deer) m~n~ni~ho6 (its eyes striped) ky'-wffIl-tah~l-chwhn=kyo (crow big) lilo'kw (lio, fish) k~s hia-16-k6; hdn-si=hMo'kw (summer salmon) h6l-chi tl~uhw i-nuw-"na-wai (in-ground goes) (white-striped-back) ihil-chirn-hwoh (stripedboth-sides) Tolowa yan-tre-nis tfls-hMn che-y~is-tlchfln Tututni ti=chu sr-hlditl-siin qa-n~=h1l-' (arms many) nfi-gha~tun-n6 (go na-g~hi=to-n6 (go water) water) na-gh~ihl-he s~is-te-li~chhu (- big) ti-qi~h=chhu (- big) chi-lahi —srik (tail red) hM-tqhll tu-tu-n6 2 k a-mtiu ka-chd'-4Hl ka-chidms-tl&-6 qun-su'n ta'n-fgis-he h-lo'kw ki'n-iha fin-cha-gh6 hhi-q6 tumn salmon) srf-sr~ —n~s s'i-sq~=n~s; mi=chu mas-tim. hkiqms lius ta-ghius 1 The Hupa ate neither valley quail nor meadowlark, apparently because of a myth that represents two personages of those names gambling in the abode of the dead. 2 An onomatope. 3 Eaten by the Tolowa when found stranded. 4 Respectively, the large and the small species.

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I 246 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English snake, rattlespider sprig * squirrel, gray* squirrel, ground* sturgeon * sucker * swan trout * trout, steethead. turtle waterfowl weasel whale * 3 wildcat 4 wolf wood rat * yellowhammer Hupa tl~uhw kT-h1&-wekyo mlk-ky~n~s (tail long) feu'=ki-y~i-ai (rock siton); si-Ihs h16=kyo (fish big) ti-ch!a hlo=y6-kai hai=na-til (winter travels) fi!in=tdi1 (bone flat) nfit!o-ai (walk float) tleu'=ma=han (snake its husband) 2 mfn-nln=tIch(its face short); mim=mfI-nital=chu-wol (its foot round) kifi-ni-til (trailer) m6=h16n-to=1h6-l1n (his house many) min-chuhw=mll (its nose taps) Tolowa chd-h-lu —himiln n ki-tiis ti-, che-y~sffi~-6 la'-sre se-lis Tututn i ch6I~-g~ihm —n6 la'-s'e su-lIds h-lm~chhd (smelt big) ku-sil-ki fla-wis~chhd' (- big) te'"-sli'" fid!un=tdt (bone flat) met-q &hffl&6-yi-n6 te-liin nin~-ta-yis-an-ni na-gha=yfgh-n6 (n i6ha = go) cha-hwu'l-ka; qa's= chu fi!in=ttil (bone flat) mu -q eifi-fu-wi-y6 te-ki ni-tai-yis-a. (na-glha=nigh-n6 east north south west CARDINAL POINTS yi-tqk -ain yi-te (down-stream) t!6 yi-nqik (up-stream) yens yi-fi~en taC-niO R COLORS black blue green red white yellow hFtu-hwin hli-~66 fi'l=n6-wan (blood like) bii-kai ta-ky' n6-wan 5 h~hitin hMhu h-hu hIsrik hlki Mlaf~u6 hllhin hfiu ha-tu'-ki-hwii'n-nts hlsqik hIki hThu acorns (generic) acorns, black oak PRIMITIVE FOODS 7 tit-fiik su'n-chfln nNh-tik=tit-fi~ik 8 sa-chiin Also a specific name for mallard duck. 2 The name refers to an incident of folklore. 3 The flesh and blubber of stranded whales were a favorite food with the Coast dwellers, who bartered it to their inland neighbors. 4 The Tolowa eat wildcats, but the Tututni consider their flesh poisonous. 5 Taky6, a small bird; n~wan, like. 6 "Yellow" serves as the Tolowa word for gold coin. 7 See also under the head of Animals. 8 In the Hupa specific words for acorns, the component tftfHik, meaning unshelled acorns, may be omitted, and the name of the tree itself used alone.

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VOCABULARIES24 247 English acorns, live-oak acorns, post-oak acorns., tan-bark acorns, shelled acorn bread acorn meal, d ry acorn meal, leached acorn soup angelica shoots anise shoots blackberries bracken-roots camas chinkapins (Castanea chrysophylla) eel-grass elderberries grapes hazelnuts huckleberries laurel-berries mad rofia-berries manzanita-berries pine-nuts, digger pine-nuts, sugar pinole salal-berries salmon-berries salmon-berry sprouts salt seaweed (Porphyra Hupa kin-ky6=kit-fgik kyii-win-yan i-te-tu-hliik (slap-on-fire) wit-wait ki-tist sa-156 hon-sfhlu=s&I-uhw (summer sprouts) mi~h-hi-ch~ho-kn (root many) ki-kyI=ne's (- long); is-k66i! chiuh-hwoh ta-h]6'1 ki-li-chon-t6 chwihlch n~ili-kich (stir) 3 is-t'eu ti-nluhw n~i-tWtl mi-che'u~ho-n (pitch much) tl6h-tai ta-hi-hle hlk-k6n ~h(bitter) la Tilowa Tututni t6-chin~n~s (- long) t6-ch6n=n~s tiiin-srqn-hai kflms I1 k.Iim berries) chtihl-hai-li tqs-tl6-chu kus ki'nhl-s6 tis-la'-chu; k6-k It-ti 2 ais-t6-ki ntnfh1 ya-ti-sr6-li yas-k6 chat-y6-ta=t6-che'y6 ya-shA-i ta-h~i-tle mi'-ko la se-a perf~orata) soap-plant (Chloroga- ki.s~kyo lum pomneridianum) sunflower seed tule roots tule shoots che-sih-l adz apron apron, menstrual armor4 arrow arrow-point f&an kyu-wilt-wol tiln-tai HANDICRAFT chut-h-gheEI sun chis-chu inhnSS (arrow stone) ch~n-nt t'es-chu ~i-hu~ls na-ghi's=s6 1 Apparently a loan-word. 2 Blue and red huckleberries respectively. 3 So called because laurel-berries were stirred about in hot ashes with a stick. 4 Hupa armor was a rod corselet; Tolowa and Tututni, an elk rawhide tunic.

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248 English awl ax basket (generic) basket, babybasket, burdenbasket cap basket, cooking basket, food basket, parching basket, seed-gathering basket sifter basket, storage basket tray beads, clam-shell beads, dentalia bow brush, mealcanoe cord deerskin drum fire-drill fish-hook fish-line fish-weir flute house house, menstrual house, sweatknife leggings loin-cloth mat, tule maul moccasins money., dentalium. THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Hupa W~in (bone) he'a-kai kai-tim-mifil kos-tin mlh]=t6-i (with water) hail-gia ki-w~it me'-ky~4-Mhu-wahil (inside beating) mIfIl=ki-ti-wat (with siftby-shaking) ch!6-lo; kai-chint' kai-t6 ti-chzit mi-tich; h6-chI~na-ti-yO' (real dentalia) 2 mih1I=ch~i'-tu'mII (with scrape-off) me~til 3 kyi-wu~t'-wol md~-ki=k~In=ky6-'eh~u-wah1I (on stick beat) mih1I=ki-td-lu-wfs (with drill) kyii-wu mihl=ky6-l6 (with throwin) mil-i-mil h6n-ta minch tai-kyuhw fie&li~h-ch6 (stone flat) h6-6~!in=m6-kyu-lu-i (leg tied-around) ho-tli=mili=wil-lui (buttock with tied) kydil-tel 1 mhIh~kyih_1-6fhi~l (with pound) yi-chit-tal tin-ky6-hlt (four piece); ki-k6-tf-ktlt-hw6;chw6 -la-hit (five piece); host~in-hit (six piece) Tolowe chijit-ilttis chcit-td l.i-yu kai-trit m&-tds-sdhilI h~i-f!a ki-si M6itini m~-ya-tr&ytil tah-kiis hai-ni's &-tlc-ghah]l trlflhah1 ghu a Tututni l.i-yu k~i-f&at (in hot- m6=chd~-sdil-le's~hawater) fiWa k~i-sa. sa m6-i-tan in ti'k-kiigh han-ntis It us MMi chu-g'h6 na-ghe-t~i not used ~h- h-ty'in na-tlmi ch~-siil mrlhl=ya-ch'ih-tiis (with pound) he trat miin not used Ahigh-l&-6 nil-m6 chiis-sih-l hlIchcil-kiis I Respectively, tight-meshed for seeds and shelled acorns, and loose-meshed for unshelled acorns and dried fish. 2 Respectively, smaller than the four sizes used as money, and the large sizes. 3The Hupa purchased their canoes from the Yurok. 4 The Hupa purchased their mats from the Coast tribes.

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VOCABULARIES24 24.9 English mortar mortar hopper net (generic) net-bag (receptacle) net, diipnet, gillnet, seine net, surfpaddle, canoepaddle, souppestle pipe quiver rattle robe, deerskin rope 2 seed-beater shirt skirt sling spear, fishspear, fish-, point spear, fish-, shaft spoon, antler spoon, mussel-shell tump-line wedge, antler Hupa ~ie'hat (stone flat) kai-k ist kyi-h~ik h-h-wal (with dip-in)1 not used nfi-ki-tI6-i not used kit-t6 me-!St kin ai-kyari (wood hollow) fi!-tfi-ka-nfi-we (fisher) not used nfi-h!=len (two together); h-fI - q 1= le'n (one together) mhIl=kilhl-u-wal (with beat) ho-tli=chI-mn6kls-tlon (buttock cover) m"h1=ki-tih1-f6il (with throw) miThki=1-tihlil-kis (with thrust) ki-t&6-kin h6-siqt-sfl-m4l (mussel) tlohlI n6-ki-tihw Tolowa se~hait (stone flat) kai-i-sifft not used not used m~s-h-hi not used h-lar-smu'n mne-i=to e-ch d"n ta-hi`im-ni kwe ste'i Tututn i kwa'-si not used not used mci-ha not used nit-hi fit-cha tla-h6-li ch-&ghdl-chis St6 stqis chha y~s~-gh6Oe-a che'7h-~hi ch!6-di m~-tlki sa s te-hiit tuhi nqfilY ch&t-tli-a ch6t-kat fiu,~- k cd qcis-si tlohl se~ndi1 (stone wedge) NATURAL PHENOMENA ashes h6n=t~n (fire dust) h-Ichqis-tcitI-ki charcoal t~uhw hwqi'n-sit cloud a Ak darkness chwfi-hoh-l-wil sa -uml ~ I~ dawn yis-haii y~-L~ day ch!6ns d'aytime chini-kyo-wit sri-nis-ti~n earth nin-nis-an ridin-ls-fin; nI'6 (land) evening will-wdlil hi~h-1-trin evening star sI ~n=chh6 (star big) fire hon hwiin fog mis-ch6; mni-nIhi-kit 3 ik~chhu (cloud big) ice ncin-hos-tin hwe-tu~in 1 Respectively, for fishing in eddies and from weirs. 2 Hupa rope was made of fibres from the leaves of iris, mWs-che-l-kn; from an unidentified tree, triO~-cht"Vi7. 3 Respectively, high fog and low fog. VOL. XIII-32 qiin-fris sfi-hh-kighafil hai-y'el-has sas-tign ntin-n~s-a hwiin fi=chu Tolowa rope of bark

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2 -0 250 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English lake lightning Milky Way moon morning star mountain night ocean Pleiades rain rainbow river Hupa Tolowa mnun-k~t; m~ink ti'th1-hiit=chhwa~tuin= shan~ (water big in still) y~i=min=fe'-n6 (sky its bone) hwa; hat-tle'hwa (night cha-ghi'tl-sri 1 luminary) nin-nis-an=nes-nu-i (earth n~in-fiW!cn stand-up) miw-wfl-m6; t6-nin-koch; Sins-h an miW-Wfl Tututni ch'el-kiis n~i-&u'n fiis-han hicha hin-n6 yas sun h~i-ghi na-ai-ya na-ki-tu-in-a rock sky smoke snow star sun thunder tree water wind t'enoh-kuit=ni'n-hat (over-head cover) hut niun-tdI 66n' hwa; ch!'n-hwa (day luminary) ky'eh-n6hw kin ta-nain;to t~s-ch6 shai-hai hlch~in chnin-int's-ln (descend-creek) ya t~-hli si in-ta hw6-t!e Thttit-ni-nlihl-ta tra-m'e h-Itri chiln=chu (wood big) tiiil-ha-ta h-16i NUMERALS one two th ree four five six seven eight nine ten eleven twelve twenty thirty forty fifty sixty nah tak tink chw6=li' (- hand) hos-tin hoh-kit k-e`nimn miAk-k6s-t6' min-h-Ian mmn-man mu -wa na=ma (ten besides one) mmn-m-an mu vwa na=nah nah=tIm mm m-han 3 tak=tim mm m-han tInk=tim mm m-han m-a' nli-hai ti-ke tiin-ch!i shw6=la sch6i-t6 ne-sz ne-su ma cha -ta ne-szi~n~ndhai chd-ta t~i=tin ne su tuznch tun ne su shwze-la=tWn=nc-siti kwvis-tdtcin=ne-sci hiM-Tha ni-he ti-ke tu~n-chi shwu'=la qcis-ti-ni schqt-t'e na-hfzn-tu mlin=tu hwaz-s6 m~d=cha-ta n~i-he=cha-ta ni=tun=hwaz-s6 tun-chi=tun~hw~i-s6 1This is now used for clock; and for moon the Tolowa have adopted t'-t -n=na-g7ha-6hil (night light). 2 To, applied only to standing water, is not much used except in composition. 3 The h of nail, two, becomes a very soft h in "two times ten."

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VOCABULARIES25 25I English seventy eighty Hupa Tolowa z n se-m!n=t0n=ne-su ni-hal-tu-huzm-n'1= tCln=ne-szn In-tG=tCin=ne-szn fila u h-l a'= c uzn Tututni ninety hundred bfia-ti-kin PERSONAL TERMS aunt, maternal aunt, paternal baby boy brother brother, elder brother, younger chief (rich man) daughter father father's father father's mother girl husband man medicine-man medicine-man., herb mother mother's father mother's mother people people, white sister sister., elder sister, younger slave son uncle, maternal uncle, paternal wife woman hwi'-n-kai'I hwfi-tich-hwfln hwi-h1in hwi-n6ch hw-i-ill 4nin-ha-tezn hwi-f~e hwi-ti hu-m~i'-chhun hwi-chhw6 t!6-hch hlwi-hin h6-is-tai ki-teztoko-m I chih -chw6 (medicine make) i-ne'cku; hwiuin-chwvfn 2 hwi-chhw6 kyii-win-ya-in-yan hwat hwi-te'h ki-nai-kil hwiuh-he hwis hwi-tai hwfi-at mfl-t6 (elder sister) ch~-16'-has tri-n6-6 che`i-16 hfls-h6 si-~ tf-a a-me tr~-ne k6-thfls ch&s~-n6 ch uzs-n6 ti-nfln-n6 cha-mai-yqhiM-sri qd-kd-a nsu nsu te-ni na-tjmi~_tin (knife many) te'sr6-6 yghe-yi tri-n6-6 (elder brother) tri-n6&~ trfi-n&-6 trtin-hai sj'hi-ghOI s'si-n6 kfi-yu h clS-h ' si-6 ~?hti-a s'siin-n6 tis-n6 ti-nun qfi-ka Su Su tti n-n6 sa-sis=t~in-n6 (different-language people) ~hte'-s6 ~ht~i-y6 ~ha-it M-he TREES Uts alder (Alnus Oregana) ash cedar (Libocedrus decurrens) cedar, red keohw ch!i-ch!&lIen hlilfi-nfihlch-wuin i-l1-t6l kutih (fra- klds=tdtfil (yew -) gran t) ki-tiil-y6 mus 1 The Tututni prefix Ah represents the third personal pronoun, singular; and Hupa hwi, hw, the first personal pronoun, singular. Most Tututni and Hupa terms of relationship cannot be used without a personal pronoun. 2 Respectively, vocative, and with third personal pronoun. 3 YDm~n, across.

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252 English chinkapin (Castanea chrysophylla) cottonwood (Populus trichocarpa) dogwood elder laurel (Umbellularia Californica) madrofia (Arbutus Menziesii) THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Hupa tan-nai-ki-til Tolowa Tututni tah-m~i-a' chiuh-hw6h lii-ki'm ktin-se'-chti-n6 Is-teu tiis-t6-ki maple kti maple, vineoak, black (Quercus nifhl-tik Californica) oak, live- (Q. chryso- mT-tl6-ti-tj lepis) oak, post- (Q. Gar- klnky6 (ti ryana) oak, tan-bark (Q. den- kii-n~s-tfin siflora) pine, digger (Pinus n~i-Wtl Sabiniana) pine, sugar (P. Lam- ml-ch'eu=hc bertiana) pine, yellow (P. pon- ti11-chw~k derosa) redwood (Sequoia sem- k6h=ky6 (y pervirens) spruce, Douglas (Pseu- nTs=k~fi (lot dotsuga. taxifolia) syringa ki-hiis kan-sil-ki in ree big) stin-chrln~ch6-nT-i.(acorn stick) sa-chun=chii-n,6:-16n (pitch much) nunhl=ch6-nT-i tdithl-Thi ki's=chhd (yew big) Tew big) ng tree) hai e-chiin~ch6-nT-i (pipe stick) kin kis he U~s kigs willow (Salix) yew (Taxus brevifolia) kaf- luhw k~h MISCELLANEOUS t6=nffuh-hw6n (not good); tii-wan-t6 autumn bad breath dance dream food good large long no real shadow short small song nich-hwun hw&-ch!in nTn-sin-til ki-ni-lai kyii-wi-ydm nluh-hw6n iih-l-kyo; ni-kyi-o 1 n~s to h6-chi k u-y'Th n~'s-tis Th'tan nchhwa 2 Ii~s tu nti-ke al -stflm ght&.yin ti-kai ~-stin-i yis ni-tas m~i~b-lah1l sta Thu cha n~s tu ihd-u tin-tuk tis-chu ti-yln tohln; mis-kuihi4; mishwtin 1 Respectively, large, and very large; short, and very short; small, smaller, very small. 2 In composition this usually appears as -chhu.

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VOCABULARIES English spirit (ghost) spirit (soul) spirit (supernatural) spring summer tattoo tobacco village winter year yes Hupa ho-n~i-t6w ho-ni-to-w~t-nahw kyi-hu-in-nai ta'-m'e-uk; h6n-sifil= chiin-ya b6n-sfihl h6-wil-tach h6n-ta (house) hai m~-nin-ti-ya (overtake) Tolowa tk6-nas-tl ihgh an-46 se-hli-yu miin=h-lan-Sin (house 253 Tututnii si-i-son ihi-ni-tlM Thin-tgn ghil-tils sdil-yu. mnin=cha-tPln (house many) h&-ni h6-ni i many) he he ail' Hokan
ANATOMICAL TERMS English ankle-joint arm blood bone chin ear elbow-joint eye face finger-nail fingers foot hair hand head heart knee leg lips mouth neck nose nostril teeth toe-nail toes tongue Shasta wa'h-hu h~i-gar ih-ta Ak ch~i-wak i-sak un-wipskk a-ra-ha kah-h~is-si i-kwus in-niih aip-ka cha-r6' hi-wa-sut i-chip-ka ha-ra-wai 6 0 'i-kuk &i-ka-htt (nose hole) i-ch!5 a-ra-ha A4chornawi fias-hi'-wis k~i'-wa i-sat p~n-ti a-sa t6-ma-mi (vision); a-s6 -tich-pu-chu-mi kU-pa il ffi-kah ti-yi ii lah hA-ti-chi pul-l16i sa'-yi ap ap w~ip-t y~im-mi yamn-mni=-ak-yi-Iu-mni (nose hole) kU-pa Karok nas-sa fi-tii-ra-ili aah 1-pl v6-tak ti-i-vi i~h-i-vi-rik yu-u-pu a-a-va ah-pii f is-fhi if-fu-ni ti-ik ah-ho-vi-a is-fhi-va-i-yi pis-sak ip-si-i ap-ma-ri-fa-ri ip-pu-ma-an w6-up y~f-fe-vi yuf-f6-vi=sd-ru-ka (nose hole) vo fis-fhi~ih-pi (foot claws) fis-fihi ---i-pa-nich (foot end) a-pa-ri-i i-kwus=kah-his-si (foot f&a-ki-wis-ta' fingers) a-hA-na ip-li 1 The Shasta vocabulary was obtained from Indian Jake, born about 1847 near Ashland, Oregon, residing in 19I5 near Yreka, California; the Achomawi, from Henry Wool, born about 1853 near Fall River; the Karok, from Camp Creek Johnny, born about I845-1850 near Orleans.

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254. 254 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English antelope* badger * bat bear, black* bear, grizzlybeaver * bird bluejay buzzard caterpillar* civet condor coot * coyote crow deer (generic)* deer, albino* deer, mule* dog dove *3 duck (generic)* duck, mallard* eagle earthworm* elk* fish* fisher fox fox, silver goose * gopher * grasshopper* grouse * heron, blue horse Shasta i-yu-hir ta-ra-k&r h'eha ta-waf fi~i-6iah 2 chis-lkwai 2 hii-nu-ku-na hu-hu-hwai ki-wi-ti-kik-ni kwai-tak a- ha-ha2 a-r6' ti-hin-na h~i-psu ma-pd-qe ka's-sa a-chtip-ha chu-pir hi'-ta-ka a-kar ka-ra-rib 2 hii-ras-sa ah-h6ohii-qq~k ti-wa-liar ANIMALS I A4chornawi ch'eka-va-wi hak 5-le"h-ti ~ha2 pum 2 6i1-n-f6-f6i-k' 2 kas-kis-a 2 iim-pni Ie-mul a-wi-cha t6-Si la-mit-ti ha-mi-wi=t6-si (Southfork deer) aif-li-mnu-ki (lop-ear); chah-h6-ma-ka sk6-ko-ki as-sim-m'i ka-lih la-wi-cha al qan sil-Itim is-tit tarnm6mii2 pi-li-kes a-6ins-ta; chah-h6m4 Karok vi-rus-su nan-nich=ka'm (elder-sister big) sa'-pih-ni-ich a-chi-vi-vi 21 ka-chM-ki-Ich; pahim-wa-nich a-ti-pi-mim-wan ta-piik-pu-ku-we'n~ch a-chi-vi-vi=kya'm (bird big) as-tih-wa —na-nich pi-hi-nitif-fich qif-fidm-wa-n~ch piif-fich chi~h-~h' pim-nin-ni-tiim=naika-nich (summertime he-cries) as '-t vi-d a~ar '-_4hi-yu-uh tat-ku-nii-pi-is-fhi-var a-pa-rih a-hi-kfi-na 2 a-116-ris i-ki-mi-ha-an; ti-miky6i-ru i-ho-va-i chf~h-hi (dog); yu6rus —chi~h~hi (downstream dog) lamprey * kuii-par a-ka-ri marten ti-mat-he 1 The names of animals used as food are indicated by stars. 2 An onomatope. 3 In Karok folklore, Dove cries because he has been so unlucky at gambling as to lose even his grandmother's dress. He is a benevolent character, "just like people," and the Karok therefore never kill doves. 4 Cf. chahh6maka, dog.

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VOCABULARIES25 255 English mink* 1 mole mountain-lion*3 mountain-sheep* mussel, fresh-water* otter * 3 owl, hootowl, horned pelican pheasant* porcupine* quail * I quIl, mountain* rabbit, cottontail* rabbit, jack*5 raccoon* raven salmon* skunk* snake snake, rattlespi'der squirrel, gray* squirrel, ground* sturgeon* sucker * trout * trout, steelhead* turtle * 8 weasel wilIdcat * wolf wood rat* yellow-jacket larvx* Shasta us-su i-ri-rfik his-si wa-hi-ru chah-nii his-s6 h6-yu-k~ U pis-pis ~is-ch a ti-ka-ka 4 ku-hiiq 4 i-tai-n6-Lki hil-wa-ha ti~n6f&-hukul ki-ka 4 hd mi-mtan-tu hu-w~i-tir hM-qai-ah-ah ch 6-ta ~it-chak k6l-wa ch!as f~a-'ha-r&yu wan-ne i-a~u-wai ffi-wa h~ip-pus ki-u Aclhomawi chu-pi wa-la-in ts-sa ta-ch~i-la ~il-mat-ti sal ha-si-u fsu-ma-h~i-lo pu-ke-wi; f6-pi; hai-y~itu-wA4k haW~vjt wit-wat C chah-wif6 kak4 as-chi-ti-4ihi; al-lii-yi ha'-ye'nci hu-me4 hii-ta faha-i ta-w~it-ti a-ch~it lat-h~i sli-pai-i al-lis hi-p!ich y~is 16.f6a-li f~i-mu tam-yiis fi~e-yti Karok h an-ch u-nim-wa-nich mo-ru - yup-sii-kir ah-si i-pus-n a-hia-wa-nich suf-ki-rik t6-kus i-ki-mi-hin-sa-nich tci-ki-ka 4 pi-ki-v~i-va-v&-nlch sa-hi= hi-yu-uh= hwcich 6 Thi-yu-uh-hwvfch (Scott-valley cotton. tail-rabbit) a-ku-v~it im-ma; p~i-vat; a-chivun chin-nim 4p-su-un~fnu ti-pa s=ip-su-un~fnu (genuine snake) ha ti-ha-ru-u ~ih-sa-i i~h-h&ki chi'm-muhch as-k6'p s~i-ap a-s~i-ha-vu ~in-na-hu-su i-ku-vi-is ik-hi-vi-na-mlch east north li-tai-yuq wi-ru-tu CARDINAL POINTS wi-mu-kiu-ki-tu ki-ru-ku (up-stream)9 1 Mink were eaten only by the Achomawi. 2 Possibly an attempt to pronounce the English word. I Mountain-lions and otter were not eaten by the Karok. 4' An onomatope. 5 The quail is said to be, like the jack-rabbit, a recent addition to the fauna of the Klamath River- country. 6 Sahi'yuk, sandbar; i'~hiyuuh, elk; hwz~ch, belongs to. 7Cf. haW&t, cottontail rabbit; reduplication implying increased size. 8 Turtles and wildcats were not eaten by the Karok. 9 Only approximately north.

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256 256 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English south west Shasta hu-qa-td-tu-hu chap-h6'-tu-hu A4chomawi pa-ka'-m~i; pa-ka-mi~uchi-ki-tu ' i-tam; fiul-wii-tu-ch'i-.yit I Karok yd'iru-kii (downstream) 2 vi-ku-ri'-ha-kilm black blue green red white yellow i-chi-ku-ru-waip-su 1-chum-pa-h6 COLORS h6-ki-chi stim-til s6-ka-ti; mak-ma-kil tak-ta-ki ti-wi-chi sd-ka-ti; mak-ma-kil; splak ik-ha'-r~m=k6-ni~h (night like) sd-ki-ni=kii-ni9h (tattoo like) ih~kd-nis~h(blood like) chin-chaf=kii-ni~h (foam like) sa-ni-mi-va-yu PRIMITIVE FOODS 4 acorns, black oak acorns, live-oak acorns, post-oak acorns, tan-bark acorns, shelled acorns, shelled and d ried acorn bread acorn meal acorn meal, leached acorn soup blackberries camas chokecherries elderberries grapes hazelnuts huckleberries laurel-berries mad rofi a-berries manzanita-berries pine-bast, yellow pine-nuts, digger pine-nuts, sugar pinole hi-chan-na chu-ki-ri-ka-nak kif-sd'-rai not used k6k-ki lia-pui si-hi-mik 6-chu-hu-ti-qe-ya sa-pa-war wiin-tih has-stik ki-ip-pa; man-n&r7 not eaten hi-was wi-ha; has-s6r 8 as-sun-nah ag-si-u kB-m6-i-ma t'eh-taf& tu-mi'-yai i-ch'epa-pa-ke' wi-su-6?A wah-hifi~ a-ti-ke ti-la-ti sta-li-u pul hal-l'i ki-f6i not eaten tuf~-hi-16 as-sa. a-ti-k&.i hin-si-ip hin-pu-utt a-ha-wim hon-ti-pan h6-ri~h=is~h-ha-i (dried-acorns moist) h6-ri~h sa-ra ik-pd-ru yaf hon a-ti-yi-chd-rip a-yl a-sis-hon-tip 6 pii-ris pa-a ku-su-rip-pi~h fi-asth 6-os ik-p6-ru I Respectively, near and distant. 2 Only approximately south. 3 Sdan, maple. 4 See also under the head of Animals. 5 Hf1ia, black bear. 6 Hontipan, tan-bark acorns. 7 Respectively, black and red huckleberries. 8 Respectively, black and red manzanita-berries.

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VOCABULARIES25 257 English plums seaweed service-berries soap-plant tarweed seed tule roots wilId grass seeds Shasta A4chomawi pat-ti Karok at-ki a-ki-ra pi-ta h&. im i-mi-yi-ha i-ki-ri-pu; mi-ak h5-hf-fiak ha-pa-ris hd-wa-ir-hi-hu tas-ti f~ih-Ii HAND ICRAFT adz apron armor, elk-hide armor, rod arrow arrow-point arrow-smoother arrow-straightener awl balsa, tule basket, babybasket, burdenbasket cap basket, cooking basket dish basket, parching basket,, seed-gathering basket sifter basket, storage basket tray beads, clam-shell beads, dentalia bead s, juniper-seed beads, pine-cone belt bow canoe cap, netdeerskin dress., dance drum fire-drill han-ni-ifg hah-yi hd't-tak-ka ak-kir ha-qafi hi-chu-hu-rir hi-ri-ch!a-rir d-hwa hi-pa-rls='ik-vi (tule canoe) hif6-si-pai-r6q hi-n6 i-ffik chi-md-iis ti-hd-pa pi-wi fikal-li'm lis-cha-ke ta-pis-tu-mi ta-su-yi tu-ko-ma'-yi not used su -wa ti-pa-ti yfl-piiq tah-ri-ri tap-sd-ti; ta-t6-ya-wi fi~u-pih-wa ik-hi-rip-ar tin-ta-a-vi pi-ha-sa-ha ku-ni-har si-ak si-i not used sah-tu-un i-tim-nfim ip-han sa-rim-pu-Ci-ka-rami as-sip-pi-righ pi-ta-riam mii-ruk i-ti-ki-ni ti-ni-va-ulp si-pi-nu-uk ha-sil-pi-ni'-ra i~h-pdik hos-ku-ai-ma-har pi-a vas-ta-ran i-mi-sun-nu-vu-no-or; i-mi-cha-nik-nak-ar2 fiu-ra'm-ma muq-si ifg-qi'-ma kB-hd-tik ka-qi-tilk fili-ki-hu hdp-hu hi-ya-mii-i hi-u ilk-vi not used hu-r6-; hu-r6=vir 3 (cooking-basket small1-hole-in-top) si-ti-la ail-lat ' i-ki-ta-ke pas-si' (yew) Si-pi pin-ni t~k-wa-li ti-si-mi not used to-wa-ch'i I Used as money, and obtained from the Wintun, who got them from the Yuki. The Yuki purchased the strings from the Pomo, who made the discs from shells secured at Tomnales bay. 2 Respectively, the new and the old name for drum, the latter being applied to the sounding boards used at gambling games, the former to the modern skin-covered instrument made by the Karok, the Yurok, and the Hupa, in imitation of the soldiers' drums. 3 Respectively, the base and the spindle. VOL. XIII-33

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258 English fish-hook fish-trap fish-weir flute head-band head-dress, war house house, menstrual house, sweatknife leggings loin-cloth mat, tule 3 maul moccasins mortar mortar hopper net-bag net, dipnet, gillnet, seine paddle, canoe paddle, soup pestle pipe quiver rattle robe rope seed-beater THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Shasta not used a-huf6-sd-qa-ik a-ka-hik hi-hi-ti-ir ha-rd-wa-kik am-ma w~p-sa-hi=1im-ma (menstruating-woman house); wap-h&flmma (menstruatingvirgin house) u-qli=am-ma ha-f6i-ral ha-kii-ai ha-ta-kiaf-nik kik-hi-ya-vik ifi~-sa hfi-chali ha-tiu ik-hi-nu ha-rfi-hu. hi-wtit-ta ha-k'i-ruk hah-ta-wi-ke fip-su fl-c-qi-ra hu-hii-pi is-s~-k6 hwflm-ma h a - qui5n-n i A~chomawi ta-ma-mi; ta-pa-m'i al=ta-la-f6 ii —si-ti-la (fish catch-with basket) ta-tfi-pi; ta-fifif~-chi 1 hd-lu-16 pfln-ni a-pti-le; as-chii-i 2 ket (menstruatingwoman -) sat (flint); ti-tis-te hi-kfl-i hd-6ia ti-pis-til (strike-with) ki-li-la sit-wa-la, ka-lii'-wa ta-lfi- ka'-yi; ta-mi-chi; li-pa-ke ta-hi-mflm-chi fW a-pi-le k6-pa skot ffi-wa-h~i ta-yis-ti kap-wfi-la Karok not used i-mi-v'i-ri i-ki-r&.-mi-yli=ha-vflrar (wind through) i-ki-ri-vi-ra-am ya-hu-vu-r'e=ki-ri-vira-am (menstrualflow house) i-ki-hi-cha-rli-am si-mi-si-im p6-o-ru. is-si-var ta-ku-nu-ris yu-kiiku si-pa-am i-ki-rfl-mi-na-va. s6-hu-ri-i-vi u-ri-pi; a-ka-rfi=u-ri-pi (lamprey net) pa-ha-vi-tar ta-su-va-an i-ki-rfl-var u-hu-rflm sa'-pih-ni-ich=vi-kyapu (beaver container); a-ka-vfi-kiri 4 vas a-an fl-ti-kin; i-ki-rfl-puhu=fl-hi-ra-vu (wildgrass-seed knockoff) shirt han-ni-t64-ma tu-wfl-mi skirt hfl-i; chu-ri-pa 6 ti-ki-16 yff-fu-su snowshoes mi-ri ta-pa-ki ha-nu-vi~h spear, fish-, point ha-ra-wii-ch!u iah-kfls-wi i-ti-kyfl-nu-var spear, fish-, shaft his-sa-hai la-sii spoon is-qai pfl-ku-wa si-ki tump-line wa-hai wa-tfl-y'e i-Thi-rli-kyar wedge h6~-pu-Piir ta-sflh-pa 1 Respectively, for small fish and for salmon. 2 Respectively, for summer and winter. 3Mats were not made by the Karok, but were obtained from neighboring Coast tribes. 4 The latter, made of th~e entire skin of a fox, fisher, or wildcat, is ornamental, not for actual use. IRespectively, hemp and rawhide. 6 Respectively, ordinary and fringed.

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VOCABULARIES25 259 English ashes charcoal cloud darkness dawn day earth evening evening star fire fog ice lake lightning Milky Way moon morning star mountain night ocean Pleiades rain rainbow river rock sky smoke snow star sun thunder tree water wind NATURAL Shasta ma-ha-wa huku hi-pa-ku i-qi-chu-hwi ki-mi a-aa'i tfi-rak a-rd1k (evening his star) im-ma 'i-chu-ku-r6-ha i-ra-chum-mu ap-hi=aiu~fiai-war (night his luminary) ~m-mi-ki ap-hi ip-han-na (lake) hi-pi-talh-nit (bunched) i-rai-ki ch6-ku-ru-was-su a-ti-tai-wi i( d-s'a qa-hu-wf'. kufI-si kf-u hia-qaz-sur a~d-war; a-fa 6uaifu'fiwar (day his luminary) 'Ik-hi-cim-m6 a-ka-ha fia-sa as-ka, PHENOMENA Alchomawi tih-ka hok a-hI fiuMi~heyu; ma-h~kcha ta-li-lim-chi; a-li-laikik ma-tik-cha ti-ka-t6 u-16k-ma lu-lu-li mal-lis a-tu-muim li-kaW~ a-lit-wam ta-lim-chi fiol; ma-h~k-chu=wi= fiol (night his luminary) sai-i a-kd ma-h~k-chu wil-us-chi tam-min-m'i-chi a-chii-ma i-lis-ti a-s6h-li ma-kUg ti fia-mik fiol til as-wu as ta-hd-m'i Karok am-ta-ilp (dust); a= him-ta-tip (fire dust) i-mi-nik rflm 1 ik-hi-rtam (night) tu-su-pa Isd-pak ik-1h6-rar a-a pd-uk i-kyi-ka-ri 6-ku-ra'm i-ma-hin-numn-vu ik-ha-riim=ku-d-stI-ra, (night luminary) a-ti-yi-raimn-ka'm (star big) tdy-ihip ik-hi-rqm yui-ras a-ti-yi-nu'm-tu-nu-w6 -ich (star-small-children) pas-fi~a-ri igh-kui igh-kde-igh as im-ku-uf i-ki-yui-tu-ni; tai-a a-ti-yi-ra'm ku-u-sii-ra i-4hi-nu'-ru ip-pa-a. i19h-9ha, i-ki-rt-mi-ya one two three four five 1 Respectively, ch!a-am-mus hu-ka hifi-ki i-ril-hai-yu &-chi NUMERALS ha-miS hak flis-ti ha-ta-ma la-tu'i yis-sa ih-hak ku-yu-raik pi- is i-ti-r6'p cumulus and nimbus; iklieirm, darkness.

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26o 260 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN En~glish six seven eight nine ten eleven twelve twenty thirty Shasta ch!6=wtl-tA-hii h6-ka=wfl-tA-hi' &chi=he'wi ch!'e-his (one score) ch!&'his~tuq=-chi-h6& wi (twenty and ten) hd-ka=his h6-ka-his~tuq=-chih6-wi haf6-ki=his i-rti-hai-yu —his i-rii-hai-yu-his=tuq=6 -chi-h6-wi ~-ch i~his A1chomawi mas=6ch1 hak=iich ha-t~i-ma'i-hlI 2 ma-his-si=tu-chi-ku= haMiSsan-chi (ten nearly, one off) ma-his-si ha-mis~a..tdmi (one more) hik=a-td-mi mas-sis fiis-tiI=ma-lds-si (thrice ten) ha'-kil=mas-s'is; ha-timil~ma-liis-si li-til~ma-lis-si; ha-kill= mas-sis=ma-liis-si=at6-mi hak-iich-d=mna-lhis-si ha-ta'-ma-i-lhl=ma-lhis-si Karok hak=i-nil-vi-ki ku-yu-rfik=i-ni-vi-ki i-ti-ri-hi-yar i-ti-rii-hi-yar —ko-ru=yis-sa (ten and one) i-ti-rfi-hi-yar —ko-ru= iih-hak hMk=i-ti-rii-hi-yar (two ten) ku-yu-raik=i-ti-ra'-hiyar pi-is=i-ti-ri-hi-yar i-ti-r6'p~i-ti-ri-hi-yar ik-i-ril-vik=i-ti-ra'-hiyar yar ku-yu-rik-i-ni-vik=iti-ri-hi-yar rf-hi-yar i-sa-pfi-chi~h fo rty fi fty sixty seventy eighty ninety hundred PERSONAL TERMS aunt, maternal aunt, paternal baby boy brother brother, elder, man's brother, elder, woman s brother, eldest brother, younger, man s brother, younger, woman s brother, youngest chief child daughter an-ni-t'i am-pa-h6 u-ma sii-qah ka-ri-va' a-ch!i kim-pi-wa' a-pu-pu a-hii-hi an-nii-i-yah-wa koh-wa-h'a-ha ta-h6-cha a-yii-ke wa-fie'-mam-ui wa-hii-mut-dii fii-le-k yd-yiil-chan wal-u-chi wa-pii'-wi wa-pfi'-wi ti-y6 ti-y6 wa-ht-lu mi-nilk-chan wa-tfi'-wi chii-hwach mi-i-chan yup-si-ta-nach a-vans~a-hi-ich (man ti-pa young) iin-ni-hich fin-ni-hich chi-as chi-as i~h-puk-ait=air (money person); yas~ir (rich person) a-ra -ma ye-ri-pi-hu-vu (girl) 1 The terminations in Shasta six to nine, Achomawi six and seven, Karok six to eight, indicate that the count is now proceeding on the second set of digits. 2 " Four twice," or "four again."

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VOCABULARIES26 26i English father, my father, your father, his father's father father's mother girl husband man medicine-man mother, my mother, your mother, his mother's father mother's mother people people, white person sister sister, elder sister, younger, man s sister, younger, woman s slave son stepfather uncle, maternal uncle, paternal wife woman Shasta a-kwi-ti af6-vi-t"I ki-ya-hia a-wa-ti-qa (man) a-wa-ti-qa ki-fuin; hi-ri-wi-u ya-pti~an-ni-ni; an-ni1 afi-mu-h'i A4chomawi nu-nth-cha ma-nu-nez ke-wii-wa-yfi miil-ta-kil-chan ya-wli yal-yii ni; cha-mi'm-chicha-ni ni-niu-cha ma-ni ke-wd-ta-ti-il am-mu-h'i Karok a-ti-gha-nich; ai-tiA 1 i-ti-sha-nilch; i-tish1 yt-ri-pi-hu-vu i-vans (man) a-vans van 2 nil-ni'-ku-ut (my mother's father); kd-u-ta-na 1 nil-ni~ki-it (my mother's mother); ki-i-ta-na 1 ar-ar ap-hin~t'in-ni-hich (hat flat) ar kyiis-ta-an nin-nach chi-igh ch'i-igh i-hi-ni-us a-vans~a-hi-ich (boy) pa-r~i-hu-vas 4 hfi-kamn pa-ri hi-r6 a-si-ki-ti'-va-an his q6-ve-ki (travel constantly) a-ch!i i-chu-ni=hi-61h 3 kBp-sii-wa-yik a-rdi-fifi (paternal uncle) a-pg-kif a-rii-6i - ta-ri-chi (woman) ta-ri-chi i 9h (white skin) mafg-w' wa-pis-wi w6-nd'-wi w6-nii'-wi t'etam-yi pa-li-chi tu-lu-li-ma-chi tu-lu-m'e a-mi-t'eu-chan alder ash cedar cottonwood elder juniper laurel madrofia manzanita, black manzanita, red maple ta-ch!i-ru hi-qi-hu nah-hii a-ru si-pi-hd pii-ru-hwi ch!i-hu hi-was=hi-hu 5 wi-ha-hi-hi ha-su-rii-hu TREES ch!a-k6 ma-li-pa-16 la-t!6 (&a-k6 hal-li-mi-16 ki-si-mi-16 pa-9i6-yo pa-chi-sdl-yo a-ku-wil-ti-pi ni-ktis a-si-pi-i-pi yii-hwas kd-pu-ri-i-pi pa-hil-pi ku-su-ri-pan fis- thi-pi sa-an 1 AtIbih anni, kiiutana, kz'tana, vocative forms, terms of endearment. 2 Respectively, shamans (mostly female) and herb-doctors (usually male). 3 H-iah, young. 4 Parb, paternal uncle. 5 HI'hu, wood.

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4A 262 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English oak, black oak, liveoak, Postoak, tan-bark oak, white pine, digger pine, sugar pine, yellow redwood spruce, Douglas syringa, willow yew Shasta hih-tii-ki-hii ha-rap-hii fiu-ku-rd-hu as-sun-rnih ha-rip-hu ~iai-vu-hii wait-ta ho6-hi-hu A4chomawi as-so'-y6 as-u-wi la-s6 pas pas-si Karok huins-fhi-i-pi han-pd-ti-pi a-hu-v'ei-pi ho-nu-ye'i-pi iis-si-pi os-kin-pi-hi-i-pi h~i-vi,~h pi-rak; kiif-fi-pi MISCELLANEOUS autumn bad breath dance d ream food good large long no shadow short small song spirit (ghost) spirit (soul) spring summer tattoo tobacco vill1age, wu-qf-hai ka-ri-qil-ch!i ke-6-su-rik kiis-t&-hem-pik ki-haik kif~-hiik ka-ri-si kim-pi u-qii-hi-wi ma-an ip-hui-hi i-hi-ku i-tuq-hi-iih kaf~-nik sium-tu i-tu-na a-ta-hi kip-ti u-wa is-si-tu=im-ma (many houses) i' -wi-mak t'hi-k-i ta-sik-chiim-i tjMMi~ku tus-yi wa-wih; wa-w~uih-wati ' (large-all-around) f1i6k-f6ah-f6u-mi; wahf~u-mni; wah-fiu-chi 2 wie'-lhi f;fiUW fia'k-chah-chu-chi fia'k-cha t&64hi t&.Iimn-chi k~t-wi fil-lu-i up kamn-ti-ldt-ji po=ya-vu=har (not good) pi-mi-yi-hu-va ih i-pi-rni-hu-vi-ri-hi-va i-va-ha yi-vu k6-ich va-a-ru'm p6-hir pik-Thip ip-Th6n-ki-nich ni-na-mich pu-yi-har pi-mi-nan-ni silk-ki-na i-he'ra i-ni-ra-hi-rflm; i-ki-ri vi-ra-amn=ta-i (houses many) i-hi-ya-fl-vfl hi-ri-na-yi han winter wfl-qi is-chii-i year wfl-qi (winter) ptii-wi yes han-in hi-i 1 Respectively, of objects near and very near.. 2 Respectively, of objects near, far, and aloft. 3 Respectively, referring to the speaker and to another

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VOCABULARIES26 263 Algonquian
I ANATOMICAL TERMS English ankle-joint arm arm,, my arm, your arm, his blood bone chin ear elbow-joint eye face finger, index mi'ddle little thumb finger-nail fingers foot hair hand head heart knee leg lips mouth neck nose nostril teeth toe-nail toes tongue Yurok m~s-s~en nfk=n~s-s~n qd-ld-w~s-s~n p6-ka —y~k wurh-l-kuir kid r-w flr-y 6r 6ip6-0a'r pu'rhw-qls me -Iin fi6-widr-sid-tOu -(pointer) kn6_w6-l&-tAU 3 k~ir-mni-t~u (last) p16-t -'u m~fi-ka' lep-ta —ih-1 e~-wes ma'hl-qg filcqs ur-kiirhl mi1-pe'l re-wa," me-16h-l p~ih-ttin mur-pu-rn mu'r-Purn-=wi-t6h-p'eu (nose hole) merh-peffi miptl Wflyot 2 vtikt vti-h-lik ki -wik vflt-vfl-hIk vfl-t6k va-lid vfl-lid va-tka'n vo-ki'~h wt-lifIl pahl WA's wflt-vU't fiuk~h va-lo-wal ti-rit-ku-du wg~s-wiltk vd-ttid vti-tMi=wii-16m (nose hole) v~Iipt va-tkin vit ANIMALS4I abalone * bat bear, black * bear, grizzlybeaver bird bluejay yu-r-nu-r sk ai-y uzm ni-q6f6 h a"-rA'-m~s h'i-w'at chki-i-vir maq hi-yfl-wii-lik fiu-6f6-kis~h 1The Yurok vocabulary was obtained from Weitchpec George, a native of Weifpus; the Wiyot, from Jerry James, a native of Indian island in Humboldt bay. 2 Wiyot v is bilabial; r, slightly trilled with the tip of the tongue. 3 Cf. kn-ew-etzktdm, eight. 4'The names of animals used as food are indicated by stars. I An onomatope.

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264 English brant * bullhead * buzzard civet clam (generic) 1 clam, horse* clam, razor* cockle * condor coot * coyote crab * crow deer* dog dove * eagle elk * fish* fisher flounder * fox goose * gopher* grouse * gull * halibut * heron, blue* herring * horse lamprey * marten THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Yurok lur-ghur'l kar-retl ftpur-ghur pre-gha-nigh le-ghasp sa-ghap qe-ghaq puq me-haq a'-ru-wi 2 tah-tetl me-wihI lI'-ha' wur-ghuirs ke-lek hilkI-lik-f-ra (under-ground) sur-wur k-ghai-s=n6 (smelt eater) murk-turks mu-la 3 ke'-win wah-pe-reqs Wiyot sha-wa-chu-li-ghihl a-du-naks; shis-waf-kaksh po-&tur-ru ho-hli' to-yA-vaw wu-le-tat tu'-ka-wi'n (break); hi-wa-h-ughutk (round) gha-tash kuch-ku-du-ghuk wit-kahl hlu —vlr-ru-ghu-ti ka-ftir hi-hi-w; vu-sha-nur-ri wa-yifs hus-ra-wihi ti'l me'-luq vi-wi ti-qa-ka-wi tskur-rits a-li-qlihl cha-ya-wuch ta-nu-ghas-wihi; da-shu-sa-ghafsk ta-la-lut-ksihl chu-ki-chichk chap-chush me-lu-qi-an wa-tu-vi-nu-wi la-lu-qis-kar 4 k6-t6 chi-ghi-d r-ila-rus'h (peep-fromopening) meadow-lark * tu-pitk mink kur-i-fsur-gihr k6'-mir mountain-lion * 5 k-ghet; kni-wur-rehl 6 tut-ku-sha-nihl mussel* pi-i vi-chesh octopus mi-ma- n 7 otter *5 n-pui-ish=ne (salmon eater) kses-wihl otter, sea- ta-kur owl, hoot- pre-war fsi-ri-ftat-ka-hhihl; chuk'-chuq 8 owl, horned ple-gh'l pi-fli-lakst owl, screech- pa-aq pelican * 5 ka-ish chi'-wu-da-chi 1 Various species in Wiyot are: kat-wd-i (locally called quahaug); ftai-u-nu-wa(f-ka (locally called little-neck); u-vzikt; vu-kd-ru. 2 This is also the name of a black lizard, and in order to differentiate the bird they call it specifically ne-ghd'-sa-lin (flying) d'-rt-wi. 3 Spanish for mule. 4 Luqiskar, ride. 5 Mountain-lion, otter, and pelican are not classed as food by the Yurok. 6 Knuw'l, long; wutrhiur, tail. 7 The octopus is not eaten by the Wiyot. 8 An onomatope.

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VOCABULARIES26 26 - English perch * pheasant * porpoise qual* quail', mountain * rabbit, cottontail* rabbit, jack-* raccoon* raven salmon (generic) * 3 salmon, dog-* sculpin * seal, furseal, hair-* sea-lion* shark skunk* smelt * snake, rattlespider sprig* squirrel, gray* squirrel, ground* sturgeon* sucker * swan* trout* trout,, steelhead* turtle waterfowl weasel whale* widgeon* wildcat* wolf woodpecker, red-headed wood rat * Yurok Wfiyot tu-welt-kql-la ti'r-ki-ku 1 fti6h-ke'n-ni=hi'r-qiir (small h urqzir) tu-w'egh~ (large hz'rqzr) 2 n6-pd-i fia-ghun MM6-ye'p-ls WAS qe-ga-yazu pli-u; kn6-w'eu-witirh1I (long-tail) kah-ki n~n-ni-p~u fimd-qu'r wirJk'rrsn (bone eater) tqr-ghuicrs kor-vti-ghcit-kar-ri taqt ta-ni-M-a -w&pfl-lu-kiflil har-ri-w~'h ma-hhik vtir-w6i-ghichk li-ncis-si hu-ri-wa-yi-ghifil kii-mi-yi-lh-il v6-igr pdch-wi hot ka-ch6-qi t6l-Wi-pi,-lS-lhi 6 kci-1i-we&-we'ti-ti sii-li lik ti-oha-ri swil; fli-wil-ta'l 10 chiich-ki-i-wrichk ha-ha-lihl Qju-k&Mh-al-g~-nuir-rnl ta-yd'-ghUi-hIr a-md-~ha-wi raq-hli-rihlI ka-kiq; 1 tra-kaiw12 hRHich 1 An onomatope. 2 Jack-rabbits first appeared in Yurok territory within the memory of middle-aged men now living. They were first seen in Hoopa valley, and were therefore called Huphinilhi-rqrir. 3 Unidentified species of salmon are known to the Yurok as: tw'i~r-zir-niAh, nu-mi-naip, M~gla —,-pl;to the Wiyot as: ta-Vul'l (running in Mattole and Klamath river in summer), a-di'k-pei-wza-ra-vahl (running in all local streams in autumn). '~Cf. Hupa Illo'kw. 65 The skunk is not classed as food by the Yurok. 6 Cf. triwipalilhl, rope. C.Yurok for mountain-lion, which is another combination of the words for long and tail. 8 Cf. Athapascan Tolowa and Tututni (page 246), s-elus, sulIrls. 9 Also applied to any small fish. 10 Respectively, in November and in summer. Cf. summer, hilaiwan1a. 11 The wildcat is not used for food by the Yurok. 12 Respectively, the large and the small species. VOL. XIII-34

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26.6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English east north south west CARDINAL POINTS Yurok pefg-ku (up-stream) h~lih1-kik I1 piir-wdir pul-l'eq (down-stream) ti-ni-la'-kaw a-da'-kci-v6' r a-da'-kit su-ri-li-kaw J7J'iyot black blue green red white yellow COLORS tin- p~-Ia-i i-k'a-p6-h~u=sa'n (leaf like p'kj-y-i 2 mun-&fei sak-ta'-i sis-waw tu-ki-hlaw s~i-~haw PRIMITIVE FOODS 3 acorns (generic) acorns, black oak acorns, live-oak acorns, post-oak acorns, tan-bark acorns, shelled acorns, dried acorn bread acorn meal acorn meal, leached acorn soup blackberries buckeyes chinkapins elderberries grapes hazelnuts huckleberries, black huckleberries, red laurel-berries madrofia-berries manzanita-berries pine-nuts., sugar pine-nuts, yellow pinole roots7 ta'r-arm hin-ku'r wai-mdi1 w-16-ls-a, w~n-niph1I pap-s'au wa-lain we-&ieuh a-i h6-ii fii-g'hUi me-gha'-a sa-O pi-yi pe-&a-glha'=ir sla'-w'eh1 hd-wiin-n'ek mih-kdhfl cir-wi`ir' n=w i r-n tir4 ka-miWk mut'h wa-la-ki-wi-lu-wik vip ti-mai s~i-g~hitk6 wa-kcil kiU S 6 wi-i-taw wci-c6hih rye salal-berries salmon-berries salmon-berry sprouts I'Hjzh7i, back [in the mountains]. 2 Cf. p~kdygk, blood. 3 See also under the head of Animals. 4 J'Farnidr, berries. 5 Cf. sag~haw, red. 6 Dried manzanita-berries were obtained 7' Unidentified bulbs and tubers. by. the Wiyot from their mountain neighbors.

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VOCABULARIES26 26-1 English seaweed soap-plant sunflower seed tarweed seed tule pith Yurok Jyot ks-i; sis-wa=yi'p-Eli (black leaf) keh-fs a-la lv-0h-l sii'-pitk adz apron armor, rod arrow, stone-pointed arrow, wood-pointed arrow-point awl basket (generic) basket, babybasket., burdenbasket, cooking basket, food basket, parching basket, seed-gathering basket, storage basket cap basket sifter basket tray beads, clam-shell beads, dentalium beads, Olivella bow canoe comb deadfall deerskin drum fire-drill fish-hook fish-line fish-trap fish-weir flute house house, ceremonial house, menstrual HANDICRAFT na-mau mUi-ur-wu'r nurw-qtirt fima -Sam numrw-q~rt~u-qn~t q~r na-a's ke-wai p~g-hir-kaq p~i-ih-ka' pah-t'qs lah-psa'u smah-tuir fii-kafip p~h-l-pe-l wiir-fhir-qMh 4 16-a-gh~n a -lq-mih ma-qa n mothw po-chi-pcil ka-lu-wii-i ha-hi-wi-lu-wihli pich-wfl-rli-liuch pas ti-lul; wichk 2 ki-i pa-s1 -chach pit-wi'-lI~I; rdi'l hi-tis-si sqi-vit ha-hi-wi di-ni-ld-whi a-ra-chi-qf~il wi-la-va. vol h6-l-v1i-lhIl 6 1 Here is an illustration of the substitution of a descriptive term for an original root-word, a process, which, no doubt under the influence of the taboo of words associated with the names of those recently dead, was responsible for the great proponderance of long substantives in so many languages of northwestern California. 2 Identical, but used respectively for storage of seeds and acorns, and of dried fish and meat. I Respectively, the smallest and the next smallest sizes, with broken ends, useless as money and fit only for beads. 4'The Yurok word means hook., line, and pole combined. 5 See text, page 75. 6 Hd~vii, dance.

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268 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English house, sweatknife mat, tule maul moccasins money, dentalium mortar mortar hopper needle net-bag net, dipnet, gillnet, seine net, surf paddle, canoe paddle, soup pestle pipe quiver robe, deerskin robe, bear-skin robe, raccoon-skin rope seed-beater skirt snowshoes spear, fishspear, fish-, point spear, sealing spoon tump-line wedge, antler Yurok pr-glhurk we'h1-kaT' hi's-A; t6-qcin-ni-r2 na-ai filk; 6hi-wi=61k3 s'A-i-yAuh pe-qdn kia'h-seqs g5r-ku'r; trudm-mq~-na'-AM; fia' wtin; trA-Oha-pa 4 l6-wft hA-g~ha; re-6a~'m hai-ligh s'A-i-qin ra-wus sra-f~iim koh-Mi t6-p6h-pi pek-sifa la S-a" sku'r-ri-tu'rq ma-i'-sk~fii u-pes-ka yq-g'hubrm; hA-gba'n 7 w~s-kil s' e-4-fa JvYiyot u4hki-pach pu-mi-pa watk p it-ki a-run-ni-y6 pitw pakfl chtl-oihl va-char-vii'l; cha-va-rich 5 ma-pu-lihl; Sha-ghi-u'1 6 ti-ki-i-m i-4htihil man tol ku-glhu-pp-4 kii-lu-wu-i hlt-hwt,-U, —glhg-li-lid cha-k6-v —hli-ghi-char t-la-gfni; hi-kar ttlt-wa'-g~tihil kri-16p-sifil hiis tab vi-v'et-ktl'-lIs; fii-naa 7 wo-kuil viA-d ar NATURAL PHENOMENA ashes charcoal cloud darkness dawn day pan-tet I a- - - g le'p-t6-na' hi-aTh-khihl ket-a-ne-war ke-6a'-in pan-t6t wuI-rag'h lq-pti-u hif6-wa'r kii-chi-e 1 Mats were not made by the Yurok of Klamath river, but were purchased from the Coast people. 2 Respectively, a water-worn and a spool-shape stone. 3 Auh, people; hence, native money; the modern term, made necessary to distinguish shell money from coin. In the form allicochick the word is used by white residents and neighboring Indians. The Yurok names for specific sizes of dentalia are as follow: nah-ksUpik], twelve to a string (k&t), value five dollars; n6-a-pi-ra=kdt, eleven to a string, value ten dollars; ka-tel-pi-ra=kdt, ten to a string, value twenty dollars. 4 These nets are all of the same form. The first is used in pools, especially for salmon; he second at the fish-weir; the others are for lampreys. 5 Respectively, for fishing in pools and from the weir. 6 Respectively, for salmon and for small fish. 7 Respectively, elk-horn for men and mussel-shell for women.

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VOCABULARIES 269 English earth evening evening star fire fog hail ice lake lightning moon mountain night ocean Pleiades rain rainbow river rock sky smoke snow star sun thunder tree Ursa Major water wind wind, east wind, north wind, south wind, southeast wind, west Yurok ni-kil-ka-si fime-yu-n6n ma-ah-pir sla-ya-u a-ke-t!ol ka-gha-i-pahi hai-ghar wa-ghetl na-sse-wen pis-ki-etl t6-ne'm ten-p'-wihm sa-ghap=wai 2 ki-wi-wur-rai-i; i-kas-wur-ra-i 3 ha-ai was-a-na nur-ra ra-ri ha-a-gWe6s wu-nau-slai hMah-kahl; wuhl-a —gh te-pa pa-a ra-aq-s&k XYiyot lu-ghi-rfik ha-ruk-hla-ras muis la-ptuf'-gha hiq ka-fs6-nek t-l1-ta-wik hi-hluk du-gfu-wfu-lai-ll-qi a-ra-lit-kuk t-ru-f-f —wu-hl so r ku-chach-ko-ghiil (divergent) pu-u-wun tu-laihl-pa-ld ia-lihl phlatk wf-ru-tan-la; wan-nd vi-wur a-da-na-t6-lu wan-wi-lir tan-mu ta-kak ku-fsa-ka-wihl p -ri-chifl h6-lu a-ra-tu-ghu'-nu a-ve-hligh hi-tar wi-kat-pa-ri-ya-ghdr hla-kI-ya-ghur hi-ta-ya-ghur one two three four five six seven eight nine ten eleven NUMERALS kiah-ta na-a nakh-sa ta-a-ni me-ru=tam koh-fsau=tam tser-wuir-sik=tam kne-we-tik=tam 4 kuir-mik=tim we-hla-wa we-hla-wa=ne-mi=kah-ta (ten more one) ko-fsur a-di-tur a-di-kir a-di-ya-wtir was-sagh tuk-hlu-luk ha-law hi-yi-wi-taw vu-sir-rik a-dui-luk a-va=k6-fsur _ _-; _ If twelve we-hla-wi=ne-mi=na-a a-va=di-tur thirteen we-hla-wa=ne-mi=nakh-sa a-va=di-kir fourteen we-hmla-wa —n-mi=ta-a-ni a-va=di-ya-wur fifteen we-hia-wi=me-ru=ne-mi=tam a-va=tuf-hllar Cf. lupta', cloud. 2 "Coyote penis," in allusion to a folk-tale, in which Coyote disguises his member as the rainbow in order to take advantage of a distant virgin. 3 The latter is used of a river in sight. 4 Cf. knwulttadu, middle finger.

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270 270 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English sixteen seventeen eighteen nineteen twenty thirty forty fifty sixty seventy eighty ninety hundred Yurok we-hhl-w~i=kitir-mik~n'emi~tam nA'=mi-w~hI1 nahk=s'emi-w~h1I ta-na'=mi-wAhm m6-ru=f6f-wAh1 koh-6Au=f6i-w~h1I kn6-w'etik=f6i-w~hI1 kw~r-iki=ffi-wAh-l J~yot a-va=tuik-Ihi1-luk a-va=h~i-law a-va=yi-wi-taw a-ra=m~i=hiuil-lqr was-sih=h6.l&.v'el-l'r ttik-fi~h-ldk=h6-16v'el-hIr vfl-si'r-r~ik~h6-16v'l-16r aunt, aunt, aunt, aunt, aunt, baby maternal maternal, my maternal, your maternal, his paternal boy brother, man's brother, woman'9s chief (rich man) child daughter daughter's child father, my father (vocative) father's father father's mother girl husband, my man medicine-man mother, my mother (vocative) mother's father mother's mother people 1 Respectively, 2 Elsewhere the not " my man," but 3 Respectively, a PERSONAL TERMS tul n6=t6i-lis ke=tii-lis qe-las-we=tii-las tul fi~a`-nuq n~=pi' (my brother) n~=ki-i (my brother) hdiq-si n~md-i (my daughter) n6=ta'-tas n~=pi-gis; pig~ n~=kd-fas; kuts1 wtir-yiis n6=na's pAgh-yiuirk n~=k a-k-as kak n6=pi-f6as; pifg 5 nt=kii-fis; kufa 6 ahM; a-le'-qaMi 6 chul kfl=ch6l chI~i-lfl paq ha-chi da-fMf6k tuk tuk fr-hk-lh-i-lihl1 hu-chi-kii-du'r kafi yi~tih pi-chdchk kuchk pa6i-6i'k i-dAl~ki-w-i- (my man) 2 kdi-wi-'i with-; ti-ha-na-hi-kiik; ha-wiunderstand) 4 yi~dui-ka pi-chiichk kuchk ku-wil 4my father's father" (" my father's mother"), and the vocative form. first personal pronoun appears as the prefix yi-. But yi-ki'w'i~ en "I am a man.",shaman, and one who uses herbs even though in conjunction with cere monial means, as in the brush dance. ' The first-named employs incantation and dancing. The second and third are alternative terms for the shaman who p retends to suck poison out of the body. The fourth is an herbdoctor. " Respectively, "my mother's father" ("my mother's mother"), and the vocative form. 6 Respectively, the abbreviated and the full form.

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VOCABULARIES27 27 1 English people, alien people, white sitr Ia sister, wman s slave son, my son's child stepfather uncle, maternal uncle, paternal wife, my wife, his woman Y urok n6=wa'i (my sister) n~=l't (my sister) ka-a'l n6=muirm n6=f6i-mas (my uncle) ne~ffi-mas; fsim'I nah-pa'w wen-6d~qs HXiyot wi-filfl-ta-ti-lihfl ti-q~i-ghfl (strangers) tuk tuk ku-wi-ru-ki-wiAk q f-hl i-'0- ( ko-v6-sa-si-mihi chak kachk yi=kwi hwi-md~-tuwhl alder ash buckeye cedar chinkapin cottonwood elder hemlock laurel mad rofia manzanita maple oak, black oak, liveoak, postoak, tan-bark pine, digger pine, sugar pine, yellow redwood spruce spruce, Douglas syringa wi'llow yew TREES 66-o~ai-par w~-ke-l~ pi-ya p h~i'-ma-nawur-n~ir-yudr k&ra-me-ga kihil te-pa" rnirh-puir-y~irp pah-qa' MISCELLANEOUS wit yas ta-rni-tuk-pa-yit-0ha'n; rnu~h ti-mi=hlat ha-mid-Thif~-ha-ra=yidp-hili 2 kfls; kids —Mat I pq-tir-rli ka-mi'k=wa-ti-wat (acorn wood) wi-qi-ti m6-pdf ti~k tai-na-a-~ph l autumn ki-ya'h-k~rm bad ni-mils-ku-i breath W~I-s&wiim-ml dance h-1cim-mis dream sa'-nihil food ka'-m~iu good sku-i-ye"'n large p~ei-lini long kn'ew'e'l no P shadow o-qu'rhli 1Respectively, "my uncle," and the vocative form. Cf. Tolowa, ~zs Hupa kbli, yew; Klamath kos, tree. a-dik=pai-wa-n1i 4 &ivi-n'it-hu ci-pi-wi-Y6 h1Ij-u-wa ha-1ik ~h 2 Yu-'phld, leaf. 4 Cf. winter.

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272 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English short small song spirit (ghost) spirit (soul) spring tattoo tobacco village winter year yes Yurok tqa-ru'n; tq~k 1 fie'ih-k6'n ru-rau sa-a o-qurfil (shadow) ki-ki-yi pa-ih-kUs hih-kdm A-pe-g1hir li-pun la'k-silI1 1 Jiyot ka-~hu'-vi-u ka-si-mtir si-ru'-waq hu-9hi-dtiih-wrir ka-twa-k-taqflrufk 9-drak-1U —qi-wik; ku-hla-vatk 2 ia-qi~s-wu'k -ntL pa-waka-la-vud-&f-rtik Lutuamian
3 ANATOMICAL TERMS English ankle-joint arm blood bone chin ear elbow-joint eye face finger-nail fingers foot hair hand Klamath kap-kip-o ki-ko ka-6-fiu mo-m6-afi s61-tah-kis lolp tiel-is stUqks ki-wals pefa lak n~p English head heart knee leg lips mouth neck nose nostril teeth toe-nail toes tongue Klamath nus stai-nas k6-lans fW!oks som som nis psis psis=im-ki-ka-lis tut stuiiks p'e9=a-rniII=ki-wals (foot its fingers) pa-wafg ANIMALS4 antelope * badger * bat * bear, black* bear, grizzly- * beaver * bird bluejay buzzard * chipmunk * coyote * ch~u kols na-n-lfls wi-tam lok pom 5 ffii-kas 6 fi.ka-u-f6kA-us6 fiwi-is wis-la was crane * crow deer, black-tail * deer, mule * dog dove * duck, mallard * eagle eagle, white-headed elk * fish * tu-wi-kas kak 6 mus-mils O pi-kols wi-chak ols qa-cis 6 plai-was yo6-kal won m6-hcis 1 Respectively, of rigid and of flexible objects. 2 Respectively, on the arms or body of a man, and on the chin of a woman. 3 The Klamath vocabulary was obtained from Long Wilson, born near Klamath marsh some years prior to the advent of white men. 4 The names of animals used as food are indicated by stars. 5 An onomatope. Cf. Achowawi pum, beaver. The reference is to the booming sound made by the beaver slapping its tail on the water. 6 An onomatope. 7 Chinook jargon for cow.

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VOCABULARIES English fox, silver* goose * gopher* gopher, pocket* grouse * hawk, chickenhawk, sparrowheron, blue* horse * lizard magpie mink * mole mountain-lion * mountain-sheep* otter owl owl, hootporcupine * quail * rabbit, cottontail* Klamath hai-hai ' los swol munk tmu 1 fii-kas~kse'k-nis (bird take-away) fiik-tu s'oks wafg~ 2 sk6-tiks wei-ik-w~-Ciks f k16-pa t6-rnd~l-hak sl~t u-yes koh-t m6-kas Ici-me'l-rnnis cha-I4s stds-tat-naks koi-kois English rabbit, jack-* raccoon * salmon * skunk * snake, bullsnake, rattlespider squirrel, gray* squirrel, ground-* squirrel, red * sturgeon * sucker * trout * turtle * weasel wildcat * wolf woodpecke wood rat * yellowhammer 273 Klamath kai wi(g-ki-na chi-ils fii-sis wi-ma-naks ka-is kil-g~i-giks k~n-kan mu-sas ki-was il-hak fio-wim; kap-tu; his-tis; 6~oms; sik-ta 3 me-has (fish) nkak chis-kai s16-wa kai-o-f6s 4 sk6h-kus k6-cha ch —us east north CARDINAL POINTS lo-p6-tqd south yi-mat west COLORS b's-bus-li red m6f6-miefi-li white wa-y6-kinis-pfai yellow mo-at tki-lam black blue green tak-tik-li pal-pil-li ka-kik-li PRIMITIVE FOODS 5 camas cattail chokecherries grapes hazelnuts huckleberries lichen, black-pine lichen, yellow-pine pine-bast pine-nuts, sugar poks p6-pas; wi-hwi6 tu-wif6-kas l6-16s kam-stuls i-wuim kal s weu-sum chi-cha-pii-lu k'ta-lu plums sage seed service-berries sunflower seed C' swamp-berries " tule (S. lacustris) tule-roots (S. robustus) tumbleweed seed water-lily seed wild rye tl-mti-lu lok chak il-pi kii-lifi mai 7 ku-li-pa7 ki-n'eu w6-kas kq-le-pi 1 An onomatope. 2 From wtichak, dog. 3 No fewer than ten names for sucker are the same species. given, probably designating varying sizes of 4 This sounds like an attempt to pronounce coyote. 5 See also under the head of Animals. 6 Respectively, the underground stock, and the outside of the tips of mature seed-stalks. 7 The round-stalk tule, Scirpus lacustris, puts forth in the spring a tender central shoot, which is eaten. Jfl'chak, the triangular-stalk tule, S. robustus, yields an edible root called ktilepa. VOL. XIII-35

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274 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN HANDICRAFT English adz armor, rodarrow arrow, ringed arrow-point arrow-smoother arrow-straightener awl bag, tule basket, burdenbasket, cooking basket, parching basket platter basket, seed-gathering basket, winnowing beads, clam-shell beads, dentalium beads, Hudson's Bay blanket, deerskin blanket, tule bow canoe canoe-pole cord deadfall Klamath to-ke te-lak tal-chi ntak-chis sa-wals tk6-il-kis ie-kefs sak-ta t!a-yes tu-l6ks kal-la pi-nla sa-p'las chi-lu-la; spi-daks ti-i ka-ko 2 t6-tas 2 im-naks 2 u-hils s'ot nte-is wonch Ikak su-laf-um 3 in-ku-sman-tatflaks (wood-trap) English house, summer house, sweatjavelin knife leggings, fur leggings, tule loin-cloth, men's loin-cloth, women's mat maul metate metate muller moccasins, deerskin 1moccasins, fur moccasins, tule mortar net, dipnet, ducknet, gillnet, seine net-sinker paddle, canoe pestle pipe pitfall Klamath sti-ni-as spo-klis y6-ho-muim mbi-saks me-das at-ktis has-hlik-yams a-su-isks sa-plas; stau-hlas 7 nduks lu-maft si-la-kul-kis wiks-na di-nai-a wep-ka ki-ma-kis te-was; lu-t-as 8 spen-sis; keu-dels; te-was8 spi-was we-ch6-las lem-de-has ku-chik ska p!aks pens deer disguise ski-laps quiver to-6-kans deerskin u-bi-us; ku-lis 4 raft, tule na-his drum buim-bom 5 rattle, shaman's ko-chins fire-drill ket-ti-lis rope ku-n6ks fish-hook kna-us; l6t-kes 6 sieve su-la5t=ku-noft 9 flute sl6-lo-sam snare, deer- ku-nes hat, bark fiu-yes snare, duck- kna-us hat, basketry k'ma snowshoes ni hat, fur tis-ka spear, fish- sik-was; kan-sas-kahat, tule stem-chis nufs 10 head-flattener li-liks spear, fish-, point kes house lol-tmi-laks spoon kis-pit 1 house, cooking ka-hyi-ta storage pit wo-mis house, dance- ya-ku-no6f wedge t6-k6 (horn) house, fishing 6-i-las 1 Respectively, a conical willow basket with twenty-four inch opening, and a canoe-shape basket, which, floating on the water, received the water-lily seeds (w6kas) as they were gathered. 2 None of these beads were manufactured by the Klamath. 3 Made of the fibres of s2lat2, nettle. 4 Respectively, tanned on both sides and on one side only. 5 Probably Chinook jargon. 6 Respectively, a straight teal- or deer-bone attached at the middle to the line, and a barbed bone. 7 Respectively, triangular tule stalks with nettle-cord twining, for "table cloths"; and round tule stalks strung together, for thatching, store covers, and mattresses. 8 For description, see page I70. 9 Silif?, nettle, supplies the fibre for the cord twining. 10 Respectively, a short and a long implement. 1 An elk-horn spoon obtained from the Molale.

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VOCABULARIES27 275 NATURAL PHEN-\OM.EN,\A English ashes charcoal cloud darkness dawn day earth evening fire fog ice lake lightning Milky Way moon mountain Klamath sna-i-laks Ikom paf-sa s fsmii-ka ncha-li-ktil-ka ps~ at-a s-spu-nai-ka 16-1oks lo-m~il-ka W~s e-us lti-w'epals k6-kA (river) u-ki-u-kos yai-na Engli1sh night Pleiades rain rainbhow river rock sky smoke snow star sun thunder tree water wind Klamath psin "ra n-ti k-sni kt6-cha wi-chil-ak k6-ka ktal ka-16 slhi-aks k an-nai kchol s'a-pas lO,-me4-na kos aim-ho s16-wis one two th ree four five six seven eight nine ten eleven na-as ki-ap ntan wo-nip to-nezp nafs=ksipt lap=ks~ipt ntan=ksaipt nafs~kaz-Aks t~u-niip NUMIERALS twelve twenty twenty-one th irty forty fifty sixty seventy eighty ninety hundred li-ap4i-kla la-ap=ni=t~u-nIp la-ap —ni=t~u-nIp=p~hn~ni-as I~tan=ni=teu-nip wo-nip~ni=t~u-n'Ip to-n~p=ni4t~u-nip n afi~-ksi pt=tan-ni=t~u-nip la p-k s~ipt=tan-ni=t~u-ni p nai-ka"-Aks=tan -ni=t~u-nIp ki-n~i=han-dft' PERSONAL TERMS aunt, maternal psi-kUp aunt, paternal pk6-chip baby mu-kik boy fsfi-ke-ak brother, elder tka'o-nap brother, younger tip-ya p 2 chief mo-ni=li-ke (big 16ke) daughter PAiP father pti-sap; ka-m~i-ya. girl nis-kak husband k'eo=his-waks (my man) maid si-wak man his-waks medicine-man k6-oks mother people people, white sister, elder sister, younger son stepfather uncle, maternal uncle, paternal wife woman youth pk6-sap m~i-klaks pas-tid; 4 pi-pa l=cho-la"ks=.kirk (white flesh he) to-bik-sip to-bfik-sip k~o=n~ik (my son) k6-sfll-kat piq-lo-k6-chip psa-y~p k~o=sndi-w~fi~ (my woman) sn a-w~f~ che-16-yak 1 Haindf is mispronunciation of "hundred." In former times the count was by scores, twenty being n6-as'~s~t (one Paiute), forty, l6-ap=s&t (two Paiute). 2 With first, second, and third personal pronoun, singular: keo=t6pyap, ke-mi~t6pyap,, klam=tMpyap (his), hhrnklem=t6pyap (her). Kamaya, a term of endearment, "papa." 4 PcistYd, Boston, the Chinook jargon term.

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276 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN TREES English aspen cedar fir juniper mountain mahogany Klamath u-ku wol-u-wins pa ka'-h- o y6-kma; im-dalal (root-digger) English pine, sugar pine, yellow service-berry tamarack willow yew Klamath k'ta-'-u-wam kos (tree) chak wi-ko yas; wi-pal cho-pris MISCELLANEOUS autumn bad breath corpse dance dream food good large long no shadow sa-hlim k6-i-f6i ho-kes ka-le-ka ksi-u-laks tu-ti-qiks pas tif~ mo-ni a-ti-ni ki-e 1 ma-hyi short small song spirit (ghost) spirit (soul) spring summer tattoo tobacco winter year yes wi-ka-ni kei'f-ka-ni swi-na skoks n6&fi-na sk6-ha pi-ta sif&-pa-l16as kafi-kil 161-tam i-1il6-la i 1 Cognate forms are found in numerous Shoshonean languages.

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Index

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I

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INDEX Abalone-shell beads in healing ceremony, 46 clothing adorned with, 9 ear-ornaments, 10, 72, 217 trade in, 243 See SHELLS Above-he-dwrells, supplications to, 27 See TENOIHKO-CHiSTAI Abov e Old-man. See KUDIQTAT-KAQIH-t Achomawc'i, account of the, I29-158, 234-237 and Klamath genesis compared, 239 and Shasta affinity, I05 basket maker, folio pl. 464 Klamath hostility toward, I62 Klamath name for, 239 myths of the, 206-2IO neighbors of, io6, 161, 162 portraits, 130 pi., I32 pl., 136 pl., 138 pi., I40 pi., folio pl. 466 Shasta name for, 234 vocabulary of, 253-262 Achumawi, native form of Achomawi, 208 Acorn feast of the Hupa, 18, 30-31 Acorns as food, 13, 37, 39, 76, 98, 99, 217 cause of warfare, 227 ceremony before eating, 30 how stored, 8, 77 how treated, III, I35, I40 importance of, 7 See FOOD; NUTS Acorn soup in Deerskin dance, 52 Adak-sora-hlukih-l, Wiyot mythic character, 26, 31, 83, I95-I98, 227 Adams, John, on Rogue River war, 93 Adolescence. See PUBERTY RITE Adoption of prisoners, 176, 232 Adultery among the Yurok, 22I how treated, 118, 152, 176, 233, 236, 238 Adultery, indemnity for, 60 See DIVORCE; MARRIAGE Adzes, iron, early among Yurok, 40 of the Hupa, 8 of the Tolowa, 98 of the Wiyot, 71 used in canoe-making, I72, I73 See ELK-HORN; IMPLEMENTS; WOODWORKING Aftaratm, a Karok village, 61, 223 Afteri'corld. See SPIRITS Ahaiya', origin of name, II9 See INDIAN JAKE Atiasztruk, a Karok village, 223 Ahuvaich, a Karok village, 223 Aika, a Shasta village, 232 Aissis, a mythic character, 2IO-212 Akuvat-tiif, a Karok village, 223 Alami, Achomawi name of Modoc, 208 Albino deerskins used in dance, 32 See DEERSKIN DANCE; WHITE DEERSKIN DANCE; SKINS Alcatraz island, Modoc sentenced to, I65 Alder, Coyote transformed into, I89 Alder-bark in myth, I9I used in dyeing, 8, 77, 97 Algonquian. See WIYOT; YUROK Allicochick, use of term, 268 Alsea, Tututni name for, 230 Alturas, shaman killed near, I56 Alupwami-wahelu. See BUCKSKIN JACK dluwisamichi. See WOOL, HENRY Amaikiara (Amaikiyaram), Karok village, 224 attacked by Tolowa, 59 ceremonies at, 61-64 Amen, a Yurok village, 221 Anatomical terms, Athapascan, 243 279

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280 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Anatomical terms, Klamath, 272 Shasta, Achomawi, Karok, 253 Yurok and Wiyot, 263 Anesunne-tun, a Tututni village, 229 Angelica stalks eaten by Hupa, 13 used as incense, 26, 87 used in purification, 25 Animal calls of Shasta, 112 Animal food of various tribes, 13-14, 76, 98-99, II, 140, 169, 217 Animals, mythic origin of, 179, 207, 210 native names for, 243, 254, 263, 272 shamans converse with, 155 See FOOD; HUNTING Anise-root as incense, 24, 3I as medicine in myth, 183, I88 Anise stalks eaten by Hupa, 13 Antelope hunted by Achomawi, I39-141 hunted by Klamath, 171 See ANIMAL FOOD; HUNTING Antler, chisels made of, 71, 139 spoons made of, 114 wedges made of, 135 See DEER-HORN; ELK-HORN; HORN Ants created in myth, I88 used for arrow poison, 142, 177 Aperger, Yurok name of Von-viruk, 224 Ap6na, a mythic personage, 209 Applegate creek, Shasta on, 92, I05 Aprons of Coast Athapascans, 96 of Shasta women, 108 of the Hupa, 217 of Wiyot women, 72, 87 See CLOTHING; DRESS Apii, Achomawi name of Paiute, 208 Apyu. See TISHANNIK Arcata established, 69 Wiyot name of site, 227 Archery among Achomawi, 146 among Hupa, 18 among Klamath, 174, 238 among Shasta, 115, 231 among Wiyot, 79 of Tolowa, 99 See ARROWS; Bows; GAMES Arekiw, a Yurok village, 39, 221 Armor of Athapascans, 247 of the Achomawi, 142 Armor of the Hupa, 7, 219 of the Klamath, 17I, 238 of the Shasta, Io8 of the Tolowa, 97, 228 of the Tututni, 228 Arrows carried by novitiate, 149 grass substituted for, 50 in gambling contest, 62 in myth, I86, 210 invocation when making, 239 made by the rich, I8 mythic creation of, 207 of the Achomawi, 135 of the Hupa, 7 of the Shasta, 114, 115 of the Tolowa, 98 of the Wiyot, 72 poisoned, 142, 177, 236 used in brush dance, 30, 46 used in hunting, I41, 171 used in war-dance, I64 when not used by hunters, 98 wooden-pointed, for waterfowl, 73 See ARCHERY; HUNTING; IMPLEMENTS; WAR IMPLEMENTS; WEAPONS Arrow-points chipped in myth, 193 iron, early among Yurok, 40 obsidian, created in myth, 207 of the Hupa, 7 of the Shasta, 114 Arrow-shafts of the Shasta, 115 Arrow-shaft smoothers, Klamath, I71, I72 Arrow-shaft straighteners, Achomawi, 135 Arts of the Achomawi, 234-235 of the Hupa, 217 of the Karok, 222 of the Klamath, 238 of the Shasta, 231 of the Wiyot, 226.of the Yurok, 220 of Tolowa and Tututni, 228 See BASKETRY; HANDICRAFT; INDUSTRIES; WOODWORKING A'ruwi. See LIZARD Asammam, a Karok village, 62, 224 Asammiif, a Karok village, 223 Asannamkarak, a Karok village, 6I, 224 Asiaouyu, a Karok village, 224

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INDEX 28i Asapivtunuvak, a Karok village, 223 Asatannanich, a Yurok village, 223 Asclepias fibre, nets made of, 170 Ash, fire-drill made of, 135 pipes made of, 98 Ashegen, a Yurok village, 221 Ashes in myth, I86, 209 used in tobacco raising, 76 Ashland, Oregon, a Shasta boundary, Io6, 107 asipuk, a Karok village, 223 Asi-suf-tifhiram, a Karok village, 222 Asisufuunuk, a Karok village, 222 Aspen-bark, Klamath hats of, I65 Aspersion in Hupa rite, 24-26, 219 See PURIFICATION issupak, a Shasta village, 232 Astakiwi, an Achomawi band, 235 Asiurahaa, a Shasta village, 232 Ataakut. See YUNTAKUT Athapascans, Hupa names for, 219-220 Karok name for, 225 Klamath name for, 239 neighbors of, io6, 162 of California, 3, 4 villages of, 229-230 Wiyot hostility with, 68, 69, 227 Wiyot name for, 228 See HUPA; ROGUE RIVER ATHAPASCANS; TOLOWA; TUTUTNI Athletics. See GAMES Aftap, application of name, 220 Atsepar, a Yurok village, 40, 48, 49, 220 Atsugewi, Achomawi name for, 236 and Modoc hostility, I30 and Shasta affinity, 105 confederation with, 130 created in myth, 208 habitat of, 129 idemnity exacted by, I47 part of Pit River Indians, I29 population of, 234 whites killed by, 134 Atuami, an Achomawi band, 235 Atuhzunniruk, a Shasta village, 232 Atwam-chani. See ATUAMI Auksi, Klamath lake, 204 Avakirask, Wiyot mythic character, 85, I92 Avilak, Wiyot mythic character, 85, I92-I93 VOL. XIII-36 Awls of the Achomawi, 135 of the Hupa, I I of the Klamath, 173 of the Shasta, 114 Axes of the Tolowa, 98 Ayisfhrim, a Karok village, 223 Ayotl, a Yurok village, 221 Badger. See ANIMAL FOOD Badger-skin, pillow of, I39 Bad luck, how dispelled by Yurok, 53 See GOOD LUCK; GRIEF Bald mountain, Achomawi moved to, 132 Baldrics of Klamath warriors, 164 See CLOTHING; COSTUME; DRESS Baleen, hair combs made of, 72 Ball, tule, used in game, 238 See FOOTBALL Ball-playing with heart in myth, 213 Balsas of the Klamath, 174 Shasta, of tules, 115 unknown to Achomawi, 135 See CANOES; RAFTS Bark, Achomawi clothing of, 234 aprons of, 96 houses covered with, i66, 231, 237 kilts made of, 21, IOO, 138 menstrual hut roofed with, IIO rope made of, 97, 228, 249 sweat-house covered with, IIO See ALDER-BARK; ASPEN-BARK; CEDARBARK; MAPLE-BARK; NETTLEBARK; WILLOW-BARK Barrett, S. A., on Klamath fishing, 170 Basketry cup in Deerskin dance, 52 cylinders in Jumping dance, 33 dipper in Yurok ceremony, 49, 51 fish-traps of, 137 hoppers of, 135 in dreams, 151 in myth, I86, 188-190, I97, 200 material, gathering of, 148 pi. materials used in, 3 of the Achomawi, I37, 235, folio pl. 464 of the Hupa, 8 pl., 9, 24 pl., 217, folio pls. 450, 467, 468 of the Karok, 86 pi., folio pl. 438 of the Klamath, I73, 238

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282 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Basketry of the Shasta, 115, 231 of the Tolowa, 97, I I pi., folio pi. 46I of the Wiyot, 76-77, 226 placed with the dead, 24, I22, 236 trap for otter and mink, 141 trays in shamanistic rite, 124 used in cooking, I68 -used in fishing, 75 used in gaming, 78, 144 See ARTS; BURDEN-BASKETS; CRADLEBASKET; HANDICRAFT; INDUSTRIES; STORAGE BASKET; TRAPS Basketry caps of Achomawi, 137, 138 of Athapascans, 96, 228 of dancing women, 87 of the Hupa, 9, 20 pl., 217 of the Karok, 86 pi., 92 pl. of the Klamath, I65 of the Shasta, I09 of the Tolowa, 98 pi., Ioo pl., IIo pl., 112 pi. of the Wiyot, 72, 225 of the Yurok, 64 pl., 72 pl. See CLOTHING; COSTUME; DRESS Bast. See PINE-BAST Bathing after sweating, IIO, I39 by Klamath shamans, 177 by novitiate, I49-150 by the Klamath, 167 in acorn ceremony, 31 in Deerskin dance, 50, 52, 53 in dreams, 151 in mortuary rite, 122 in puberty rite, 21, 22, 4I, 81, I00, IOI, 121, 149-150, 176 in Shasta rite, 233, 234 in war ceremony, 143 of new-born child, 148 of the dead, 82, I2I, I53 See PURIFICATION; SWEAT-BATH; SWIMMING; WASHING Batons in Hupa ceremony, 22 See KNIVES; OBSIDIAN Bats eaten by Klamath, I69 Battle creek, emigrant route at, 133 Beads, clothing ornamented with, IO8-IO9 created from spittle, 212 in Jumping dance, 33 Beads in trade, 131, I38, 238, 257 of the Wiyot, 72 placed with dead, 122, 236 See ABALONE-SHELL; ORNAMENTS; SHELLS Bear, how taken, 73, 112, 141, 171 in myth, I23, 185, 2II See ANIMAL FOOD; FOOD; GRIZZLYBEAR; HUNTING Bear creek, a Shasta boundary, 105 Bear river, trout placed in, in myth, I94 Bear River mountain, a Wiyot boundary, 67 Bear-skin, how worn, 138 moccasin soles of, IO8, 138 Beaver in Shasta myth, 203 Beaver creek, Achomawi killed on, 134, 142 Beaver-teeth, dice of, I75, 238 Beds of the Achomawi, I39 Bend, Oregon, a Klamath boundary, i6I Berries created in myth, 210 used as food, 13, 99 See ELDERBERRIES; FOOD; GOOSEBERRIES; HUCKLEBERRIES; MADRONA-BERRIES; MANZANITABERRIES; RUBUS-BERRIES; SALALBERRIES; SALMON-BERRI E S; SERVICE-BERRY; SKUNK-BERRY Big Bend, Athapascan village at, 229 Big-head dance of California tribes, 126 Big-timber Splitter. See PiKA-TOWAKS Big valley, Achomawi in, I3I, I33 Paiute attack in, 130 Birds eaten by Hupa, 14 mythic creation of, 123 See ANIMALS; BUZZARDS; CONDOR; CROW; CURLEW; DOVE; DUCKS; EAGLE; FEATHERS; FOWL; GROUSE; GULL; MEADOWLARK; MUDHEN; QUAIL; RAVEN; SNIPE; WATERFOWL; WOODPECKERS Birth. See CHILDBIRTH Blindness in Klamath myth, 213 Bluejay-feathers, head-dress of, o10, II9 Blue Lake, slaughter of Wiyot at, 70 Wiyot at, 70-71 Bluff creek, a Yurok boundary, 37 Boats. See BALSAS; CANOES; RAFTS Bob. See OLD BOB

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INDEX 283 Bodega, voyage of, 39, 68 Bone, Achomawi implements of, 235 head-scratchers of, Ioo Klamath implements of, I35, I73 Shasta implements of, 231 spear-points of, 74, I69 See ARTS; CRANE-BONE; DEER-BONE; IMPLEMENTS; INDUSTRIES; TEALBONE; WILDCAT-BONE Bones used in gaming, 174 See DICE Boundaries, hunting, recognized, 130 tribal, created in myth, 208 See HABITAT Bows carried by novitiates, 149 in myth, 184, I86, 205, 207, 209 in puberty rite, 120 of the Achomawi, 135 of the Hupa, 7 of the Klamath, 171, 237-238 of the Shasta, 115 of the Tolowa, 98 of the Wiyot, 72 placed with dead, 122 traded by Achomawi, I31 used in dances, 30, 164 See ARCHERY; ARROWS; IMPLEMENTS; WAR IMPLEMENTS; WEAPONS Boys. See CHILDREN; PUBERTY RITE Breech-cloth of the Hupa, 9 See CLOTHING; COSTUME; DRESS Brush dance of the Hupa, 29-30, 2I9 of the Karok, 64, 225 of the Yurok, 44-46, 22I Brushes, food eaten with, II of the Hupa, I Buckbrush used as incense, 24, 43 Buckskin Jack, Atsugewi chief, 148 Buckskin Pants, adventure of, 133 Bucksport established, 69 Wiyot at, 71, 227 Buhne, Capt. H. H., dispossesses Wiyot, 227 Burden-baskets of the Achomawi, 137 of the Wiyot, 77 See BASKETRY Burney, Atsugewi employed at, 129 Burnt Ranch. See YUNTAKUT Butterflies in Klamath myth, 211 Buzzards eaten by Klamath, I69 Calochortus bulbs used as food, III, 231, 238 Camas, a food staple, 99, III, 140, I69, 238 in myth, 204, 2 1 See FOOD; ROOTS Camp Creek Johnny, vocabulary from, 253 Campers, Shasta, shelters of, IIO Canby, Gen. E. R. S., killed by Modoc, I64 Cannibalism in Klamath myth, 213 Canoe-paddles. See PADDLES Canoes, fire built in, 74, 170-171 magic, in myth, 190, 239 of the Achomawi, 135 of the Klamath, 142 pl., 148 pl., 154 pi., I68 pl., 171-172 pl., 178 pl., 238, folio pls. 456, 458, 460, 462 of the Shasta, II4-115, 231 of the Tolowa, 97 of the Wiyot, 71, 226 of the Yurok, 39, 78 pl., 220, folio pl. 443 purchased by Hupa, 8, i6, 44 pl., 248 used in fishing, 26 pl., 141, I70, folio pl.447 wagered in gaming, 78 See ARTS; BALSAS; INDUSTRIES; RAFTS Capes. See CLOTHING; DRESS; RAIN-CAPES Caps, deerskin, in Hupa ceremony, 22 of the Klamath, I65 See BASKETRY CAPS; HATS; NET-CAPS Captain Dick, Atuami chief, 147 negotiates with Crook, 134 Captain Jack, exploits of, 164-165 Modoc war under, 13I, I32 Captain Jim, a Wiyot chief, 69, 70 Captives enslaved by Klamath, 238 exchanged for horses, 162 forced to dance, 131 how treated by Achomawi, I43 how treated by Shasta, Io6, 232 See PRISONERS; SLAVERY; WARFARE Cardinal points, native names for, 246, 255, 266, 273 See ORIENTATION Cascade mountains, Klamath boundary, i6I yew for bows from, 171 Cattail, mats made of, 77 roots eaten, I69, 238

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284 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Cattail used in basketry, I73, 238 Cayuse, horses obtained from, 234 known to Klamath, 239 Shasta children sold to, Io6 Cedar, canoe paddles made of, 172 canoes made of, II4, I7I, 238 houses built of, I I, 217 See TREES Cedar-bark used for tinder, 78 Celibacy of hunters, 41 See CONTINENCE Celt, obsidian, a good-luck omen, 177 obsidian, swallowed by shamans, 178 See IMPLEMENTS; STONE Cemetery, Yurok, 74 pi. See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Ceremonial costume. See COSTUME; DANCE REGALIA; DRESS Ceremonies, customs regarding, 47 dependent on wealthy, 220 of the Achomawi, 236 of the Hupa, 7, 219 of the Karok, 61-64, 225 of the Klamath, 239 of the Shasta, 233-234 of the Tolowa, IOI-IO2, 230 of the Tututni, 230 of the Wiyot, 227 of the Yurok, 221 See DANCE; DANCING; PUBERTY RITE; RELIGION Chaakar, a Shasta village, 232 Chachikwat-tun, Athapascan village, 229 Chainiki, a Karok village, 224 ChamikninZch, a Karok village, 62, 224 Channeqai, a Shasta village, 232 Charcoal, faces blackened with, 122, 142, 233 when placed in ears, II9, 120 See FACE-PAINTING; PAINTS Charms used by Klamath, I77 Charukig'hztchkak, a Wiyot village, 227 Chaskai. See WEASEL Chastacosta, village at site of, 229 Chawakoni. See CHAMiKNINUCH Cheating. See GAMBLING; GAMES Chhchilkespeas, a mythic bird, 2II-212 Cheindekhotding, a Hupa village, 218 Cheloqan, a Klamath chief, 175 Chemetunne, a Tututni village, 229 Cherokee aids slaughter of Achomawi, 134 Chestltfuh-tun, a Tolowa village, 229 Chetanne-tun, a Tututni village, 229 Chiefs absent among Karok, 222 absent among Yurok, 40, 220 Achomawi, houses of, 234 among the Wiyot, 79-80 dependent on wealth, 226 of the Hupa, I8-I9 of the Klamath, I75 of the Tolowa, 99-100 Shasta, fishing rights of, 113 See HEAD-MEN; POLITICAL ORGANIZATION; WEALTH Chihwi, a Klamath warrior, 163 Childbirth, customs, 20, 47, 118, 148, 179 in myth, 190, 195 Children, betrothal of, among Shasta, 233 captive, how treated, IO6, 130, 232, 234 destroyed in myth, 192 healed by brush dance, 44-45 how named by Klamath, 176 how trained by Hupa, 21 illegitimate, drowned, 60 portraits 136 pi., I44 pl., folio pl. 450 Shasta, games of, 116, 146, 231 See GIRLS; PUBERTY RITE Chilokin. See CHELOQAN Chiloquin, in Klamath territory, 163 Chilulu and Hupa relations, 4 habitat of, 4, 68 massacre of, 69 neighbors of Yurok, 39 Yurok name for, 222 Chimariko, habitat of, 4 of Hokan affinity, I05 Chimiyaas, a Karok village, 223 Chinits, a Karok village, 224 Chinkapins, a Hupa food, 13 See FOOD; NUTS Chipich-vunupma, a Karok village, 222 Chipmunks in Shasta myth, 205 Chisels of antler, 71, 139 Chomeuh, a Wiyot village, I95, 226 Chubs created in myth, 209 Chumash, of Hokan affinity, 105 Chustami. See CAPTAIN DICK

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INDEX 285 Chuiswi', a Shasta village, 232 Civet-skin, garments of, 9, 3I Clairvoyant power claimed by Hupa, 28 See MAGIC; POWER; SHAMANS Clams eaten by Tolowa, 98 Clam-shell, clothing adorned with, 9 beads of, a basis of valuation, 72 beads of, in trade, I3I, I38 See BEADS; ORNAMENTS; SHELLS Clans, absence of, 41, 60, 80, Ioo, II6, 218, 222, 226, 232, 235, 238 See GENTES; SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Clothing in myth, 205, 212 in puberty ceremony, 149 of the Achomawi, 138 of the dead, 24, 82, 121 of the Hupa, 9, 21 of the Karok, 59 of the Klamath, 165 of the Shasta, 108 of the Tolowa and Tututni, 96-97 of the Wiyot, 71-72 placed with dead, 60, 227, 236 See COSTUME; DRESS Clouds, Wiyot belief regarding, 84 Club of elk-horn in myth, I99 See WAR IMPLEMENTS; WEAPONS Coast range, source of Yurok supplies, 37 Cod. See FISHING; ROCK-COD Cohabitation, Achomawi taboo of, 149 season for, 19 See CELIBACY; CONTINENCE Colors, native names for, 246, 256, 266, 273 Columbia River country, dentalia from, 131 Comb in Klamath myth, 211 of baleen, 72 of the Klamath, 165-166 porcupine-tail used as, Io9, I66 See HAIR-DRESS; HEAD-SCRATCHER Condor in Wiyot myth, 83, I90 Condor-feather used in healing, 85-86 Continence before gambling, II5 during healing ceremony, 45 See CELIBACY; COHABITATION Cooking, baskets used for, 97, I37, 235, 238 by the Hupa, 8, i6 by the Shasta, 111-113 by the Wiyot, 77 Cooking, in myth, I88, 203, 205 of camas by Tolowa, 99 of w6kas, 168 See FOOD Coos, Tututni name for, 230 Cordage of hemp among Shasta, 115 of the Achomawi, 136, 235 of the Klamath, I73 See IRIS-FIBRE; NETS; ROPE Corselet. See ARMOR Costume, ceremonial, a basis of wealth, 18, 40, 61, 220, 222 dance, placed with dead, 24, 42 Klamath, 144 pl., I46 pl., I52 pl., I58 pi., 162 pl., 164 pi., 170 pi., 174 pi., 176 of obsidian-bearer, 38 pl. of Deerskin dance, 30 pl., 31, 50, 52 of Hupa dancers, 31-32 pi., folio pl. 442 of Hupa shaman, 28 pl. of Yurok healer, 45 See CLOTHING; DRESS Cougar eaten by Achomawi, 234 in Hupa myth, I85 See ANIMAL FOOD; OCEAN COUGAR Couvade absent among Achomawi, I49 Coyote eaten by Klamath, I69 how hunted by Achomawi, 141 howl of, a war signal, 162 in Achomawi dreams, I50-15I, 155 in myth, 26, 27, 54, 64, 83, I23, I79, I84-I85, I87-I90, 201-204, 206 -2IO, 2I9, 221, 227, 234, 236, 269 See ANIMALS Coyote-skin, how worn, 138 quivers made of, 135 robes made of, 9 Crab-carapace used in fishing, 74 Crabs eaten by Tolowa, 98 Cradle-basket, navel-cord tied to, 148 of the Achomawi, 136 pi., 137 of the Hupa, 9, folio pl. 450 of the Klamath, 166 See BASKETRY Crane in Klamath myth, 211 Crane-bone, needles made of, 77 whistle of, 46 Crater lake, absence of fish in, 239 illustrated, I58 pi., 162 pi., folio pl. 463

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286 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Crater lake, myth regarding, 212-213 potency of, for shamans, 177 Crawfish in Klamath myth, 213 Creation. See GENESIS; MYTHOLOGY Creator. See ABOVE OLD-MAN; GENESIS; KAMiJAM'TS; MYTHOLOGY; QAN Creek spirits in Tolowa myth, 200 See SPIRITS Cremation among the Shasta, 121, 233 among the Wiyot, 82, 227 of warriors by Achomawi, 153, 236 practised by Klamath, I78-I79, 239 See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Crescent City, Tatatteni at, 9I-92 Tolowa village at, 229 Crook, Gen. George, campaign of, 134, 151 Crow as a war messenger, I44 in Achomawi war song, 143 in Yurok myth, I88 Crystal lake, vigils observed at, I49 Culture hero of the Yurok, 221 See GENESIS; MYTHOLOGY Curlew in Shasta myth, 204 Cuticle, earth created from, 206 See SKINS Damages. See INDEMNITY Danaville, Achomawi killed near, 133 Dance, ceremonial, not practised by Klamath, 179 costumes worn at, 138 Hupa, character of, 27 mortuary, of Shasta, 121, 233 of Tolowa and Tututni, 230 pleasure, of Achomawi, 146-I47 shaman, of Yurok, 43 social, of Klamath, 176 See BRUSH DANCE; CEREMONIES; DANCING; DEERSKIN DANCE; SHAMAN DANCE; VICTORY-DANCE; WARDANCE; WHITE DEERSKIN DANCE Dance regalia captured by Yurok, 5 See COSTUME Dancing at childbirth, 148-I49 in myth, 198, 212 in puberty rites, 149, 236 in shamanistic rite, 43-44, 123-124, 155, 219 Dancing in spirit world, 25 power acquired by, 27 Daughter-in-law, custom regarding, 236 Deadfalls in Wiyot myth, 193 not used by Shasta, 112 of the Wiyot, 72, 73 used by Klamath, 171, 238 used by Tolowa, 98 See HUNTING; TRAPS Death classified by Achomawi, I55 customs regarding, 47 See GRIEF; MORTUARY CUSTOMS; MOURNING Deer, dew-claws of, as rattles, 97, I74, I76 how hunted, 14, 98, 111-112, 139, 140, I7I, 23I Hupa effigy of, 32 pl. in Achomawi dreams, I50 in myth, I84, 205, 213 mythic creation of, 123, 207 snared by Wiyot, 72, 73 See ANIMAL FOOD; HUNTING Deer-antler. SEE ANTLER; DEER-HORN Deer-bone, awls made of, 135 fish-hooks made of, 135, I69 head-scratcher of, II9 salmon-gigs of, 114 Deer-fur, head-bands of, 87 Deer-hoof, rattles of, 120, I36 See DEW-CLAWS Deer-horn, obsidian chipped with, I14 See ANTLER; HORN Deerskin, caps of, in ceremony, 22 clothing of, 9, 71, 96-97, IO8, 138, 142, i65, 212, 217 dead wrapped in, IoI, 121, 230, 233 drum-heads of, 98, 174, 238 eaten in myth, I97 football of, 146 garments in Jumping dance, 33 hair confined with thongs of, o09 in Klamath myth, 211, 212 in puberty ceremony, 8i in shamanistic rite, 124 navel-cord wrapped in, II9 novitiate wrapped in, IOI, 148 sickness contained in, 45 skirt in Deerskin dance, 50

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INDEX 287 Deerskin skirt of Yurok healer, 45 traded by Klamath, 163 used in acorn feast, 30 used in dance, 49, 102 white, standard of wealth, 40 See CLOTHING; COSTUME; DRESS Deerskin dance held at Yuhtuyirup, 224 mythic creation of, 195 not held by Wiyot, 82, 86 of the Hupa, 3, i8, 30 pi., 47-53 of the Karok, 61-62, 224 of the Yurok, 59 See DANCE; WHITE DEERSKIN DANCE Deer-skull, spoons made of, 114 Deer-snares of the Achomawi, 136 of the Hupa, 7 of the Shasta, I 5 See SNARES Deer tallow applied to navel, 148 Dentalia as fee for healing, 125 as nose-ornament, 61, 97, 109, i66, 228, 231, 234, 237 dead ornamented with, 24, 6i ear-ornaments of, 9-IO, 72, I66, 217, 234 indemnity paid in, 118 in trade, 131 value of, 10, 60, 72, 138, 268 worn by Achomawi, 138 See SHELLS; WEALTH Descent among the Karok, 60, 222 among the Klamath, 238 among the Tolowa, 100, 229 among the Tututni, 229 among the Wiyot, 80, 226 among the Yurok, 41, 220 of chiefs, 80, I47, 218, 226, 231, 235 Deschutes river in Klamath territory, i6I Dew-claws, rattles of, 97, I74, I76 See DEER-HOOF Dice. See BEAVER-TEETH; GAMES Digger-pine, roots of, in basketry, 8 See PINE Dip-nets, how used, I4-I5 in Wiyot myth, I94 not used by Tolowa, 97, 228 not used by Tututni, 228 used for salmon, II3-II4 See FISH-NETS; NETS Dip-netting, Hupa, illustrated, 40 pl. Dipper, basketry, in Yurok ceremony, 49, 51 Disease. See EPIDEMICS; HEALING; SHAMANS; SICKNESS Disguise used by hunters, 112, I71, 23I, 238 Divorce among Achomawi, I52-I53 ground for, among Shasta, 118, 233 See ADULTERY; MARRIAGE Dixie valley, Achomawi near, 133 Atsugewi in, 129 Dixon, R. B., cited on Shasta, 10o, Io6, 232 on Achomawi affinity, I29 Dixon and Kroeber, Hokan family of, 58 on affinity of California languages, Io5 on Wiyot and Yurok unity, 68 See KROEBER, A. L. Djishtangading, a Hupa village, 183, 218 Doctors. See MEDICINE-MEN; MEDICINEWOMEN; SHAMANS Dogs associated with eclipses, 83 in myth, 184, 188, I95, 196 used in hunting, i6, 72, 73, 98, 141 D6koan-kni, a Klamath group, I63, 238 Domestication. See DOGS Dorsey, J. Owen, on Tututni gentes, 229 Douglas spruce, canoes made of, 171, 238 incense of, 24 related to child growth, 20 used in medicine, 29 See SPRUCE; TREES Dove in myth, 2I3, 254 Down-toward Ocean He-went. See ADAKSORA-HLUKITL Dreams avoided during puberty rite, 119, I20 how regarded by Klamath, 179 in myth, 199, 202 of shamans, 44, IoI, I77, 230, 233, 236 power obtained from, 27, 84-85, 123, 2I9 prevented by bathing, 122 sought at puberty, I49-151, 155 See SHAMANS; VIGILS Dress of Coast Athapascans, 228 of the Achomawi, 234 of the Hupa, 22 pl., 217, folio pl. 468 of the Karok, 222 of the Klamath, 237, folio pl. 441 of the Shasta, 230-231 of the Tolowa, 98 pl., folio pl. 461

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288 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Dress of the Wiyot, 225 of the Yurok, 220 See CLOTHING; COSTUME Drums not used by Achomawi, 135 of the Klamath, I74, folio pl. 441 of the Tolowa, 98, IO2 of the Yurok, folio pl. 457 varieties of, 257 See MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS Duck-eggs sought in myth, 204 Duck-feathers, pillows stuffed with, I39 Duck-hunter, Klamath, 142 pl. Ducks, how taken, 74, 139-140, 171 in myth, 190, 196, 211-212 See TEAL-BONE Dwarfs in Tolowa myth, 200 Dwellings. See HOUSES Dye used in basketry, 8, 77, 97, I73 yellow, of the Shasta, o09 See PAINTS Eagle in Achomawi war song, 143 in Klamath myth, 211 Eagle-bone, Shasta whistles of, 107 Eagle-feathers, hats adorned with, Io8 in healing ceremony, 46 in shamanistic rite, 124 on Achomawi cap, 142 on Shasta head-dress, 230 in Yurok head-band, 50, 51 worn by warriors, I09, I64 worn in dances, 107, 126, 234 Ear-ornaments of Coast Athapascans, 97 of dentalia, 9-IO, 72, 166, 217, 234 of porcupine-quills, 231 of the Hupa, 217 of the Klamath, 237 of the Wiyot, 72 See ORNAMENTS; SHELLS Ears of dead perforated, 24 pierced by Shasta, Io9 Earthquake in myth, 209 Wiyot belief regarding, 83 Earthworms, use of, 20 Echulit, a Tolowa village, 229 Eclipses, Wiyot belief regarding, 83 Edgewood in Shasta territory, IO6, 232 Education of Hupa children, 2I Eel-grass eaten by Tolowa, 99 Eel-river in Wiyot myth, 31, 195 salmon placed in, in myth, 194 Wiyot on, 67-68, 70, 86 Effgy, deer, dancer with, 32 pl. Eggs. See DUCK-EGGS Ekpimi, Achomawi name of Wintun, 208, 236 Elder, flutes made of, 78, 98, 135 Elderberries eaten by Tolowa, 99 Elder stalks in shaman ceremony, 123-124 Elk, how taken, 14, 72-73, 98, II2, I41, 231 in myth, I95, 196, 20o See ANIMAL FOOD; ANIMALS Elk-horn, adzes of, 8, 172, 173, 238 club of, in myth, I99 gaffs of, 98 gaming sticks of 78 harpoons pointed with, 73 purse made of, o1 spoons of. 77, 97, io6 pl., 173, 228, 237, 238 wedges of, 8, 71, 114, 135, 173, 189, I9I, I92, 238 See ANTLER; HORN Elk river, salmon placed in, in myth, 194 Elk-skin, armor made of, 142 clothing made of, Io8 hats of, 230 moccasin soles of, I38, 217 tunics of, 7, 219, 228 Elk-tallow used in paint, 86 Emmons, Lieutenant, on Shasta arrows, I15 Endurance in sweat-bath, 167 See ORDEAL Environment, effect of, on Klamath, 162, 171 Epidemics averted by ceremony, 100, 230 caused by sorcery, 96 Shasta belief as to, 124 See HEALING; SICKNESS Erar, a Shasta village, 232 Erner, a Yurok village, 40, 47, 22I Ertlerger, a Yurok village, 50, 51, 53, 220 Eshpeu, a Yurok village, 39, 221 Esselen, of Hokan affinity, 105 Eftsitaritiia, a Shasta village, 232 Euks-kni, a Klamath band, 238 Eureka, Wiyot village in, 227

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INDEX 289 Ewing, Sam, portrait, folio pl. 437 Eyes created in myth, I86 Face smeared with pitch, 154,203, 209,233,239 Face-painting by Achomawi, 138, 142 by Shasta, 109, 23I, 234 by Wiyot dancers, 87 in acorn feast, 30 in big-head dance, 126 in myth, 185, 204 in puberty rite, II9, 120 of Yurok healer, 45 See TATTOOING Fall river, Achomawi of, massacred, 134 Achomawi on, 133 antelope hunted near, 139 Paiute invasion near, 130 Pit River Indians on, 132 places of vigil near, I49 Family, Klamath, of whom composed, 175 status of, among Karok, 58, 60 the social unit, 40-41 1,, 116, I47, 2I8, 220, 222 Famine dispelled in ceremony, 53 in myth, 197, 204 Fasting before gambling, II5 by Karok dance priest, 62, 63 by Klamath shamans, I77 by Yurok girls, 41 during elk-hunting, 72 following vigil, 177 for good luck, 101 in ceremony, 230 in Deerskin dance, 51 in puberty rite, 81, Ioo, I20 not practised by Hupa, 21 power sought by, 239 See FEAST; FOOD; TABOO Father-in-law, Achomawi customs as to, 153 Feast after big-head dance, 126 after Jumping dance, 63 at Deerskin dance, 33, 5I, 53, 62 at shaman ceremony, 86 for shaman, 28 Hupa, at Takimilding, 218 marriage, of Achomawi, 22, 152 See ACORN FEAST; FASTING; FOOD Feathers as nose-ornaments, 109, 231 VOL. XIII-37 Feathers in Klamath garments, 165 mythic creation of, 207 red, symbol of shamanism, 155, I56 worn by Coyote, 150-151, 155 See BLUEJAY-FEATHERS; CONDOR-FE ATHER; DUCK-FEATHERS; EAGLEFEATHERS; GROUSE-FEATHERS; HAWK-FEATHERS; WOODPECKERFEATH ERS; YELLOWHAMMERFEATHERS Fennel used as medicine, 76 Fern-roots used as food, 37, 99, 228 Ferns used in basketry, 8, 76-77, 115, I37 Fernbridge, Wiyot village near, 227 Ferry point, Karok village at, 223 Fibre. See CORDAGE; IRIS-FIBRE; NETS Fighting in Achomawi dreams, I50 See HOSTILITIES; WARFARE Fire, an aid in hunting, 140, 202 avoided at puberty, 120 built by novitiate, 149-150 how kindled by Klamath, I74 how made by Wiyot, 77-78 in canoe-making, 8, I35, I72, 238 in Yurok ceremony, 49, 51 magic performed with, 178, I9I mortuary, 42, 12I, I53, 233 protection by, 81 taboo regarding, 233 used on canoe in fishing, 74, 170-171 See FIRE-DRILL; TORCHES Fire brush dance among Yurok, 46 Fire-carry. See BRUSH DANCE Fire-drill carried by novitiate, 149 of the Achomawi, 135 of the Shasta, 115 Fish, absence of, in Crater lake, 212 created in myth, 209, 21o how dried and stored, 1I, I6, 77 in Achomawi dreams, 150 increased by ceremony, 53, 219, 227 when tabooed, 22, 176 See CHUBS; FLOUNDERS; HALIBUT; LAMPREYS; MINNOWS; MUSSELS; OCTOPUS; PIKE; ROCK-COD; SALMON; SHARKS; SHELL-FISH; SMELT; STEELHEAD TROUT; S TKO A; SUCKERS; TROUT

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290 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Fisher-skin, quivers of, 46 Fish-hooks of the Achomawi, I35 of the Hupa, 8 of the Klamath, I69, 238 of the Tolowa, 98 of the Wiyot, 74, 76 See IMPLEMENTS Fishing by the Achomawi, 14I by the Hupa, 8, 14-16, frontispiece, 26 pi., 42 pi., 46 pl., folio pls. 447, 453, 465 by the Klamath, 167, I69-17I by the Shasta, 231 by the Wiyot, 74-76 implements of the Klamath, 237 in myth, 194, 202 Yurok, illustrated, 76 pi., 80 pi., folio pls. 444, 469 Fish-line in Yurok myth, 187 Fish-nets of the Achomawi, 136 See NETS Fish-skin in dentalia strings, IO Fish-spears of the Achomawi, I35-I36 See SPEARS Fish-traps of the Achomawi, I37 of the Hupa, 16, folio pl. 439 See TRAPS Fish-weirs, how built by Yurok, 40 of the Hupa, i6 pi., I8-19, 218, folio pl. 459 of the Tolowa, 98 of the Wiyot, 74-75 of the Yurok, 47 property right in, 117, 232 See WEIRS Five, the number, in myth, 211 Flies in Yurok myth, 189 See HORSEFLY Flint, arrow-points of, 7, 72, 98, I35, 171 knives of, 135, 173 used in tattooing, 72 weapons tipped with, 238 See STONE Floats made of tules, 136 Flogging. See PUNISHMENT Flood in Wiyot myth, 83, 190 Flounders speared by Wiyot, 76 See FISH; FISHING Flutes in Yurok myth, I85 of the Achomawi, 135, 235 of the Klamath, 174 of the Shasta, 115 of the Tolowa, 98 of the Wiyot, 78 See MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS Fog, disease derived from, 86 in myth, 84, 206 Food controlled by Above-he-dwells, 26 created in myth, 204, 209, 20I how divided by Klamath, 175 how increased, 33 not placed with dead, 24, 227, 230, 233 of the Achomawi, 137, I40-I41, 234, 256 of the Hupa, I3-14, 217, 246 of the Karok, 59, 86 pi., 222, 256 of the Klamath, 167-169, 172, 238, 273 of the Shasta, 111-113, 231, 256 of the Tolowa, 98-99, 228, 246 of the Tututni, 228, 246 of the Wiyot, 76, 226, 266 of the Yiirok, 39, 41, 220, 266 origin of customs, 47 prayers for, 64 provided for Yurok dance, 49 restrictions regarding, 19-20, I49 tabooed in puberty rites, 236 See ANIMALS; BERRIES; BIRDS; COOKING; FASTING; FEAST; FISH; FISHING; FOWL; GAME; HUNTING; MEAT; NUTS; ROOTS; SEEDS Football played by Achomawi, 146, 235 See BALL; GAMES Foot-races of the Achomawi, 146 of the Klamath, I74, 238 of the Wiyot, 79 See GAMES Forks of Salmon river, Shasta on, Io6 Fort Crook, Achomawi near, 134 Fort Jones in Shasta territory, Io6 Fort Klamath, Captain Jack hanged at, I65 Fort Ross, Russians at, 68 Fortuna, Wiyot village near, 227 Fowl, how taken by Wiyot, 72-74 See BIRDS; DUCKS; WATERFOWL Foxes taken in deadfalls, 73 See SILVER FOX

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I INDEX 29I Fox-skin, head-bands of, 87 in shamanistic rite, 124 quivers made of, 72, 171 See SKINS Frog extracted by medicine-men, 157 in myth, 196, 206 Fruits eaten by Achomawi, I40 See BERRIES; FOOD Fuel used by the Klamath, 173 Furniture of the Hupa, II-12 See BEDS; HANDICRAFT Furs traded by Achomawi, I31 See SKINS Fur-traders in Hupa country, 5 See TRADERS; WHITES Gambling before Deerskin dance, 62 good luck acquired for, 230 in Achomawi dreams, 150 in myth, I83, 195 restrictions regarding, 48 supernatural aid in, I25, 176-I77 See GAMES Game increased by ceremony, 53, 219 See ANIMALS; HUNTING Games created in myth, 210 in puberty rite, 234 of the Achomawi, 144-146, 235 of the Hupa, 17, I8 pl., 217-218 of the Karok, 222 of the Klamath, I74-I75, 2II, 213, 238 of the Shasta, II5-I6, 231 of the Tolowa, 99, 228 of the Tututni, 228 of the Wiyot, 78-79, 226 of the Yurok, I88, 220 See FOOTBALL; SHINNY Garments. See CLOTHING; COSTUME; DRESS Gatschet, A. S., on Shasta affinity, 105 Genesis of the Achomawi, 206 of the Karok, 64 of the Klamath, 210 of the Shasta, 123 of the Wiyot, 82-83, 190-191 of the Yurok, 46-47 See MYTHOLOGY; RELIGION Gentes absent in Tolowa and Tututni, 229 See CLANS Geographical names, Shasta, 233 Gestures in gaming, I45, 174 Gibbs, George, Karok visited by, 58 on Karok villages, 224 on the Hupa, 5 on the Yurok, 38 use of term Wishosk by, 68 Gifts, marriage, of Klamath, 176 See INDEMNITY; MARRIAGE Gill-nets, salmon caught in, 74 See FISHING; FISH-NETS; NETS Girls, Achomawi, face decoration by, I38 idemnity paid with, 147 Karok, status of, 60 treaty sealed by gift of, 130 Wiyot, tattooing of, 225 See CHILDREN; PUBERTY RITE; WOMEN Goddard, P. E., cited on Hupa, 25 Gold Beach, Tututni village at, 229 Gold Bluff. See ESHPEU Good luck acquired by Achomawi, 236 assured by dreams, I49, 151 begged in war-dance, 164 in finding obsidian celt, 177 in myth, 183, 230 invoked for gambling, 78, 115 rite to procure, 230, 233 sought by Tolowa, IOI sought by vigil, 125 Wiyot dance for insuring, 86-87 See CEREMONIES; DANCE Gooseberries in Yurok myth, I89 Goose lake in Klamath territory, I6I, 162 Goose Lake valley, Achomawi boundary, 129 Gophers in myth, I88, 239 See ANIMALS; FOOD; POCKET-GOPHER Government. See CHIEFS; HEAD-MEN; POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Grand Ronde, Indians removed to, 93 Grapevine, flutes made of, 174, 238 used for lashing, I, 60, 113, 114 Grass, Achomawi skirt of, 234 Achomawi warriors brushed with, 143 football made of, 146 foot-covering of, io8 gaming sticks wrapped in, 146 houses thatched with, I o, 139, I66 -167, 23I, 234, 237

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292 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Grass, Klamath pipe-stems of, 173 moccasins stuffed with, 165 navel-cord rolled in, 148 skirt fringe of, Io8 See EEL-GRASS; XEROPHYLLUM GRASS Grass game. See GAMES Grasshoppers as food, I40, 184, 188-189, 234 Grass seeds used as food, 13, 217 used in pinole, 140, 172 See SEEDS Gray, George, father of, killed, I63 Grease. See SKUNK GREASE Grief, how assuaged by Yurok, 48 See MORTUARY CUSTOMS; MOURNING Grinding by the Klamath, 172 of w6kas, 170 pl. See FOOD Grizzly-bear in Achomawi war song, 143 in Shasta myth, 201 See BEAR Grouse tabooed as food, 99, 228, 244 Grouse-feathers used on arrows, II5 Guardian spirit of shamans, 155 See SPIRITS Gull, myth concerning, 200 Habitat of northern California tribes, 4 of Achomawi and Atsugewi, 129 of the Hupa, 3 of the Karok, 57 of the Klamath, 161-162 of the Modoc, I6I of the Shasta, 105, 232 of the Tolowa and Tututni, 91 of the Wiyot, 67 of the Yurok, 37-39 See BOUNDARIES Hachwochkaw, a Wiyot village, 227 Hail in myth, 84, 204 Hair, football made of, 146 Hair-cutting, a mourning custom, 24, 43, 82, IOI, 122, 154, I78-I79, 2I9, 227, 233, 236, 239 in Shasta myth, 203 Hair-dress of Coast Athapascans, 97 of the Achomawi, 138, 234 of the Hupa, 9, 20 pl., 28 pi., 217 of the Karok, 92 pl., 222 Hair-dress of the Klamath, 144 pl., I52 pi., i65, 237 of the Shasta, 109, 231 of the Wiyot, 72, 225 of the Yurok, 4I, 45, 64 pl. of Tolowa and Tututni, 98 pi., 228 See COMB Hair-seal, myth of, 199 See SEAL Halibut. See FISH; FISHING Hamahiwak, a Shasta village, 232 Hamburg, Shasta village at site of, 232 Hammers, stone, of the Achomawi, 139 stone, of the Hupa, 8 See IMPLEMENTS; MAULS; STONE Handicraft, native terms for, 247-249, 257 -258, 267-268, 274 See ARTS; BASKETRY; IMPLEMENTS; INDUSTRIES; WOODWORKING Hantiwi, an Achomawi band, 235 Ha'p.au, a Yurok village, 5 See HOOPEU Hapautuqharapha, Shasta woman chief, 116 Happy Camp, a tribal boundary, 4, 105, io6, 222 Harpoon in Wiyot myth, I96 of the Wiyot, 72, 73 used by Klamath, 238 used by Tolowa, 98 See FISHING; IMPLEMENTS; SPEARS Haslinding, a Hupa village, 183, 218 Hasnit, a Shasta village, 232 Hat Creek Indians, the Atsugewi, I29 Hats, elk-skin, of the Shasta, Io8 See CAPS; HEAD-DRESS Havaramnik, a Karok village, 223 Havis'htim, a Karok village, 61, 224 Havnamnihich, a Karok village, 224 Hawk in Achomawi war song, 143 Hawk-feathers on Achomawi cap, 142 Hawunkwat, Tolowa village, 9I, 93, 218, 229 Hazel used for basketry, 3, 8, 76-77, 97, II5 Hazelnuts as food, 13, 99 Head-band, deerskin, in Wiyot myth, I95 illustrated, 96 pl., 102 pi., I66 pl. in acorn feast, 30 in Deerskin dance, 31 of Hupa dancers, 31-32

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INDEX 293 Head-band of Klamath warriors, 164 of Wiyot dancers, 87 of Yurok girls, 41 wolf-skin, in dance, 50 See CLOTHING; COSTUME; DRESS Head-dress in Jumping dance, 33 in puberty rite, Ioo, II9 in war-dance, 142 of Hupa, 22, 28 pi., 30 pi., 34 pl., 36 pi. of Klamath, 144 pi., 150 pl., 152 pi., I56 pi., 158 pi., 162 pi., 164 pi., 174 pi., 176 pi., folio pls. 436, 441, 445, 446, 449, 463, 470 of medicine-men, 157 of the Tolowa, folio pl. 455 of Wiyot dancers, 87 See BASKETRY CAPS; CAPS; COSTUME; DRESS; HATS Head-flattening by Klamath, 166, 237 Head-men among Shasta, II6-117, 231-232 Hupa, status of, 218 of the Achomawi, 147, 235 of the Klamath, 238 of the Tolowa and Tututni, 229 See CHIEFS Head-rest in Yurok myth, 189 of the Achomawi, I39 Head-scratcher in puberty rite, Ioo, I19 of Hupa girls, 21, 22 See SCRATCHER Healing, customs regarding, 47 how effected by Shasta, 233 practised by Achomawi, 236 Healing ceremony, Karok, 225 See BRUSH DANCE; SHAMANS; SICKNESS Health improved by ceremony, 53 prayers for, 64 See GOOD LUCK Heart regarded as spirit, 122 Heaven, Hupa conceptions as to, 2 Hematite used as face-paint, 138 See IRON OXIDE Hemp, armor twined with, 142 used for cordage, 1I5, 136, 235 See CORDAGE Herbs in Hupa rites, 26 in religious observance, 47 used in medicine, 29 Hewisaitu-wi, an Achomawi band, 148, 235 Hewis-atwam-achuma-wi-chani, an Achomawi band, 235 Heytmmu, fish-weir at, 40 See LOOLEGO Hichuhake, a Shasta village, 232 Hide-scrapers, Shasta, of obsidian, I14 See SKINS Hiktina, the Yurok territory, 195 Hiyag'htkuk, a Wiyot village. 226 Hliaghtli-tun, an Athapascan village, 229 HlIl-tfn, an Athapascan village, 4, 220 Hlekluihw, Hupa relations with, 3-5 Hlenal-ttn, Hupa name of Weitchpec, 220 Hlulutalaqhli, a Wiyot village, 226 Hokan, component languages of, 105 groups comprising, 4, 58 vocabularies, 253-262 See ACHOMAWI; ATSUGEWI; KAROK; SHASTA Homn;pak, a Karok village, 61, 223 Homuarup. See HUMVARU Hon-nawe. See BRUSH DANCE Honsading, a Hupa village, 218 Hoopa valley, character of, 3 native name of, 222 Hoopeu, a Yurok village, 221 See HA'PAU Hopah, Gibbs' form of Hupa, 5 Hopper in Yurok myth, 186 of basketry, 135 See MORTARS Horn, harpoons pointed with, 72 implements made of, 135, 231, 235 spoons made of, I35 See ANTLER; DEER-HORN; ELK-HORN Horsefly in Shasta myth, 206 Horse Linto, application of name, 218 Horses acquired by Paiute, 130 bride purchased with, 152 brought by whites, 132 captives exchanged for, 162, 234, 238 indemnity paid with, 147, 148 introduced to Wiyot, 69 traded by Oregon Indians, io6, 131, 234 Hospitality among the Wiyot, 80 of the Hupa, 19 Hostilities by whites, 132-I35

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294 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Hostilities in northern California, 91-95 of the Hupa, 4-6 of the Karok, 58, 59 of Klamath and Modoc, o16-o17, i62 -i65 of Pit River Indians, 129-131 of the Wiyot, 68 of the Yurok, 4-5, 221 See WARFARE Hostler, Joe, Tolowa informant, 93, 99, 199 -201 Hostler creek in Hupa territory, 32 Hostler ranch, a Hupa settlement, I8, 218 See TAKIMILDING Hotla-tYchhwYl, a Hupa personage, 26, 27, Houses burned for dead, 25, 154, I78, 236 of the Achomawi, 134 pi. 138-139, 234 of the Hupa, 10-12, 12 pi., 13, 36 pl., 217 of the Karok, 59, 84 pi., 222 of the Klamath, 166-167 pi., 175, 237 of the Shasta, o19-II0, 23I of the Tolowa and Tututni, 97, 228 of the Wiyot, 71, 226 of the Yurok, 52 pl., 54 pl., 60 pi., 62 pl., 220 See HUT; MENSTRUAL HUT; SWEATHOUSE Howungkut, a Hupa village, 31, I84, 218 Huckleberries eaten by Tolowa, 99 See FOOD Huckleberry shoots in Wiyot myth, 192 Humawhi, an Achomawi band, 148, 235 Humboldt bar in myth, I94 Humboldt bay, how it became salt, 196 whites on, 68-69 Wiyot on, 67 Humboldt Bay Yliyot. See WIKI-TARETAHIHL Humboldt City established, 227 Humvacru, a Karok village, 61, 223 Hunting and childbirth, 118 boundaries recognized, 130 by the Achomawi, 135, 139-141 by the Hupa, 14 by the Karok, 59 by the Klamath, 171, 237-238, folio pl. 458 by the Shasta, 231 Hunting by the Tolowa, 98 continence necessary to, 41 dance for good luck in, 86-87 grounds marked in myth, 208 implements of the Hupa, 7 implements of the Klamath, 237-238 implements of the Wiyot, 72 increased by ceremony, 227 in myth, 196, 201, 202, 205, 207-209, 211-213 medicine for, in myth, 184 supernatural aid in, 125 taboo respecting, 20 See ANIMALS; FOOD; IMPLEMENTS; MEAT Hupa, account of the, 3-34, 217-220 and Karok relations, 57 and Yurok similarity, 39 and Yurok warfare, 4-5, 221 habitat of the, 37 in Yurok ceremony, 48 Karok name for, 225 myths of the, 183-185 neighbors of Yurok, 39 portraits, 4 pl., 6 pl., 20 pl., 28 pl., 50 pl., folio pls. 450, 45I, 467, 468 Tolowa name for, 230 vocabulary of, 243-253 Wiyot name for, 228 Yurok name for, 222 Hut, tule, of Klamath, i66 pi. underground, of Yurok girls, 41 See HOUSES; MENSTRUAL HUT; SWEATHOUSE Hftwelakaw, a Wiyot village, 226 Hwehlkat, Redwood creek, 219 Hwesttnnd-tun, a Tututni village, I99, 229 Ift. See AFTARAM Ihivfah, a Shasta village, 232 Ihtariniapun, a Karok village, 223 fkaraka-fiu-his, a Shasta group, Io6, 232 Ikhareyau, a Karok mythic character, 63, 64 Ikhariyara', a Karok ceremony, 63 Ikihifhnihach, a Karok village, 223 fkirak, a Shasta village, 116, 232 Iknimich, a Karok village, 223 Iksiri, a Wiyot village, 227

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INDEX 295 IlatekfIiglwa, an Achomawi locality, 207 Illness caused by sorcery, 28 See EPIDEMICS; HEALING; SHAMANS Ilmawi, an Achomawi band, 148, 235 Imkanvira-suf, a Karok village, 224 Implements of the Hupa, 7, 217 of the Karok, 59 of the Klamath, 169-174, 238 of the Shasta, 114 of the Tolowa, 98 of the Wiyot, 72 See ANTLER; ARTS; BONE; FISHING; HANDICRAFT; HUNTING; INDUSTRIES; STONE; UTENSILS; WAR IMPLEMENTS; WEAPONS Impuirak, a Karok village, 222 Inam-suf-karom, Karok village, 61, 63, 223 Incense in Deerskin dance, 62 in Hupa ceremony, 24, 219 in Irahivi rite, 63 in purification rite, 43 of angelica-root, 26, 87 used at weir-building, 40 used in Yurok ceremony, 49-53 Indemnity among Shasta, 117, Ii8 for adultery, 60, 233 for damages, 59, 96 for injury, 79-80, 99, 235 for murder, 68, 107, 234 hostility due to non-payment, 230 payment by Achomawi, 147 payment by Tolowa and Tututni, 229 to mourners, 154 Indian creek controlled by Karok, 57 Indian island, cremation on, 82, 227 location of, 68, 69 See TULUJWAT Indian Jake, a Shasta narrator, 201-206 vocabulary from, 253 Indianola, Wiyot at, 71, 227 Industries of the Achomawi, 234-235 of the Hupa, 217 of the Karok, 222 of the Klamath, 238 of the Shasta, 231 of the Wiyot, 226 of the Yurok, 220 of Tolowa and Tututni, 228 Industries. See ARTS; BASKETRY; FISHING; HANDICRAFT; HUNTING; IMPLEMENTS Infants. See CHILDBIRTH; CHILDREN Ininnuch, a Karok village, 224 Injury, how mediated, 40 See INDEMNITY Inotuks. See INUTAKiCH Inpiit, a Karok village, 223 Insanity among Hupa, 6 Inuitakuch, a Karok village, 6i, 223 Irahivi, a Karok ceremony, 63-64 Iramni-hiruk, a Karok village, 223 Iris-fibre, cordage of, 7, 72, 74, 77, 217, 249 fish-lines made of, 8 ropes wagered in gambling, 87 snares made of, 14 woven band of, 22 See CORDAGE Iron among the Tolowa, 96, 97 early among Yurok, 40 obtained by Wiyot, 71 Iron oxide used for paint, 87 See HEMATITE Iruai, Shasta name of Scott valley, 204 Iruai-ftu-his. See IRUWAITSU Irura-vahevi, a Karok ceremony, 59, 63 Iruwaitsu, a Shasta group, io6, 232 IThipriha-tIfhiram, a Karok village, 222 IfhiprAhirihak, a Karok village, 224 IAhirammam, a Karok village, 224 IAhivinnipYch, a Karok village, 225 IAhiviript, a Karok village, 223 IfhputZich, a Karok village, 224 Itami. See MATESIS Itirovuti-hirik, a Karok village, 225 ffisa-amma, a Shasta village, 232 ffsuruqai, monsters in myth, 204 fttiwtik, a Shasta village, 232 Ittiwikha', a Shasta village, 232 luhkak-kni, a Klamath band, 238 luhialon-kni, a Klamath band, 238 Iviratiri, a Karok village, 224 Iyis. See AYISTHRIM Jack. See CAPTAIN JACK Jackson, narrator of myths, I83-I85 Jackson. See SMITH, SUBLETTE, AND JACKSON

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296 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Jackson county, Oregon, Shasta in, I05 Jacksonville, Shasta village at, 116 volunteers from, against Indians, I64 Jake. See INDIAN JAKE James, Jerry, narrator of myths, 190-I98 on first visit by whites, 68-70 vocabulary obtained from, 263 Javelin used in games, 174, 238 See IMPLEMENTS Jealousy of Klamath wives, 176 Jemul, a creator, I55 See COYOTE Jitlkan-th.n, an Athapascan village, 219 Jumping dance among Wiyot, 82, 86, 227 in spirit world, 24 in Wiyot myth, 198 of the Hupa, I8, 33-34, 219, folio pi. 442 of the Karok, 39, 61-63, 224, 225 of the Yurok, 47, 221 Juniper, bows made of, 135 drums made of, 174 leaves used in menstruation, 176 Juniper-roots, sieves made of, 173 used in basketry, 238 Kadamn, a village in myth, 189, 190 See PANAMNIK Kachkarayfchkara, a Wiyot village, 226 Kahruk, a form of Karok, 58 Kailus, a Tolowa chief, 93, 96 Kakapamma, Shasta ceremony, 123-124 Kakatketk, a Modoc chief, 175 Kalispel, punishment by, 175 Kalitis. See CRANE Kal6kwit-tan, a Tututni village, 229 Kammatwa, a Shasta group, Io6, 232 hostilities of, 92 Kamuikam'fl, Klamath creator, 179, 210-212 Karahuka, a Hokan dialect, 58 Karok, account of the, 57-64, 222-225 basketry illustrated, 86 pl. habitat of, 4 hostilities of, 5, 219, 230 house illustrated, 84 pl. Hupa name for, 2I9 in Yurok ceremony, 48 of Hokan affinity, IO5 neighbors of, 39, 9I, Io6 Karok, portraits, 86 pl., 92 pl., 94 pl. religious beliefs of, 25 Shasta name for, 234 sweat-house illustrated, 82 pl. Tolowa name for, 230 vocabulary of, 253-262 Wiyot name for, 228 Yurok name for, 222 Kasannuktch, a Karok village, 224 Kasem-virak, a Karok village, 222 KasuiMnnik, a Karok village, 223 Kas-unurwarmurfs. See DEERSKIN DANCE Katimi'n, a Karok locality, 64 Katipiara, a Karok village, 224 Katiru, a Shasta group, Io6, 232 Kenek, a Yurok village, 40, 48, 49, 185, I86 -I88, I90, 220 Kentuck ranch. See HOWUNGKUT Kepel, a Yurok village, 38, 40, 221 Deerskin dance at, 47 fish-weir built at, 40 Kew&t in Yurok myth, 187 Kewft-atfin in Yurok myth, 188 Khoonkhwuttunne. See HAWUNKWJT Khwaishtunnetunne. See HIWE iUNNA-TUN Kikatsik, a Shasta group, io6, 232 Kilt of Coast Athapascans, 96 used in puberty rite, Ioo Yurok, of maple-bark, 41 See CLOTHING; COSTUME; DRESS Kimpinuni, origin of name, 119 Kinchuwhikut, a Hupa village, 218 Kirukihiiiruk, a Shasta ceremony, 126 Kiwas, Klamath name of Crater lake, 212 Klamath, account of the, I61-179, 237-239 Achomawi name for, 236 and Achomawi warfare, 236 created in myth, 208 myths of the, 210-213 neighbors of, Io6, 129 portraits, 144 pl., 146 pl., 150 pl., 152 pi., 156 pl., 164 pl., 170 pi., 174 pl., 176 pl., folio pls. 436, 440, 441, 445, 446, 470 vocabulary of, 237, 272-276 Klamath county, Oregon, Shasta in, I05 Klamath lake illustrated, folio pl. 456 See AUKSI

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INDEX 297 Klamath reservation, Wiyot placed on, 70 Klamath river, a Tolowa-Karok boundary, 91 character of, 37 mentioned in myth, 194, 204 tribes on, 4, 37, 39, 57, 58, IO5-IO6, 116 Wiyot canoes on, 71 Knives, Hupa, of obsidian, II iron, early among Yurok, 40 obsidian, in Shasta myth, 201 of the Achomawi, I35 of the Klamath, I73 of the Shasta, 114 See IMPLEMENTS; OBSIDIAN; STONE; WEAPONS Kochiif, a Karok village, 223 Kochvo, a Karok village, 223 Kochvo-koskum, a Karok village, 223 Kohume, a Hupa locality, 184 Kombat-kni, a Klamath band, 238 deadfall acquired by, I71 Konomihu, a Shasta group, IO6 and Karok relations, 57 Hupa name for, 219 Kootep, a Yurok village, 221 Ko6qsunne-tun, Athapascan village, 230 K6sa-tun, a Tututni village, 229 Kosome-tun, Athapascan village, 230 Koye. See CRAWFISH Kroeber, A. L., cited, 223 See DIXON AND KROEBER Kuchachkosfhihl. See PLEIADES Kudiqtat-kaqiil, a Wiyot mythic character, 26, 82-84, I90, 195, 227, 228 Kudiqtat-kaqihl-kuwiliyawanaq in Wiyot myth, I95 KushripiAh-amayau, a Karok village, 224 Kustehempik-uqaammatuk, a Shasta ceremony, 125-126 Kutathidi-kaqihl. See KUDIQTT-KAQIHL Kufiuwahliik, a Wiyot village, 69, 227 Kuvzunf-h-lichk in Wiyot myth, I9I Kuwilli, a Wiyot mythic character, 83 Kuyiv-hiomnipak, a Karok village, 224 Kwakiutl and Tolowa myth compared, I99 Kworatem. See QUORATEAN KyYhfinnai defined, 219 in Hupa religion, 26-33 VOL. XIII-38 Ldalegjho. See LOOLEGO Ladder created in myth, 210 of the Achomawi, 139 of the Klamath, I66 Lake county, Pomo in, I3I Lakes, effect of, on Klamath culture, 162, 171 Lamawi, the Shahaptians, 208, 236 Lampreys as food, 37, 98 how caught, 16 See FISH; FISHING; FOOD Land tenure among Shasta, 232 Language, mythic creation of, 208 of the Achomawi, 234 of the Hupa, 217 of the Karok, 222 of the Klamath, 237 of the Shasta, 230 of the Tolowa and Tututni, 228 of the Wiyot, 225 of the Yurok, 38-39, 42, 220 See VOCABULARIES Lar13. See YELLOW-JACKET Lassen county, Achomawi in, I29 Lau, a mythic character, 212 Lava. See TUFA Leggings of the Achomawi, 138 of the Hupa, 9, 217 of the Klamath, 173 of the Shasta, o18, 109 of the Wiyot, 71, 225 See CLOTHING; COSTUME; DRESS Lehutami. See WOOL, HENRY Lichen used in dyeing, 8 pine, eaten by Klamath, I69, 238 Lightning, mythic cause of, 83-84, 195 Liliks, a Klamath chief, I75, 176, 178 Link River Jack leads in killing Shasta, 163 See N6TAS Little river, a Wiyot boundary, 67 Little Shasta valley, Shasta name for, 233 Lizard in Yurok myth, I89 Lizard Boy in Shasta myth, 201 Lockhart (?), Harry, murders Indians, 133 Loin-cloth of the Hupa, 217 See CLOTHING; COSTUME; DRESS Longevity. See GOOD LUCK Long Wilson, a Klamath narrator, 210-213 vocabulary from, 272

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298 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Loolego, a Yurok village, 220 See HEYMM6 Lost river, Modoc on, 164 Loud, Llewellyn L., cited, 39, 82 Louse in Wiyot myth, 196 Luck. See GOOD LUCK Luck-wood as fuel, 13 Lughtuna, Wiyot mythic character, 84 Lutuami, application and meaning, 161 Lutuamian. See KLAMATH; MODOC Lutwami, Achomawi name of Klamath, 208 McArthur, Achomawi near, 134 McKee, Redick, treaty commissioner, 38, 58 Mad river, Hupa name for region, 220 in Wiyot myth, 31, 194, 195 whites on, 69 Wiyot on, 67, 70, 71, 86 Mad River WFiyot. See PATUWAT-TARETAHIHL Madrona-berries as food, 99, III See FOOD Magic practised by Hupa, 6 practised by shamans, 178 See SHAMANS; SORCERY Mahogany. See MOUNTAIN MAHOGANY Mahzrik, a Shasta village, 232 Maidu, Achomawi name for, 236 and Achomawi relations, 131, 236 Atsugewi shaman killed by, 131 neighbors of the Achomawi, 129 Manafai, the Washo, 208, 236 Manzanita, arrow-shafts and bows of, 115 Manzanita-berries as food, III, I40, 266 See FOOD Maple-bark, garments of, 41, 45 Marriage among Achomawi, 5 1-153, 235-236 among the Hupa, 19, 22-23, 218, 219 among the Karok, 60, 226 among the Klamath, 176, I79, 238 among the Shasta, 117-118, 233 among the Tolowa, I o, 230 among the Tututni, 230 among the Wiyot, 80-82, 227 among the Yurok, 41-42, 47, 220, 221 between Karok and Shasta, 57 in Klamath myth, 210, 212 Marshes, effect of, on Klamath cult, 162, I71 Marten in Klamath myth, 212 Massaging in childbirth, 148 Material culture. See ARTS; BASKETRY; HANDICRAFT; IMPLEMENTS; INDUSTRIES Matfsis, an Achomawi band, 235 Matilton ranch, Medilding so called, I8 Mats made of tules, 77, 97, 1oo, 137, 139, 220, 226, 235, 238 houses covered with, i66, 234, 237 in trade, 248, 258, 268 offered in shamanistic rite, 124. shelters made of, II3 sudatory covered with, IIo tipi covered with, 139 used as beds, 11-12 used as door, 231 used for leggings, 173 used in gaming, 174 used in treating w6kas, I68 See ARTS; HANDICRAFT; INDUSTRIES; TULES Mattole, habitat of the, 68 Mattole river, salmon placed in, in myth, I94 Mattresses of tules, 77, 97, 115, I37, I39, 174 Mauls of elk-horn, 7I of the Achomawi, 135 of the Klamath, 172-173 See HAMMERS; IMPLEMENTS; STONE Meadowlark tabooed by Hupa, 245 Measurement of value of dentalia, 108 pl., 268 of value of shell beads, I31, 138 tattooing for, IO, 97 See VALUATION Meat, how dried, I how stored by Wiyot, 77 tabooed, 22, 119, 120, 123, 148, 150, 233 See ANIMAL FOOD; ANIMALS; FOOD; HUNTING Medicine gathered for Irahivi rite, 63 in Hupa myth, 183, 184 in Yurok myth, I86, I88, 19g of the Wiyot, 76 Yurok, defined, 47 See HEALING Medicine lake, vigils observed at, 149 Medicine-men, Achomawi, 151, I55-158 See SHAMANS

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INDEX 299 Medicine-women of the Tolowa, I01-I02 See SHAMANS Medilding, a Hupa village, 6; i8, 19, 31, 218 Melichdn-tun. See CHESTLTUSh-TUN Mendocino county, Achomawi in, I31, I34 Porno in, 131 Menstrual hut not used by Coast Athapascans, 97, 228 of the Achomawi, 139 of the Hupa, 22 of the Shasta, 1Io, 231 Menstruation. See PUBERTY RITE Merip, a Yurok village, 40, 47, I85, 221 Mestethltun, a Tolowa village, 229 Meta, a Yurok village, 221 Metates of the Klamath, 172 See GRINDING; IMPLEMENTS; STONE Mice as food in myth, 184 See MOUSE Mikonotunne, Athapascan village, 229 Milky Way, journey along, by dead, 123 Miners, effect of, on Hupa, 5 See WHITES Mink, how hunted by Achomawi, 141 in Shasta myth, 203 See ANIMAL FOOD; ANIMALS Mink-skin, hair wrapped with, 109 quivers of, 135 Minnows trapped by Achomawi, I36-137 Miscarriage in Hupa myth, 184 See CHILDBIRTH Mihiquitme-tun, Athapascan village, 230 Miskut, Hupa village, 32, 183, 218 Mlskat-kinale in Hupa myth, 183 Moatwas, the Achomawi, 129, 239 Moccasins in myth, 184, 201 of the Achomawi, 138 of the Hupa, 9, 217 of the Klamath, 163, I65 of the Shasta, 108, I09 of the Wiyot, 71, 225 See CLOTHING; COSTUME; DRESS Modoc, Achomawi name for, 236 confederation with, 130 created in myth, 208 dentalia traded by, 131 habitat of, 161-162 horses traded by, 131 Modoc, hostility of, 106-107, I30-131, 133 163-165, 234, 236 Klamath name for, 239 meaning of name, 161 neighbors of, 106, 129 population of, 237 Shasta name for, 234 treaty with, 164 vigils observed by, 149 visited by whites in 1840, 132 Modoc county, Achomawi in, I29 Molala and Klamath relations, 237 Klamath name for, 239 vocabulary of, 237 Money sought in myth, I84 See DENTALIA; SHELL MONEY; VALUATION; WEALTH Monster in myth, 27, I83, 191, 204, 221, 227 Moon destroyed in myth, 204 effect of, at puberty, 119 Wiyot belief regarding, 83 Moptraq, a Wiyot village, 227 Mortar hopper. See HOPPER Mortars not made by Shasta, I14 of the Achomawi, 135 of the Klamath, 172 of the Wiyot, 77 See FOOD; IMPLEMENTS; STONE Mortuary customs, Achomawi, 153-I54, 236 of the Hupa, 23-25, 219 of the Karok, 60-61, 225 of the Klamath, 178, 239 of the Shasta, 121-122, 233 of the Tolowa, 101, 230 of the Tututni, 230 of the Wiyot, 82, 227 of the Yurok, 42-43, 221, 225 Moss, foot-covering of, IO8 Mother-in-law, customs regarding, 23 80, 100, 153, 176, 236 Mount Hood, Shasta name for, 233 Mount Lassen, emigrant route near, 133 Mount Pitt, a Shasta boundary, 105 Mount Shasta, a Shasta boundary, I05, Io6 mythic creation of, 123 Shasta name of, Io6, 233 Mountain-lion as food, 169, 255 how hunted by Achomawi, 141

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300 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Mountain-lion in Achomawi war song, I43 Mountain mahogany, foreshafts of, 171 wedges of, 173 Mountains created in myth, 210 Mourning among Achomawi in myth, 209 among the Karok, 60 among the Klamath, 239 among the Shasta, 121-122 among the Tolowa, IOI among the Wiyot, 82 song of, in myth, 197 See DEATH; GRIEF; MORTUARY CUSTOMS Mouse in myth, I96, 209-210 See MICE Mudhen in Klamath myth, 211 Mud lake, Achomawi on island in, 134 Mules brought by whites, 132 Mullers of the Klamath, 172 See IMPLEMENTS; METATES; STONE Murder among Shasta, 118 for adultery among Klamath, 176 legalized by Achomawi, 152-153 of medicine-men by Achomawi, 165 See DEATH; INDEMNITY; SHAMANS Murek, a Yurok village, 22i Music. See SINGING; SONGS Musical instruments of the Klamath, 238 of the Tolowa, 98 See DRUM; FLUTE; RATTLE; WHISTLES Mussels used by Tolowa, 98 See SHELL-FISH Mussel-shells, adzes of, 8, 71 dice of, 78, 235 gaming discs of, 17, 218 spoons of, 77, I22 used in games, 146 See SHELLS Mutilation by Klamath in war, 164 of Indians by whites, I34 practised by Paiute, I30 See SCARIFICATION Mythology of the Achomawi, 206-210, 236 of the Hupa, I83-I85, 2I9 of the Karok, 64 of the Klamath, 210-213, 239 of the Shasta, 201-206, 234 of the Tolowa, 199-201, 230 Mythology of the Wiyot, 190-198 of the Yurok, I85-I90, 221 See RELIGION Nails not used in certain houses, 51 Nakhtskum, a Yurok village, 221 Names for Indian tribes, 219-220, 222, 225, 228, 230, 234, 236, 239 of dead tabooed, 25, 43, 82, II9, I79, 219, 227, 239, 267 personal, among Shasta, I9 Shasta geographical, 233 Naming of Achomawi children, I49 of Klamath children, 176 Naitnu-hwe, a Hupa division, I8, 218 Natltanf-tzn, a Tututni village, 92, 93, I99, 229 Natural phenomena, native terms for, 249, 259-260, 268-269, 275 Navel-cord, how treated, II8-II9, 148 See CHILDBIRTH Neck-bands worn by mourners, 24, 43, 82, 219, 227, 239 Necklaces. See BEADS; SHELLS Needles of crane-bone, 77 Nets, bird, in myth, 209 fishing, of the Tolowa, 98 fishing, of the Wiyot, 74-76 fowl taken in, 74 magic, in Wiyot myth, I91 of the Achomawi, I39-140, 235 of the Klamath, I69-I70 Shasta, made of hemp, 115 See DIP-NETS; FISHING; FISH-NETS; GILL-NETS Net-cap of the Achomawi, 142 See BASKETRY CAPS; CAPS Net-sinkers used by Achomawi, 136 Nettle-bark, armor twined with, 171 *nets made of, 170 used for cordage, 173 New river, Chimariko on, 4 Shasta on, 1o6 New River Indians, Karok name for, 225 Nez Perce, vocabulary of, 237 Nihiaks-kni, a Klamath band, 238 NYhlchwfnaka-tYn, a Karok village, 219 Nongatl, habitat of the, 68

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INDEX 30I North Pacific coast, myths of, 228, 230 Northwest Seal rock, myth concerning, 200 Nose-ornaments, dentalia, 138, 228, 234, 237 of the Klamath, 166 of the Shasta, 231 of the Tolowa, 97 See ORNAMENTS Nose-piercing by Coast Athapascans, 97 by Shasta, IO9 of dead, 24, 6I Notas, a Klamath chief, 175 Numerals, Hupa, Tolowa, Tututni, 250-251 Klamath, 275 Shasta, Achomawi, Karok, 259-260 Yurok and Wiyot, 269-270 Nuts eaten by Klamath, 169, 238 See ACORNS; CHINKAPINS; FOOD; HAZELNUTS; PINE-NUTS Oak, spoons made of, 135 See ACORNS; TREES Oak Bottom, Karok village at, 225 Obedience, story for inculcating, 195 Obsidian, arrow-points of, 7, 72, 135, I7I, 207 blades placed in graves, 42 blades used in dance, 32, 49, 50, 52 celts of, portend good luck, 177 celts of, swallowed by shamans, 178 chipping in Shasta myth, 201 created in myth, 210 how worked by Shasta, 114 knives of, 11, I35, I73, 219 scarification with, 125 spear-blades of, 7, 171 used in tattooing, 72, 87, 109 weapons tipped with, 238 See BATONS Obsidian-bearer illustrated, 34 pl. Ocean made rough in myth, 193 Ocean Cougar, myth of, 199 Octopus eaten by Tolowa, 98 Offerings by Shasta to supernaturals, 124 See SACRIFICE Ohetur. See UKARAMIPAN Okwanuchu, a Shasta group, IO6 Old Bob, a Karok, 94 pl. Omens in Achomawi dreams, 150 See GOOD LUCK Opegoi. Karok name of Vuipim, 224 Ordeal in Shasta rite, 233 See ENDURANCE Oregon, horses traded by Indians of, 131 Shasta in, IO5-IO6, ii6 See CAYUSE; KLAMATH; LUTUAMI; NIODOC Organization. See CLANS; POLITICAL ORGANIZATION; SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Orick. See AREKW Orientation of dead, 23, 42, 6i, 82, II01, 122, I54, 219, 227, 230, 233 Origin. See GENESIS Orleans, Karok village at, I89, 219, 224 sweat-house at, 82 pl. Ornamentation of clothing, 87, 1oo, I09, 217, 230 See FACE-PAINTING; TATTOOING Ornaments of the dead, 121 of the Hupa, 217 of the Karok, 222 of the Wiyot, 72 placed with dead, 24, 219, 227 worn by bride, 8I See EAR-ORNAMENTS; NOSE-ORNAMENTS; SHELLS Otter as food, 234, 255 how hunted by Achomawi, 141 in Shasta myth, 203 taken in deadfalls, 73 See ANIMAL FOOD; ANIMALS Otter-skin, hair wrapped with, I65 quivers of, 46-72 Owl in Achomawi war song, 143 PachichiriA, a Karok village, 222 Paddles, canoe, of the Achomawi, 135 of the Klamath, 172 of the Shasta, 115 Pahipas-tSshiram, a Karok village, 223 Painting of Hupa dance ornaments, 32 See FACE-PAINTING Paints of Wiyot dancers, 86-87 See CHARCOAL; DYE; HEMATITE Paiute, Achomawi name for, 236 created in myth, 208 hostilities, 130, I63, 236 Klamath name for, 239

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____ _______ ________ 302 THE NORTH AN Paiute, neighbors of, 129, I62 Palaihnihan family of Powell, 129 Palaikni, application of term, 129 Palaitalk-kni, prayers to, 167 Pama, a Klamath chief, 175 Panamnik, a Karok village, 59, 62, I89, 224 Parsnip-roots used for arrow poison, 142 Parut'hvi, a mythic personage, I96 Pasara. See PASiRUUVARA Pasiruuvara, a Karok village, 223 Patesick, application of term, 58 P.aftar, a Wiyot village, 226 Patuwat, the Mad River country, 67, 86 Patuwat-taretahihl, villages of the, 226 Paviotso. See PAIUTE Peace, how effected, 59, 69 See HOSTILITIES; TREATY; WARFARE Peh-tsik, application of term, 58 Pekwan, a Yurok village, 38, 221 Pekwuteu, a Yurok village, 50, 51, 53, 220 Pendants. See EAR-ORNAMENTS; NOSEORNAMENTS; ORNAMENTS; SHELLS Perch. See FISH; FISHING Personal terms, Hupa, Tolowa, Tututni, 251 Klamath, 275 Shasta, Achomawi, Karok, 260-261 Yurok and Wiyot, 270-271 Pestilence averted by ceremony, 227 Pestle in Yurok myth, I90 of the Achomawi, I35 of the Hupa, 9 of the Klamath, I72 See FOOD; HANDICRAFT; IMPLEMENTS; MORTARS; STONE Peters, Bob, portrait, 68 pl. Pets, animal, in myth, I99 Pe'fikla, application of term, 58 Pike created in myth, 209 how taken by Achomawi, 136, 137 Pi'mir, a Wiyot village, 226 Pine, asperging with, 24 canoes made of, 114, 135, 171, 238 fire-drill base of, 135 See DIGGER-PINE; TREES; YELLOW-PINE Pine-bark used in medicine, 29 Pine-bast, how prepared, III used as food, I40, 231, 234, 238 ERICAN INDIAN Pine-needles, houses covered with, IIo, 231 used as meal filter, III Pine-nuts as food, 13, 99, I40, 238 beads made of, 72 how treated by Shasta, I I Pine pitch, feathers fastened with, 165 navel-cord treated with, II8 See PITCH Pine-roots used in basketry, 8, II5, 135, 137 Pine seeds, clothing adorned with, 9, I09, 217 Pinole, a food, 13, III, I40, I72, 201, 231 See FOOD; SEEDS Pipe in acorn feast, 30 in Yurok ceremony, 49, 51, 52 mortuary, of Shasta, 12I of the Achomawi, 135 of the Klamath, 173 of the Shasta, 115 of the Tolowa, 98 of the Wiyot, 78 See IMPLEMENTS; SMOKING; STONE; TOBACCO Pit river, why so named, 141 Pit River Indians, slaves of Klamath, 162 vigils observed by, I49 See ACHOMAWI; ATSUGEWI Pitch, body covered with, in myth, 204 fish-hooks attached with, I69 how used in myth, 184, I89 sky covered with, in myth, 212 smeared on face in mourning, 122, 154, I78-I79, 203, 209, 233, 236, 239 smeared on shaman's blanket, 178 soot of, used in tattooing, Io9 used on arrows, I71 See PINE PITCH Pitch-wood used for paint, 86 Pitfalls not used by Shasta, 112 used by Achomawi, 141 used by Klamath, I71, 238 used by Tolowa, 98 See DEADFALL; HUNTING Piftwa, a Klamath locality, 212 Pittville, emigrant route at, 133 Plaskau, a Yurok locality, I86 Pleiades in myth, I94, 196, 203 Plums created in myth, 206

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INDEX 303 Pocket-gopher, a mythic character, 179, 210 See GOPHER Point St. George, myth concerning, 200 Tolowa name for, 229 Pointed Buttock in Wiyot myth, 227 See PUCH RI-GH6URRU; PUL iKUHLQERREQ Poison extracted from patients, 155, I57 in dreams, 151 in Yurok myth, I86 used on arrows, 142, 177, 236 Political organization of Achomawi, 235 of the Hupa, 218 of the Karok, 222 of the Klamath, I75, 238 of the Shasta, 231-232 of Tolowa and Tututni, 228-229 of the Wiyot, 226 of the Yurok, 220 See CHIEFS; HEAD-MEN Polygyny among the Hupa, 19 among the Karok, 60 among the Tolowa, Ioo See MARRIAGE Pomo, of Hokan affinity, I05 shell beads traded by, 131 Population of the Achomawi, 135, 234, 235 of the Atsugewi, I35, 234 of the Hupa, 7, 217 of the Karok, 58, 59, 222 of the Klamath and Modoc, 237 of the Shasta, 230 of Tolowa and Tututni, 96, 228 of the Wiyot, 70-7I, 225 of the Yurok, 38, 220 Porcupine in Klamath myth, 212 Porcupine-quills worn in ears, Io9, 231 clothing ornamented with, Io8, 230 Porcupine tail used as comb, 109, I66 Porpoises eaten by Tolowa, 98 See FOOD Port Orford, Athapascan village at, 229 Poskeu, a Klamath chief, I75 Pottery unknown to Wiyot, 76 Powell, J. W., cited on the Shasta, I05 Palaihnihan family of, I29 Weitspekan stock of, 38 Power, magic, acquired through dreams, 2I9 Power, magic, in myth, 211, 212 obtained by vigil, 177 of Achomawi shamans, 143 sought by Klamath, 239 See MAGIC; SHAMANS Powers, Stephen, cited on Pu-i-su, 235 on Smith river canoe, 97 on the Whilkut, 219 Prayers before gambling, I 15 before retiring, 27 by the Achomawi, I54-I55 for Irahivi rite, 63 in Yurok myth, 187 of the Klamath, I58 pi., 167 of Wiyot fishermen, I93 See CEREMONIES; RELIGION Priests, function of, among Yurok, 40 See SHAMANS Prisoners, how treated, 176 See CAPTIVES Property placed with dead, 153-154, 219, 236 destroyed at death, 178, 239 division of, among Shasta, 122 See WEALTH Property right among Shasta, 117 in oak groves, 68 in salmon, 13 Puberty rite, head-bands used in, 32 of the Achomawi, 136, I49-150, 236 of the Hupa, 21-22, 2I9 of the Klamath, 176, 179, 239 of the Shasta, 119-I2I, 233 of the Tolowa, 00-I01I, 230 of the Tututni, 230 of the Wiyot, 80-8I, 227 of the Yurok, 41, 47, 22I Puchuri-ghuzrri, a Wiyot personage, 26, 83, I91-192, 227 Puisus. See MATESIS Pukai-towaks in Wiyot myth, 191 Puluzkuil-qerrfq, a Yurok personage, 26, 54, I85-I87 Punishment by Klamath 175, 176 by slavery, 19 See INDEMNITY Purification, a mortuary custom, 24, 42-43, 60, 101, 122, 179, 219, 230, 233, 236, 239

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304 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Purification in Hupa myth, 184 See ASPERSION; BATHING; INCENSE; SWEAT-BATH Purses, Hupa, illustrated, IO pl., 24 pi. Puruheki, a Shasta locality, 204 Qan, a mythic character, I42, 155, 236 See SILVER FOX Qafiiahanihu, a Shasta village, 232 Qauks. See DUCKS Qehfpaira, a Shasta village, 232 Qidiq-so'r-hfaiuw, a mythic monster, I9I Qidiq-s6'ri, a mythic character, 84 Quail in myth, 202, 209 tabooed by Hupa, 245 Quillwork in Klamath myth, 212 See PORCUPINE-QUILLS Quivers in brush dance, 30, 46 in Deerskin dance, 50 in myth, I86, 204 of the Achomawi, 135 of the Klamath, I71, 238 of the Wiyot, 72 See ARROWS; Bows; WAR IMPLEMENTS; WEAPONS Quoratean, application of term, 58 Rabbits, how captured, 73 in myth, I23, 209 See ANIMAL FOOD; ANIMALS Rabbit-skin in dream, I51 Raccoons eaten by Tolowa, 99 how taken, 73 in Shasta myth, 202 See ANIMAL FOOD; ANIMALS Raccoon-skin, head-bands of, 87 quivers of, 72, 135, 171 robes made of, 9, 71 Racing. See FOOT-RACING; GAMES Raft in Wiyot myth, I92 used by Achomawi, 135 See BALSAS; CANOES Rain. See CLOUDS Rain-capes made of tules, 97 See CLOTHING; DRESS Ritkaniyaq, a Wiyot village, 227 Rattle absent in Tolowa dance, 102 made of deer-hoofs, 120, 136 Rattle of the Klamath, I74, 239 of the Tolowa, 97 used in puberty rite, I20, 176 See MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS; SINGING; SONGS Rattlesnake, arrow poison from, 142, 177 bites from sympathetic magic, 63 in Yurok myth, I86 Raven in myth, I97 Rawhide, fish-weir thongs of, 136 See SKINS Red Bluff, stage operated to, 133 whites from, killed, I34 Redcap creek, a Karok boundary, 57 Redwood, canoes of, 39, 97, 220, 226, 228 forests of Wiyot territory, 67 houses built of, 71, 226 See TREES Redwood creek, Chilula on, 4, 219 Hupa name of, 219 salmon placed in, in myth, 194 Whilkut on, 4 Redwood Indians, habitat of, 4, 219 See WHILKUT Reed, arrow-shafts of, 135 Rekwoi, a Yurok village, 4, 38, 40, 43, 96, I89, I90, 221 attacked by Hupa, 5 Jumping dance at, 39, 48 Religion of the Achomawi, 154-158, 236 of the Hupa, 25-34, 2I9 of the Karok, 61-64, 225 of the Klamath, I79, 239 of the Shasta, 122-126, 233-234 of the Tolowa and Tututni, 230 of the Wiyot, 82-87, 227 of the Yurok, 47, 221 See CEREMONIES; DANCE; MYTHOLOGY Requa. See REKWOI Reservation, Klamath, established, I64 of the Hupa, 3, 5, 7 Restrictions as to Yurok girls, 41 See TABOO Rhubarb, wild, eaten by Tolowa, 99 River created in Klamath myth, 213 See STREAMS Robes made of tules, 97 of the Hupa, 217

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INDEX 305 Robes of the Wiyot, 71, 225 See CLOTHING; COSTUME; DRESS Rock-cod, how caught, 76 Rock creek, Athapascan village on, 219 Rogue river, a Shasta boundary, 105 Athapascans on, 1o6 Indians on, 91, 162 Rogue River Athapascans, Klamath name for, 229 no intercourse with Karok, 57 Tututni names for villages of, 229 war with Klamath, 162 Rogue River war, 92-95, lO8, 230, 234 Root-digging by Achomawi, 140 in Klamath myth, 212 in Shasta myth, 204 Roots, charred, for face-painting, 30 food, created in myth, 210 incense made from, 49, 52, 219 in religious observance, 26, 47 rubbed into wounds, 233 salmon treated with, in rite, 63 used in basketry, 8 See CALOCHORTUS; CAMAS; FERNROOTS; FOOD; JUNIPER-ROOTS; PARSNIP-ROOTS; PINE-ROOTS; SAGEROOT; SPRUCE-ROOT; TULE-ROOTS; WILLOW-ROOT Rope made of bark, 97, 228, 249 made of iris-fibre, 72, 74, 249 See CORDAGE Rose shoots, arrow-shafts made of, 171 Rubus-berries eaten by Tolowa, 99 Russians established in California, 68 See WHITES Saail-tun, Athapascan village, 229 Saaihl, a Yurok village, 221 Sacramento river, Shasta on, 106 Sacrifice of property, 24, 42, 219, 233, 238 See OFFERINGS Sage, rings of, in mourning, 178-179, 239 Sage-root, fire-drill pointed with, 174 Sage seed used as food, 140, 172, 238 Sahavuirum, a Karok village, 62, 224 Salal-berries eaten by Tolowa, 99 in Tolowa myth, 200 Salal leaves used in medicine, 29, 45 VOL. XIII-39 Salinan, of Hokan affinity, 105 Salmon, ceremony regarding, 30, 6I, 63, 224, 225 created in myth, 209 how caught, 14, 42 pi., 46 pl., 74-76, 98, 113, 141, 23I how stored, 8 how treated by Shasta, 114 importance of, 7, 14, 37, 38, III in myth, 184-185, i88, 193-194 vertebrae used in game, 18, 116, 231 See FISH; FISHING; FOOD Salmon-berry, shoots eaten by Tolowa, 99 Salmon river, Karok on, 5, 57, 58 Shasta bands on, 4 Salmon-skin, bows backed with, 115 Salmon-spears used by Shasta, 115 Salt, mythic creation of, I96 Samaun. See ASAMMAM Sammai, a Karok village, 222 Samsirihiriik, a Karok village, 224 Samvaru-kakukam, a Karok village, 223 Sapir, E., on Yurok and Wiyot, 38, 68 Sarumihi-vonu-virak, a Karok village, 223 Sastichi, the Shasta, 208, 236 Sawuara. See SAHAVIRUM Scabbiness in myth, 183, 188 Scalps, how treated by Achomawi, 143 not taken by Wiyot, 68, 228 reward offered for, 93 taken by Tolowa, 93 See VICTORY-DANCE Scarification for obtaining power, 125 for mourning, 121, 233 See MUTILATION Schoolcraft, H. R., cited, 38, 58 Scorpion in Yurok myth, 186 Scott Bar, Shasta village at, Io6, 232 Scott valley in Shasta territory, 105-107, II6 See IRUAI Scratcher used by Yurok girls, 41 See HEAD-SCRATCHER Scratching, restrictions as to, 14, 149, 233, 236 Seal, how captured, 39, 73, 98 in Tolowa myth, 200 See ANIMAL FOOD; FOOD; HAIR-SEAL Sea-lion eaten by Tolowa, 98-99

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306 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Sea-lion, how harpooned, 39, 73, 98 See ANIMAL FOOD; FOOD Sea-lion teeth, head-bands of, 22, 32, 46, 50, 5I Seat pads of tules, 137 Seaweed used as food, 13, 39, 76, 98, 99, 220, 228 Seduction in Yurok myth, I90 See ADULTERY Seeds as food, I3, 37, 39, 98, 99, 169, 217, 238 how gathered, 8 how prepared, 8-9, 77, I35, 137 how stored, 8, 77 in creation myth, 206 pinole prepared from, I40, 172 See FOOD; GRASS SEED; PINOLE; SAGE SEED; SUNFLOWER SEEDS; TARWEED SEEDS; TUMBLEWEED SEEDS; VIBURNUM SEEDS; WATER-LILY WOKAS Seiad valley, a Shasta boundary, Io6 Seine. See FISHING; FISH-NETS; NETS Senalton ranch. See TSEWENALDING Serian, of Hokan affinity, 105 Serper, a Yurok village, 221 Service-berry, arrow-shafts of, 7, 135, 171 rods, armor of, 108, 142 sticks in myth, 207, 211 sticks used in gaming, 144 See FOOD Sexual intercourse. See COHABITATION Shaa, a Yurok village, 221 Shahaptian and Klamath similarities, 237 created in myth, 208 Shaman dance of the Achomawi, 236 of the Hupa, 219 of the Shasta, 233 of the Tolowa and Tututni, 230 of the Yurok, 221 See CEREMONIES; DANCE Shamans, dreams respecting, 150 of the Achomawi, 143-I44, 236 of the Hupa, 27, 28 pl., 29, folio pl. 467 of the Klamath, 177-178, 239 of the Shasta, 123-I25, 233 of the Tolowa, II0-12, 230 of the Tututni, 236 Shamans of Yurok and Wiyot, 43-44, 84 -86, 227, 270 power of, how acquired, 219 rattles used by, 174 the first, in myth, I92-193 See MEDICINE-MEN; MEDICINE-WOMEN Shanamkarak. See ASANNAMKARAK Sharks eaten by Tolowa, 98 Shasta, account of the, 105-I26, 230-234 Achomawi name for, 236 and Achomawi relations, 129, 141 and Karok relations, 57-58 created in myth, 208 dentalia traded by, 131 habitat of, 4, 57 hostilities of, 91-92, 130-I31, 163, 236 Karok name for, 225 Klamath name for, 239 myths of the, 201-206 neighbors of Lutuami, 162 tobacco seed obtained from, 141 Tututni name for, 230 vigils observed by, I49 vocabulary of, 253-262 Yurok name for, 222 Shasta butte, Shasta name for, 204, 233 Shasta county, Pit River Indians in, 129 Shasta Retreat, a Shasta boundary, Io6 Shasta valley, character of, IO5 Shasta in, io6, 107, ii6 Shatash. See CONDOR Shell-fish consumed by Yurok, 39 traded with Hupa, 217 See ABALONE-SHELL; CLAMS; FISH; FOOD; MUSSEI.S Shell money as marriage payment, 22, 23, 81, 218, 227 buried with dead, 24, 42, IOI, 153, 230 Hupa, illustrated, 1 pl. indemnity paid in, 147 measuring illustrated, IO8 pl. medicine-men paid in, 157 standard of wealth, 40, 220, 222 treaty sealed with, I30 wagered in gaming, 78 See BEADS; DENTALIA; MEASUREMENT; VALUATION; WEALTH Shells, dice made of, 99

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INDEX 307 Shells, dress ornamented with, 22 pi., 87, 109 ornaments of, 9-IO, 28 pl., 30 pl., 34 pl., 38 pl., 86 pl., 92 pi., 98 pi., 100-101, 102 pi., 114, 150 pi., 164 pi., folio pIS. 442, 445, 461, 467, 468 spoons made of, 135 trade in beads, 225 worn in Jumping dance, 33 See ABALONE-SHELL; BEADS; CLAMSHELL; DENTALIA; MUSSEL-SHE ORNAMENTS Shinny played by Shasta women, 116 played by Tolowa, 99 players in Yurok myth, 187-188 See GAMES Shirts. See CLOTHING; COSTUME; DRESS Shoshoneans, dance dress from, 138 treaty with, 164 Shregegon, a Yurok village, 38, 221 Sickness, Achomawi belief regarding, 236 beliefs as to cause, 239 dispelled in rite, 53, 1OI, 0I2, 124-125 how expelled by shaman, 44 See EPIDEMICS; HEALING; SHAMANS Sifters of basketry, 9, 77 See BASKETRY Signal for attack in war, 162 Sihtiri, a Karok village, 224 Siletz reservation, Indians removed to, 93 Silver fox in Achomawi myth, 206-2IO See QAN Sinew, arrow ring of, 171 bows backed with, 7, 72, 98, 115, 17I, 237-238 fish-hooks attached with, 169 in myth, 207 knives hafted with, 173 Singing for success in games, 78, II5, 1I6, 174 in Achomawi war-dance, 142-143 in Deerskin dance, 50 in dreams, I50-I5I in healing ceremony, 45, 46, I57, 177 -I78, 239 in myth, I85, I98, 207, 212 in pleasure dances, I46-I47 in puberty rite, 22, 8I, I20, 149, 155, 176, 236, 239 Singing in shamanistic rite, I23-I24, 219 See CEREMONIES; 'MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS; SONGS Sinkers, net, of the Wiyot, 74 See FISHING Sipiri, a Karok village, 225 Siskiyou county occupied by Shasta, 105, Io6 Siskiyou mountains, a Shasta boundary, 105 Sistiahot-tan, Athapascan village, 230 Sitipkyuru, a Karok village, 222 Siuslaw, Tututni name for, 230 Skal. See MARTEN Skin-dressers. See HIDE-SCRAPERS Skins, animal, clothing of, 9 bed-covering of, 139 corpses wrapped in, 82, 153 quivers made of, 238 wagered in games, 78 See BADGER-SKIN; BEAR-SKIN; CIVETSKIN; CLOTHING; COSTUME; COYOTE-SKIN; CUTICLE; DEERSKIN; DRESS; ELK-SKIN; FISHER-SKIN; FISH-SKIN; FOX-SKIN; MINK-SKIN; OTTER-SKIN; RABBIT-SKIN; RACCOON-SKIN; RAWHIDE; SALMONSKIN; SKUNK-SKIN; WEASEL-SKIN; WILDCAT-SKIN; WOLF-SKIN Skirts of dancing women, 87 deerskin, of Wiyot women, 71 of the Hupa, 217 See CLOTHING; COSTUME; DRESS Skooks. See TICK Skunk as food, 99, 169, 234 in Achomawi war song, 143 not eaten by Yurok, 265 taken in deadfalls, 73 See ANIMAL FOOD; ANIMALS; FOOD Skunk-berry withes, ladders lashed with, 139 Skunk grease for growing hair, 183 Skunk-skin, hair wrapped with, IO9 Sky, effect of, at puberty, II9, 120 Slavery among Hupa, 7, 19, 23, 218 among Klamath, 162, 238 among Shasta, 117, 204, 205 among Tolowa, 99 children taken into, 130 See CAPTIVES; PRISONERS; WARFARE Sleeping custom of the Achomawi, 139

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308 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Sleeping magically produced, 212 tabooed by adolescent, 233 See DREAMS; VIGILS Sleepy youth, myth of the, I97-I98 Sling used by Hupa, 7 See WAR IMPLEMENTS; WEAPONS S'mausis. See LONG WILSON Smelt, how caught, 75 See FISH; FISHING Smith river, salmon placed in, in myth, I94 Tolowa on, 9I, 96 Smith, Sublette, and Jackson, traders, 9I Smoking, Achomawi taboo of, 149 before retiring, 27 by the Achomawi, I35, I42 by Yurok shaman, 44 in Deerskin dance, 53 in mortuary rite, I21 in myth, I85, 192, 198, 205 in Wiyot ceremony, 85, 87 See PIPES; TOBACCO Snails, use of, in childbirth, 148 Snake extracted by medicine-men, 157 See RATTLESNAKE Snares in myth, I84, 193, 202 made of iris-fibre, 14 of the Wiyot, 72, 73 used by Klamath, I71, 238 used by Shasta, 231 used by Tolowa, 98 used for ducks, 74 See ANIMALS; DEER-SNARES; HUNTING; NETS Snipe, mythic creation of, i88 Snow in myth, I90, 204 Wiyot belief regarding, 84 Snowshoes in Yurok myth, I90 of the Achomawi, I35, I40, 234 of the Klamath, I65 used by Shasta, 131 Soames Bar. See SOMES BAR Soap-plant used for brushes, II used for food, 13 Social organization of Achomawi, 147, 235 of the Hupa, 218 of the Karok, 222 of the Klamath, 175, 238 of the Shasta, 231-232 Social organization of the Tolowa and Tututni, 228-229 of the Wiyot, 226 of the Yurok, 40-4I, 220 Soldiers. See TROOPS Somes Bar, Karok village at, 84 pl., 219 Songs acquired from spirits, 27 how acquired by shamans, 233 in Wiyot ceremony, 85-86 of mourning, in myth, 197 See SINGING Soqache-tun, Athapascan village, 230 Sorcery among the Achomawi, 156, 236 among the Atsugewi, 147 among the Hupa, 28 among the Klamath, 178, 239 by Yana shaman, 131 See MAGIC; WITCHCRAFT Soup-paddles. See PADDLES South Fork, Achomawi on, I3I Spaniards among Yurok in I775, 40 See WHITES Spears of the Hupa, 7 of the Klamath, 171 used by Shasta, 113 used in fishing, 8, 74-76, 14I, 169, 231, folio pl. 454 used in hunting, I41 used in war-dance, 163 See FISH-SPEARS; HARPOONS; IMPLEMENTS; SALMON-SPEARS Spider in Yurok myth, I86 used for arrow poison, 142 Spirits, Achomawi belief as to, 154 guardian, of Achomawi shamans, 143 Hupa beliefs respecting, 25, 219 Klamath belief as to, I79 Shasta beliefs as to, 122, 233 songs acquired from, 27 suppliants visited by, 125 Tolowa belief regarding, o10 Wiyot concepts as to, 227 See CREEK SPIRITS; MYTHOLOGY; RELIGION Spoons bought by Klamath, I73, 237-238 Hupa, of antler, II of the Achomawi, 135 of the Shasta, 114

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INDEX 309 Spoons of the Tolowa, 97, o16 pi., 228 of the Wiyot, 77 See FOOD; HANDICRAFT; IMPLEMENTS Sprague river, Klamath on, 163 Spruce, staff of, of Yurok healer, 45 used by grave-digger, 43 used in healing children, 45 withes in canoe-building, 71 See DOUGLAS SPRUCE; TREES Spruce-root used in basketry, 76, 77, 97 Squirrel-fur used in childbirth, 148 Squirrel-hair, food brushes of, III Squirrels, how caught, 112 in myth, i23, 201, 205 Stars, effect of, at puberty, II9 Starvation, death by, how regarded, 42 See FAMINE Steaming, children treated by, 45-46 See SWEAT-BATH Steatite dishes of the Shasta, II4 See STONE Steele, Judge, effects peace, I07 Steelhead trout in Yurok myth, I89 See TROUT Stokes, Charley, a Klamath, 163 St6koa, a fish in Klamath myth, 211-212 Stone, certain sites marked with, 31 implements of Achomawi, I39, 234 implements of Klamath, 172-173, 238 implements of Shasta, I14, 231 doorway, mythic origin of, 198 woman transformed into, 200 See HANDICRAFT; IMPLEMENTS Storage of food by Hupa, 8, 16 of food in baskets, 97 Storage basket in Wiyot myth, I90 of the Achomawi, 137 See BASKETRY Storage-pits lined with tules, 174 Storms, Klamath custom as to, I79 Streams kept flowing by spirits, 200 See RIVER String games of the Achomawi, I46 of the Hupa, I8 of Shasta children, II6 See GAMES Sublette. See SMITH, SUBLETTE, AND JACKSON Suckers created in myth, 209 Suckers, how taken, 136, I37, 141 Sudatory. See SWEAT-HOUSE Suf-karom, a Karok village, 223 Sugar Bowl rapids, ceremony at, 3I fishing at, 15, 40 pi. illustrated, folio pl. 471 Suliatelk, the Wiyot language, 67 Sumnannik, a Karok village, 57, 225 Sun addressed after burial, 122 effect of, at puberty, II9, 120 Wiyot belief regarding, 83 Sunflowers created in myth, 206 Sunflower seeds as food, 99, 238 See SEEDS Sun stick of the Wiyot, 83 Supernatural beings invoked for aid, 176 See MYTHOLOGY; RELIGION Supernatural power. See MEDICINE-MEN; MEDICINE-WOMEN; POWER; SHAMANS Supply creek, Medilding on, 18 Sustika, native form of Shasta, Io6 Sweat-bath and childbirth, 119 following mortuary rites, 122, 154, 239 in Shasta myth, 203 in Yurok myth, I85 of the Achomawi, 139 of the Klamath, 239 while acquiring power, I25 See BATHING; PURIFICATION Sweat-house in myth, 183, 187, 189, 190, 193-I94, 197-202, 204-205, 207-209 of the Hupa, 12-13, 14 pl., 217 of the Karok, 82 pl. of the Klamath, I67, 237 of the Shasta, IIo, 231 of the Yurok, 4I, 56 pi. purification rite in, 42 shaman ceremony in, 28, 43 Shasta ceremony in, I25, 233-234 See HOUSES Swimming in Shasta myth, 205, 206 in Tolowa myth, 200, 201 See BATHING Sycan marsh in Klamath territory, I6I Syphilis, how accounted for by Tolowa, IoI Syringa, arrow-shafts made of, 7, I15 baton made of, 22

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3IO THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Taase-tun, Athapascan village, 229 Table Rock, Shasta at, 92, Io6 Taboo against mother-in-law, 176 among Shasta, 123 connected with death, 25 customs regarding, 47 during menses, 22, 176 during puberty rites, 21, I00, II9-I20, 230, 233, 236 of certain foods, 14, 19-20, 22, 99, I19, 120, 123, I48, 150, 217, 228, 233, 244 of names of dead, 25, 43, 82, II9, I79, 219, 227, 239, 267 of water in ceremony, 52, I00, 236 of words by Yurok, 42 regarding childbirth, 118 See RESTRICTIONS Taghestlf3a, a Tolowa village, I99, 229 Tagfhina-tun. See POINT ST. GEORGE Tahanalakuk, a Wiyot mythic character, 85 See AViLUK Tahanaliakuk-kuwiliyawanaq, a mythic personage, I93 Tati-sufkara. See TSOFKARA TahchwfntYn-kinale in Hupa myth, 183 Tahhai, a Shasta village, 232 TahkyYshian-kat, a Hupa village, 218 Tadkdk, a Wiyot mythic character, 83, I95 TakaktarauwuhHurru, a Wiyot village, 226 Takelma, neighbors of Shasta, Io6 no intercourse with Karok, 57 Takimilding, acorn feast held at, 30 a Hupa village, 4, 6, 31, 32, 218 attacked by Yurok, 5 importance of, I8, I9 Jumping dance at, 33 meaning of, 30 Takuluvaku, a Wiyot village, 226 Tamakumi defined, I55-I57 Tamarack in Klamath house-building, 166 Tapot, a Wiyot village, 226 Taquraq, a Wiyot village, 227 Tarweed seeds as food, 13, III, I40, 2I7 Tasahlak, a Karok village, 223 Tasiswfk, a Wivot village, 226 Ttattteni at Crescent City, 9I-92 Tatat-tinn, a Tolowa village, I99, 229 Ta'ti't-tn, a Tolowa village, 229 Tatiqoghuk, a Wiyot village, 226 Tatlatunne. See TATAT-TiUN Tatltukwat, a Tolowa locality, 200 Tatrghatkus-tun, a Tolowa village, 229 Tafita.kwat, a rock in Tolowa myth, 200 Tattooing by Achomawi, 138, 234 by Coast Athapascans, 97 by the Hupa, IO, 183, 200, 217 by the Klamath, I66 by the Shasta, 109, 231 by the Tolowa, IOO p1., IO8 pi., 228 by the Tututni, 228 by the Wiyot, 72, 225 See FACE-PAINTING Tayis, a Karok village, 224 Teal-bone, fish-hooks of, 169 See DUCKS Teeth. See BEAVER-TEETH; SEA-LION TEETH Tekta, a Yurok village, 221 Telescope peak, ceremony on, 28 Tenohko-chtstai, a Hupa personage, 26 See ABOVE-HE-DWELLS Tenure in hunting and fishing preserves, 14 See PROPERTY RIGHT Tequistlatecan, of Hokan affinity, I05 Testthitun, Athapascan village, 229 Theft, how mediated, 40 See INDEMNITY Thltsusmetunne, a Tolowa village, 229 Thomas, Rev. E., killed by Modoc, I64 Three Dollar Bar, Karok village at, 225 Thunder, a mythic personage, 179 outwitted in myth, 206 Wiyot belief regarding, 83-84 Tick in Klamath myth, 211, 212 Tide, Wiyot belief regarding, 83 Tii, a Karok village, 223 Tiifh, a Karok village, 225 Tin-h6mnipak, a Karok village, 223 Tin zuenu, a Hupa division, 18, 218 Tisaich, Achomawi name of Yana, 208, 236 TiAhannik, a Karok village, 61-63, 224 TiThiram-aachip, a Karok village, 62, 224 Ttihiram-hirak, a Karok village, 223 Tlshiram-sa, a Karok village, 224 Tish-tang-a-tang ranch. See DJISHTANGADING Tobacco, Achomawi belief regarding, 141 blown to spirits, 52

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INDEX 3II Tobacco, cultivated by Wiyot, 76 mythic origin of, I98 raised by Achomawi, 141 See PIPES; SMOKING Tohos. See MUDHEN Tolih7, a Wiyot village, 227 Tolowa, account of the, 91-102, 228-230 habitat of the, 57 head-dress of, folio pl. 455 Hupa name for, 220 Karok name for, 225 myths of the, I99-201 neighbors of Yurok, 39 portraits, 96 pl., 98 pl., IOO pl., 102 pi., IIO pi., 112 pl. vocabulary of, 243-253 warfare of, 59, 221, 225 Yurok name for, 222 Toltsasding, a Hupa village, 218 Tongs used by the Shasta, 115 Torches used in fishing, 141 used in healing, 219 See FIRE Totemism absent among Yurok, 41 Tot6-tun, a Tututni village, 229 Tpzitkakaw, a Wiyot village, 227 Trade, Achomawi articles of, 131 in food products, 226 in horses, Io6, I3I, I62, 234, 238 in shell, 114, 225 in shell beads, 225, 257 Traders among the Klamath,!62 See FUR-TRADERS; WHITES Transformer in Wiyot myth, 227 in Yurok myth, 221 See PUCHURI-GHURRjU; PULIKUHLQERREQ Trappers. See WHITES Traps, animal, not used by Shasta, 112 used for salmon, 113 See DEADFALLS; FISH-TRAPS; HUNTING; PITFALLS; SNARES Treaty made by Pit River Indians, I30 of 1864, 164, 175 with Achomawi, 134 Trees, creation of, 206 how felled, 8 native names of, 251, 261, 271, 276 Tribal organization. See CHIEFS; CLANS; FAMILY; HEAD-MEN; POLITICAL ORGANIZATION; SOCIAL ORGANIZATION; VILLAGES Trickster. See COYOTE Trinidad, sealing schooners at, 71 Yurok village on site of, 37, 39, 22I Trinidad Yurok, Yurok name for, 222 Trinity county, Shasta in, IO6 Trinity river, Chimariko on, 4 Hupa on, 3, I8, 37 Troops in Hoopa valley, 5-7 See CROOK, GEN. GEORGE H. Trout created in myth, 209 how caught, i6, 75, 136, 137 See FISH; FISHING; STEELHEAD TROUT Tsahpekwc, a Yurok village, 22I Tsarasiih71, a mythic duck, I96 Tsghiia-ttin, an Athapascan village, 229 Tsfnanuna-tln, an Athapascan village, 219 Tsenu nssin-tin, a Karok village, 219 Tse-titmilkzt. See TELESCOPE PEAK Tsewenalding, a Hupa village, 6, 218 Tshei-nik-kee. See CHAINIKI Tsiwata-tun, Athapascan village, 229 Tsi'yawaif, an Achomawi locality, 208 Tsofkara, a Karok village, 62, 224 Tsurau, a Yurok village, 39, 221 Tufa, Klamath pipes of, 173 Tui. See TLYIVUK Tule lake, Modoc on, 132 Klamath name for, 239 Tules, a food product, 99, 140, 228, 234, 238 ball made of, I74, 238 balsas made of, 135 blanket of, worn for magic, 178 buoy made of, 136 caps made of, 137 clothing of, 138, I65, 234, 237 houses covered with, IIO, 166 pl., 167, 231, 237 illustrated, 154 pl. mats made of, 77, 97, Ioo, IIO, IIS, I39, 220, 226 moccasins made of, 163 quivers made of, I71, 238 used for head-rests, I39 used in basketry, 173, 238

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312 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Tules, various uses of, I37, I73-174 See MATS Tulawat, a Wiyot village, 69, 227 Indian island, 192, 193 Tumbleweed seeds as food, I72, 238 See SEEDS Tump-line in Klamath myth, 213 Turatpe-hlik, a Wiyot village, 227 Turghestltsatun. See TAGHE STLTSA Turip, a Yurok village, 40, 221 Turtles eaten by Klamath, 169 Turuik. See CURLEW Tutkalik in Wiyot myth, 198 Tututni, account of the, 91-I02, 228-230 vocabulary of, 243-253 Tuwanuchi, the Atsugewi, 208 Tuwipulihl in Wiyot myth, 193-I94 Tuyivuk, a Karok village, 62, 224 Twins, Hupa belief regarding, 20 Tyee Joe, Shasta chief, 92 Tyee John, Shasta chief, 92 Ukaramipan, a Karok village, 224 Ukurumkirik, a Karok village, 223 Umatilla, Achomawi name for, 236 known to Klamath, 239 Umbilical cord. See NAVEL-CORD Umpqua river, hostilities on, 9I Uplyewai, a Yurok ceremony, 47 See DEERSKIN DANCE; JUMPING DANCE Oruhas, a Karok village, 223 Usiwi, origin of name, 119 Utensils deposited at grave, 60 of the Hupa, II of the Karok, 59 See BASKETRY; HANDICRAFT; IMPLEMENTS Otki, a Karok village, 223 Yaluation, basis of, among Wiyot, 72 Hupa system of, IO See DENTALIA; MEASUREMENT; SHELL MONEY Fan Doosen creek, Wiyot on, 67-68 Vriqahtiqaycka, a Shasta village, 232 Vriqayaka, a Shasta village, 232 Viburnum seeds, beads made of, 72 Victory-dance of the Achomawi, 143 Victory-dance of the Hupa, 219 of the Klamath, 164, 239 See CEREMONIES; DANCE; WARFARE Vigils among the Shasta, 233 by Achomawi boys, 149 by Klamath shamans, 177 by Klamath youths, 176 power sought through, 239 See DREAMS; SHAMANS Villages of the Hupa, 218 of the Karok, 58, 60, 222-225 of the Tolowa, 229 of the Tututni, 229 of the Wiyot, 226-227 of the Yurok, 220 the political unit, 40, 67, IOO, I 6, 220 See POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Virgin in Deerskin dance, 52, 53 in healing ceremony, 45 See GIRLS; PUBERTY RITE Vitfha, a Karok village, 224 Vocabularies, comparative, 237, 243-276 Vohuviha, the Karok Deerskin dance, 62 Vohuviiha-ka'm, Karok Jumping dance, 62 Vomiting of pain in shaman rite, 43-44 V6n-virik, a Karok village, 62, 224 Vunharuk, a Karok village, 62, 225 Vupiim, a Karok village, 62, 224 Waafiahhima, a Shasta village, 232 IYdihai of the Yurok defined, 47 fYafhpeku-mau, Yurok personage, 26, 54, I90 Yaiika, name of Mount Shasta, 123 native form of Yreka, IO6 Waailing. See GRIEF; MORTUARY CUSTOMS; MOURNING Wakhkel, a Yurok village, 221 JVakhker, a part of Wakhtek, 221 Wakhshek, a Yurok village, 50, 53, 220 fYakhtek, a Yurok village, 38, 40, 59, 221 brush dance at, 45 Deerskin dance at, 47 house at, 52 pl. shaman dance at, 44 Wakoak. See BUTTERFLIES Aalams-kni. See ROGUE RIVER ATHAPASCANS lYampum. See BEADS; SHELL MONEY; SHELLS Wanaq-halihi in Wiyot myth, I93

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INDEX 313 WYadnikwleghd. See JUMPING DANCE Waradastira', a Shasta village, 232 War-chief, Hupa, 50 pl. See CHIEFS; HEAD-MEN War-dance during puberty rite, 121 of the Achomawi, 142 of the Hupa, 219 of the Klamath, 163, 239 of the Shasta, 107 Warfare of the Achomawi, 142-144, 236 of the Hupa, 219 of the Karok, 225 of the Klamath, 238-239 of the Shasta, 234 of the Tolowa and Tututni, 230 of the Wiyot, 227-228 of the Yurok, 221 See HOSTILITIES War implements of the Hupa, 7 of the Klamath, 171 See IMPLEMENTS; WEAPONS Warm Springs Indians, alliance with, I30 horses traded by, 131 Klamath name for, 239 neighbors of Lutuami, 162 Warm Spring valley, Achomawi in, 131-133 Warriors cremated by Achomawi, 153, 236 equipment of, 7 face-painting by, 142, 231 See WARFARE Wa's'ai, a Yurok village, 40, 221 Wasallda', a Wiyot village, 227 Washing of corpse by Hupa, 23 See BATHING; SWEAT-BATH Washo, Achomawi name for, 236 created in myth, 208 of Hokan affinity, 105 Was-kamus, a mythic character, 179 See COYOTE Water, lucky, in Hupa myth, 183 placed with dead, I54 restrictions in use of, I49, 233 sprinkled at funeral, 154 tabooed in ceremony, 52, IOO, 236 walking on, in myth, I98 Waterfowl, how taken, 170-171 See ANIMALS; BIRDS; DUCKS; FOOD; FOWL; HUNTING; SNARES VOL. XIII-40 Water-lily, seed-husks of, used as dye, 173 See WIKAS Wafsayug'hidihl, place on Eel river, I97-198 Wafsayughidilh-hi'nitlaihc, mythic youth, I97 Waves. See OCEAN Wealth acquired in myth, I98 among the Karok, 60, 222 among the Shasta, II7-II8, 231-233 among the Yurok, 40, 220 and puberty rite, 230 as a cult, 152 as basis of rank, 7, I8, 79, IOO, 218, 226, 229 in Tolowa myth, I99 obtained by ceremony, 86, 227, 233 obtained by vigil, 177 power in acquiring, 125 See GOOD LUCK; PROPERTY; SHELL MONEY Wealthy, burial of, among Karok, 61 dance regalia rented from, 61 marriage of, among Wiyot, 227 Weapons, medicines for purifying, 184 not placed with dead, 227 of the Achomawi, 142, 236 of the Hupa, 219 of the Klamath, 238 placed with dead, 24, 42, 219, 233 wagered in games, 78 See IMPLEMENTS; WAR IMPLEMENTS Weasel in Achomawi war song, 143 in myth, 203, 212 Weasel-skin for decoying antelope, 171 Wedges of elk-horn, 8, 71, 114, 135, I73, I89, 191, 192, 238 See IMPLEMENTS; WOODWORKING Weirs, how built, 15 of the Achomawi, 137 of the Shasta, 113 See FISHING; FISH-WEIRS Weitchpec. See WEITSPUS Weitchpec George, a Yurok informant, 41, I85-I90, 263 portrait, 70 pl. Weitspus, a Yurok village, 38, 40, 50, 5I, 53, 54 pl., 220 brush dance at, 45 Deerskin dance at, 48 Wetlko, a Yurok village, 221

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314 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Whalehead, Oregon, village at, I99 Whales important as food, 98, 246 Whilkut, allies of Hupa, 5 habitat of, 4, 68, 219 Whistles in Deerskin dance, 50, 51 in healing ceremony, 46 in war-dance, 107 See MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS White Deerskin dance of the Hupa, 30 pi., 31-33, 34 pl., 38 pl., 2I9 of the Karok, 225 of the Wiyot, 227 of the Yurok, 221 See CEREMONIES; DEERSKIN DANCE Whites among Klamath and Modoc, 162 -i65, I75, I78 among Pit River Indians, 131-135 among the Wiyot, 68-69 hostility toward Indians, 69-70, 91-95 in Shasta territory, 107-Io8 See FUR-TRADERS; MODOC WAR; ROGUE RIVER WAR; RUSSIANS; SPANIARDS; TRADERS; WARFARE Widows. See HAIR-CUTTING; MARRIAGE; MOURNING; WOMEN Wiki, a Wiyot district, 67 Wiki-taretahihl, villages of the, 226 Wildcat as food, I69, 234, 246 poisonous as food, 99, 228 See ANIMAL FOOD; ANIMALS; FOOD Wildcat-bone, Shasta awls made of, II4 Wildcat-skin, robes made of, 9 used in childbirth, 148 Willamette, origin of name, 162, 239 Williamson river, Klamath on, 163 Willow, gaming javelin of, 174 in basketry, 76, 115, 135, I37, I73, 238 in house-building, 166, 237-238 Willow-bark in fish-weirs, 75 Willow-leaves as medicine in myth, 184 Willow-root, fire-drill pointed with, 174 Wilson. See LONG WILSON Wilson creek, a Tolowa boundary, 91 Winchuck mountain in myth, I99 Wind, Wiyot belief regarding, 84 Winship, Jonathan, in Humboldt bay, 68 Wintun, Achomawi name for, 208, 236 and Achomawi intermarriage, 235 Wintun and Achomawi trade, I31 created in myth, 208 neighbors of, io6, I29 Shasta name for, 234 trade in beads, 138, 257 vigils observed by, I49 vocabulary, 237 warfare of, io6, 234, 236 Wipat, a Wiyot village, 227 Wifihitiiqa, Wiyot mythic character, 84-85 Wishosk, application of term, 68 Witahlpaiyuwimu a Wiyot village, 226 Witchcraft among Tolowa and Yurok, 96 punishment for, 28 See SHAMANS; SORCERY Withes, timbers lashed with, 109 See WILLOW Witilassa, Shasta butte, 204, 233 Witkahl. See COYOTE Wiyahavir, a Shasta village, 232 Wiyat, the Eel River country, 67, 86 Wiyot, account of the, 67-87, 225-228 and Yurok culture similar, 39 Hupa name for, 220 Karok name for, 225 myths of the, I90-I98 neighbors of Yurok, 39 religious beliefs of, 25 vocabulary of, 263-272 Yurok name for, 222 W6kas, a staple food, 167-168, 238 how gathered and treated, i68, I70 pl., 172 pl., 178 pl., folio pl. 460, 462 See WATER-LILY Wolf-skin, head-band of, in dance, 50 how worn, 138 Wolves, how hunted by Achomawi, 141 in Hupa myth, 185 Women, Achomawi, arts of, 235 Achomawi, clothing of, 138 Achomawi, face-painting by, 138 Achomawi, portraits, 132 pl., 136 pl., I40 pi., folio pl. 464 as chiefs among Shasta, 116 as shamans, 28 pl., 43, 86, 221, 230, folio pl. 467 games of, 17, 16, I74-175, 218, 226, 228, 231, 235, 238

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INDEX 315 Women, hair-dressing by, 97, I65 Hupa, dress of, 9, 22 pl., 217, folio pi. 468 Hupa, industries of, 217 Hupa, portraits, 6 pi., 20 pi., 28 pi., folio pls. 450, 451, 467 in Achomawi war-dance, 142-143 in pleasure dances, I46-I47 in shamanistic rite, 155 Karok, portraits, 86 pi., 92 pi. Klamath, bathing custom of, 167 Klamath, clothing of, I65 Klamath, portraits, 150 pi., 176 pi., folio pls. 436, 440, 445 mourning customs of, I78-I79 mutilated by whites, I34 mythic creation of, 208 pregnant, restrictions by, 20 seduced in Yurok myth, I90 Shasta, clothing of, 1o8-1o9, 230-231 singers in healing rite, 177 tattooing by, 97, Ioo pi., 217, 228 Tolowa, portraits, 98 pi., Ioo pi., Io pi., 112 pi. Wiyot, clothing of, 7I-72, 225 See MARRIAGE; MEDICINE-WOMEN; MENSTRUAL HUT; PUBERTY RITE Wood, Achomawi implements of, 234-235 Shasta implements of, 231 vessels of, unknown to Wiyot, 76 See ARTS; CANOES; HANDICRAFT; IMPLEMENTS; INDUSTRIES; WOODWORKING Wood, L. K., cited, 69 Woodpecker dance of the Yurok, 39, 47 Woodpecker-feathers worn in ears, 10, 217 head-band of, 22 on dentalia strings, IO used in dances, 16-17 Woodpeckers, how caught, I6 Woodpecker scalps as marriage payment, 23 head-bands of, 46 head-dresses of, 87 placed in graves, 42 standard of wealth, 40 used in dance, 32 Woodrats as food in myth, 184 See ANIMAL FOOD; ANIMALS Woodworking by the Hupa, 7, 8 by the Klamath, 173 by the Shasta, 114-115 by the Wiyot, 71 See CANOES; PADDLES; WOOD Wool, Henry, Achomawi narrator, 206-2IO vocabulary from, 253 Wopum. See VUPUM Words, when tabooed, 25 See NAMES; VOCABULARIES Wrestling, a Klamath sport, I74, 238 by the Achomawi, 146 by the Hupa, 17-18 by the Wiyot, 79 in myth, 205, 212, 213 See GAMES Wright, Captain Ben, murders Indians, 164 Xerophyllum grass, kilts made of, 138 ring of, worn by mourners, 24, 43, 82, 219, 227 used in aprons, 9, 217 used in basketry, 3, 8, 76-77, 97, 15, I37 See BASKETRY; CLOTHING; GRASS Yama-kni, application of name, 239 Yamsi, a mountain in Klamath myth, 212 Yana, Achomawi name for, 208, 236 and Achomawi warfare, 236 and Atsugewi relations, 131 created in myth, 208 neighbors of the Achomawi, I29 of Hokan affinity, 105 Yancsa', a rock in Tolowa myth, 200 Yellowhammer-feathers worn by healer, 45 Yellow-jacket in Yurok myth, 186 larvae of, as food, I40, 234 Yellow-pine roots in basketry, 8 See PINE Yew, bows of, 7, 72, 98, 115, 135, I7I, 238 Yiman-kyuwznhoyan, a Hupa personage, 26 Yiman-tuwntyai, a Hupa personage, 26, 54 Yinfka-chistai, a Hupa personage, 26 Yinika-tuwinyai, Hupa personage, 26, 27, 30 Yokhter, a Yurok village, 221 Youruk, Gibbs' form of Yurok, 38 Yreka, depredations at, 133

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316 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Yreka, in Shasta territory, xo6, 107 Klamath trade at, 163 Shasta hanged at, 92 Shasta name for, 233 stage operated from, 133 volunteers from, against Indians, I64 See WAIIKA Yuhki', a Karok village, 224 Yuhrutpmfivonum, a Karok village, 222 Yuhtuyirup, a Karok village, 61-63, 224 Yuhuihti-hiruk, a Karok village, 224 Yuhuna'm, a Karok village, 223 Yuhunammit, a Karok village, 223 Yuki, clam-shell beads traded through, 138 Yukiche-tfn, Athapascan village, 229 Yuman, of Hokan affinity, 105 Ydntak it, a Tolowa village, 96, 229 Yurok, account of the, 37-54, 220-222 acquire Deerskin dance, 31, 195, 227 and Wiyot genetic unity, 68 attend Hupa ceremony, 30 Yurok, canoes of the, 8, i6, 78 pl., 248 cemetery, 74 pl. dances of, 6I games of, 220 habitat of, 4 hostilities of, 96, 219, 230 houses of, 52 pi., 54 pi., 60 pl., 62 pi. Hupa name for, 220 Karok name for, 225 myths of the, I85-I90, 221 neighbors of the Tolowa, 9I portraits, 64 pi., 68 pi., 70 pi., 72 pl., folio pls. 437, 457 relations with Karok, 57 religious beliefs of, 25, 221 Tolowa name for, 230 vocabulary of, 263-272 Wiyot name for, 228 See TRINIDAD YUROK Yurfs-arar, Karok name of Yurok, 38, 225 Yutoyara. See YUHTUYIRUP THE END OF VOLUME XIII

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List of Large Plates Supplementing Volume Thirteen
The North American Indian List of Large Plates Supplementing Volume Thirteen 436 Klamath woman 437 Sam Ewing – Yurok 438 Karok baskets The basketry of the Karok does not differ from that of the Hupa and the Yurok. The process is always twining, and the usual materials are hazel rod for the warp, roots of the digger or the yellow pine for the weft, and Xerophyllum grass for white overlay, bark of the maidenhair fern for black, and fibres from the stem of Woodwardia fern, dyed in alder-bark juice in the mouth of the workwoman, for red. Represented in the plate are the receptacle for the storage of seeds and nuts, the burden-basket, the winnowing tray, various sizes of mush-baskets and food containers, and the cradle-basket. 439 Hupa trout-trap 440 Old Klamath woman 441 A Klamath The entire costume here depicted is alien to the primitive Klamath. The feather head-dress and fringed shirt and leggings of deerskin were adopted by this tribe within the historical period, along with other phases of the Plains culture, which extended its influence to the Klamath country by way of Columbia river and the plains of central Oregon. 442 Hupa jumping dance costume The Jumping dance was an annual ceremony for averting pestilence. The head-dress worn by the dancers was a wide band of deerskin with rows of red woodpecker crests and a narrow edging of white deer-hair sewn on it. A deerskin robe was worn as a kilt, and each performer displayed all the shells and beads he possessed or could borrow. In the right hand was carried a straw-stuffed cylinder with a slit-like opening from end to end, an object the significance of which is unknown to the modern Hupa. 443 Yurok canoe on Trinity River The Yurok canoe is simply a hollowed section of a redwood log. The aboriginal implements for canoe-making were a stone hammer and an elk-horn chisel for cutting the log and removing a number of slabs in order to reduce it to the desired thickness, and an elk-horn adz for finishing the surface. The actual hollowing was accomplished by means of fire. The craft shown in the plate is hardly an average example as to the workmanship, but at best Yurok canoes are rather crude. 444 Quiet waters – Yurok The plate shows the ruggedness characteristic of the shores of Klamath river. Eddies caused by projecting masses of rock are the spots chosen for taking salmon in dip-nets, both because the upstream set of the current permits the net to be held with the opening down-stream and because the salmon are attracted to such pools of slack water after combatting the swift current. 445 Wife of Modoc Henry – Klamath 446 A Klamath type 447 Fishing from canoe – Hupa Because of the dearth of redwood in their territory, the Hupa purchased all their canoes from the neighboring Yurok. 448 In the forest – Klamath The Klamath live in a country of lakes and marshes, broad meadows, and forested mountains. The reservation itself includes an extensive area of splendid pines. 449 Klamath warrior's headdress The material used in this peaked hat is tule stems, and the weaving is done by the twined process. 450 Hupa mother and child 451 Hupa woman It would be difficult to find a better type of Hupa female physiognomy. 452 Salmon stream A Hupa youth is waiting with poised spear for the shadowy outline of a salmon lurking in a quiet pool and gathering its strength for a dash through a tiny cascade. 453 Hupa fisherman The fisherman has just made a thrust with his double-pointed spear. 454 Spearing salmon 455 Tolowa dancing headdress The head-dress is of the type common to the Klamath River tribes - a broad band of deerskin partially covered with a row of red scalps of woodpecker. The massive necklace of clam-shell beads indicates the wealth of the wearer, or of the friend from whom he borrowed it. He carries a ceremonial celt of black obsidian and a decorated bow. 456 Klamath lake marshes Fairly extensive marshes occur along the shores of Klamath lake, and Klamath marsh covers about a hundred square miles. These areas are the resort of innumerable waterfowl, which were of great importance to the aboriginal Klamath, and thousands of acres were a mass of water-lilies, which yielded in abundance an edible seed. 457 Yurok drummer The drum of deerskin stretched over a wooden frame was not aboriginal with the Yurok, but was introduced in imitation of drums seen in the possession of the garrison stationed among the Hupa from 1855 to 1892. 458 Klamath hunter 459 Fish-weir across Trinity River – Hupa Each summer a substantial structure of this kind is thrown across the river, the southern and the northern divisions of the tribe alternating. The weir remains in place until the spring freshets carry it away. A fisherman stands on each of several platforms erected below an equal number of openings in the weir, and lowers and draws his dip-net at random. As the construction of a weir is a communal undertaking, the catch is divided each evening according to the requirements of the various families. 460 Gathering wokas – Klamath Wokas, the seeds of the water-lily, Nymphaea polysepala, is harvested in the latter part of August and throughout September. The nearly ripe pods are plucked and deposited in the canoe, but the mature ones, having burst open, are too sticky to be plucked, and are scooped up in a tule ladle and placed in a basket. After the pods have fermented, the seeds are separated from the mass by stirring in water. They are then dried, parched, hulled, dried again, and stored in bags. Wokas was formerly a staple food, and is still much used as a luxury. 461 Woman's primitive dress – Tolowa This is the gala costume of Coast Athapascan women. The ordinary dress was a deerskin kilt with the opening at the front protected by a fringed apron of deerskin or of bark. Ordinarily the feet and the upper part of the body were bare. 462 Wokas season – Klamath 463 Crater Lake Crater lake, a body of water indescribably blue, occupies an extinct crater in the heart of the Cascade mountains of southern Oregon. It is on the boundary of what was formerly the territory of the Klamath Indians, who held it to be especially potent in conferring shamanistic power upon men who there fasted and bathed. An important Klamath myth seeks to account for the former absence of fish from Crater lake, a condition that was altered in 1888 by the introduction of trout. 464 Achomawi basket-maker The Achomawi, or Pit River Indians, produce baskets only by the process known as twining, which is true weaving, never by coiling, which is actually a sewing process. In general their baskets have bottoms and sides slightly rounded, openings broad, and depth rather shallow. The usual materials are willow rods for the warp, or upright elements, and pie-root strands for the weft, or horizontal elements. The structure in the background is a summer hut, a rudely conical or hemispherical tipi covered with tule mats. The workwoman is wearing a rabbit-skin robe. 465 Fishing platform on Trinity River – Hupa As the run of spring salmon occurs at a season when the river is too high for the construction of a weir, they are taken in dip-nets from platforms erected above favorable eddies. 466 Achomawi man 467 Principal female shaman of the Hupa Many Hupa shamans were women, and among their neighbors, the Yurok and the Karok, as well as among the more distant Wiyot on the coast, male shamans were rare. Hupa shamans acquired the power to cure disease by dreaming and dancing. They were credited with the ability to inflict mysterious sickness by sorcery, and only they could relieve the victim of such magic. 468 Hupa woman in primitive costume This is an excellent example of the gala costume of Hupa women. The deerskin skirt is worn about the hips and meets in front, where the opening is covered by a similar garment. Both are fringed and heavily beaded, and the strands of the apron are ornamented with the shells of pine-nuts. 469 Smelt fisher - Trinidad Yurok The surf-net used in smelt-fishing is a bag suspended on two diverging poles. At the bottom of the net proper is a restricted opening into a long net-bag, which is held in the fisherman's hand. Dipping and raising his net, he allows the imprisoned smelts to fall down into the bag, where they are securely held until he has enough to justify him in going ashore to empty it. 470 Chief – Klamath The subject of this plate, in deerskin suit and feathered war-bonnet of the Plains culture, is shown against a background of Crater lake and its precipitous rim towering a thousand feet above the water. 471 Smoky day at the Sugar Bowl – Hupa For the spring salmon-fishing season the southern division of the Hupa assembled at Sugar Bowl rapids of Trinity river, near the upper end of Hoopa valley. Each fishing station was the hereditary possession of some family. Men who owned no station begged the use of one from those who were either weary of fishing or had enough salmon for their immediate needs.

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Klamath woman [photogravure plate]

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Sam Ewing – Yurok [photogravure plate]

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Karok baskets [photogravure plate]

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Hupa trout-trap [photogravure plate]

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Old Klamath woman [photogravure plate]

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A Klamath [photogravure plate]

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Hupa jumping dance costume [photogravure plate]

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Yurok canoe on Trinity River [photogravure plate]

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Yurok canoe on Trinity River [photogravure plate]

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Wife of Modoc Henry – Klamath [photogravure plate]

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A Klamath type [photogravure plate]

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Fishing from canoe – Hupa [photogravure plate]

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In the forest – Klamath [photogravure plate]

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Klamath warrior's headdress [photogravure plate]

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Hupa mother and child [photogravure plate]

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Hupa woman [photogravure plate]

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Salmon stream [photogravure plate]

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Hupa fisherman [photogravure plate]

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Spearing salmon [photogravure plate]

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Tolowa dancing headdress [photogravure plate]

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Klamath lake marshes [photogravure plate]

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Yurok drummer [photogravure plate]

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Klamath hunter [photogravure plate]

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Fish-weir across Trinity River – Hupa [photogravure plate]

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Gathering wokas – Klamath [photogravure plate]

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Woman's primitive dress – Tolowa [photogravure plate]

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Wokas season – Klamath [photogravure plate]

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Crater Lake [photogravure plate]

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Achomawi basket-maker [photogravure plate]

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Fishing platform on Trinity River – Hupa [photogravure plate]

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Achomawi man [photogravure plate]

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Principal female shaman of the Hupa [photogravure plate]

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Hupa woman in primitive costume [photogravure plate]

{view image of plate no. 469}
Smelt fisher - Trinidad Yurok [photogravure plate]

{view image of plate no. 470}
Chief – Klamath [photogravure plate]

{view image of plate no. 471}
Smoky day at the Sugar Bowl – Hupa [photogravure plate]