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Vol.14. The Kato. The Wailaki. The Yuki. The Pomo. The Wintun. The Maidu. The Miwok. The Yokuts.

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The North American Indian

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rftXid 0rittfauj ff iUimitetr tor jibt 30tuitrrelf O^tto to fte Wutr tt ietfi lu bsfr. t. f 3A~Umb~ier...M....H

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Yokuts baskets [photogravure plate]

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Contents of Volume Fourteen
ILLUSTRATIONS ALPHABET USED IN RE( INTRODUCTION THE KATO.. THE WAILAKI THE YUKI.. THE POMO..... THE WINTUN THE MAIDU. THE MIWOK THE YOKUTS MYTHOLOGY Thie Tn-lumr CORDI PAGE vii NG INDIAN TERMS...... ix............... x i ~............... ~3............... 21............... 3 9 55 73................. 9 9............... 129...............~ 151 ~ o ~ I l LH,. t., UL,............ The Creation. Coyote Provides Daylight Coyote and Yitestai Provide Salmon. Coyote Temporarily Slain for Misdeeds Coyote and Bat War with the Birds A Girl Taken by Water-cougar. Good Luck Acquired from Cougar Adventure with the White Wolf.. The Creation. Fire is Stolen from Spider The Creation. Coyote Creates Sun and Moon. Wren Kills the Bears Hawk and the Monster Birds The Creation. The Creation. The Girl Who Would Not Use the Menst Sachacha, the Ogre Yalali, the Giant V....... I65....... I65....... I67....... I67....... 167....... 168....... I68....... I68....... 169....... 169....... 170....... 170....... I7 1....... 17I....... 172....... 173....... I73 trual Hut.. 176...... I176...... I177

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vi CONTENTS The Creation.................. Prairie-falcon, Chicken-hawk, and the Monster.. Coyote and TalkSkun.............. Coyote Steals the Morning-star........... PAGE I77 I77 178 I79 APPENDIX TRIBAL SUMMARY The Kato The Wailaki. The Yuki.. The Pomo. The Wintun. The Maidu.. The Miwok.... The Yokuts. VOCABULARIES Athapascan Yukian... Pomo.... Wintun... Northwestern Maidu Miwok... Yokuts... INDEX................... ~ o.............. ** *............................ **....... ** * *........ 183 185 i86 188 I89 I92 I95 I97................... 201............... o207............... 2I4............... 220 ~ ~ ~ ~~...............~ ~ 229............... 237.............. I...... 244............... 251

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Yokuts Baskets Frontispiece A Kato Woman 6 A Kato Matron 8 Tachahaqachile - Kato 10 A Wailaki Woman 14 A Wappo Matron 16 Old Woman in Mourning - Yuki 22 A Yuki Woman 26 Modern Yuki Cabin 26 Construction of a Tule Shelter - Upper Lake Pomo 28 Sherwood Valley Girl - Pomo 30 A Mixed-blood Coast Pomo 32 A Coast Pomo Man 34 On the Shores of Clear Lake 40 Koshonono - Pomo 42 An Eastern Pomo 44 A Pomo Camp 46 A Pomo Girl 48 A Coast Pomo 50 Eastern Pomo Woman 52 In the Tule Swamp - Upper Lake Pomo 56 Pomo Baskets 58 Pomo Baskets and Magnesite Beads 60 Cooking Acorns - Upper Lake Pomo 62 Tule Balsa on Clear Lake 64 Conception Rock near Ukiah - Pomo 66 Basket Used in Puberty Rites - Pomo 68 Pomo Dance Costume 70 A Summer Camp - Lake Pomo 74 On Russian River - Pomo 76 Summer Shelter - Lake Pomo 78 Coast Pomo with Feather Head-dress 80 Coast Pomo Bridal Costume 82

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Gathering Tules - Lake Pomo 84 Gathering Seeds - Coast Pomo 86 Camp Under the Oaks - Lake Pomo 88 Pomo Mother and Child 90 On the Merced - Southern Miwok 92 A Southern Miwok 94> A Southern Miwok - Profile 96 Sifting Basket - Southern Miwok 100 A Southern Miwok Youth 102 On the South Fork of Tule River 104 A Bowlder Milling-stone - Miwok 106 A Southern Miwok Woman 108 Otila - Maidu 110 A Maidu Woman 110 A Maidu Man 114 A Maidu Boy 116 Cradle-basket - Chukchansi Yokuts 118 A Chukchansi Woman 120 A Chukchansi Woman - Profile 122 A Yaudanchi Yokuts Woman 124 A Chukchansi Matron 130 A Chukchansi Yokuts Woman (a) 132 A Chukchansi Yokuts Woman (b) 134 A Chukchansi Head-man 136 A Chief - Chukchansi Yokuts 138 A Yauelmani Yokuts 140 Old Bob - Tachi Yokuts 142 A Chukchansi Yokuts 144 Jack Rowan - Chukchansi Yokuts 146 The Tule Pool - Southern Yokuts 152 A Gem of Basketry - Southern Yokuts 154 The Hunting Basket 156 The Pigeon-blind - Yokuts 158 Entrance to the Painted Cave 160 Looking out of the Painted Cave 166 Chukchansi Cradle-baskets 168 Yokuts Kitchen Utensils and Milling-stone 170 Rattlesnake Design in Yokuts Basketry 172 Animal Designs in Yokuts Basketry 174 Baskets in the Painted Cave - Yokuts 176 Among the Tules - Yokuts 178

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Alphabet Used in Recording Indian Terms
[The consonants are as in English, except when otherwise noted] a as in father a as in cat a as in awl ai as in aisle e i I o 0 oi u u u as in they as in net as in machine as in sit as in old as in how as in oil as in ruin as in nut rounded i as in French peu as in push as ch in German Bach gh the sonant of h k a non-aspirated k k velar k q as kw n as ng in sing n nasal, as in French dans hl the surd of 1 p a non-aspirated p t a non-aspirated t T dental t fh as in thin gh as in shall a glottal pause!stresses enunciation of the preceding consonant superior letters are voiceless, almost inaudible ix

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THE geographical limits of this volume include an extensive area marked by great physical contrasts. Its borders extend on the coast from San Francisco bay nearly to Humboldt bay, and in the interior from Mount Shasta to the Tehachapi range. Within these boundaries are the redwood forests on the western slopes of the Coast range; the fertile valleys of Napa, Sonoma, and Mendocino counties lying between two branches of the range; the vast valley of the Sacramento and the San Joaquin, shut in by the Coast range on the west, the Sierra Nevada on the east, Shasta and the Siskiyous on the north, and Tehachapi range on the south. Besides a large part of the redwood forests and the vast agricultural domain of the interior valley, the area comprises the agricultural and stock-raising counties north of San Francisco bay and the placer gold counties of the Sierras, including the romantic "mother-lode" region. The aboriginal population of this territory is of course a matter of conjecture. It has been estimated that the entire state may have held 50,000o Indians, and probably a third of the total were within these limits. Had the natives of California possessed the self-protective instinct of the Plains tribes, the early history of the state, and in fact of the United States, would read quite differently. The winning of the West would be another story. But the native population was divided into many small local groups lacking the instinct for tribal organization and speaking different languages and numerous dialects. Furthermore, the high mountain regions, covered with an undergrowth all but impenetrable and cut by impassable gorges, prevented communication and association. These conditions would have tended to prevent a concentrated stand against encroachment, even if the people had been warlike. As it was, they fell easy prey to the greed of civilization. Robbed of their lands by treaties unkept or unratified, they became what the state and the Federal Government term a problem. The situation is a striking illustration of the recognized fact that the xi

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xii INTRODUCTION only Indians who received anything like fair treatment were the fighters, the tribes that killed ruthlessly and brutally. The peaceful Indians were driven from their lands, killed or outraged on the slightest provocation. From time to time the Government has purchased small and usually barren tracts of ground for these homeless Indians. Some of the purchases seem to have been more profitable to the sellers than to the Indians. The result of such treatment is that the majority of the natives are gypsy-like field hands, moving from place to place where work in planting or harvesting can be had. There are included in this volume representatives of four linguistic stocks: Athapascan, Yukian, Hokan, and Penutian. In general there is much cultural similarity throughout the entire region. Ceremonies were but poorly developed, clothing was of the simplest sort, implements were not numerous nor ingenious. Fish and game were plentiful, and in most localities a fairly reliable harvest of acorns and seeds was available. The field work was done in the years 1915, I9I6, I922, and 1924. In collecting and preparing the material for this volume I have had the continued assistance and collaboration of Mr. W. E. Myers. EDWARD S. CURTIS

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The Kato

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THE KATO HERE were in California two areas inhabited by branches of the great Athapascan stock. In the extreme northwestern corner of the state, and extending into Oregon, was the Tolowa group of settlements. In Humboldt county, separated from the Tolowa by the Algonquian Yurok, were people speaking three other Athapascan dialects: first, the Hupa, on the lower course of Trinity river, and the slightly differentiated Chilula and Whilkut on Redwood creek; second, the Mattole group, on the coast at Cape Mendocino, with small settlements on Bear creek and Mattole river; third, the Wailaki group, in Humboldt county, northern Mendocino, and the extreme southwestern corner of Trinity. The occupied areas are now greatly restricted. The Tolowa and Hupa, belonging to that highly specialized culture area of extreme northwestern California, have been described in the preceding volume. The Mattole were all but exterminated about I860, and little can be said of them. The Wailaki group, and particularly the bands that speak the sub-dialects Kato and Wailaki, are to be discussed in the following pages. The Wailaki group includes five sub-dialects, or what might be called five tribes, if only the people were somewhat more definitely organized on tribal lines. Farthest north of this group were the Nongatl, on the middle course of Mad river above Blue Lake (the inland limit of the Algonquian Wiyot territory). South of them were the Lassik, on the upper course of Mad river, and on Eel river and its eastern affluents from the mouth of Van Doosen creek (the limit of the Eel River Wiyot) up to Kekawaka creek. Still farther southward were the Wailaki proper, on Eel river and its north fork, from Kekawaka creek to Yuki territory at Round valley. The Sinkyone territory lay west of the Lassik and Wailaki, principally on the lower South fork of Eel river, and was bounded 3

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4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN on its own western frontier by the Mattole in the north and the ocean from Point Delgada to Usal creek in the south. Farthest south of all the Athapascans in California, in a sinus that pushes well down into Yuki territory and all but bisects it, were the Kato, occupying in particular Cahto and Long valleys, and in general the country south of Blue Rock and between the headwaters of the two main branches of Eel river. This region lies among the rolling hills of the western part of the Coast range. It is veined with streams, most of which during the long, dry summers become considerably attenuated, but are swollen into torrents by the heavy rains of winter. Deer are still abundant in the loftier hills. The name Kato is a word occurring in varying forms in several Pono dialects, and means lake. The Yuki call the inhabitants of Cahto valley Lal-hiik-no'm ("lake black tribe"), and those of Long valley Kol-fikuim-no'm ("other valley tribe"). To the Wailaki they are known collectively as To-chehl-keyan ("water wet tribe"), but for themselves they have no collective name, although the inhabitants of Long valley, of whom there were formerly six villages, called themselves Tlo-kyahan ("grass tribe"). The Kato had for their neighbors the Athapascan Sinkyone and Wailaki on the north and northeast respectively, the Yuki and Huchnom on the east, and the Coast Yuki on the west; while southward were the northern Pomo, who, though separated from them by a narrow strip of Yuki territory, were their best friends. To their congeners, the Sinkyone and the Wailaki, no less than to the alien Yuki, the Kato were hostile, the commonest cause of war being trespass. These northern and eastern neighbors would frequently set fire to the brush on Black Rock mountain, either by accident or with the intention of making a game drive; and the Kato, because this was a place where they garnered food, would proceed against their enemies. The fighting seldom resulted in more than one or two fatalities. Expeditions were made to Blue Rock, about twenty miles northward, where they exchanged baskets, arrows, and clothing for similar articles of the Wailaki; and to the coast, where they obtained shellfish and seaweed by their own exertions. There is a very definite tradition, which is recounted also by the Pono at Sherwood and Ukiah, to the effect that in the beginning of the nineteenth century a party of white men, mounted on large pinto horses and armed with muskets, came into the country from

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THE KATO 5 the southeast and lived there one summer. Some of them spoke Indian languages, but among themselves they used a foreign tongue. They gambled with round, black cards and ate the usual Indian food. They gave the natives to understand that they were the returned dead of the tribe, and to prove it they would lead them to the graves which, they asserted, were the ones in which they had been buried. When one of them found a woman who had been a widow, he would claim her as his former wife, and she would come to live with him again. When they were ready to depart, some of the Indians who thought that their deceased relatives were among the number wished to accompany them, but the visitors declared that they could not go until they had died. The father of the informant was a boy at that time and saw the strange men frequently. To this day the Kato believe that these visitors were the returned dead. It is scarcely to be doubted that they were Mexicans, who were keen enough to play upon Indian credulity in order to secure food, wives, and immunity from attack. The Kato manufactured such articles of stone, bone, horn, wood, and skin as were commonly made in northern California.' Their baskets were of the usual shape and for the usual purposes, but included some made by the process of coiling, which appears in the work of no other tribe this far north, except the neighboring Wailaki. This is probably the result of Pomo influence. The primitive costume for men and women was a tanned deerskin wrapped about the waist, and a close-fitting knitted cap, which kept in place the knot of hair at the back of the head. Moccasins were unknown. At a later period the Kato garment was a shirt made of two deerskins, laced down the front and reaching to the knees; and deerskin moccasins were sometimes used. Women, and sometimes men, had ear-pendants made of Xerophyllum grass woven into a ring and painted, and ceremonial belts were made by stringing very large pine-cones. Both men and women quite generally had tattooed on the face and the chest designs consisting largely of upright lines, both broken and straight. The needle was a sharp splinter of deer-bone, and the pigment was spruce pitch blackened by heating in the smoke of tan-bark. In constructing a Kato house a circular excavation about two feet deep was prepared, and in it at the corners of a square were erected four forked posts, the front pair being a little higher than the other, so that the roof would have a slight pitch to the rear. 1 See Vocabulary under Handicraft, pages 203-204.

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6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN House timbers were generally obtained among the drift brought down by freshets, and were used without preparation by cutting or shaping. Sometimes they were necessarily carried long distances. One plate timber extended across the rear, another across the front, and these two beams supported rafters, across which were laid rough slabs split with elk-horn wedge and stone hammer from pine or spruce logs. Then several layers of pine- or spruce-bark were applied, and sometimes a final covering of earth. In erecting the very sloping walls, poles were leaned against the edge of the roof with their base inside the excavation, an arrangement that resulted in a structure approaching the frustrum of a cone, in spite of the square roof. The roof was in fact so small that it was of much less importance in determining the final shape of the house than was the circularity of the base. The apertures between the poles were stuffed with bunches of long grass, and slabs of wood and bark were set up. Finally the excavated earth was thrown up against the walls. An opening in the roof served to carry off smoke, and the doorway was a narrow opening in front from ground to roof. As many as three families occupied one of these exceedingly rude little hovels, all cooking at the same fire; and on occasion twenty people could assemble in one of them. The conical ceremonial house, or sweat-house, was built over an excavation three or four feet deep, in the centre of which was set a single forked post of green oak about eighteen inches in diameter. Six heavy beams were leaned from the crotch to the edge of the pit, other smaller rafters were leaned against these main timbers, and a layer of slabs was succeeded by a thatch of long mountain grass and finally a thick coat of earth. A smoke-vent was left in the top, and a low door in one side. This structure was used for dances or any public meeting, as well as for communal sweating by men. It was cared for by the family that occupied it. For summer camps brush leantos were hastily set up. The Kato Indians used for food almost every living creature found in their country, the principal exceptions being the predaceous birds, serpents, and most of the carnivorous beasts, such as grizzlybear, coyote, wolf, weasel, mink, and otter. On the other hand, black bears, foxes, wildcats, and cougars were eaten. The staple foods, however, were dried salmon and the natural products of the soil, particularly the seeds of tarweed and other plants, and acorns. The number of plants that yielded food was very large, including five species of oak and eight other trees bearing nuts or fruit, besides

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A Kato woman [photogravure plate]

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THE KATO 7 twelve or more root-bearing and at least seventeen seed-bearing species. The dog was the only domesticated animal. A legend declares that the first dogs were obtained somewhere in the north by men who had spread snares in front of a rocky cave and scattered partially decayed meat about the place. In those early times dogs were very valuable, and not many possessed them. Sometimes young coyotes were caught and at maturity were bred with female dogs. Like other Athapascans of the Pacific area the Kato were not professional warriors fighting for pleasure and glory, but when their rights were invaded they could make war with ferocity. Before going to war members of the expedition made incantations against the enemy. Some man who understood this magic held up a piece of coyote sinew and uttered certain formulas, which the others, standing behind him, repeated after him; and then in unison all expelled their breath forcibly toward the enemy's country. When the Kato killed an enemy, whether man or woman, they cut off the head and tore off with it as much skin from the shoulders and the back as possible. After their victorious return, an old man whose business this was prepared the trophy by removing from the skull all the skin except that of the face, reversing it over his knee and so scraping out the fleshy bits that still adhered to it, and stuffing it with dry grass. He placed skewers in the skin to keep it stretched while drying, and finally tied it to a stake which he set up in the ground. The war-dance always occurred at the same place, and inside a brush enclosure. When all the inhabitants of the neighboring villages had assembled, there was a feast in which the custodian of the scalp had no part until all the others had eaten, after which a portion of food was thrown to him. He sat there all greasy and filthy, laid the food in the dirt, and devoured it like a beast. Then he danced, and uttered threats and insults directed toward the enemy. The ensuing performance of the warriors was of the usual kind, and during its progress the scalp was turned toward the enemy's country, while its custodian spoke insultingly to it and to the enemy as a whole. Throughout central California there is found a very definite, and at times defiant, belief in the former existence, even within the memory of persons now living, of men who personated grizzly-bears for the purpose of more easily taking human life. Among the Yokuts and the Miwok these bear-shamans lived for a time with the bears,

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8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN were instructed by them, and so acquired the power to transform themselves into bears. The Yuki shaman first dreamed of bears, and then was instructed by them. The Pomo bear-men possessed the strength, cunning, and swiftness of bears merely by wearing bear-skin suits; and they killed, principally among their own people, for mere pleasure. Among the Kato these personators of bears are said to have confined their depredations to hostile tribes, and like the Pomo they claimed no relations with the bear spirits. How much truth there is in these statements can no longer be proved. However, considering the frequency of the known use of bear-skin costumes by tribes outside this area, it is entirely possible that these bear personators actually existed, and only their fabulous instruction and exploits are imagined. Certain active men, say the Kato, were trained to personate bears, and those who proved the swiftest runners were provided with bear-skins cut to fit the body and stitched together. The skin was stiffened with a lining of slats of yew, so that arrows could not pierce it. The tongue was a piece of abalone-shell on a deerskin thong; for a grizzly-bear's lolling tongue is said to be noticeably shiny. Sometimes two long pieces of obsidian or flint were stuck into the eye-sockets, for the avowed purpose of piercing an enemy if the bear-man happened to dash into him. The bear-shamans carried long knives, and sharply crooked yew staffs with which to catch the ankles of enemies fleeing in the brush. Sometimes, but not always, several of these men would accompany a war-party. They would send scouts to an enemy village, to listen outside the houses at night and learn where the people were going on the following day; and at that place they would lie in wait. Or if they found a place where deer-snares had been set, they would conceal themselves there. In the summer succeeding the training of new bear-men, a warparty including the bears and two young women would invade the enemy's country and remain there for a long time. When they started out, or perhaps before that, a certain old man would rub bear's dung vigorously across the abdomen of these women, and they would quickly conceive and produce cubs. It is quite possible that a pair of cubs was actually captured and passed off as the progeny of the women. When it proved very difficult to find the enemy in a situation favorable for attack, they would tie these young bears in the undergrowth, and the enemy, hearing them cry, and coming to capture them, would fall an easy prey to the marauders.

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A Kato matron [photogravure plate]

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THE KATO 9 It is said that these bear-men could approach quite closely without detection. They were greatly feared, and men always tried to elude rather than to resist them, perhaps because it was impossible to pierce their armor. They were called nonihlsai ("bear dry," perhaps in allusion to the drying of the rawhide suit), and like bears they ate roots of the plant nonich-paghecho, which was supposed to make them overwhelmingly strong. As the games of the Kato were exactly like those of the Wailaki, to be described later, it is unnecessary to enumerate them here. A favorite pastime for the females of a village was to assemble early in the evening for singing in chorus. One of the best singers would lead, and two others kept time by striking one bone with another. They all sat on the ground in the open, and sang one song after another, far into the night. The men took no part, but stood or sat about and listened. Here, as generally throughout California, there was no true tribal organization. The term Kato is merely a convenience for the ethnologist, and the people whom it includes, though they spoke one language and were aware of their own common ethnic origin, had no feeling of political solidarity. It is true that here and there are the rudiments, or perhaps the vestiges, of tribal organization. Thus, the people of the six villages in Long valley had a collective name for themselves. Whether this was the beginning or the end of a closer association, whether the prehistoric development was in the direction of concentration or dispersion, is a matter of theory. If the Kato exhibited any trace of a clanship system, this would be a fairly good indication of the former existence of closer tribal relations; for it is difficult to conceive of true clans without a true tribe. But the total absence of any such trace must be held to be purely negative testimony, since true tribal organization is by no means invariably accompanied by the development of a system of clans or gentes. Each village had its chief, and some villages a second chief. Generally the chief's son succeeded to the office, but if a head-man died without sons, the people by common consent and without formal voting selected from the membership of the whole band the man whom they regarded as best fitted for the place. The duty of a chief was to be the adviser of his people. At frequent intervals he would stand in front of his house and harangue the people, who at once would cease their activities and listen to the speech, but without assembling. VOL. XIV-2

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IO THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN When anything of great importance was to be decided, the village chief summoned the council, which consisted of all the elder men. Each expressed his opinion, and if there was a strong consensus unfavorable to the plan of the chief, he yielded. Many of the social practices of the Kato show how strongly they were influenced by the culture of north-central California. In this category are the societies of magicians, the ceremonial instruction and initiation of young boys, and the mourning ceremony. The society of magicians gave each summer a public exhibition called ChustinpuEilpeategh (chustin, lounging about). A small number of young men, usually about ten, were initiated each year, and the best of each group became the instructors of future initiates. The new members and their instructors remained in the ceremonial house six days, at the end of which time the people assembled for the public performance for which the initiates had been practising. Meantime the centre-post had been carefully smoothed and rubbed with soap-plant (Chlorogalum pomeridianum), so that it was very slippery. A hollow half-log about ten feet long was turned with the convex surface uppermost, on which one of the initiates danced, causing it to resound under the blows of his feet, while another sang. A third initiate went to the centre-post and climbed it, feet foremost, drawn upward by an unseen rope. At the top he swung in air, head downward, and then suddenly dropped, turned in mid-air, and landed on his feet. A few old men constituted the membership of another society, which performed the ceremony called T'iunighulsin. They met in the winter, and their initiates are said to have remained in the ceremonial house four months, while the old men themselves went in and out as they pleased. Their exhibition consisted of various tricks, such as causing a man to materialize out of the smoke of the fire, throwing one of their number out through the smoke-hole, dragging a man into the embers of a fire. Women were not admitted to the performance, and some of the men were required to pay for the privilege of observing it. At an early age children were nicknamed from some peculiarity of action, disposition, or physique; and such names sometimes became permanent. Children of both sexes were required to observe certain rites at the age of puberty. Annually in midsummer a group of boys, ranging from twelve to perhaps sixteen years of age, were led out to a solitary place by two men, one of whom was the teacher, the other of whom merely

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Tachahaqachile - Kato [photogravure plate]

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THE KATO II looked on to make certain that the instructor did not err. The teacher was called kaslzghuni, the initiates were tiyinun. The instructor smeared charcoal paste over the entire bodies of his pupils, and they remained away from the village three days, during which time they received instruction in mythology and the supposed origin of customs, such as the mortuary rites, shamanistic practices, puberty observances. After three days they returned to the village and in single-file marched into the ceremonial house, turned to the right inside the door, and sat down. All the people assembled, and the kashghuini gave his pupils a final exhortation, after which they washed off the charcoal at the river. They returned to the house, and a feast was held. In the winter these boys assembled in the ceremonial house and remained there during the four winter months for instruction in tribal lore. At the end of that time the people, previously informed on what day the boys would be released, assembled in the ceremonial house, and each boy in his turn arose and repeated something of what he had learned. A feast of course concluded the rites. At puberty a girl began to live for five months a very quiet and abstemious life, remaining always in or near the house, abstaining from meat, and drinking little water. She was not permitted to work, lest she catch cold. At the end of five months all the people of the neighborhood were invited to a feast, and the afternoon and evening were devoted to dancing by all the women and girls, including the principal herself. Late at night there was a final feast. Marriage was arranged between the two persons concerned without consulting anybody else. Having secured a girl's consent her lover went clandestinely that night to sleep with her, and at dawn he stole away. The secret was preserved as long as possible, perhaps for several days, and the news of the match transpired without formal announcement, even the girl's parents learning of their daughter's marriage in this indirect fashion. His marriage no longer a secret, the young man might then erect a house of his own. The bond was no more easily tied than loosed, for either could leave the other for any reason whatever, the man retaining the male children and the woman the female. Children were not regarded as belonging any more to the paternal than to the maternal side. When adultery was discovered, the only result was a little bickering and perhaps an invitation to the offender to take up permanent relations with the new love.

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12 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN In preparation for burial a corpse was washed, clothed in good garments, and wrapped in deerskins. Meantime several men, with sharp dibbles and shallow baskets, excavated on a dry hillside a grave equal in depth to a man's height, and sometimes even deeper, so that the digger had to be lifted out by other men. In the bottom of the pit they laid a floor of poles covered with bark and several deerskins, and on this deposited the corpse, covering it with bark before throwing in the earth. Sometimes the dead person's trinkets or implements were buried with him, sometimes not; but food was never deposited at the grave. The entire population accompanied the bearers to the grave, and wailed loudly. Women, and occasionally men, cut the hair short as a symbol of grief. For persons of prominence a mourning ceremony was held in the year following their death. On the appointed day several men gathered large quantities of wood at the grave and built a fire, into which people from all the surrounding country cast valued possessions, such as baskets and skins, as a token of their sorrow. This was regarded as a means of terminating the period of mourning, and those who had hitherto wept became immediately cheerful and smiling. The religious conceptions of the Kato are grouped about two mythological characters, Chene(fh, the creator, who is identified with thunder and lightning, and his companion Naghai-cho ("walker great"). The latter is a somewhat mischievous personage, who in the myth constantly urges Chenegh to acts of creation while pretending that he himself has the knowledge and power to perform them if only he desired to exercise his ability. He is quite plainly cast in the role so commonly played by Coyote, the semi-benevolent, semi-evil assistant of the creator; and the whole of Kato mythology as it applies to genesis is no less plainly derived from Yuki mythology (or at least from the same source as Yuki), with its Taikomol and Coyote. Curiously, the similarity in the names Taiko-mol ("solitude walker") and Nighai-cho ("walker great") is not accompanied by similarity in character; for Taiko-mol is the all-powerful, well-wishing creator, while Naghai-cho is the mischief-maker. Naghai-cho was on occasion represented by a masked actor made up as a giant, whom certain men would call out of the woods for the mystification of the people and the instruction of children, as well as to cure those who had fallen ill through meeting him in the forest. He spun about like a top, and when he walked it was backward. His costume was a full suit and head-dress of buzzard-feathers, and

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A Wailaki man [photogravure plate]

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THE KATO I3 a black stick about four feet long extending upward at the back of his head. A legend relates that on a certain occasion when followers of the Nafhai-cho cult were being proselyted, a certain man said he did not believe in Naghai-cho; and on that very day, in spite of the order that no one should go forth from the village, lest Naghai-cho destroy him, this man took two boys and went hunting squirrels. He found a place where a squirrel came out from under a rock, and killed it with a stick. Others came out and were killed. Gradually the rock raised itself until he could walk under, which he did, still killing squirrels. Suddenly the rock fell and crushed him. Men tried to raise it, but could not, so they called Naghai-cho, who with the end of his crest-stick pried it up. They gathered up the remains of the dead man and buried them. Very reminiscent of a belief prevalent on the North Pacific coast from Oregon to southeastern Alaska is the Kato conception of a huge, woodland ogress with some of the physical characteristics of the bear, a notably simple mentality, and a fondness for the flesh of human beings, whom she carried home in a basket on her back. The Kato call this creature chuntanastepaf (chunta, in the forest), and imagine her as very broad and squat, with the feet of a bear and long, canine teeth. The following legend was related by an informant with full conviction of its truth. Utsaift, a young man known to my father, was the last in a line of hunters who were driving deer toward some snares. As he passed a tree, a chuntanastepaA leaped upon him, threw him over her shoulder into a very large basket, and carried him off. She kept striking the edge of the basket with a heavy stick, so that he dared not attempt to escape lest the club crush his skull. Up the mountainside she went. He noticed that when she came to a nearly prostrate tree or log, she would never walk around it, but always crept under it. So he awaited his chance, and when she passed under a certain leaning live-oak of which he knew, he threw his arms about it and drew himself out of the basket. She went on. UtsaifS then came back as rapidly as he could, and reaching a double-trunked oak he climbed into it with the intention of crossing to the other bole if she pursued him. Soon she came running back, looking here and there, but she could not see him. She began to repeat the movements she had made in passing there before, saying, "Here I stepped this way, here I stepped so, here I stopped." And all the time she made grotesque motions with the purpose of making him laugh if he were thereabouts, and so betray his hiding-place. At last, however, she went on, and the young man ran to the village. At first the

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14 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN people would not believe his story, but when he led them up the hill and showed them the tree in which he had concealed himself, and his bow and arrows thrown aside, then they believed.1 The conception of enormous birds of prey is also a feature of northwestern mythology, though by no means uncommon in other areas. The Kato call this monster tenatul. Three young men were running down a large elk, as they used to do on hot summer days. At dusk they lost the trail and stopped where they were, and in the morning they tried to recover the trail, but after searching a long time they gave up. Then one of them, happening to look up, saw the elk in the top of a large tree, and beside it a tremendous bird asleep. It was so large that they feared to shoot it, and stole away without a sound. The shamans of the Kato were of three classes: the utiyin, who removed, by sucking, the foreign object that caused, or rather was, the disease; the nachu-lna, who by the use of uncouth costumes and grotesque antics cured illness caused by fabulous woodland creatures; and the chgfhalyiAh, who were not healers at all, but the restored victims of the diminutive "outside people," possessing the faculty of foreseeing the future in dreams. The utiyin became medicine-men by instruction, not by supposedly supernatural agencies; but the others acquired their power solely through dreams. When the old men of a village deemed it advisable to have a new "sucking doctor," either because of the death of some of the shamans or because of their waning power, the active and the retired shamans selected a promising young man, and with his consent took him away from the village to a solitary place in the hills. There he removed his clothing, and one who had been selected to be his instructor and "father" covered the body of the novice with charcoal paste and thrust the quill-end of a buzzard wing-feather down the initiate's throat until only the tip was visible. Then he prayed, and instructed the young man in the secrets of the medicine-men, while the others sat in a row and listened. After a while they began to say repeatedly: "It is growing hot in his stomach. You had better take it out." The initiator then grasped the tip of the feather and drew it out. Sometimes blood would follow, sometimes not. The appearance of blood was regarded as a very favorable sign, an 1 The adventurous sailor who exhibited the tiger-skin as proof conclusive that he had throttled the ferocious animal with his bare hands would have been delighted with an audience half so credulous.

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A Wailaki woman [photogravure plate]

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THE KATO 15 augury that when the new medicine-man sucked disease from a patient's body the sickness would be unable to descend into his throat; but if no blood appeared with the feather, it might well be that sickness would be able to go down into his stomach. This completed the initiation of the new shaman, and the men returned home, where they let it become known that there was a new medicineman. When someone fell ill, not too seriously ill, the new healer was called, and his instructor accompanied him to see that he followed the proper procedure. When a medicine-man was summoned, any others of that profession who happened to be near could come and observe. Songs and the use of a rattle generally accompanied the sucking, one shaman using the rattle and singing while he who had been called by the patient sucked out the disease. Shamans' rattles were of two kinds: a split-elder baton, and four or five oak-galls containing pebbles and hanging on cords at the end of a wooden handle. If the singer made any mistake, he perforce stopped and promised to pay the head shaman for his error. When the sickness was withdrawn by the sucking, the medicine-man showed the people some small black object in his hand, declaring it to be the disease itself. If the medicine-man first called upon could not effect a cure, he would ask the assistance of one more capable than himself. When the patient belonged to a family of means, the shaman was apt to make little effort to cure until they had hung up in the house a much larger quantity of shell money than they had at first offered. Then he called in another shaman to help him, and later divided the fee with him. Failure to cure, or even to save life, made no difference in the amount of the fee, which was always paid upon the conclusion of the medicine-man's treatment. While engaged in his work a shaman would beseech the unnamed powers for help, naming the various mountains of the region and asking the spirits there resident to assist him. He would call also on Naghai-cho, whom the shamans named Sh'ta'chun ("my father of all"), and occasionally on Chenesh. If the frequency with which the Kato mention the subject is a valid indication, there must have been many cases of sickness that was assigned to fright resulting from a casual encounter with some fabulous creature. In fact any illness unaccountable in its origin and incurable by ordinary means was apt to be explained by this hypothesis. Sickness of that sort was treated by the nachuzhlna, who acquired their power through dreams. When their services were

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r6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN required, several of them would go to the forest and dress themselves in grotesque costumes, with large baskets on their heads, strange objects hanging from their ears, slabs of wood tied about their bodies in lieu of clothing. Thus arrayed they would return to the place where the sick person lay, and the head shaman would point to each one in turn and ask if that were the one that had frightened him into sickness. The sufferer would indicate some one of them, and it was believed that looking at this one and beholding how harmless he really was would cause recovery. If the shamans decided that Naghai-cho was the cause of the sickness, preparations were made to confront the patient with his personator. After they had performed their incantations for a time there was an answering call from the forest, and a confederate representing Naghai-cho would emerge, walking backward in order that his glance might not fall on the people and kill them. On such an occasion there were strict orders to remain in the village and not walk about in the woods, lest Naghai-cho be encountered with fatal results. Women and young people remained at some distance from the place where the sick person was exposed under a brush shelter at the edge of the forest. There many strings of beads and other articles of value were hung, professedly a reward for Naghai-cho. While all the medicine-men sang, one of their number, whose face was blackened, kept time with a split-elder baton. Naghai-cho went straight to the sick man and walked four times around him, each time feeling the patient's head; but suddenly the medicine-men grasped sticks and drove him back into the woods, where they were supposed to imprison him in a hollow tree and admonish him not to molest and frighten people. Thence they returned to the sick man's shelter and feasted. The head shaman took the reward. Sometimes a person would have what apparently was a fit of insanity, which the Kato attributed to his having encountered in the night one of the tai-kyahan ("outside people"). These beings were quite black, and small in stature. To combat this affliction the nachualna sang, shook their rattles, and called on the "outside people." Suddenly several of these creatures appeared, or it was pretended that they appeared. A medicine-man shot, one of the tai-kyahan fell, and the others disappeared. The shamans leaped upon the fallen one, covered it with brush, and in a short time carried it away to a secluded place.1 The patient then recovered, but always 1 Whether the shamans left the appearance of the "outside people" entirely to the imagination, or employed sleight-of-hand, could not be learned from any informant.

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A Wappo matron [photogravure plate]

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THE KATO I7 remained subject to fits of insanity, in which he wandered about the village at night, shouting and singing; and he had dreams in which future events were foreseen. For instance, he might dream that on the morrow the men would go hunting and would kill four deer, no more. When this dream was made known, the chief would of course bid his hunters go forth, and they would kill just four deer. Surely not a remarkable instance of prophecy. The tribal, or intertribal, ceremony of the Kato was called Nochuihuikain, or ChagThayilchin. It was held either in the ceremonial house in winter or in a brush enclosure in summer. Any man who had the means to feed a large number of guests could initiate a performance, first having notified the chief, who at the proper time would send messengers to invite the various neighboring villagers. Dancing occurred in the afternoon and evening for nearly a week, men and woman performing at the same time. Both sexes wore a head-dress consisting of a band of yellowhammer tail-feathers extending across the forehead, and a bunch of crow-feathers at the back of the head. Men had also a feather coat and a breech-cloth of thick, soft deerskin, and an entire deerskin wrapped about the waist and hips. The women wore deerskin skirts. Men, and sometimes women, used whistles made of the leg-bones of jack-rabbits. During the course of the meeting there was a great deal of admonitory speech-making by the head-men, and this reached its culmination on the last day, when the head-man of each visiting band delivered a rather extended sermon. In conclusion the chief of the local village made a long harangue, recounting the story of the creation and the institution of various customs, and advising the people how they should live. He then announced that after a rest of two or three days there would be a great hunt, but in the meantime there would be without further delay an inter-village gambling contest at the grass game. In mythology as in other phases of their culture the Kato show their susceptibility to the double influence to which they have been exposed. With a fairly logical story of an actual creation, of the type prevailing in central California, they precede it with an account of a race of animal-people who were swept from the earth by the deluge - a theme characteristic of North Pacific Coast mythology. The creator Chene^h, who is identified with lightning, dwelt in the sky. Below was an expanse of water with a rim of land in the north. With his companion Naghai-cho ("walker great") he descended and turned a monstrous deer into land. He created VOL. XIV-3

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18 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN people, but Naghai-cho made the mountains and the streams. In everything the latter tried to outdo Cheneih, playing the role usually assigned to Coyote, the buffoon and trickster, in the mythology of central California.

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The Wailaki

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THE WAILAKI WALAILAKI is a Wintun word signifying "north language," and it is used by the central Wintun in the form Waileka to designate the Wintun at the head of Sacramento river. The corresponding term for a tribe of alien speech would be Waikehl ("north foreign language"), an appellation which does not exist. Furthermore, the Wailaki did not live north of any Wintun people, but west and southwest of such Wintun as knew them. It is evident therefore that the Wailaki are so called through misconception of the application of the term by their Wintun neighbors. This Athapascan group included a number of loosely connected bands, and occupied the watershed of Eel river from Kekawaka creek, about where the river passes from Trinity into Humboldt county, nearly to Round valley, including the drainage of the North fork of Eel river. To the north, west, and southwest dwelt other Athapascans; southward and eastward were the Yuki; a little farther east and northeast were Wintun bands. This territory is a region of pine-clad mountains; of gorges with streams swift-flowing through alders and cottonwoods; of long ridges and slopes diversified with groves of oak and madronia, thickets of manzanita, clumps of buckeye; of little brown valleys dotted with spreading oaks. As to the number of the early population, little or nothing is known. About two hundred survivors are quartered with the Yuki on Round Valley reservation. As fish were an important part of their diet, the Wailaki built their permanent houses (which differed in no way from Kato houses) at favorite fishing stations, and there passed the winter months of rain and high water. During the rest of the year they wandered far and wide over the hills, wherever the promise of game, roots, and seeds was most encouraging. In the autumn, before the beginning of the rainy season and while the streams are low, the first salmon begin to come up from the sea. This species is called kes in Wailaki, and "black" salmon 21

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22 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN by those who speak English. It is probably the dog-salmon before alteration into the "hookbill." These fish are still taken with dipnets and with spears, the net being used only at night and in connection with a weir made by driving stakes down into the bed of the stream, leaving an opening at one margin. The bottom at that opening is covered with white pebbles, so that when a salmon glides through it can be seen readily against the white background and the net swiftly slipped over it. Spears are used at night in connection with pitchy torches, and also by day. The flesh of these "black" salmon was formerly cut up with obsidian or flint knives and smoked for storage. Salt was not used in preparing fish and meat, but for seasoning food it was obtained in trade from the Stony Creek Wintun. After the rivers rise, the large black salmon are no longer caught, but the water is full of hlok, steelhead trout, which are caught in eddies with a dip-net, the mouth of which is held open by means of the bow-and-arrow device. This species also was formerly dried. The season lasts until about April. Then come chin-hlok ("food h7ok"), the spring salmon, which are taken throughout the summer with net and spear. In summer many lampreys are caught in nets, or by torchlight with a gaff-hook made by lashing a deerbone to a stick. Trout and suckers are caught in nets by men and women, who wade in the stream and drive the fish into the pools. Narcotization of fish also is practised, in the manner to be described in the chapter on the Yuki. At the beginning of hot weather the Wailaki left their permanent villages and travelled from place to place among the mountains, camping in the open, gathering various roots and nuts, and hunting deer. Acorns, once the principal vegetal food, are still largely used. Five species were harvested, and stored separately. They were gathered from the ground, and were immediately shelled and stored in dry pits, which were lined with grass and leaves, and covered with the same material and dry earth. Sometimes a head-man had his dependents dig a large and fairly deep pit beside a perennial spring, and while he himself remained there to direct the business, his people gathered and brought in many basketfuls of black-oak acorns and threw them unshelled into the pit. When the pit was nearly full, the acorns were covered with rough slabs of driftwood, and there they remained all winter, with the water from the spring constantly running over them. By this process the bitter tannic acid was leached out. From time to time the chief would come to taste them, and in the summer when the process was complete he invited

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Old woman in mourning - Yuki [photogravure plate]

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THE WAILAKI 23 all the adjacent villagers to attend a great feast. His women then prepared many basketfuls of meal for soup, and quantities of venison and salmon were provided. After the feast the acorns remaining from the store were divided among all the guests. After acorns are crushed in the mortar, the resultant meal is sifted by shaking it over the edge of a tray basket, and the coarse residue is laid aside to be sent through the mortar again when the next lot is pounded. The fine meal is spread on a bed of sand and leached with a quantity of water, usually cold, which is poured on from time to time for several hours. Only when there is need of haste is hot water used. Occasionally bread was made by pounding up the coarse residue of black-oak acorns, mixing it with water, and baking on a hot stone; but a better bread was obtained by using tan-bark acorns which had been long submerged in water until they were not only rid of bitterness, but were actually moldy. Probably the mold fungus had somewhat the effect of yeast. The meal of valley-oak acorns was prepared for making a very black bread by mixing with it a quantity of fine earth of no special kind, working up a stiff dough, and spreading it in a layer several inches thick and several feet square on a bed of leaves, preferably madrofia, overlying a hearth of hot stones. Other leaves were then spread over the loaf, another layer of stones was added, and fire built over the whole. This bread was practically the only cooked food that was transported from one tribe or band to another. It was carried in hempen net-bags called tL'h7e. The valley acorn is not used for soup. Next to acorns pinole was of prime importance. It was prepared from a great many species of small seeds, which were parched with live embers by shaking in a shallow basket, and then reduced to meal and so eaten. Pinole possesses a most appetizing flavor, and is still regarded somewhat as a luxury. The principal plants yielding seeds for pinole are tarweed, sunflower, and the wild oat (chuigkieul.n). Deer were very plentiful, and were taken by the combined use of snares, ambush, and beaters. Fifteen to twenty men, who not infrequently were from different neighboring camps, joined in the enterprise, forming a large semicircle and driving the deer up the mountainside toward the ridge, where in the various deer trails they had set snares. Between each two snares a hunter lay in wait with bow and arrows; and if a deer avoided the snares and passed close enough to a hunter, an arrow felled it. If the animal became entangled in a snare, the nearest hunter killed it with a club or a

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24 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN stone, saving his arrows, and reset the snare. After the hunt women and children from the camps flocked out to help butcher and transport the meat and skins. A drive was organized every two or three days, deer being so abundant that there was no necessity of drying the meat. The snare was a hemp rope about four yards long, one end of which was made fast to a resilient sapling, while a noose at the other end was suspended in the trail in such a way that a passing deer would entangle its horns or head in the snare. The manufacture of hemp rope was a laborious and tedious process, and from spring until fall, when the hemp stalks became too dry for use, the old men were busy gathering them and twisting rope. Occasionally deer were forced over a precipice or into a cul de sac. Elk were not so frequently hunted, because they were harder to ensnare and generally were to be found only in the less accessible places. Snares were sometimes set in elk trails, and the openings in the undergrowth at the sides of the trail were blocked with broken branches and stumps. Two or three elk furnished more meat than a small community could consume in a few days, and the surplus was smoked. Sometimes an elk was run down after being persistently tracked by young men for a day or two. Bears, even the inoffensive black species, were not regularly hunted. Sometimes, if a band of men happened upon one, they would shoot it, and not infrequently a bear was caught in a snare, and if found soon enough, before it had had time to use its teeth on the rope, it was killed with arrows. Smaller animals, such as mink, otter, skunk, beaver, et cetera, were not intentionally hunted, but were on occasion taken casually. Grouse in summer, and smaller birds such as quail, robins, and yellowhammers in winter, were taken in noose-snares baited with madrona-berries. Quail also were driven into a basketry fish-trap. On the rivers half-fledged ducklings were caught, but the Wailaki were unable to capture the adult birds. The greatest delicacy known was young swallows obtained in crevices along the river. According to old North Fork John, "a man would not give that food away even to his father-in-law." Doves and meadowlarks were killed with stones or sticks. Meat and dried fish were cooked in just one way, that is, by laying it directly on the embers. Fresh fish was prepared in the same manner, or was baked in the ashes with no wrapping but its own skin. Dried meat and dried fish were frequently eaten without cooking.

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A Yuki woman [photogravure plate]

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THE WAILAKI 25 Grasshoppers were caught by burning the fields and then gathering the roasted insects. Some were eaten as they were gathered, but most of them were thoroughly dried on hot stones and then pulverized. From the frequent burning of the country rattlesnakes were uncommon, and deer were easily followed because of the absence of undergrowth. One of the sorest grievances of northern California Indians, as well as of many white men, is that the Forest Service will not permit the burning of mountainsides. Indians declare that they cannot follow deer, and white men that they cannot graze cattle, because of the impenetrable thickets. The larvae of yellow-jackets were roasted and eaten, the swarm being well smoked with burning moss before the nest was opened. A mass of living worms, of a species fond of feeding on ash-leaves, was piled on a layer of leaves over a bed of hot stones, and a fire was built around them to roast them. Anyone would travel a long distance to obtain this delicacy. Earthworms also were prized. Wailaki men wore nothing but a small deerskin apron with the hairy side exposed, and in cold weather or on special occasions a skin thrown over the shoulders and a piece of deerskin or bear-skin wrapped about the head. Women wore a deerskin skirt reaching from the waist to the knees, and in cold weather another skin about the shoulders. Clothing was quite without ornamentation. Neither sex used moccasins or leggings, and both men and women frequently went quite naked. Men arranged the hair in a knot at the back of the head and confined it with a string, while women parted theirs in the middle and let the two twists hang behind or in front of the shoulders. Not every person had the ears pierced. Those of either sex who could afford it wore pendants of dentalium shells on strings, and some had a straight bit of bone in the septum of the nose. Shellbead necklaces were commonly worn by women, and at dances by men. Every girl had her nose, cheeks, and chin tattooed in curving lines, but men indulged in no body-markings except to blacken face and chest for the dance and for war. Wailaki dwellings were exactly like those of the Kato, and the so-called sweat-house, which was primarily the public ceremonial house, differed only in having the main support in a pair of forked posts and a short connecting beam, instead of the single post of the Kato. The construction of an assembly house was a public enterprise attended with considerable ceremony and formality, and went forward under the supervision of the principal shaman, who would VOL. XIV-4

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26 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN later occupy and care for the structure. It was dedicated with dancing, singing, and feasting. As its colloquial name indicates, it was employed also for communal sweating. Men, women, and children assembled in it, and sat with bowed heads while a large fire filled the place with smoke. At intervals one of the men would fan the heat over them with a large deerskin, and after a profuse perspiration was induced, all ran out and bathed in the stream. Such games as were played by the Wailaki were those most common to the region. Tyinla, the so-called "grass game," was a guessing contest between two pairs of players, each of whom had a double-pointed bit of wood about the size of a finger. Each of two players of the side having its inning wrapped his stick in a twist of grass, and made another bunch of grass of the same size and appearance. Then, while singing with the aid of fifteen to twenty men grouped behind them, the two held their bunches of grass in separate, outstretched hands, and one of their opponents, with a vigorous, dramatic gesture, indicated which hands, in his opinion, held the sticks. If a player was "killed," he was out of the game for the remainder of that inning, while his partner continued to hide his stick and submit to the guesses of his opponents until he too was "killed," and then the inning passed to the others. Kaidlte was played on exactly the same principle as tyinla, but the counter was a short, thick rod with a black mark encircling it, which was concealed in a bundle of unmarked rods of the same size. During the singing the bunch was divided into two parts, which were held in separate hands. Neiltechat was played by four men, two on a side, each with a three-inch cylindrical bit of oak with a knob on one end. This was hurled to the ground in such a manner that it bounded away from the player, and the winner was he whose missile went farthest. Contests of shooting wooden-pointed arrows for distance were carried on for wagers. Foot-races were not customary, but occasional wrestling matches were held. Women played no game of dice, but on rare occasions they would play the grass game among themselves. Apparently there were no organized games for children. They sometimes amused themselves by giving chase to one another, by wading, swimming, throwing stones, and skipping flat stones on the water. The Wailaki and the Yuki were excellent friends, and intertribal marriages were common. All the fighting of the Wailaki

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Modern Yuki cabin [photogravure plate]

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THE WAILAKI 27 appears to have been against other Athapascans. Like the Kato, they beheaded their enemies and despoiled them as well of the skin from the back and sides of the neck, the shoulders, and even the upper part of the back. Two typical affrays in which he participated are described by Nahlse ("sitting idly"), otherwise North Fork John, who was born at Neatah ("rainy hill") on Eel river seven years before the great meteoric shower of I833. When Nahlse was approaching middle age, probably about 1865, a few Mattole men came from the coast and shot a girl in the breast. A report reached his village that a neighboring settlement had been entirely destroyed, and almost immediately a party of six men, he one of them, started westward. Once in the enemy's country, they proceeded very stealthily through the brush on both sides of the trail, and after a while they saw three men and a woman approaching, evidently moving camp. The leader they at once recognized as a noted fighter and hunter. So they lay in the undergrowth on both sides of the trail, and as the four passed, they shot. Two men and the woman fell dead, but not the leader. He ran back, and encountered two of the Wailaki, both of whom he succeeded in wounding. As he stood there adjusting his wildcat-skin quiver, Nahlse crept up and shot him in the chest. He fell, and began to cry out. Nallse ran to him and shot him again, and as the wounded man continued to scream, he exclaimed: "It must hurt you badly! But you have been going about killing old men and women, and you never thought how it would hurt them!" His uncle then arrived on the scene and removed the dead man's head. The bodies of the other two men and the woman they did not mutilate. With the leader's head they hurried back to the village of their friends whom report had exterminated, but found that not one had been killed. They danced with the trophy that night and the next morning, and after resting in the afternoon they began to dance again in the evening. This slain enemy, whose name was Chumichekeichun ("among spruce growing out"), was a notorious fighter who had killed a great many of the coast Sinkyone, sometimes going about alone, sometimes with a few companions. After two nights of dancing with the scalp they called for a man to carry it among the people against whom Chiimichekhchiun had been constantly warring, so that they might rejoice at the sight of it, and, knowing him to be dead, feel greater security. A man who performed such duties was called yisna-cho ("yellow-jacket big").

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28 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN A little later came another party of coast Mattole, but they were unable to find an opportunity for favorable attack. Nevertheless, when the Wailaki learned of the attempt, six men set out for the west. At night they found a camp near an occupied house. A single man lay beside the fire. Three men shot at the same instant. The sleeper was killed outright, and the Wailaki beat a hasty retreat. Some of the Wailaki fighting-men are said to have disguised themselves as bears in order to deceive their enemies and obtain favorable opportunities to kill. We have seen above that the villagers knew how to combine for common defense; nevertheless it cannot be said that there was a Wailaki tribe. Each village possessed its head-man and was a political unit. There were, to be sure, instances of an exceptional man being honored and deferred to in communities outside his own. Such a man was Kelai, whose influence, just before reservation days, extended over a considerable territory. The only title of the Wailaki chief is chegfhankunes ("haranguer"), which accurately indicates one of his principal duties, that of frequently addressing the community as the individuals sat quietly in or about their houses. A chief was necessarily tenekante, that is, a man well provided with house and possessions, and usually with two or three women. Not only that, but the richest tenekante was the principal man of the village, if besides being wealthy he was also generous; on the other hand, a rich man who did not use his wealth partly for the public good had little influence. This emphasis on the virtue of wealth is a distinct touch of Northwest Coast culture. The headman was succeeded by his son, but if that son were not fitted for the position, the regard of the public shifted to some other rich man. There were no social subdivisions except the family, and marriage was prohibited only between blood relatives. At childbirth a woman was attended by old midwives, who administered neither medicine nor applications of heat, but, when the labor pains were most severe, rubbed the abdomen. After the infant was born they cut off the navel-cord, bathed the child in cold water, rubbed it with ashes, and wrapped it in a piece of deerskin. The navel-cord was not preserved. The mother was very abstemious as to food until the following winter, eating little besides acorns and venison; but the father denied his appetite for only a few days. When the infant was a very few days old it received a name, which often was based upon something the father was detected eating or

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Construction of a tule shelter - Lake Pomo [photogravure plate]

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THE WAILAKI 29 handling. Not infrequently it received the name of its native village.1 At the age of about a year there was bestowed a name founded on some peculiarity, as of feature or action, and at three or four years the ears were pierced by some old person. Girls were tattooed a year or two before puberty. When a girl experienced her first menstruation, a ceremony lasting until the end of the period was held. If her father was a man of means, the celebration took place in his house; in other cases she was sent to participate in the rites held for some wealthy girl in the same condition. At night all the adults, assembled in the house, sat in a circle with the girl or girls in the midst, and passed the greater part of the night in singing various songs, none of which contained significant words. The girl sat on the ground with her head and chest concealed beneath a draped deerskin. At dawn a certain song containing the word kogholiine ("daylight coming") was chanted, and the women danced slowly in a circle about the motionless girl. This dance finished, another song was sung by the women, who now stood in a circle, inside of which an old woman (the song-leader) and the girl, face to face and with hands on each other's shoulders, danced forward and back repeatedly. At the conclusion of this performance the people went to their homes. The virgin remained in the house, covered by the deerskin, and during the entire course of the ceremony she practically renounced food and water. On this day and the succeeding days the hunters sallied forth to provide meat for the great feast that concluded the celebration. On each succeeding night the proceedings were exactly the same, and on the final morning the old song-leader led the girl out to bathe in running water, after which the feast was held. Menstruating women were always abstemious in their eating, and they did not cook for others, though they did not retire to a secluded hut, as many Indian women did. Marriage was usually arranged by the fathers, either of whom would go to the other and propose that in view of their friendship their two children should be united. If they agreed, and the two young people were willing, the marriage took place at once; that is, the young man went to the girl's house and spent the night with her. The only public confirmation of the mating was in the exchange of presents - baskets, deerskins, beads, and food - between the two families. The couple lived at the young woman's house for a season and then divided their time between the two households. If, however, 1 This was regularly the case among the Kwakiutl. See Vol. X, page 51.

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30 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN without any agreement between the fathers, the young man went secretly to the girl's house at night and remained with her, thus becoming her husband, he then took her at once to his parents. In such a case there was no exchange of gifts. The Wailaki were very careful that their daughters should not be despoiled, and when such a misfortune occurred, the man was expected to marry his lover. Failure to do so was reason for killing him. Divorce was apparently not so common as among most tribes of this region. "When a man married a woman who for a long time had refused him," said an old man, "they never parted; but among those who married in haste there were many separations." A husband was privileged to abandon his wife on any pretext, but if a woman left her husband without good reason, his relatives might rightfully kill a member of her family. A woman is still living who lost a relative in this way. The children of separated parents generally remained with their mother, but after attaining maturity they usually associated with their father's people. A man who proved to be a good provider and a kind husband commonly married also his wife's younger sister when she became of marriageable age. Very rarely three wives were thus taken. Sometimes a man found himself a widower before he had claimed his younger sister-in-law, but that did not prevent him, provided his record as a husband was good. On the other hand a widow's only option was to marry her deceased husband's brother, usually the younger brother, provided he desired her. A man did not directly address or face his mother-in-law or his daughter-in-law. If either entered a house where he sat, he turned his face aside, and spoke to her only through the medium of his wife or his son, as the case might be. The dead were buried with the head to the east and at full length, in deep graves piled with heaps of stones to protect them from the depredations of coyotes. If all the blood relatives were at hand the burial took place almost immediately, but otherwise the body lay in the house in the midst of the usual activities until they had assembled. Sometimes this meant a delay of four or five days. The greater part of the personal possessions of the nearer relatives was broken up and thrown into the grave upon the body,:and each of the others present thus sacrificed some object. The personal property of the dead person himself was not destroyed nor buried, but was used for repaying those unrelated persons who had so honored him. His dog, however, the most valuable of all pos

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Sherwood Valley girl - Pomo [photogravure plate]

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THE WAILAKI 3I sessions, was killed and buried with him. When the deceased was a person of prominence or a much-loved member of the family, mourning might continue for as long as two years, and whenever during that time any of the nearest relatives made new utensils or tools to replace those sacrificed at the grave, half of the new ones were likewise destroyed. Both men and women betokened great sorrow by cutting the hair and then smearing spruce-pitch thickly over the scalp. So long as a vestige of pitch remained, which might be two years, the period of mourning continued. Two, three, or four years after the death of a prominent man, the entire population assembled at his grave and threw into a fire various articles of value, just as before they had cast other valuables into the grave. And as before, strangers from other communities who destroyed property were repaid by the relatives of the dead man. This ceremony terminated all grief. The Wailaki say that the dead go to a very vaguely conceived place called Yo (" beyond"); thus exhibiting a restraint and perhaps a wisdom greater than some of our highly civilized folk. In the spring the principal medicine-men selected from the youths of the village as many as fifteen, to be trained with a view of becoming shamans. Most of these were later rejected, and a few became either "sucking doctors" or dreamers. These were usually boys who by constant attendance at the places where shamans were at work had shown themselves to be interested in the profession, and when they requested to be initiated, they were not refused. A boy's parents never asked this for him. As a preliminary the candidates and the two old shamans in charge, together with some laymen, went to hunt deer; and whatever they killed they roasted and ate on the spot in preparation for the long fast to be endured. That night they returned and entered the ceremonial house, and the period of training began. The two initiators were the song-leaders. They began to sing, and the boys danced. When this sound was heard, men, women, and children, including also all the other shamans, crowded into the house, and standing around the boys, who now sat on the floor, they all participated in the singing and dancing. This continued at intervals during most of the night. At sunrise the two shamans led the boys out into the wilds from place to place, choosing such as were considered dangerous, and especially those that were dangerous from the supposed presence of some fabulous monster. During this time they taught the initiates

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32 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN their secrets for curing disease. For example, they would cause one of the youths to become dizzy, and bid another practise on him, giving instruction from moment to moment and observing the pupil's conduct. Again, the candidates were told to try their strength from time to time by sucking blood from stones and trees. Probably they actually sucked blood from their own gums, a very easy thing to do. They returned then to the dance-house at dusk, and the events of the previous night were repeated. Thus it went for six days, during which the two instructors and the candidates ate and drank very little. On the last morning the other shamans, not the two initiators, performed over the candidates in the presence of the public their singing, shaking of rattles, sucking, and blowing, and put into the youths' mouths something that caused them to spit blood. The two initiators supervised this operation very carefully. Then there was a feast, in which the candidates participated to the extent of eating a little acorn soup, pinole, and dried salmon, and the people dispersed, the visitors from a distance carrying away the remnants of food and leaving the local population with empty storage baskets. For the remainder of the year, that is, until the following winter, the initiates ate only acorn soup, pinole, and dried salmon. It was regarded as especially dangerous for them to eat yellow-jacket larva. They hunted like other young men, but ate nothing of their kill. For some of the young candidates this might be the third, fourth, or fifth season of training, and indeed they might already have put their knowledge to the test of practical use. If they had been successful, and felt that they needed no further instruction, they did not return to the ceremonial house for the next season's schooling. Those, however, who had either not learned enough to take charge of a patient, or had tried to cure and had failed, together with any new candidates, assembled in the ceremonial house in the following spring and received another six days of training. Sometimes these classes were held in the winter, but nearly always in the spring. Any youth who in the course of his instruction became discouraged, or for any reason desired to withdraw, had the privilege of simply not presenting himself at the opening of the next term. When a man fell sick, he generally summoned a new shaman, who, after inquiring the locality of the pain, pretended to search the body from the abdomen up to the head; and having definitely placed the disease he put his mouth to the spot and alternately

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A mixed-blood Coast Pomo [photogravure plate]

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THE WAILAKI 33 pressed it to the skin and raised it. In the intervals while his face was raised, he sang. Beside him sat two small but deep baskets, one containing water of which he took an occasional sip after spitting into the other. When he had finished, he exhibited some small, black or white, moving object, probably a worm, which he declared was the sickness. He covered it with the other hand and sang his song over it for perhaps a quarter of an hour, and then crushed it between his hands, dropped it into the basket into which he had been spitting, and carried the vessel out in order to burn the contents. Each shaman had his own songs, but all were similar. There was a special song for the sucking and another for "killing the sickness." Payment in wampum, deerskins, arrows, or baskets was made after a cure was effected. If a young medicine-man was unable to cure his patient, he secured the assistance of an older member of the profession. Those who showed a tendency to catalepsy, or perhaps those who deliberately simulated catalepsy, became naituhl7ghai, whom the English-speaking Indians call dreamers. These also treated sickness by means of sucking, and differed from the others only in that they frequently had dreams in which they received songs for their professional use, beheld the places where game would be found, or foresaw events of interest to the people. Occasionally men without the usual training became dreamers. Nahlse related this of his father-in-law: Tufihultyachiun ("throw a hoop on the ground") went into the woods and burned down a cedar, and then burned off a short log, intending to make puncheons for a house. He drove his hemlock wedge into the end of the log with his stone hammer, but after great efforts, in which he broke his hammer, he could not split it. He made another wedge, and with a stone drove it into the log midway of its length. After repeated failures to split it he started home, but unable to endure the thought of that log boasting of its victory, he turned back and resumed his work. Stone after stone was broken on the wedges, but at length there was a rending sound as the slab began to split off. The log cried out, "What are you doing to me?" And Tuihuiltyachun fell to the ground unconscious. As he did not return at nightfall, his wife sent her father-in-law to look for him, and when the old man found his son he quickly secured the help of others and carried him home. The young man soon recovered consciousness without the aid of a shaman. Thereafter he himself was a medicine-man, and cured by means of sucking, for he had learned how to do this while he was unconscious. VOL. XIV-5

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34 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Not rarely men became shamans in some such way as the foregoing, but they seldom related their experiences. The Wailaki believed that fatal sickness was frequently caused by seeing some woodland creature and becoming so badly frightened that life could not be brought back. Sometimes the shamans took advantage of this belief to account for their failure to cure. My grandfather Tatiwo'kut ("torn mouth," so called because a bear had scratched his face) was one of a party of deer hunters. I also was there, shouting and driving the deer up the mountain. Without a word the old man lay down on the ground. The drive went on, and at the end he did not come for his share of the meat. He walked home with the rest of us, and without speaking dropped his net-bag of snares and lay down. A shaman was called, and after setting down his little basket of water he began to sing and suck. All at once he stopped and began to weep. He explained that the old man had been frightened by something, and was dead. He was still breathing, but it was not long before he died without speaking again. Anyone who saw and was frightened by one of these creatures and then recovered became a shaman, and thereafter he was safe from such dangers. No very clear description of these woodland dwellers can be obtained, possibly because this conception may have originated in the redwood forest belt and was only an acquired belief among the Wailaki. The great-grandfather of Nahlse told him that in his youth there was no dancing among the Wailaki, that the only songs then in use were those of the shamans, of the war-dance, and of the girl's puberty rites. It was during his manhood that there came from the south the dance now called Chinuintash ("dance"), the so-called "feather dance." Only since the coming of white people have the Wailaki made their own costumes for this dance; previously they purchased them in the south, just as they had the wordless songs. The dance was generally held in autumn and winter, but sometimes in summer, and always at the instance of the head-man, who invited all the people from miles about. It usually lasted one night, sometimes two nights, and a great feast late in the morning concluded the meeting. Preparations for the festival were made by the people in common, the men providing venison, the women pinole and acorn soup. The dance costume for women was the ordinary deerskin garment, with perhaps a shell necklace, and always with a band of

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A Coast Pomo man [photogravure plate]

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THE WAILAKI 35 white duck-feathers about the head, and at the back of this band a bunch of hawk-feathers projecting backward. The male costume was a deerskin apron, a bunch of hawk-feathers at the back of the head, a broad band of yellowhammer tail-feathers across the forehead, and a trailer of hawk-, eagle-, and owl-feathers hanging from the shoulders to the knees. When the people began to assemble, the song-leader started the "sitting-down song." Gradually other singers joined him, the people began to put on their costumes, and at length when all were ready the dancing began. Each singer wielded a split-elder stick for keeping the rhythm, and the drum, introduced from the south, was simply a board resting on two other boards placed on edge in a trench. On this stood the drummer, thumping it with a six-foot staff. The women stood in one place, moving up and down on their toes with a slight flexing of the knees in the usual fashion of Indian women dancers. The men tapped the ground three or four times with one foot and then with the other, moving slowly to and fro from side to side.

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The Yuki

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THE YUK1 HE Yukian linguistic family comprised groups speaking five dialects. Three of these, namely, Yuki proper (Round Valley), Witukomnom (Eden Valley), and Huchnom (Potter Valley, or Redwoods), were current in the northeastern section of Yukian territory, which, beginning a few miles north of Round valley in Mendocino county, stretched southward along Eel river, past the confluence of South Eel river and Middle fork, and extending beyond the headwaters of South Eel into Potter valley in the Russian River drainage. On the east this area reached the summit of the Coast range at the sources of Middle fork and its tributaries, and the eastern affluents of South Eel river. West of this division, and nearly separated from it by the intrusion of the Kato, was the country of the Coast Yuki, extending on the coast from Athapascan territory at Usal creek southward about twenty miles to Pomo ground at a point about midway between Ten Mile river and Fort Bragg. The fifth Yukian dialect, which differs from the others more than they differ among themselves, was that of the Wappo, occupying a detached area about forty miles south of their nearest congeners, in the northeastern corner of Sonoma county, and specifically in Alexander valley of Russian river, near Healdsburg. Only the Yuki proper will be discussed in these pages.1 The name of this group is a Wintun word meaning "aliens." It appears to have been applied to them by a misunderstanding, for the central Wintun, who adjoin them on the east, call them, not Yuki, but Nomkehl ("west foreign language"); while the more distant northern Wintun apply the term Yfike, not to the Yuki but to the Shasta of Shasta valley. The Yuki proper had no collective name for themselves. They were divided into at least nine local bands, which were severally 1 For comparative purposes a Wappo vocabulary is given in the Appendix. 39

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40 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN independent, uniting one with another only for temporary purposes. They occupied the country from north of Round valley to south of Two Rivers at the junction of Middle fork with South Eel river, and one band, the Sukshultatanom, were on Hull creek (Sfikghudltatum, "straight pine"), a tributary of North fork. The remainder of the watershed of North fork belonged to the Wailaki. In topography and vegetation this region is very like the home of the Wailaki, differing principally in being more elevated; for the permanent villages of the Yuki were nearer the headwaters, and their summer range extended to the summit of the Coast range. Their neighbors, besides other Yuki-speaking groups, were the Kato, Sinkyone, and Wailaki on the west, northwest, and north; various Wintun bands on the north and east; and Pomo on the south. With all these at one time or another, and more or less among themselves, the several Yuki divisions and bands engaged in hostilities. The Williams Valley and Blue Nose Ridge bands combined to fight the Wailaki, and the Huititnom, on South fork of Middle fork, were enemies to the adjacent Wintun bands on account of the salt deposit on Salt creek directly east of them across the summit of the Coast range in the territory of the Wintun. The Yuki on the headwaters of South Eel river were excellent friends with that isolated band of Pomo who controlled the salt beds on Stony creek, although with other Pomo divisions these Stony Creek people were seldom on the best of terms, being extremely chary of granting the privilege of gathering salt. Among Yukian divisions, the Witukomnom of Eden valley were generally at enmity with their southern neighbors, the Huchnom, on account of trespass on game or food preserves or mistreatment of unprotected women. They fought also with the Pomo of Potter valley; but with the Yuki proper they were as a rule on friendly terms. No feuds marred the mutual relations of the bands of the Yuki proper; nevertheless, the Ukomnom and the Odlkatno'm, close neighbors on opposite sides of Round valley, held no friendly intercourse just prior to the advent of the white race. About that time the Ukomnom paid a visit to the Odlkatno'm, who possessed a comparatively much more developed ceremonial life. When the visiting young men saw the Odlkatno'm chief take his place on the housetop to deliver a speech, they laughed at him, and one of them, with an Indian's keenness for ludicrous comparison, said, "That is the way a squirrel does!" This was an insult which their hosts found it difficult to forgive. The methods of war did not vary markedly from those practised

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On the shores of Clear Lake [photogravure plate]

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THE YUKI 41 by their Athapascan neighbors. They performed the war-dance and the victory-dance, and carried home the heads of the enemy's slain, there to remove the scalps and prepare them for permanent trophies. Some warriors protected themselves with untanned elk-skin tunics, and dashed fearlessly among the enemy, dodging here and there only to avoid capture; for arrows could not penetrate their armor. Few besides the war-chiefs had these tunics. The Yuki do not figure prominently in the history of the state. They suffered the usual penalties of residence in a country attractive to miners, and lost a considerable part of their population. In I859 they were placed on Nome Cult Indian Farm in Mendocino county, which a few years later became Round Valley reservation. At that time they were reported to number about three thousand, and with them were gathered, in greater or lesser number, individuals of various other tribes, such as Wintun, Wailaki, Pomo, Achomawi, and Maidu. In 191o there were enumerated ninety-five Yuki, fifteen Coast Yuki, fifteen Huchnom, and seventy-three Wappo. A repeated description or even a summary of the material culture of the small groups of this immediate region would be tedious and not particularly profitable, and it must suffice to say that in this phase the Yuki did not greatly differ from the Kato and Wailaki. However, the catching of fish by the use of narcotic herbs, mentioned as a Wailaki practice, is here to be described in detail; and the stalking of deer with the aid of a disguise, unknown to these Athapascans of California, must be mentioned as a Yuki custom. When fish were numerous in a quiet pool, the water trickling into it from above was diverted by a dam of brush and stones, and then either nush (Chlorogalum pomeridianurn) or kichidl-waimol or lilmidl (both unidentified) was crushed on a stone and thrown into the pool. Any one or any combination of these could be used, but the favorite method was to use all together. If soap-plant (Chlorogalum) was used alone, a considerable quantity was required, but the others are much more powerful, and particularly lilmidl. In a short time, varying from half an hour to an hour according to the quantity used, the fish began to swim about in great agitation, and after another brief period they lay near the edge quiescent,.and could be taken in the net. If the pool were left for half a day or all night, the fish were found lying quite dead on the bottom. During the entire process, until the fish showed the effect of the drug, the following formulas were constantly repeated: VOL. XIV-6

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42 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN I. Tzuk-mol tuki yu.nka. water goers move in a circle 2. Hudl hihlka, hillka, hilhka. eyes pop out pop out pop out The decoction of lilmidi is still used for pain in the stomach, and the leaves are rubbed on the body for rheumatism. The deerskin disguise and its use have been described in the preceding volume as a Shasta hunting method. When a Yuki hunter had repeated bad luck with his disguise, the game scenting him and running away, he would take it to a deer-lick, and after singing a certain song would dip the skin into the water. In the same manner deer-snares were sometimes purified. The favorite play for men is dl-t!ani-motmil ("wood tied-around gambling-instrument"), the previously described grass game. The woman's dice game, al-cha ("wood scatter"), is played with six half-round sticks blackened on one side, which are cast in a bunch, end foremost, down upon a blanket. With three black and three white faces exposed, the count is one point; with all of a color, two points. Shinny, tat ("roll ball"), used to be played for wagers between teams of six or seven men. The ball was rudely shaped, cut from the leg-bone of a deer or from a block of wood. Distance shooting with arrows, as well as shooting at a stake for accuracy, was practised; and young men wrestled for wagers or for sport, grasping each other's biceps. They did not indulge in running. Generally the houses of a Yuki community were scattered over a comparatively wide area, three or four constituting the nucleus and the others being placed here and there in favorable spots. Each village possessed its own chief, and he had an assistant who frequently consulted with him and made his decision known to the people. The chief himself spent much time sitting in state in his house. He did not hunt, and in fact performed no labor of any kind. Whenever anything of unusual value, such as a very fine cougar-skin or bear-skin, was obtained, it was brought to him as a token of honor. For his part the chief was expected to take constant thought of the welfare of his people, and at frequent intervals to invite them to partake of food, and to plan dances for their amusement. The Yuki chief seems to have had considerably more authority than the head-men of surrounding tribes. He was the head of the people in all the daily affairs of life. He sent hunters to obtain food for ceremonial feasts, and delegated women to grind acorns for the same purpose. All disputes were referred to him. When

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Koshonono - Pomo [photogravure plate]

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THE YUKI 43 any of his people committed depredations on other bands or tribes, representatives of the offended ones came to him with their demand for payment, and he was the one to act as judge and mediator, and himself paid the required damages. If his utmost offer of indemnity was insufficient in the eyes of the injured, it then became his duty to issue orders to the war-chief, t!on-huyuakol ("war leader"), to prepare for fighting. The successor to a deceased chief was his son, or, in lieu of a son, his daughter or his wife, if either were suitable; otherwise the office passed to some male relative on either side. A female chief is said to have been obeyed exactly as if she were a man. During the lifetime of the chief his logical successor, whether son or daughter or other youthful relative, received special training for the office, in the regular schools for boys and girls. The chief's assistant, witu-yzikol ("work leader"), lived next to the ceremonial house and took care of it, besides officiating as messenger of the chief and general go-between in the relations of the chief with the people. Sometimes he took the place of his superior and delivered the morning harangue to the people from the roof of the assembly house, admonishing them to be up and busy, to live at peace with all. The assistant chief was charged with the duty of seeing that everything went smoothly on all public occasions, and of maintaining order in the village. The war-chief was the head of all war-parties, but had no authority to compel any man to accompany him or to enforce obedience in the field. He, and usually he alone, wore an elk-skin tunic in battle. There were no clans among the Yuki, the units of social organization being the village group and the family. Among the Yuki proper the relations of a man with his motherin-law and of a woman with her father-in-law were rigidly restricted. They avoided each other's presence, and when they were necessarily in the same place they averted their faces. They never addressed each other. This custom however was foreign to the Witukomnom of Eden valley. In the spring young boys were taken into the ceremonial house to be trained by the old men. For four days they received very little food or water (an informant said none at all, but this is more than doubtful), and during the entire term, which was repeated at intervals through the summer, they slept in the assembly house and received only pinole or acorn soup. Instruction began at sun

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44 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN rise and continued in various phases until sunset. The course included practically every phase of life: the virtue of self-restraint and unselfishness; precepts regarding the treatment of a wife; the methods of making and using weapons and hunting implements; warfare; games, songs, and dances; and particularly myths and ceremonies and the mythic origin of the principal customs and institutions. In teaching singing and dancing, the instructor had the assistance of some man who had officiated in ceremonies as song-leader. In addition to all this, the pupils were given the hardest kind of physical training, such as racing up hills and fighting battles with wooden-pointed arrows and missiles such as oak-galls. Only those who showed promise of developing into exceptional men were retained in the class. If, for instance, when the tray of pinole was passed around, any boy showed such lack of restraint as to reach suddenly for it, he was sternly admonished, and the recurrence of a similar offense meant dismissal. If a pupil interrupted an instructor's discourse by a restless movement, the old man stopped short and spoke no more for that day. The parents of a very young child would sometimes go into the assembly house, and sitting behind the wearied child would hold it up in an erect, sitting posture. The promising pupils were taken back into the class season after season, until there was nothing left for them to learn. The youth who was expected to succeed his father in the office of chief was specially trained for the duties of that position. This initiation was called Wok-nium ("dance at"), or Taikomolwoknuim.1 One who successfully passed through the school was Taikomol-woknumchi, and the families were p6tidl-6lsil ("dust younger-one "). Girls underwent training in a separate house under the tutelage of other old men. The parents or other elderly relatives of some of the pupils in these classes remained in the village to look after the physical wants of their children and of the instructors (who received no pay), while the rest of the population were roaming hills and valleys in quest of the winter's food. The observance of Hiimnum-wok ("adolescent-girl dance") was very strictly attended to; for it was taught that Taiko-mol, the creator, would severely punish the shaman in charge and the girl herself if they committed any error. Two girls, but not more, were sometimes treated at once. When a girl's first menstruation began, no matter what the rank 1 Taik6-mol ("solitude walker") is the creator.

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An eastern Pomo [photogravure plate]

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THE YUKI 45 of the family, she was made to lie down in the house and to cover her face with a deerskin or a basket; her face was not to be seen. She was attended by an old woman, sometimes by two women, who brought her a little water when she wished to drink, and at mealtime a little vegetal food. If it became necessary to go outside, they led her out with her face still covered. She was not permitted to scratch with the fingers, but must use a stick. If the season was spring, summer, or autumn, a brush enclosure (sut, shade) was built at once, in which the women sang over her for four days and four nights. Otherwise, seclusion and its accompanying restrictions were continued until the weather permitted outdoor activities. Although only women participated in the singing, the ceremony was under the direction of an old shaman. The first singing occurred in the afternoon. After a few songs, while the women danced in a circle one of the attendants danced with the girl, these two facing each other and holding their hands on each other's shoulders. The girl's head of course was still covered. Within the enclosure was a shallow trench, which from time to time they heated by burning in it a quantity of fuel. Leaves of p!u'nkini (locally called wormwood) were then spread in the trench, and the girl reclined on them for a time. At night the women sang a few songs and then danced; but the girl did not engage in any activities. The same procedure was followed on the next three days and nights. Then on the fifth morning the medicine-man called for a few women to pound acorns and bake bread. Those who responded, perhaps four to six in number, brought their own mortars, pestles, and baskets, and when they had seated themselves in a row, the medicineman addressed Taiko-mol as "our father above" and asked him whether these women were all fit for the work they were to do. Two or three other shamans stood near him to see that he did everything in proper order, and listened to note what the reply would be. The shaman professed to receive some answer, and if it purported to be to the effect that some particular woman was unfit, he pointed her out and declared that she would bring bad luck - a great storm or other calamity - if she should pound acorns. Another then took her place, and again the shaman addressed Taiko-mol; and so it went until all the women were pronounced satisfactory. These women were necessarily persons of good character, industrious and capable workers, known to observe all the religious restrictions, such for instance as not working at basketry during their menstrual periods. They proceeded to pound up acorns, while a man dug a

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46 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN pit and prepared it for baking bread; and finally the dough was spread on the hot stones and covered with leaves, hot stones, earth, and embers. It remained there all night, and early in the morning the bread was distributed among the people. The attendants led the girl out to the stream, where they bathed her, rubbed her body with wormwood leaves, placed a clean garment on her, and hung about her neck a string of short cylindrical sections of angelica to impart a pleasing odor. The restriction of diet to vegetal foods continued for an indefinite period. Some girls refrained from meat for as long as a year, and the informant's mother did so for nearly two years. The Yuki dead were buried in a sitting posture facing the east, with the knees drawn up to the chest, the body being wound with rope and placed in a large basket, which was lowered into the grave. The Huchnom are said to have burned those who died away from home, and to have carried the bones and ashes back home for burial. No food was deposited with the dead. The relatives, and any others who felt great sorrow, threw some articles of value into the grave, and about six months or a year later, if the deceased person were a man of prominence, there occurred a ceremony in which much property was burned. This was not to be done too soon after the burial, because in that case the dead man's eyes would burst. Those who handled a corpse purified themselves by bathing and rubbing wormwood leaves and angelica over their bodies. Names of the dead were not spoken, except under penalty of severe punishment at the hands of the outraged relatives; but if a name involved some commonly used word, that word could be spoken when necessary, the speaker uttering the deprecatory exclamation "Hal!" The soul or "breath" was said to ascend to mit ("high"), where dwelt the "creator," Taiko-mol. The basis of the shamanistic cult lay in dreams. The frequent occurrence of dreams or trances, in which a youth beheld certain spirits of the wilds, was certain proof that he was destined to become a medicine-man. When a boy showed evidence of this disposition to dream, it was customary that his parents send for a shaman to cure him; the medicine-man, however, would inform them that he could not be cured, that the only remedy was to make him a shaman. More often boys were deliberately thrown into a condition approximating unconsciousness in order to encourage dreams. Whenever it became desirable to increase the number of embryonic medicinemen, the shamans held a dance (lamfh-wok, shaman dance) for

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A Pomo camp [photogravure plate]

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THE YUKI 47 the purpose of ascertaining what youths were fitted for the profession. During its progress they grasped the selected youth by the hair, whirled him rapidly round and round until he was dizzy, and then held his face toward the sun. Overcome by vertigo and blinded by the glare, the youth fell as if unconscious, a condition which they regarded as a trance and therefore favorable to visitation by the spirits. Blood appeared to flow from all the orifices of the body. Among the supernaturals that conferred shamanistic powers were the bearded dwarfs called mumadl-no'm ("hunting tribe"), and uk-atunt ("water people"). Bodies of water inhabited by the latter were regarded as very dangerous and were avoided. Besides these, all animals were believed to possess the ability to become preternatural at will. In order to develop and mature the power conferred by the spirits seen in his dreams, the shamans sang over the youth, either in the ceremonial house or, if the weather were favorable, in a brush shelter erected for the purpose. Now and then the novice himself sang the songs given to him by the spirits, but most of the time he lay motionless and speechless, as if in a trance. This cultivation of his power by singing continued for a considerable time, even as long as a year, and at the end of that period he was a full-fledged shaman, ready to accept patients. An informant related the experience of his grandfather. He was a persistent deer-hunter, but he had been very unlucky. One day, having hunted a long time without success, he heard a voice, "Wait!" He looked about, but seeing no one, went on. Again he heard the voice call, "Wait!" He stopped with his back against a pine and nocked an arrow on the string. He faced a clump of manzanita. Out of it came two old men. Their beards were long and bushy, but their stature was that of young boys. Their bows were blood-stained, and tied to them were many deer-tails, which constantly twitched as if alive. They pretended not to see him, keeping their faces turned aside and occasionally looking upward. Said one: "Well, brother, we have been out since early morning, and have seen no deer. I do not see why we continue to hunt." The other replied, "Well, brother, since we have seen nothing, I think we may as well go back home." With that they rose and disappeared into the manzanita brush. As the hunter gazed after them, there came a sharp crack like the explosion of a gun, and a puff of something like smoke. Down he fell, unconscious. When he woke, his bow and arrows and bag of pinole were gone, his body was covered with blood. When he returned home, the shamans were called in to cure him, and they decided that he must

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48 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN become a medicine-man. He did so, and his special work was giving good luck to unsuccessful hunters, though he sometimes also cured the sick. When a man dreamed of a bear, his spirit was taken by the bear to its cave and there instructed in its songs and other secrets. He then became a bear-shaman. Such men are said to have made a practice of secretly dressing in bear-skins and going about in search of an opportunity to kill. Sometimes a man would see a handsome, tattooed woman with a burden-basket on her back, and would attempt to seduce her; but she would prove to be a bear-woman, and would destroy him. If this statement is not purely imaginative, it probably means that a man would disguise himself as a woman and at a favorable opportunity would kill an unsuspecting victim. Yuki culture exhibits a deeper religious feeling than is commonly found in the tribes of northern California, outside of the extreme northwest. Their religion centers about the cult of Taiko-mol, for whom they had the greatest veneration, addressing him as "father above." This feeling is responsible for their present marked fondness for church services, in which there is much repetition of the phrase "our father in heaven." Before each meal they used to pray: "Our father, take care of us. This is your food that we are going to eat. Keep our hearts good and take care of us." Many of them still preserve this custom. There were three societies with functions that may be styled religious. The first was the society into which youths were initiated through a course of religious and physical training. This course, which may be called an extended ceremony, was termed Taikomol-woknuim, and the initiates were Taikomol-woknumchi. It has already been discussed as the principal phase in Yuki boyhood life. The second was the society of shamans, who in addition to the initiation rites of new shamans and the usual processes of treating sickness, performed, for the benefit of those who were ill of a particularly baffling complaint, a ceremony in which the creator, Taiko-mol, was personated. The ceremony was very like that in which the Kato broke the spell of Naghai-cho. The mythical character could be personated only by a man who was Taikomol-woknumchi, and his costume was a befeathered garment and a knitted cap fitted over a coarse-meshed willow cap with feathers of various kinds stuck into it. On each side of the doorway in the house that

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A Pomo girl [photogravure plate]

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THE YUKI 49 sheltered the patient stood another man, who whirled a bullroarer. The masker danced in the presence of the sick man, and the bullroarers were whirled, in the hope of throwing the sufferer into a trance, in which condition the medicine-men could grasp the sickness. The third society was that which had charge of the ceremony called Hudlkilul-woknium ("spirit dance-at"), the origin of which is explained in this fashion: Among the many creations of Taiko-mol were hudlkilul (spirits), which were to perform dances for the pleasure of the people. But the sudden appearance and disappearance of these apparitions so frightened the people that many fell sick and died; and the others begged Taiko-mol to remove them. So he said that he would let the people dress in imitation of these beings, and themselves perform the dance; but he warned them not to indulge in it too frequently, lest bad luck result. When a performance of this so-called ghost dance was to be given, a few members of the society, from three to five, went secretly into the hills. The caretaker of the ceremonial house, who lived close by, but not in it, cleared out the structure in preparation for the dance. After dark the singers of the society assembled in the house, and soon from different directions came the shouting and howling performers. The caretaker climbed to the roof and summoned the people, who quickly assembled, and soon the ghosts, having met outside the village, came toward the assembly house. They stopped and went back on their trail, and then advanced again. Four times they paused and retreated before actually entering the house. Another member of the society stood inside the doorway, and as they entered he said to each, "Place your right foot here." And each one set his left foot in the spot indicated. If any failed to do the opposite of what he was told to do, his relatives had to pay a fine. So, obeying contrariwise the commands of this official, the ghosts proceeded to a place behind the fire, where a long hollow section of a half-log lay partially buried. On this they all stood and stamped with their feet, continuing the yells to which they had been giving voice ever since they approached the village. The singer too had been singing constantly from the time their shouts were first heard in the hills. These ghost dancers wore a circlet of upright manzanita or laurel leaves about the head, and a deerskin breech-cloth. The body, legs, and arms were painted with alternate rings of white and black, the cheeks were either white or black. In VOL. XIV-7

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50 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN single-file they moved once about the fireplace, in which a very small fire burned, and then kneeled in a circle, facing the fire, and repeated a mass of unintelligible gibberish. At this point the singer ceased. After they had finished their incoherent jargon, the singer resumed, the ghosts rose and ran, single-file, to the drum and danced on it, still shouting, and then ran repeatedly back and forth beside the fire, first on one side, then on the other. Again they danced on the drum. And thus they passed the entire night, constantly uttering cries resembling the howl of a coyote. Just before daylight a great fire was built up, and while the ghosts still ran about, everybody took a sweat, after which the ghosts returned to the hills; and not until then were the people permitted to leave the ceremonial house. This all was repeated the following night, and sometimes the ceremony ended after two or three such nights, or it might develop into a test of endurance between two tribes or bands. In that case the rival ghosts remained in the house during the day without sleeping, and while the local dancers, the challengers, performed during the first four nights, the others sat among the spectators and participated in the sweating. Then the visiting, or challenged, ghosts gave their performance an equal number of nights, or until either they or their rivals were compelled by fatigue to desist and acknowledge defeat. This dance was performed for the benefit of any person suffering from the effect of having seen a spirit. When such a thing happened, the unfortunate one either fell in a trance on the spot, or more commonly came home and lay down very ill. This misfortune was thought to be the punishment of those who doubted the existence of spirits. The patient was laid out in the ceremonial house with his feet toward the door and his head toward the central post. Then when the ghosts came, usually four, they danced in pairs, two on each side of the fire, and in changing places they stepped across the patient's body. If in the course of the dancing, the patient was seized with a fit of trembling, this was taken to signify that, as before he had been frightened by a spirit, so now he was again frightened by the spirit dancers, and would soon recover. The dancing thereupon ceased, and a medicine-man was summoned to follow the usual course of treatment. If after two or three nights of dancing the patient still lay motionless and apathetic, the dancers informed his friends that there was no use in continuing the ceremony, for he would surely die.

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A Coast Pomo [photogravure plate]

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THE YUKI 5I This spirit dance was known also to the Little Lake Pomo, the Stony Creek Wintun, the Huchnom, and the Kato, but not to the Wailaki. Young men were initiated into the spirit society by a course of training in the ceremonial house under an aged instructor. Their training required several successive but brief terms, usually in the spring. The training classes of Taikomol-woknuim, of the shamans, and of the spirit society were held in the single assembly house, but not simultaneously. One class held its session and disbanded for a time, to give place to another. Thus the ceremonial house was in use practically all summer. The cult of Taiko-mol and the spirit dance evidently were derived from some outside source; for only certain divisions of the Yuki practised them. It is extremely improbable that if they were original with the Yuki, they would not have been practised by all the Yuki divisions living in close proximity. The groups that possessed the greatest variety of myth, dances, and songs were the Eden Valley band (Witukomnom) and the band at the south side of Round valley (Odlkatno'm). Others, such as the Ukomnom, who lived but a few miles from the Odlkatno'm, and the Sukshultatanom on Hull creek, had no dance and no ceremony except the acorn singing. This Lal"-hanp ("acorn song") was the single ancient ceremony of the Yuki, excepting the puberty rites and the more or less personal rites of shamans. It was extremely simple. The people assembled in the ceremonial house, the fire was completely extinguished, and all stood in a promiscuous throng and sang, standing in one spot and shaking the body rhythmically, while the arms were held bent at the elbows, and hands were clenched. For the greater part the songs were wordless, but some of them expressed such deprecatory sentiments as this: "Well, we have not much help, but perhaps one branch will have a load of acorns, anyway." After a song and a dance they sat down, and the men lit their pipes by means of their fire-drills. Soon the singing and dancing were resumed, and this alternation continued throughout the night. The ceremony was a prayer for a good crop of acorns. It is said that old men were particularly fond of it as an opportunity to caress women in the dark. K6pui-wok ("feather dance") was performed in exactly the same manner as by the Wailaki, and in fact in their company. 1 This is plainly the ghost dance, known to most, if not all, of the Porno.

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52 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Questioned as to the origin of this dance, the informant said that the Eden Valley Yuki and the Potter Valley Pomo always had it, and from them it extended as far as the south side of Round valley, but no farther. In other words, so far as the Yuki are concerned, the dance is of Porno origin.

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Eastern Pomo woman [photogravure plate]

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The Pomo

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I ~ ~~~ ~ ~~~ ~ ~~~ ~ ~~~ ~ ~~~ ~ ~~~ ~ ~~~ ~ ~~~ ~~~~ ~~~~ ~~~~ ~~~~ ~~~~ ~~~~ ~~~~ ~~~~ ~~~~ ~~~ ~~~ ~~~ ~~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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THE POMO TH * HE Pomo are one of the best-known groups of California Indians- a prominence due largely to their residence in a region much employed as a playground by the population of the San Francisco Bay cities, and to their highly developed skill in the art of basketry. They controlled fully half of the area of Mendocino, Sonoma, and Lake counties, and a small detached territory in Glenn and Colusa counties. On the coast they extended from a point about halfway between Ten Mile river and Fort Bragg southward nearly to Bodega bay, a distance of more than eighty miles. In the north the line coincided with the divides south of Ten Mile river, Tomki creek, South Eel river, and Rice fork, up to the ridge east of Clear lake, which it followed southeastward to a point nearly east of the foot of the lake. Here it pursued an irregular southwestward course to the vicinity of Asti, southeastward nearly to Glen Ellen, and westward to the sea, following the southern divide of Russian river. Entirely surrounded by Pomo territory was a small Yukian Wappo district on the south shore of Clear lake. A small detached Pomo territory lay on the eastern slope of the Coast range at the head of Stony creek, where its inhabitants jealously guarded a treasure in the form of a deposit of salt. Within these boundaries are the sites of an immense number of villages and camps, a few of them inhabited at the present time, many more within recent years or within the memory of men now living, and a large number only in the misty past of tradition. Naturally not all, nor even a very large part of these villages, were ever inhabited at one and the same time. The contrary view would not only require the presumption of an aboriginal population many times beyond the capacity of the territory to support in a primitive state, but is incompatible with authentic traditions of the people and what we actually know of their movements within the brief historical period. The only early estimate of population on which 55

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56 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN any reliance can be placed is that given by the ethnologist George Gibbs, on the authority of United States Indian commissioner Redick McKee, who in I85I estimated the people in Sonoma and Russian River valleys, on Clear lake, and on the coast from Fort Ross to San Francisco bay at twenty-seven hundred. This was only an estimate. When we remember that there are about twelve hundred living Pomo, it will not seem to err on the side of exaggeration. There are now about thirty Pomo villages, or rancherias as the local idiom has it, with populations varying from a mere family or two up to about a hundred persons. Only a dozen number more than twenty-five or thirty souls each. Of these, seven are in the valley of upper Russian river or adjacent valleys, centering about Ukiah; three are in the region of Clear lake; one is a coast settlement near the mouth of Garcia river; and one is on the headwaters of Middle fork of Gualala river. Following the Government's abandonment in 1867 of Mendocino reservation as an unqualified failure, the Indians returned to their former haunts and took up their abode wherever they might by the grace of Providence and consent of the settlers, some on public lands, some on the private domain of ranchers for whom they labored in grainfield and forest and on the cattle range. In many cases industry and thrift have been rewarded with an accumulation that has enabled the people as a community to purchase the site of their village and enough agricultural land to support themselves entirely or in part. The Pomo and some other Indians of central California, after nearly two generations of struggling poverty without federal or state assistance, have begun to get on their feet, and they feel pride in their independence; and in recent years, beginning about 1915, the Government has been gradually supplying the less enterprising with small reservations. Unfortunately some of these lands do not seem particularly adapted to successful agriculture. The word Pomo occurs in one of the dialects in composition with place-names to form the name of the local inhabitants, and it was first applied to all the members of this group by Stephen Powers in his Tribes of California. In the classification of Powell they constituted a linguistic family called Kulanapan, which term he derived from Kuhlanapo, the name of a band living on the south shore of Clear lake. The linguistic studies of Dixon and Kroeber, however, show the Pomo to be a division of the new Hokan family. Seven distinct, but plainly related, dialects are recognized.' 1 Native words in this chapter are in the Eastern Porno dialect as spoken at Upper Lake.

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In the tule swamp - Lake Pomo [photogravure plate]

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THE POMO 57 In a region some ninety miles in extreme length and sixty in width, especially where the topography is as varied as California's, we may well expect some cultural differences due to environment. This territory extends from the ocean across the Coast range and beyond Clear lake; and the surf-beaten shores of the Pacific, with their fish, mussels, seaweed, and marine mammals, and the dense, unbroken redwood forests on hillsides that rise steeply from the narrow coastal plain, necessitated an existence considerably different from that of people living beside an inland lake whose shallows furnished not only fish and fowl, but tules for garments and utensils. The entire central portion of the main Pomo area is a succession of valleys, mostly rather small, through which flow Russian river and its tributaries, and in the north Outlet creek. These valleys, dotted with oaks and separated from one another by the rolling hills characteristic of California, form a third Pomo cultural area in which products of the soil and game in the hills played a major part, and fish, except at certain seasons, a minor one. Across the mountains in the Sacramento river drainage is a fourth area, that of the Stony Creek Pomo, who, surrounded by alien people, Wintun on the north, east, and south, and Yuki on the west, were not more isolated from their own people geographically than socially, a condition arising out of feuds that resulted from their defense of the salt-beds against plunder. In an area notable for its uniform excellence in the art of basketry, the Pomo women were, and are, preeminent, both in perfection of workmanship and in artistry of form, color, design, and external ornamentation. There are two classes of baskets, made by fundamentally different processes: the twined, which are made by true weaving; and the coiled, or wrapped, which are made by sewing. The Pomo make both kinds, the coiled being superior to the twined. Twined baskets are made for such strictly utilitarian usage as the gathering, preparation, and serving of food; but coiled baskets are more often designed for quite other purposes. They are made for containing valued trinkets or the paraphernalia of shamans, or for gift articles, and not seldom the maker toils in a spirit of pure artistic joy without a utilitarian thought. It is baskets of this kind that the Pomo ornament with red feathers (ta) of the redhead woodpecker and green feathers (kihlim) from the heads of mallard ducks, inserting the quill-ends so skilfully that the rounded sides of the finished object are like the swelling breast of a bird. Originally VOL. XIV-8

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58 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN these two feathers, and the crest-feathers (hei) of the valley quail, were the only kinds used. Sometimes the basket is completely covered with the red or the green feathers, sometimes they are scattered in tufts or patches. The beautifully curving quail-feathers are used alone, inserted one here and one there, or sometimes in a close row about the edge of a basket on which feathers of another kind have been incorporated. More recently the Pomo have employed the feathers of several other birds, as bluebird, yellowhammer, lark, jay, and in fact almost any of the smaller species, and they so arrange them as to form particolored designs. A further refinement of ornamentation is sometimes provided by the use of clamshell beads, and less frequently of magnesite beads. These coiled baskets are of many shapes, which are rather difficult to classify. One may mention the elongate, boat-shape basket;1 the round-sided basket, with the opening smaller than the greatest periphery; the flaring-sided basket with its greatest periphery at the edge of the opening. Examples of this last type are much used as containers of dry food. This classification is necessarily of the roughest; one could assemble a dozen baskets of either type, and find no two of them more than approximately alike in shape. The basis of Pomo coiled basketry is slender willow shoots, which in groups of three for the best baskets, or singly for inferior ones, are coiled to the worker's left (the movement is in the direction of the hands of a clock) and wrapped closely with a fibre which passes around the upper coil and through an awl-hole pierced in the fibre wrapping of the lower coil. Thus each coil is so closely united to its successor that a water-tight vessel is the result. The perfection of the basket depends on the narrowness of the wrapping material, which regulates the fineness of the stitch, on the closeness of the wrap itself, on the regularity of the coils, and on the taste displayed in form and ornamentation. The wrapping, or sewing, material is kohum, which is obtained from the long, white, subterranean stalk of kip (sedge). With the aid of tooth and thumbnail these stalks are split from end to end, and the halves are coiled and stored in the work-basket. When they are to be used they are 1 Sir Francis Drake landed at Drake's bay in I579, and among the gifts brought by the awe-stricken and worshipping natives was food in baskets "made of Rushes like a deep boat, and so well wrought as to hold Water. They hang pieces of Pearl shells, and sometimes Links of these Chains on the Brims..... They are wrought with matted down of red Feathers into various Forms." (Quoted by Barrett, The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring Indians.)

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Pomo baskets [photogravure plate]

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THE POMO 59 moistened, and with the same implements of Nature are separated into fibres of such thickness as the work in hand requires. It is this sedge fibre that produces the white background of Pomo baskets. Designs are produced by overlaying this with an additional wrapping of a colored fibre. The commonest overlaying material is the central core of the rhizomes of f~iwi h, the rush Scirpus maritimus, which grows abundantly in the shallows of Clear lake and to a lesser degree in swampy localities throughout the interior. These cores are dyed brown or quite black by submergence in black mud for varying periods. A quantity of ashes is sprinkled over them before they are covered. Besides brown and black and the basic white, dull red is the only color found in Pomo baskets. This is secured by the use of the bark of disai, the redbud, which appears far more in twined than in coiled baskets. The majority of the strictly utilitarian baskets of the Pomo are produced by several variations of twining, in which the warp, or upright elements, are almost always willow shoots, tfubaha. The weft, or horizontal elements, likewise are willow in the coarser forms, such as rough burden-baskets, winnowing baskets, and platters. In the finer forms the weft materials are mainly those used for the wrapping in coiled baskets: Carex for the white foundation, Scirpus for black overlay, and redbud-bark for red. Less important are the roots of the digger-pine and various willows for the white foundation weft, and the root-fibres of bracken, made black by boiling, for the overlay. In some of the large twined cooking vessels, the entire shoots of redbud, not merely the bark, form the weft. All this fineriwork is performed by women, and the basketry manufactured by men is limited to the coarsest forms, such as traps for fish and game and open-mesh conical baskets used in carrying wood. These last are more commonly made of oak shoots. The better-made burden-baskets of the open-mesh type, as well as all the close-mesh, are the work of women. Pomo clothing was of the simplest kind; in fact, the men ordinarily were stark naked. Women wore short kilts of shredded tules, which hung in a thick mass of fringe about the thighs. Sometimes the skirt was made of deerskin or cougar-skin, and among the Coast Pomo shredded redwood-bark was common. By both sexes rabbitskin robes were worn for their warmth, and for protection in rainy weather there were armless, knee-length capes of shredded tules (Scirpus robustus). Hats were unknown, and feet and legs were habitually bare.

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60 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The hair of men flowed loose or was gathered in a knot on the crown of the head, and that of women was either loose or arranged in a knot at the back of the head. Some women now tattoo the chin with two vertical lines-flanked by a horizontal line running from each angle of the lips, but this is said not to have been an ancient practice. On ceremonial occasions both men and women wore cleverly made ear-ornaments of woodpecker-feathers, quail topknots, and beads, and painted their faces red. Necklaces consist of disc-shape beads cut from clam-shells, and cylinders of magnesite. One hundred of the thickest clam-shell beads were the equivalent of twenty dollars, or one perforated cylinder of magnesite two and a half inches long. These magnesite "coins" were made by the Pomo themselves, and are now referred to by all other tribes of the region as "gold," the clam-shell beads passing as "silver." They are as beautifully symmetrical as if turned on a lathe. The manufacture of clam-shell beads still flourishes. The primitive house in the lake region was shaped like an inverted circular or elliptical bowl. The basis of the framework consisted of a number of willow poles ten to twelve feet long and two inches in diameter at the butts, which were implanted in a circle. They were secured in place by several horizontal courses of oak hoops, to which the poles were lashed with grapevine, and the tips were drawn nearly together so as to leave a smoke-hole at the peak. This framework was covered with willow or oak shoots applied horizontally, and then thatched with a single thick course of round tules (Scirpus lacustris), which reached from the ground nearly to the top. Finally a course of triangular tules (Scirpus robustus) was applied around the top in such manner as to shed water very effectually. In some cases two or more overlapping courses of round tules were applied. In any event, each course was held in place by horizontal poles, which were lashed to the frame underneath. Some of these houses were partially subterranean, the excavation being about three feet deep. In diameter they varied from ten to thirty feet, and they contained from one to four fires, according to the number of married children living with their parents. Throughout the rest of the interior, in localities where rushes were not abundant, the thatch was grass, which was applied in numerous courses. If neither rushes nor grass were at hand, earth-covered houses were constructed. The Coast Pomo built low, conical houses of redwood slabs, both wood and bark, which converged at the top of a forked central post. These were the permanent or winter homes.

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Pomo baskets and magnesite beads [photogravure plate]

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THE POMO In summer the people moved from place to place, camping under rude brush shelters, the sole purpose of which was to protect them from the sun. The sweat-house was practically subterranean. In the centre of a circular excavation two or three feet deep and about eight feet in diameter was erected a heavy forked post, from the crotch of which stout rafters radiated to all points on the edge of the pit, except on the south side, where a narrow opening was left. The timbers were thatched with brush, a layer of long grass, and a thick coat of earth. Heat for the sweating was provided by a fire inside the hut, most of the smoke finding its way out through the door. After remaining inside as long as possible, perhaps half an hour, the men would come out and, either after cooling off for a few minutes or without delay, plunge into the water. Very rarely women sweated with the men. Ordinarily they did not use the sudatory at all, but bathed in lake or stream. Household furnishings and utensils were of the simplest. Mats made by stringing tules on a series of parallel threads served as mattresses, skins as blankets. Similar mats were spread on the earthen floor to receive food at mealtime. Vessels for storing, cooking, and serving food were various forms of basketry. The tule was extremely useful to the Lake Pomo, furnishing clothing, shelter, bed, and occasionally food. It did more than that: it gave them a fairly serviceable boat. This was of the type known as the balsa, and was simply a boat-shape bundle of dry rushes, which with care sufficed to keep the boatman out of the water. Sometimes, however, he preferred to ride it astride with his legs in the water. One advantage the balsa had, in addition to ease of construction-it was positively non-sinkable. These craft were as much as twenty feet in length. In common with nearly all California tribes the Pomo found their most dependable vegetal food in the nuts of various species of oaks that abound in almost every part of the state. Acorns of black oak, live-oak, and post-oak were eaten in the form of mush; those of the valley oak were used for bread, never for mush. Acorns still form a not inconsiderable item in the Pomo diet. They are gathered in the late autumn, usually from the ground, though some men climb into the trees and pick them, preferring them when thus obtained. Each family generally gathers enough to fill two very large openmesh baskets, in which they are stored after drying in the sun. The acorns are shelled as needed by cracking them one by one on a

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62 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN stone, and are pulverized in a stone-and-hopper mortar to about the fineness of cornmeal. The meal is then spread out on a bed of sand, and water, either cold or heated, is repeatedly poured over it until the bitter tannic acid is leached out. In removing the meal from its bed of sand, the palm of the hand is pressed down on it, and the meal, with more or less sand adhering to it, clings to the hand. A little water carefully poured over it removes the sand, but leaves the rather sticky meal adhering to the hand, to be scraped off into a basket. Acorn soup, or mush, is made by mixing meal and water in a basket and boiling it by means of a number of heated stones. The mixture must be carefully stirred to prevent the stones from burning the basket. No salt is used, and the result in a distinctly unpalatable dish. It is not particularly disagreeable; it simply does not taste like food. For acorn bread the meal is not ground quite so fine. The Upper Lake Pomo mix with water red earth from a certain hill about three miles from the town of Upper Lake, and add it to the dough. In the middle of the afternoon a fire is built in a baking pit, and when it is well heated, the bottom is lined with ash leaves, on which the dough is spread in cakes about four inches thick. It is covered with ash leaves, grass or brush, hot stones, and finally earth, and bakes over night. The red earth is said to have somewhat the effect of yeast; without it the bread is not regarded as eatable. Some of the tribes occasionally bake acorn bread in pans on the stove. It looks dubious, but the flavor, especially when salt is added, is not unpleasant. Other vegetal foods were the various small seeds so commonly used in the form of parched meal, or pinole; buckeyes and hazelnuts; berries of the California laurel and manzanita, as well as huckleberries, elderberries, and blackberries; roots of the cattail (Typha) and the core of young tule shoots (Scirpus lacustris). On the coast seaweed was an important food. Waterfowl were captured in great numbers by means of a hemp net stretched between two poles in places where they were wont to pass at dusk on their way from the feeding grounds. The net was about a hundred feet long (twenty fathoms as the Indians measured) and ten to twelve feet high, and the birds became entangled like fish in a gill-net. Geese and coots were killed by means of the sling (bihilk), the thongs of which were deer-sinew, and the part that held the missile, deerskin.

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Cooking acorns - Lake Pomo [photogravure plate]

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THE POMO 63 Deer were killed with bow and arrow, either by single hunters or by a party using the drive-and-ambush method. Another way was to hang a strong hemp noose in a narrow deer-trail at the height of a deer's head, the end of the rope being attached to a yielding sapling or to a drag. Pits and deadfalls were not employed by the Pomo. Black bear were hunted with bow and arrow, but few had the hardihood to attack the grizzly-bear. Fish were taken in nets, traps, and with spears, never with hooks. In the interior both seines and dip-nets were used; on the coast there was a specialized form of dip-net with which the fisherman, standing in the surf, scooped up whatever the incoming tide brought to him. Traps of three types are still seen. The one used in connection with weirs is a cylindrical basket from six to ten feet long and as many inches in diameter, with a flaring mouth. Buhial, the second type, is roughly conical, from four to six feet long and thirty inches in diameter at the opening, inside of which is a circle of converging splints to permit the entrance but prevent the escape of fish. The warp is dogwood (buhal-ahai) and the weft oak. The third type of trap is used in shallow, muddy water, where it is not difficult to imprison fish by clapping down over them a conical, widemouthed, open-mesh basket, and remove them at leisure through a hole in the top of the trap. The principal fish available to the interior Pomo were salmon, suckers, trout, a species called locally "black-fish," and a species known to the Pomo as hich. Large quantities of black-fish are still dried and stored away for the winter. The fish are split down the back, and after the removal of backbone, entrails, and head, they are hung on pole racks to dry in the sun for about two weeks, after which they are placed in a smoke-house, where they are thoroughly cured. Grasshoppers were secured by burning the grass and then collecting the roasted insects. The Pomo were not at all bellicose, and their experience in war was wellnigh limited to feuds, usually transient, between bands, the common cause being violation of territorial rights to the detriment of food and game supplies. Thus, the Upper Lake villages Danokha (Dano-ha, mountain water) and Hoalek were always hostile to Shigom, a village on the northeast side of the lake, and they occasionally fought with Kuhlanapo (Kuhla-napo, water-lily village), which was situated in Big valley at the south side of Clear lake. The people of Khabenapo (Habi-napo, rock village), also in Big

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64 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN valley, were sometimes at enmity with Kuhlanapo. The unfriendly relations of the northeastern Pomo, on Stony creek, with others of this group have already been mentioned. In the generation before the settlement of northern California the Lake Pomo never made a friendly visit there. When they required salt, they stole it. They made annual journeys to the coast at Bodega bay for the purpose of securing clam-shells, which the Coast Miwok never begrudged them. The Pomo have the typical gambling games of the region. Duwegjha, the so-called grass game, is played with four pieces of wildcat-bone, two of which, marked with string wrappings, are called pako ("wrapped"), the others, yahmi. Twelve tally-sticks are held by an umpire, who passes them out as the points are gained, the game being won by the party that secures the entire twelve. The players sit facing each other, and on each side are two leaders, each of whom has a marked and an unmarked bone, which he conceals in separate bunches of dry grass. The players of that side which is having its inning sing, and the two principals hold one hand in front and one behind, each hand containing a bunch of grass in which is concealed a bone. Each of the other two leaders, after considerable delay in which he exerts all his powers to read his opponent's thoughts, indicates by a dramatic gesture and the exclamation we! or tep! whether in his opinion the marked bone is in the right or the left hand of the player opposite him. If one guess is wrong and the other right, no tally-stick is paid, but the one correctly guessed is "killed," that is, he is out of the game for the remainder of that inning. The other, who is incorrectly guessed, again conceals the bones, and his opponent tries again. A second failure means the loss of a tally-stick, and continuation as before; but success is rewarded by change of inning. If in the first instance both guesses are failures, two tally-sticks reward the successful side; if both are correct, the inning changes at once. Wagers of considerable value are laid. In the game y6o6o each of two players holds a bundle of the dry stalks of kapula (locally called bitterweed), six or seven inches long and sixty to seventy in number. He. whose inning it is separates from his bunch any number at random and conceals them from his opponent, who guesses either yet, indicating one, pun, two, ihip, three, or to, four. If the detached group contains a number divisible by four, the correct guess is to; otherwise it is the number remaining after division by four. A correct guess is rewarded by

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Tule balsa on Clear Lake [photogravure plate]

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THE POMO 65 the tally-keeper with a single stick, and failure results in the other player receiving a stick. The woman's dice game, kadaii, is very popular. The kadaui are six half-round pieces of willow about eight inches long, all marked alike on the rounded side. These are cast downward and forward upon a piece of deerskin, and one tally-stick is gained if they lie evenly divided, while two points are scored if all face one way. No other combinations count. Two women play at this game, with betting on the side by numerous women spectators as well as by the contestants themselves. So long as a player scores, she continues to cast. Piko was a shinny game in which the ball was a piece of bone from the knee-joint of a deer, and the stick a straight club without the usual crooked end. There was also a form of the widespread hoop-and-pole game, in which a wooden hoop was either rolled on the ground as a mark for wooden javelins, or was tossed through the air and caught on a stick. The village was the political unit. So far were the Pomo from even the beginning of tribal organization that in no case had they a name for the inhabitants of a territory larger than a village; and in all cases the villagers were named simply as the people of that settlement. Government, to use a term scarcely justified by the facts, was mildly paternal. The head of each family group, consisting of parents, their descendants and children by marriage, and dependent collateral relatives and retainers, was a chief. It follows that except in the very smallest communities there were more headmen than one; and of these patriarchs one by common consent held the position of principal chief. These men constituted the governing body, and their duty was to take thought of the general welfare. Though they lacked punitive powers, except those of a moral nature, they were charged with the responsibility of policing the village and particularly of maintaining order at public celebrations, which they accomplished, like any paterfamilias, by the authority of rank and custom, rather than by physical force. Perhaps their most important duty was that of mediation to prevent bloodshed, by offering or accepting payment for damage inflicted. The head chief occupied a position somewhat analogous to that of an honorary president, a social figurehead without political power. His principal function was to represent the community as host on ceremonial occasions, and to preside over the celebration itself. Every morning he was expected VOL. XIV-9

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66 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN to address the people with precepts and admonition. In council with his fellow patriarchs he expressed his opinion of the best course to pursue in affairs of public concern, but the acquiescence of all was essential. The position of family chief passed from father to son, or in lieu of a son, to a brother. Women at childbirth were assisted by midwives, whose principal care was to keep the patient warm, and sometimes to give manual aid to the infant. The umbilical cord was severed with a stone knife and buried with the placenta. The infant was bathed at once and wrapped in a soft tule garment. The child was not named until it was old enough to recognize its name, that is, from two to three years, at which time the father, having selected the name of some relative of his not too recently deceased, delivered a speech in the presence of his own and his wife's relations and formally bestowed the name. At the age of four or five years the child's ears were pierced with a deer-bone awl by its mother without any formality or assembling of relatives, and so long as the wound remained unhealed, the child received no hot food, lest the ears decay. The initiation of young children of both sexes was a feature of the Kfiksu ceremony. A girl at her first menses was secluded in the family house behind a tule-mat curtain, where she was attended by her mother. The usual taboo of meat was observed. At the recurrence of her courses she was not expected to retire. When a youth and a girl had agreed to marry, the young man broached the subject to his father, who, if he favored the match, went to the girl's parents with the proposal; for without their consent the marriage could not take place. Nothing was said about the amount to be paid for the girl. If they agreed to the match, a time was set for the wedding, usually five or six days later, and on the appointed day the people assembled in the bride's house, where, the young couple sitting side by side, the youth's father delivered a speech, in which he called the people to witness the transaction, and in conclusion handed to his son's father-in-law shell money of the value of twenty-five to fifty dollars. This her parents kept, and the people soon departed. Sometimes there was a feast. * Women desiring pregnancy used to sit on this glacial bowlder and swallow minute portions scraped from it. The surface is covered with depressions and grooves suggestive of the generative organs. There are in the region several other rocks formerly used for this purpose.

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Conception rock near Ukiah - Pomo [photogravure plate]

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THE POMO 67 At first the newly married couple lived with the wife's people, and after a time they had the privilege of joining the parental household of the husband. Either partner might abandon the other for any reason whatsoever, the children remaining with their mother. If a wife left her husband within a few months after marriage, the money paid for her was necessarily returned. Discovering his wife in adultery, a man might either treat the affair with indifference, or severely beat and cut her, sometimes even biting off the end of her nose, and then of course abandon her. A woman had the choice of ignoring the delinquencies of her husband or returning to the home of her parents. Cremation was generally practised. As soon as the death-wail was heard, all the villagers flocked to the house to join in the lamentation, and many gave presents of beads to the bereaved, the total value of these contributions sometimes reaching two or three hundred dollars. Relatives immediately washed the corpse, painted its face, and clothed it in clean garments, and cremation usually occurred on the following morning; but in rainy weather there was sometimes unavoidable delay for lack of dry fuel. Meantime the covered corpse remained in the house, and the family lived and slept there as usual. The body was borne by men not relatives of the family to the funeral pyre, which was built over a trench eighteen to twenty-four inches deep and a little longer than the corpse. On the pile food was placed beside the body, and the fire was kindled. As the flames rose, all the clothing and other personal articles formerly used by the deceased person were thrown into them, as well as some of the valuables contributed by sympathizers on the preceding day. Not infrequently the family was left quite destitute after a cremation. Until all was consumed, the people stood about and wailed, and on the following morning the earth from the excavation was pushed back over the ashes. Sometimes the unconsumed bones were buried in a basket. Slain warriors were burned without removal of their accoutrements or paint. Bereaved men and women cut the hair close to the skull, and women mourning for a favorite child smeared over their clipped hair, in a broad band across the top of the head from temple to temple, white clay, which they renewed from time to time during their period of mourning, that is, usually a year. The dead were believed to travel southward to an unnamed country, and in order to prevent the ghost from haunting its former

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68 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN abode a bit of bako (angelica-root) was burned at the house during the four nights after a cremation. There were two kinds of healers, those who sucked out the disease, and those who administered medicine. The power of the "sucking doctor" was acquired only by dreaming, not by training or bequest, and never by very young men. For six months after the dream in which this power was conferred, the dreamer abstained from meat. In his treatment of disease he used no rattle and little singing, although sometimes he partially hummed and partially grunted an air. The fee was two or two and a half dollars for each visit, regardless of the ultimate fate of the patient. The healing doctor, who used herbs in addition to songs and the rattle, transmitted his knowledge little by little to some relative whom he regarded as fitted for the profession. From all others he guarded his secrets most carefully. His treatment usually lasted four, sometimes five, days, and his fee of shell money and property to the value of forty or fifty dollars was collected in advance. If the patient succumbed, half of the amount was restored. Certain men and women are said to have possessed the ability to transform themselves into grizzly-bears, or rather to exercise the strength, agility, and ferocity of that animal by putting on a suit made of a bear-skin. In this state they roamed the country, slaying and robbing whomsoever they encountered, whether friend or foe; but their preternatural powers departed from them instantly with the removal of the bear costume. In this conception we see plainly an application of the very common belief that in former ages, and to some extent even now, all animals were simply human beings clothed for the moment in fur or feathers, which could be removed at will like any garment, leaving the man naked of his special faculties as well as of clothing. His powers as a beast or a bird resided absolutely in his coat; without it he was ashamed and helpless. The Pomo believe firmly in the former and recent existence of these bear-doctors, as they are called in the local vernacular, and relate highly circumstantial accounts of their activities. The Indian imagination is not particularly inventive, and when firmly held traditions are not plainly mythical it is usually safe to credit them with a modicum of fact. It is highly probable, though not susceptible of proof, that certain men actually on occasion wore bear-skin suits for the sake of the bear-like qualities to be gained thereby. The Pomo had two principal ceremonies, called in the Eastern

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Basket used in puberty rites - Pomo [photogravure plate]

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THE POMO 69 dialect Kalluiikak-he ("ghost dance") and Kuksu-hi. Kuksu, a supernatural identified with the south, is an important personage in the mythology of the Pomo, the Wintun, and the Maidu. The name appears as the word for south in the Northwestern Maidu dialect. Performed as incidents in the course of either of these ceremonies, or separately at any time of the year, were numerous dances, all of much the same character although in each a different kind of animal or other being was represented. Some of the dances of the Upper Lake Pomo were: Hohowa-he, in which the dancers cried "Ho ho ho ho!" Kalimatota-he, "thunder dance." Yaya-he. Kunfila-he, "coyote dance." Shako-he, "pierce dance," in which the performers pretended to pierce their abdomens. Pubuima-he. Kakuima-he. L6oe-he. Nohahfluikak, the so-called fire dance, in which the performers placed embers in their mouths and exhaled forcibly, causing the embers to glow brightly. Some of the dances named by the Central Pomo were: Yo-ke, "south dance." Kilak-ke, "monster-bird dance." Shuikin. Lehiye. Hoho-ke. Shna-bate-ke, "head big dance," the name referring to the large mass of feathers worn as a head-dress. Lali-ke, "crazy dance." Hiuwe-ke. Chani-ke. Suil-ke, "condor dance." Sonwera. Practically all of these have been so long obsolete that it is impossible to secure any clear information regarding them. The ghost dance was never attended by females, nor by males not yet initiated into the tribe. It lasted four days, and the last night, which was entirely devoted to dancing, was followed at dawn by the purification of all individuals and ceremonial objects to the accompaniment of songs. The officials, as in the Kuksu ceremony,

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7~ THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN were two song-leaders, the master of the hollow-log drum, two firekeepers, and two who gave the signals for starting and stopping the songs and dances. The village chief was merely the public host, and had no function as a ceremonial priest. The dancers personated spirits of the dead, and all their acts and words were, so far as possible, the opposite of what would be expected of a living person. Their naked bodies were grotesquely painted in red, black, and white, and each wore a net-cap, a net filled with white down, an upright bunch of feathers, and a band of yellowhammer-quills extending from the forehead down the back. The purpose of the ceremony was the health and well-being of the people. The Kuiksu ceremony, as mentioned above, refers to the supernatural being identified with the south. He was personated by several performers, whose most notable feature was a large bunch of red-painted feathers completely concealing the nose and mouth. This represented the large red nose of Kuksu. The ceremony lasted six days, on the first, fifth, and sixth of which children were initiated into the tribe by making two incisions in the back with a piece of shell. This was done by an old man selected for his age, health, and benevolence, all of which characteristics it was hoped the initiates would thus acquire. The majority of Pomo myths recount the ludicrous adventures and the miraculous deeds of Coyote, the trickster and wonderworker. As elsewhere in the interior of California, Coyote was one of the two creators, his companion in Pomo mythology being Lizard.

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Pomo dance costume [photogravure plate]

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The Wintun

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THE WINTUN HE numerous Wintun bands possessed a stretch of country about two hundred and thirty miles long, from the shores of San Pablo and Suisun bays in the south to Shasta Retreat, near the very headwaters of Sacramento river, and the sources of McCloud river at the base of Mount Shasta, in the north. Approximately this territory is the entire western watershed of Sacramento river. It is only less extensive than that of the Yokuts, which in turn is second in the state to the great Shoshonean country. From Redding southward the Wintun in some places possessed both sides of the Sacramento, in others they were confined to the west bank. Within the limits of Sacramento river and the crest of the Coast range were two small detached alien groups, the Lake Miwok at the head of Putah creek, and the northeastern Pomo at the head of Stony creek. On the other hand, the Wintun in the north considerably exceeded these approximate limits. Here the easterly boundary, beginning at the divide between the upper waters of Fall river and McCloud river, ran southward and crossed Pit river in the vicinity of Round mountain (at which natural monument Achomawi, Yana, and Wintun territory met), passing thence through the head of Cow creek and on to the Sacramento below Redding. And on the western boundary, from Cottonwood creek northward, there were Wintun bands considerably beyond the summit of the Coast range, on the headwaters of Trinity river. The word Wintun, meaning "people," occurs in the language of the northern part of this region. For the group as a whole there was no native name.' It was long customary to restrict the appli1 Lieutenant Emmons, who in 1841 explored the country from Fort Vancouver to Suisun bay, found the "Kinkla tribe" at the head of Sacramento river; and his colleague Lieutenant Ringgold reported the same tribe from "Prairie Butes" (Marysville buttes), near the site of Colusa, to the mouth of the river. The source of this name is unknown. It was probably a place-name applied improperly to all the Wintun-speaking people by Captain Sutter, at whose settlement of New Helvetia near the mouth of American river the Ringgold party spent a few days, and from whom they obtained information regarding the Indians. The use of the name in the account of Emmons's explorations at the head of the river would then be explained as due to the fact that the findings of both Emmons's and Ringgold's parties are reported in the words of Lieutenant-Commander Wilkes, the head of the expedition. VOL. XIV-IO 73

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74 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN cation of this term to those Indians found between the northern limit of this territory and the branches of Stony creek in Glenn county; and south of this point the people were called Patwin, which in the southern dialects means the same as Wintun in the northern. Wintun and Patwin were the two divisions of the Copehan linguistic family of Powell. But Dixon and Kroeber have shown that there is linguistic affinity between this group and Maidu, Miwok, Yokuts, and Costanoan, and this enlarged family they call Penutian, from the word for two, which exhibits cognate forms in many branches of the stock language. Along with this simplification of the linguistic map and the abandonment of the word Copehan, it has become customary to extend the application of the term Wintun to this entire branch of the Penutian family, and to identify its dialectic divisions by the use of qualifying directional adjectives. There are six well-marked dialectic divisions: I. Northern Wintun, occupying all the northern part of Wintun territory as far south as Redding, on Sacramento river, and the divide between Cottonwood and Elder creeks, in the foothills; excepting the foothill course of Clear creek and the Wintun area west of the summit of Trinity mountains. This division includes many minor groups, among which may be mentioned: (a) Wai-leka (a central dialect word signifying "north language"), on the upper Sacramento from Shasta Retreat to Redding. (b) Wenim-mem-wintun (central dialect, "middle water people"), on McCloud river. (c) Pfii-mem-inbas (northern dialect, "east water dwell"), on Pit river from McCloud river to Round mountain. (d) Pfii-bas (northern dialect, "east dwell"), on the upper waters of Cow creek and between that stream and Redding. The most appropriate native term for this northern division is Waileka. It must not be confused with Wailaki, which is actually the same word misapplied by early writers to a neighboring Athapascan group. 2. Northwestern Wintun, on Clear creek, a Shasta County tributary of Sacramento river, and west of the Coast range on the headwaters of Trinity river. Many northwestern Wintun words are entirely different from the corresponding northern Wintun words, yet the two dialects are mutually intelligible. The division includes:

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A summer camp - Lake Pomo [photogravure plate]

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THE WINTUN 75 (a) Nomsus (northern and central dialects, "westerners"), on Clear creek, with their principal winter village, Tlabal-pom (northern dialect), at French Gulch. (b) Wai-ken-mak (northern dialect, "north lower belong"), around the headwaters of the main branch of Trinity river. (c) Naril-mak (northern dialect, "far-south belong"), on Hay fork of Trinity river. The northern Wintun sometimes extended the application of the term Nomsus to include all the groups of the northwestern branch, and the central Wintun employed it exclusively in that sense. The fitting name for this division is therefore Nomsus. 3. Central Wintun, in Tehama and Glenn counties, on- Elder, Toms, Grindstone, Elk, and Stony creeks, in the rolling hills from the sources of these streams to the lowlands of the Sacramento. In their own language they are Nai-mak (" south belong"); in northern Wintun Naru-mak, with the same meaning; in the eastern dialect, Nom-leka ("west language"). Nomlaki is the term generally and fittingly applied to this group. 4. Eastern Wintun, in the lowlands of Sacramento river from south of Redding to about the mouth of Stony creek in Glenn county. The central Wintun (Nomlaki) call them Pfii-mak ("east belong"), which in the form Puimak should prove convenient and appropriate. 5. Southeastern Wintun, in the lowlands of Sacramento river from about the mouth of Stony creek in Glenn county to Suisun bay. In lieu of a native name for this numerous division, Valley Patwin is probably the most satisfactory. 6. Southwestern Wintun, in the foothills from Stony creek to San Pablo bay. This division is the Hill Patwin. Between the Patwin and the other members of the Wintun family there were greater differences than between any two of the northern groups. Nevertheless, the languages are so similar that the most casual inspection of vocabularies reveals the relationship; and culturally there was less variation from the northern groups to the inland Patwin bands than from the latter to the Patwin bands near the bays. The entire Wintun family presents an aspect of fairly homogeneous culture, such variations as exist being those that are inevitable from differences of environment; and variations of language, physical type, mythology, and ceremonial life are far less wide than might be expected in view of the extent of Wintun

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76 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN territory from the base of one of the loftiest mountains in the United States down to salt water, with high mountains, rolling foothills, secluded valleys, and the alluvial bottoms of a large river included in its boundaries. On account of its elongate form and its position along the axis of the northern half of the state, the territory of the Wintun family was surrounded by a larger number of alien tribes than any other in California. On the east were Miwok, Maidu, Yana, and Achomawi; northward were the Shasta proper and allied tribes, and the Chimariko; westward, Hupa, Wailaki, Yuki, Pomo, Wappo, and Miwok; southward were the Yokuts, and, across the bays, the Costanoan peoples. Of course no one band of Wintun had relations with any considerable number of these tribes. The Waileka (northern Wintun) fought principally with the Shasta Valley Shasta, who called them the bravest of their enemies, because they attacked in daylight. On the other hand, the Shasta bore a good reputation as warriors. The usual feuds on account of the supposed activities of medicine-men were of frequent occurrence; for example, between the Waileka on McCloud river and those on Stillwater creek. The Nomlaki bands (central Wintun) combined to oppose the Yuki, the Puimak (eastern Wintun), and the Waileka, and sometimes the Stony Creek band would summon the others to help them against the Sacramento Valley Maidu. The Puimak were hostile to the Maidu of Concow creek. In the early years of the decade I850-I860 the Nomsus from the head of Trinity river repeatedly came into Sacramento valley and committed depredations on the miners, who naturally attributed the thefts to their neighbors and on several occasions punished them. At length T!aha, head-man of one of the most northerly bands, determined to put the blame where it belonged, and led the white men to a rocky retreat near Castle Crags, where they attacked the Nomsus marauders and killed a number of them. The Patwin took no scalps, but all the other divisions of the Wintun family scalped what an informant calls "gentlemen," who were distinguished in battle, as in dances, by a head-dress of white down-feathers set thickly in a knitted cap. When scalps were brought home, the victory-dance, Huipus, was performed, in which the trophies were held aloft on staffs by female relatives of the successful warriors. The Wintun never made use of poisoned arrows. Before the departure of a body of warriors, the dance Hiwili

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On Russian River - Pomo [photogravure plate]

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THE WINTUN 77 (Waileka dialect) was given. A bundle of brush, representing an enemy, was tied at the top of a post five or six feet high, about which the warriors danced in a circle, pretending to dodge hostile arrows, gesticulating fiercely at the "enemy," and all the time uttering their war-cries. They were practically naked, and had black stripes fantastically lined on their faces and bodies. Gradually the circle contracted, and at length all discharged their missiles and filled the "enemy" with arrows. In their material culture the Wintun were on about the same plane as the tribes heretofore described in this volume. Artifacts of stone included pounding, cutting, and piercing instruments. The spool-shape maul was used by the mountain-dwellers in the north for driving elk-horn splitting wedges; the southern and central bands, having no elk-horn, had no use for the maul. All, however, used the rudely cylindrical stone pestle for pulverizing acorns and edible seeds, the mortar for this operation being a flat stone base with a basketry hopper, except among the Valley Patwin, who employed a section of oak log hollowed out by means of fire. Knives were merely thin fragments of obsidian or flint brought to a fairly regular edge by flaking, and axes were fragments of serpentine without handles. Arrow-points were of obsidian and flint. The principal bone implements were the deer-bone awl, the double-pointed, detachable head of the fish-spear, and the fishhook. The bands on McCloud river and the upper Sacramento made a hook by lashing two double-pointed bones at right angles, and attached the line to the intersection. The Nomlaki used no fish-hooks at all, and the Patwin made a gaff by binding a bone sliver to a shaft. Only the Patwin had spoons, the valley bands using mussel-shells, the hill bands clam-shells. Elsewhere semi-liquid foods like acorn mush were conveyed to the mouth on the ends of the fingers. The Wintun had several musical instruments, or at least instruments for marking rhythm. The rattle used by song-leaders was a partially split section of an elder stalk, that of shamans consisted of a number of oak-galls hanging at the end of a wooden handle. Fourhole elder flutes were everywhere found, and double-note whistles made by attaching two hollow bird-bones of different pitch side by side on a wooden handle, stopping one end with pine gum. The most important, if least musical, of these devices was the drum, a half-cylinder of sycamore or oak. A hollow section about seven feet long was cut off, and then chipped out with frequent testing of

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78 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the tone. When the pitch was about right, pinole was smeared over the inside, the chips were placed in it and ignited, and the surface was thus burned smooth. Pinole was used in order that its oil might penetrate the wood and prevent cracking. The drum was inverted over a hollow in the floor of the assembly house, each end being supported on a grapevine rope suspended between two stakes. Cords and ropes for various purposes were made of sinew, rawhide, and grapevine. Finer cordage, produced from the fibres of iris, milkweed (Asclepias), and hemp (Apocynum), was used principally in making dip-nets and seines. Throughout the Wintun family the bow-and-arrow type of dip-net was employed, and the Patwin had also an improvement in the form of a net-bag which they attached to the restricted bottom of the dip-net (which in this case was left open). When the bag became well filled, it was removed and another was substituted. The Waileka used also a frame consisting of two diverging sticks lashed at the intersection near the upper ends. The Patwin had a seine from ten to twenty feet long with a stick handle at each end. This net was manipulated by two men. Among the Valley Patwin there was also a seine about one hundred feet long, with bundles of dry tules (Scirpus lacustris) for floats and balls of clay wrapped with tules (S. robustus) for sinkers. Wherever rushes were found, that is, among the Valley Patwin, the Puimak, and some of the Nomlaki, twined mats were made of the triangular tule, which is less brittle than the round, the strands of cord twining being spaced at intervals of about six inches. Such mats were used as mattresses and cushions. Weaving attains its greatest development in basketry. North of Cottonwood creek in Tehama county twining is practised exclusively; south of that point all the Wintun (Nomlaki, Valley Patwin, and Hill Patwin) make both coiled and twined baskets. In twined work the warp is exclusively willow shoots; except that the northern divisions sometimes use poison-oak (Rhus diversiloba) in burden-baskets, and always "skunk-berry" (Rhus trilobata) in storage baskets, and the Nomlaki make their receptacles for storing edible seeds, as well as caps for mourning women, out of hemp twine for both warp and weft. All except the Patwin find their weft material for twined basketry in the roots of the yellow pine, split to the desired fineness by means of teeth and thumb-nail; the Patwin originally used set, the underground stock of sayak, a sedge (Carex), but within the present generation this has been superseded by the roots of the willow awal, a species distinct from tar,

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Summer shelter - Lake Pomo [photogravure plate]

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THE WINTUN 79 which furnished the warp rods. The use by the Nomlaki of hemp for both warp and weft has already been mentioned. Designs are the result of overlaying the weft with straw-white Xerophyllum, the two fibres drawn from the frond stalks of Woodwardia ferns and dyed brown-red by drawing them between the lips while chewing alder-bark, the reddish bark of redbud (Cercis), or the black outside fibre of maidenhair-fern stems (Adiantum). Coiled baskets of the Nomlaki and Patwin are made of tar willow rods for the foundation (the horizontal, coiled elements) and roots of awal willow for the wrapping material; but previous to the present generation the wrap was sedge-root. The colored overlay is redbud-bark, Xerophyllum grass, and Woodwardia fern fibres, the same as in twined basketry. The commonest example of twined work is the well-known conical, tight-mesh basket used for carrying burdens on the back by the aid of a strap, or tump-line, passing across the bowed head. This is made and used generally by women, but the men of the Valley Patwin sometimes formerly engaged in this work. Everywhere except among the Patwin there were similar baskets, open-mesh and of rough construction, which were made and used by men, principally for carrying firewood. All storage baskets are twined, but various types occur. The Waileka make a basket of "skunk-berry" (Rhus trilobata) warp and pine-root weft, while the Nomlaki, as mentioned heretofore, use hemp twine altogether. In both cases these baskets are squat at the bottom and contracted at the top, with a small opening. The Patwin build outdoor cylindrical granaries of willow and line them with grass. These are from four feet to eight feet high, and half as wide, and in the larger ones several species of seeds and acorns are stored in layers. Shallow parching baskets and trays, both open-mesh and tightmesh, are everywhere twined. The Waileka cap for women is of twined willow and pine-roots, the Nomlaki twined hemp. Patwin women are bareheaded. Other forms of twined work are confined to Waileka culture: cooking vessels, dippers, and liquid-food dishes. Among the Nomlaki and Patwin all baskets for such usage are coiled. There remains a group of miscellaneous manufactures, some of which require no extended mention. The fire-drill, the digging stick, the oaken soup-paddle were not different from those of other California tribes. Tubular pipes of ash were used for smoking

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80 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN tobacco. The best bows were of yew and were backed with sinew and salmon-skin; but the Patwin purchased such bows from the northern people. Patwin arrows had reed shafts, hardwood foreshafts, and obsidian points; their spears, which probably were for ceremonial use, were six to seven feet long and had very large obsidian heads. Arrows were kept in quivers, which were simply the entire skins of small animals. The Waileka and Nomsus used rod corselets as well as elk-hide tunics for protection from arrows. The Nomlaki had only the latter form of armor, and the Hill Patwin simply wrapped a rabbit-skin robe about the torso. The northern bands were acquainted with the use of snowshoes. The Waileka method of crossing water that could not be forded was to build a rude raft of drift logs and grapevine withes, or to place the impedimenta in a large basket, which was pushed ahead of the swimmer. The Valley Patwin, in the land of tule swamps, used the balsa, on which the navigator kneeled while pushing alternately on both sides with a long pole held in the middle. The Hill Patwin and the Nomlaki had no need of water craft of any kind. The northern and central Wintun divisions differed from the Patwin more perhaps in their dress than in anything else. Waileka, Nomsus, and Nomlaki women wore ordinarily a single garment, a short kilt, or more correctly a double apron open at the sides, consisting of bark fibre (usually maple-bark) hanging from a girdle. The more fortunate possessed similar kilts of deerskin fringe, and for ceremonies garments of this kind had shell beads strung on the ends of the thongs. For cold, snowy weather there were deerskin moccasins with uppers reaching nearly to the knee and in some cases with bear-skin soles; but many women had no footwear whatever. Deerskins were thrown over the shoulders in cold weather, and basketry caps were possessed by all women, although they were not used on all occasions. The Nomlaki women indeed wore their caps only as a symbol of mourning. Everywhere the Wintun men in warm weather wore nothing but a small deerskin breech-cloth, and sometimes not even that. In the northern and central parts some had high moccasins for cold weather, a few used hip-length leggings, and all had deerskin robes. Fur head-bands, usually mink, were worn by some. Patwin women of the lowlands wore tule aprons, rarely bark, and those of the hills simply belted a piece of deerskin about the waist. Moccasins were unknown to both sexes. In the uplands men and women had rabbit-skin robes, but on the river a specialized

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Coast Pomo with feather head-dress [photogravure plate]

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THE WINTUN 81 garment was made by entangling goose-feathers in hemp or milkweed cords during the twisting, and then weaving the fluffy ropes thus produced. The Valley Patwin protected themselves in rainy weather by wearing a bundle of triangular-stem tules with a hole in the middle through which the head passed. The tules were not woven nor sewn, but simply hung from a cord, in the same fashion as a woman's skirt. Wintun women generally divided the hair in the middle and wrapped the two parts with strips of fur, the resultant ropes hanging down the back; in addition, the Sacramento River women from Redding northward banged their hair by burning it off with a smouldering stick. Men doubled the hair up into a knot, which, with feathers thrust into it, was worn either near the front or at one side, or in the back; but ordinarily it hung down the back in a loose rope. Girls had the chin tattooed with perpendicular lines, and in some parts they had also lines from the cheek-bones down to the neck. Some of the leading men had rows of arrow-point designs tattooed across the chest, the lines curving from the sternum up toward the shoulders; and a few had the same design on each side of the throat. Emmons saw women also tattooed on the arms and the chest. Head-men and a very few women wore a dentalium shell in the nasal septum, and both men and women had a shell dangling from the hair on a deerskin thong. Strings of clam-shell beads, which were more highly valued than dentalia, formed the necklaces of the most fortunate of both sexes; and a very few magnesite cylinders were in circulation. Wintun houses were not all alike in every particular, but we may say that in general they were partially subterranean, circular or elliptical, conical or truncated, and roofed with earth or bark. Various departures from these generalizations will be noted. The first step was the excavation of a circular pit about thirty inches deep and twelve to fifteen feet in diameter, or an elliptical one as large as thirty feet in length for the accommodation of two or three fires and as many families. Two heavy forked posts were placed in the pit near opposite edges, and on each side near the top, connecting the two posts, was lashed a ridge-timber, either in the natural state or split from a cedar log. At each side of the excavation, to right and left of the axis of the ridge, another pair of shorter posts was set up, and the members of each pair were connected in like manner by a timber lashed near the tops of the posts. These two timbers were the plates. Sections of sap-wood VOL. XIV-I I

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82 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN obtained from decayed logs were laid for a roof, from plate to ridge, with the concave side exposed, like tile. Then shorter slabs were set up in an approximate circle (or ellipse), with the tops leaning against the edges of the roof and the bottoms on the edge of the pit. Finally, roof and walls were covered with bark slabs. There were the usual exit for smoke and the low, narrow doorway between two wall beams. Sometimes there were only two upright posts, and leaning against them and against the ridge were long rafters with their butts resting on the edge of the excavation; in other words, the roof and the walls were one. Both of these types are called wai-pom-kewel ("north land house"), and characterized the mountain regions, where rain and snow would have damaged an earth covering. The Nomlaki and Patwin house-frame consisted of a number of heavy rafters meeting in the crotch of a central post, with their bases on the edge of the excavation. Excepting the smoke-hole at the peak and the low doorway between two of the rafters, all interstices were partially chinked with poles and slabs, and the whole was thatched with brush and grass, and covered with the excavated earth. The doorway was protected by a watershed, and the fire-pit in the centre was lined with stones. This type is called na-kewel ("south house"), or na-pom-kewel ("south land house"). In the Nomlaki district there were also houses.with a long roof sloping to the ground and a short upright wall in the front. The sweat-house, or ceremonial house, of both the Nomlaki and Waileka was of the same conical, earth-covered construction, and its size from fifteen to twenty feet in diameter. Here the men of the community assembled, to loll about and exchange gossip, tell stories, or discuss matters of public interest. Unattached men slept in this house, but in good weather youths generally preferred to sleep outside. Here dances for shamans were held, and sweats taken evening and morning, though seldom with an accompanying plunge. The Waileka within the present generation have been using true sudatories of the Plains Indian type, a low, hemispherical frame of flexible shoots covered with skins, mats, or cloths. These are for purposes of ceremonial or ritualistic purification, and the sweat is followed by the orthodox plunge. Nomlaki men, however, regularly used these individual sudatories before starting on the hunt, in order to remove the human taint which would betray them to their prey. The Patwin had not only earth-covered sweat-houses, where the men spent most of their unoccupied hours, but very large ceremonial

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Coast Pomo bridal costume [photogravure plate]

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THE WINTUN 83 structures from sixty to a hundred feet in diameter. One of these sufficed for each community. The menstrual hut of the Wintun was little more than a windbreak of bark or brush, large enough to shelter two or three girls during the first and second menses. A vast variety of animal life was found in the Wintun country, and comparatively few forms were rejected as unfit for consumption, from the largest mammals down to worms and insects. Some of the species not often used outside of California and Nevada, but eaten by the Wintun, are hawks of various kinds, skunks, earthworms, grasshoppers, yellow-jacket larvae, and what are locally known as "salmon-flies." These insects emerge from water in the springtime in the pupa state, crawl upon bushes and rushes, and undergo metamorphosis into large-winged insects, which the Wintun on Sacramento river boiled and ate. Putrid salmon was a delicacy. The remains of a salmon that had decayed under water and become almost liquid were boiled and devoured with relish.1 As the Wintun, except some of the mountaineers in the north, were poor hunters, they depended more on fish than on game. They were successful fishermen, and those who lived on the river and the larger creeks dried considerable quantities of salmon for winter use. A part of their supply the Valley Patwin, after drying, pounded up in their oaken mortars and stored in tule bags, in the same fashion as the Wishham at the Dalles of Columbia river. Of vegetal products there was almost as great a variety. Acorns were found everywhere, and provided the great staple, acorn mush. Pine-nuts and hazelnuts were prized, although they were not very abundant. Pinole, a favorite food and second in importance to acorns, was the meal of parched seeds, especially the "black seed" of tarweed. The plants, gathered in large quantities before the seeds were quite mature, were piled with the heads downward on a plot of clean-swept ground, where as they dried the seeds fell out. There were various bulbs, including camas in the northern district, where also fresh, not steamed, pine-bast was eaten. Among the edible fruits were service-berries; manzanita-berries, which were dried, mashed, and mixed with cold water; laurel-berries, dried and roasted in a pit; the berries of Rhus trilobata, soaked in water to remove the acidity, then dried and pounded into flour, which was 1 This recalls the fondness of the Indians on the upper Missouri (Mandan and Hidatsa) for the gamy flesh of drowned buffaloes that came floating down the river when the ice broke up. Compare also the North Pacific Coast taste for almost rotten salmon-roe, which the natives there compare to cheese.

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84 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN mixed with cold water. Fresh clover was eaten in the flowering season. Salt was considered almost a necessity. In spite of the great variety of food available, the Wintun bands led a rather miserable existence. All summer they wandered about in search of berries and roots, and at least one man was kept constantly seeking new fields where mast abounded. They were much like bands of wild pigs, explained an informant; and sometimes they became so weak from hunger that they could hardly march to new fields discovered by the scouts. The Patwin, especially those of the lowlands, seldom hunted large game. In the other Wintun divisions, however, and particularly in the three most northerly, some of the men were assiduous and fairly successful hunters. They caught deer in snares, which were set in trails flanked by brush obstacles, so that the animals could not evade the traps by going around them. The noose, suspended between two supports, was held open by a network of small, easily broken cords. In flat regions long nets were stretched and deer were driven into them, where, plunging and kicking, they were brought down with arrows by men lying in ambush. Elk could be killed only by running them down on snowshoes. In the autumn black bears were driven up a gulch into the narrowing head, where other hunters were concealed among the rocks and bushes. In winter a hunter would creep into a bear's den with a torch, discharge an arrow into the animal, and quickly retreat. When the wounded bear followed, the band of hunters attacked. Grizzly-bears were rarely hunted, but sometimes when a den had been discovered a number of men would climb into the trees thereabouts, and two or three would secrete themselves near one of the trails leading from the den. Another would creep up close to the mouth of the cave, and hurl a stone into it. If the bear were struck, it would rush out, and its tormentor would dash along the trail where the hunters were hidden. Their shower of arrows sometimes killed the bear in its tracks, but if not, the men in the trees finished the work while the hunters on the ground escaped. Pitfalls were not used, but the deer-head disguises so successfully employed by the Shasta and other tribes in the north were sometimes used in stalking deer. Most small animals could be killed only with arrows, and were not hunted with much regularity. In the sparsely wooded hills and valleys of the Nomlaki and the Hill Patwin, however, field-mice were trapped in great quantities by placing a thin dry acorn between two flat stones, in such a way

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Gathering tules - Lake Pomo [photogravure plate]

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THE WINTUN 85 that when gnawed asunder it would permit the upper stone to fall and crush the mouse. Men would spend the entire day setting multitudes of these miniature deadfalls. Fish, the most important animal food of the Wintun, were taken in many ways. On the upper Sacramento a favorite method was to dam the stream in such manner that the water would cascade over the obstruction and pour into a trap below. At one side of the stream and just below a riffle two stout saplings lashed together near one end with grapevine, were set up with their bases well separated. From the crotch extended a long pole, with its base firmly embedded in the gravelly bed beyond the edge of the riffle, and five or six feet from the bank another, but shorter, pair of shears was placed under it. Just above the water-level the up-stream members of these two pairs of shears were joined by a horizontal sapling. To this were bound the butts of willow poles, which were so arranged, with their tips down-stream, that they formed a cradle. The converging lower end of this trap was above water and was closed by means of fagots placed crosswise. Across the foot of the riffle a dam of poles, brush, and stones was constructed, so that the water poured over it in a small cascade and fell upon the upper end of the trap. Then in the quiet water above the riffle, where the salmon were resting after their difficult passage up the swift water, the fishermen stretched a long thick rope of twisted vines across the stream, and while some held it down on the bottom, others dragged it forward and drove the salmon down-stream into the swift water, which carried them over the fall into the trap. There on each side stood men with fish-clubs, ready to seize and kill them, and string them on long pieces of grapevine; while at the sides of the broken water stood others with short spears, taking as many as possible by that means. Some would even plunge headlong into the water to drive the fish into the desired direction. Because of the necessity of being so long in the water, they generally waited until midday before beginning the drive, and after fishing one or two days at a pool they moved up-stream to the next, where they built a new trap. In this fishing the people of Sacramento river above the mouth of Pit river were joined by the Wintun bands of McCloud river and Clear creek. For catching suckers weirs of two types were built in the central and northern parts of the Wintun country. Kaha (Waileka dialect) was a stake-and-brush structure built in two wings which converged down-stream and almost met in the channel, at which point they

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86 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN were joined by a short transverse section. Here the water poured over into an open-meshed willow box. Kahi was a dam of brush and stones just above a riffle, with a wing extending down-stream along the side of the swift water. Into the quiet back-water thus enclosed between bank and wing suckers were driven and taken in dip-nets. At favorable places, where the water was comparatively shallow, the Valley Patwin threw their fish-weirs completely across Sacramento river, which in their territory attains a considerable width. One such place was at Koru, a large rancheria where now stands Colusa (the name is a corruption of the Indian term). It was at this point that Lieutenant Ringgold in 1841 encountered the first fish-weir, and signalled the obliging fishermen to desist from making a passage through it, because he saw rough water beyond and decided he had gone far enough. In building one of these weirs, they first drove a pair of shear-stakes into the bed of the stream as far from the bank as a workman could reach, and then tightly wrapped the intersection. From the bank a thick timber was pushed out and rested in the angle of the shears, and the workman, advancing to the end of the timber, drove the next pair with his oak-gnarl maul. When the last of the requisite number of supports had been driven, there was a continuous rail connecting them; and they were further strengthened by other horizontal members lower down. Then closely set stakes were driven until a comparatively tight fence spanned the river. Leading up-stream into box-like enclosures were several openings provided with doors, which could be raised and lowered, and above each doorway sat a watchman, grasping a stick to which were attached several cords leading down across the opening. When a salmon entered the enclosure it inevitably touched a string, and the watchman dropped the door. He then descended into the box, plunged into the water, and with a small net scooped up the fish, which in many cases lay on the bottom unconscious from striking the walls. The right to construct one of these weirs was hereditary, and the builder observed considerable formality, especially in preparing for the work by fasting and ceremonially washing for several days. All the salmon caught in the Patwin fishweir belonged to the chief and his head-men, and all other persons, even though members of the same village as the owners of the weir, had to pay for the fish they got. Only at public celebrations did the poor receive free food. In midsummer the Waileka, on the upper Sacramento, took

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Gathering seeds - Coast Pomo [photogravure plate]

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THE WINTUN 87 salmon, with spears fifteen to twenty feet long, in deep, quiet pools. A number of scaffolds were built from each bank, and when all the spearsmen had taken their places, the chief shouted, "Are you all ready?" They replied in the affirmative, and the chief cried, "Proceed, spear!" A great many fish were taken in this way, and these, as well as those caught in traps, were divided by the chief among the families according to the number of their members. While the men fished, women and children gathered fuel and small, flat, water-worn stones, and laid great fires with the stones among the wood, several families using one fire. When the fires had burned out, the stones were raked aside and the fish, with the tail, the sides of the head, and the belly cut off, were laid on the embers, spread open with back upward, and were covered with the hot stones. The interstices between the stones were filled with embers, and in about an hour the fish were cooked. The flesh was then shredded and spread out on sheets of pine-bark or on slabs of sap-wood from decayed or partially burned logs, and left to dry in the sun, after which it was stored in large sumac baskets shaped like the seed-storage baskets. The roe was either rolled in water-lily leaves and roasted in ashes, or was dried in the sun and then stored. The heads, tails, and bellies were dried in the sun without cooking, and subsequently were boiled; but the shredded flesh was eaten without further preparation. Fish were never smoked. Another Waileka method of spearing required no community cooperation. Above a quiet pool where salmon were in the habit of resting the spearsman built a platform to support a brush hut, in which he sat with his slender, twenty-foot spear-shaft projecting up through the leafy roof. If no favorable pool were available, the fisherman would sometimes cut a large bundle of brush and fix it firmly upright in the stream, and so create a bit of quiet water. The hut, by preventing surface reflection, enabled him to see the bottom clearly. These huts with long spear-shafts projecting through the roof may still occasionally be seen by the traveller from his Pullman window. In the autumn salmon were speared while spawning in the riffles, and in the spring spearing was carried on at night by torchlight, the salmon at such times being frequently seen resting on shallow, sandy bottoms. At McCloud river, half a mile below the present fish-hatchery, they formerly used nets at night, wading and swimming. Two men managed each net, and there were usually six or more crews. Each net crew included a man with a fish-club and a long grapevine,

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88 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN his duty being to kill the fish and string them, which he did by striking them on the head with his club, grasping the tail between his teeth, and passing the vine through the gills. The line of net-men was closely followed by the torch-bearer with a long, thick bundle of pitchy wood, which illuminated the water so that the net-men could see the salmon. On each bank blazed a large fire, and after seining the length of the pool the men would go out and warm themselves; then after a rest of about half an hour they covered the same course again. This was done four times between dark and midnight. The Patwin used spears in the shallow water of the swamps. The games of the upper Sacramento Wintun may be taken as characteristic of the family. The grass game is called bohim-chuhus ("big gamble"). A handful of thin rods of equal length, with a single short one, is divided, and the two halves are wrapped separately in dry grass and laid on the ground. If the leader of the opposing side guesses which one contains the short rod, the inning passes to him; if he fails, the other takes one of the twenty tallysticks. A variation of the grass game is called, in which a single wooden counter the size of a finger is wrapped in dry grass, while another bunch of grass contains nothing at all. There are always two men on each side, each one having a counter and each winning or losing independently of his companion. But they are partners, nevertheless, and place together the tally-sticks they win. The sticks number ten. In ddpi there are numerous willow sticks, short enough to be concealed in the hands, and the object is to guess which hand contains the single black one. This game, like keni, is played "double," but for twelve points. As the sticks are shaken one by one out of the indicated hand, the player repeats, "Dapi, dapi, dapi." There is no singing, but the guess is made with the usual accompaniment of false motions, while the guesser tries his opponent's immobility of countenance. Success in salap requires a different kind of skill. Each of several men has two flat stone discs, not artificially shaped. A roundish stone is thrown a short distance, and the players in turn pitch their markers toward it, the one who places his disc nearest the mark winning from each of the others one of his six tally-sticks. When one player has all the sticks, he wins the wagers. A similar play is chusinh7alas ("slide wood up"), in which the contestant

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Camp under the oaks - Lake Pomo [photogravure plate]

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THE WINTUN 89 grasps the leafy tip of a stripped pine sapling, swings it, and hurls it forward with one hand, trying to make it alight close to a mark. Kah7us was a shinny play, with three or four men on a side. The ball was made of oak, and the goals, three hundred to four hundred yards apart, were marked by sticks two feet apart. The enthusiastic crowd bet on the result. This game was frequently played between villages. Karupui ("fling with stick") was played by women armed with sticks five feet long, with which they hurled toward the goal a missile made by connecting two bits of wood with a thong. It was played with great gusto and earnestness. Hluchus is a form of the pin-and-ball game. A number of salmon vertebrae, strung on a cord which is attached to a wooden skewer, are swung forward and upward, to be impaled, if possible, on the pointed skewer. If a player catches any of them, he has the privilege of thumping the hand of his opponent once for each vertebra caught, or sometimes of pulling his hair. Arrows were shot at a mark for heavy wagers. Sometimes the archers stood beside the target and discharged their arrows straight up into the air, endeavoring to have them strike the mark as they fell. Apparently there were no dice games, but string-games were common. Wintun society was organized in the loose manner common to California Indians, although in many localities there was something like tribal organization, as on McCloud river, Cow creek, the head of Sacramento river, and Elk and Grindstone creeks, where the smaller communities as a rule had no head chiefs and counted themselves as outlying settlements of the nearest large village. Each of these principal villages had a head chief, whose duties were to harangue the people at frequent intervals, standing in front of his dwelling while they sat in their houses and listened attentively; and to institute the various community undertakings, such as dances of different kinds, hunts, and fishing expeditions. A few men exerted influence over a considerable territory. At the occurrence of her first menstruation a maiden (baRhus in the Waileka dialect) was isolated in a rude hut in company with several other girls of about her own age, but not necessarily in her condition. She performed no labor, except that on the first day or two she carried invitations to the people of adjacent villages or camps. The nights were devoted to songs peculiar to the occasion, VOL. XIV-12

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90 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN and to the performance of wai-paniki ("north round-dance"), in which men and women joined hands, palm to palm, in a circle, and moved slowly to the left while singing. In the centre, attended by an elderly woman, danced the ba'hlus. She wore a head-band, from which hung a number of deerskin ribbons in front of each eye and down to the breast. Little straw-colored rings of Xerophyllum grass were attached to the ribbons. A maple-bark apron reached from her waist to the knees, and a fawn-skin was draped about her shoulders. She wore moccasins, and held a staff. With intervals of rest they performed all night; and the ceremony lasted five to ten days according to the temper of the assembly. At dawn of the last day, the dancing having just ended, the bah7lus bathed in the stream and was then painted with charcoal on the face, arms, and legs.1 On the last day, before the assembly broke up, it was customary to celebrate the war-dance, and this sometimes was followed by a social dance or the dream dance. These puberty rites were held in the ceremonial house in winter, and outof-doors in summer. Its name, "north round-dance," is an indication of its derivation. Polygyny was customary for prominent men. A certain Waileka man had six wives, each of whom occupied a separate house. This number of course was exceptional. Although the Wintun never observed the taboo on conversation between a man and his mother-in-law, the custom had begun to take root in the northern district. There a man. might converse with his mother-in-law, but not touch her nor even pass close to her. If she sat near the door and he wished to depart, he would say: "Move aside, mother-in-law, I must go out." But a woman who had little regard for her daughter's husband, thinking him a worthless fellow who would not remain long with his wife, did not accord him the honor of insisting on the observance of this rule. It is thus clear that the custom here was merely a question of respect, not a religious or a social taboo. The same rules applied to a woman and her father-in-law. For a month after the birth of their first child, parents camped apart by themselves and ate nothing but acorn soup and other vegetal food. They anxiously watched the stump of the navelcord, endeavoring to heal the wound and cause the stump to slough off quickly. When it came off, no matter what the time of day or 1 Almost invariably the principal in an Indian puberty celebration was painted after her final bath. Was the origin of this custom perhaps a desire to prevent immediate cohabitation without detection?

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Pomo mother and child [photogravure plate]

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THE WINTUN 91 night, the father hurried to the river and bathed. The next morning he built a small sudatory of willow wands and deerskin, placed hot stones inside, and took a long steam bath, concluding with a plunge in the river. This he repeated in the evening. The stump of the navel-cord was wrapped in a bit of deerskin, which dangled at the head of the cradle-basket, and at the end of their period of isolation they attached the little bag to a basket-tray, which they hung at the head of a new cradle-basket provided by the woman's mother. The old one, tied to a bush facing the east, was abandoned. For two days before their return, both parents took a sweat morning and evening, while the infant was cared for by the woman's mother or grandmother, who every morning and evening came to see them. The navel-cord in its deerskin pouch was carefully preserved by the mother until her child became adolescent. Names of deceased ancestors were given to children, because it was desired to perpetuate them. There seems to have been no rule as to which side of the family should be thus honored, but mostly they were chosen from the paternal side of the house. At various times, but without ceremony, new names were bestowed, because of this desire to keep alive the names of all their ancestors and relatives in collateral lines. So strong was this instinct that a man who saw no prospect of ever being able to revive a certain name by giving it to a child might say to an adult relative, "Well, I will let you carry this name." The dead among the northern Wintun divisions were always buried, and graves were dug by women working with digging sticks and baskets. The bottom was V-shape, and all the graves of a cemetery were arranged in a circle. While the body was yet warm, relatives of the same sex as the deceased person covered the face of the corpse with red pigment and placed around the neck whatever strings of beads were to be sacrificed. Then they drew the knees up to the chest, bent the head forward until the face rested on the knees, enfolded the body in a deerskin, and wound about it ten, fifteen, or twenty of the very valuable deer-snare ropes, leaving one end loose to serve as a pack-strap. But when there were relatives in distant villages, the body was kept as long as two nights and a day with the face uncovered, in order that they might see their lost one for the last time. The corpse was carried out on the back of a relative and lowered into the grave, where it was placed in a sitting posture, facing the south. A dish of water, but no food, was set beside it. Then some man capable of making a speech expressed

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92 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN some such sentiments as these: "Our friend has gone away. We will have to go that way. This has come close to us." Baskets and deerskins were cut up and placed around the body and partially covering it, slabs of bark were piled over it, and finally the pit was filled with earth. It was quite a common thing to open an old grave, place the bones in a corner, and deposit another corpse in the usual position, a habit that resulted in the growth of large mounds. For years after sepulture the spot was kept in order by relatives, who would strew sand over it and set a basketry vessel of water there. The personal possessions and the house, if the deceased person had owned a house, were burned. Dogs were killed for the reason that the relatives did not wish to see them and be reminded of their loss; but not at the grave, nor in the belief that they would accompany their master's spirit. After returning from the burial rites, not only those who had touched the corpse, but all who had attended, took a steam bath and burned angelicaroot as incense while repeating certain formulas. Children not only did not attend funerals, but were prohibited from looking at a corpse. The Nomlaki dead faced the west, instead of the south, and the Patwin dead were sometimes cremated. The Waileka preferred not to use the word mini ("dead"), employing rather such euphemisms as "gone" and "melted." Thus the usage of a certain prosperous sect among us is bolstered with the authority of primitive man. The hair of women and children was cut short to betoken mourning, and mothers and grandmothers covered the entire head and the face, excepting the eyes, nose, and mouth, with black pitch; but men only spread on the face a little pitch mixed with black paint. A widow might be, but was not necessarily, taken to wife at once by a brother of her deceased husband. Religious beliefs and practices of the Wintun have to do mainly with the acquisition of good luck from the supernaturals, and they most frequently appear in connection with the customs of hunters and shamans. The following practices are those of Waileka hunters. Whenever a deer is killed, a hunter searches eagerly and hopefully in the second stomach for a round concretion the size of a marble; and when by rare luck the bezoar is found, he wraps it, with several kinds of roots and grass and leaves, in a bunch of fir leaves, until the whole ball is about five inches in diameter. This object he hides a short distance from his house in a dry, hollow tree,

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On the Merced - Southern Miwok [photogravure plate]

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THE WINTUN 93 and about once a month he renews its "food," - the roots, grass, and leaves inside the fir leaves. This charm is called hasi, and the happy possessor, if he properly cares for it, will have good luck in the hills. He will never become exhausted, he will be able to overtake deer and kill them quickly. He will never become lost, and will always find water when he requires it. Without this aid the hunter is exposed to the malevolence of the puyuk-ilawi ("mountain children"), which are no larger than human infants. Before drinking a hunter repeats the formula, "Close your eyes, and do not think about me." He is speaking to the mountain children. When a hunter misses a deer, he firmly believes that he has been shooting at the spirit of a deer, which the mountain children have sent to deceive him. They themselves are never seen, but their tracks are; and the various mysterious sounds of the solitudes - the creaking of a bough, the rolling of a pebble are all believed to be caused by the movements of these spirits. In the mountains one must avoid all levity, proceeding quietly without loud talking and laughing, without reckless sliding down the hillside. One may sleep beside his woman, but not cohabit with her nor joke with her. Whenever a deer is brought to camp, its head is cut off; and while cutting it the hunter keeps saying, "Tomorrow we will catch up with some of your relatives." The head is roasted in the ashes without salt, and when it is done a handful of fir leaves is burned in the fire in order that the smoke may carry away the deer's spirit and create a new animal. A youth is not permitted to eat of the first or the second deer killed by him: the first one they say is his mother's left breast and the second her right. When a bear is killed its skin must not be spread out until the party returns home, for the skin would frighten the deer and no more of them could be killed. But if it is left folded up, it may perhaps be possible to kill more deer, though the experience of some hunters is that no matter how many may be seen, nor how closely approached, not a deer will be killed after a bear. When a hunter discovers a bear's den and looks in, he mimics the bluejay, "Chaik, chaik, chaik," so that the spirit guarding the bear will not be able to warn the animal that his den is discovered. The Waileka hunter never kills a rattlesnake, but with a "Sukim ['greeting']!" passes on. The spring Sukal-mem ("snake water") on McCloud river at the head of Salt creek is always avoided. In former times any one who encountered a supernatural in his goings at night was certain to have good luck. The shock invari

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94 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ably caused him to faint, and there he lay the rest of the night. When he regained his senses, he arranged to have the shaman's dance performed in order to take advantage of his good fortune. If however it was not the proper season for the ceremony, he simply bided his time and participated in the next celebration. This now obsolete ceremony, which is called Kenchi in the Waileka dialect, had for its object the production of a state of real or simulated trance in the candidates for the shamanistic profession, during which they "dreamed," or beheld visions, and from the supernaturals who thus visited them obtained songs. These songs, however, which were symbolical of the power the supernaturals desired to confer, and without which that power could not be possessed, remained inarticulate, until by continued dancing and unintelligible mumbling the candidates, always with the assistance of the shamans, succeeded in bringing forth the unwilling words or vocables of their songs. The motifs, it is plain, are about the same as those of the shamans' initiation among the Nez Perces and the inland Salish. Unlike the Achomawi, the Wintun did not believe that the gift of shamanistic power was forced upon one by the spirits. It was deliberately sought in the shaman's dance. Very few Wintun men went into lonely places to seek good luck. The ceremony occurred in the autumn, rarely in the late spring. If the ceremonial house, or so-called sweat-house, were in ill condition, the chief summoned all to aid in the construction of a new one, assigning to each group some particular task, the men to procure timbers, slabs, and bark, the women brush and grass. They soon returned, and the house was quickly thrown up over an excavation that had been prepared in the meantime. That same day the candidates, young or middle-aged persons of both sexes, but mostly males, went to some spring frequented by animals, or to a deer-lick, and rubbed blue clay on their heads and chests, while constantly repeating: "I have come to you, good spirits, to see if I can acquire good luck. Help me!" Then they proceeded into the hills to gather manzanita fagots for fuel, and carried them to the dance-house. Any young boys could help in this work. At night assembled the prospective shamans and all the other men, but few women, of the village. When the singing began, the candidates went individually to the different shamans or good hunters or lucky gamblers. The young man grasped the hand of the older one and exclaimed, "T6mbe!" which is as much as to say, "I am sure I am going to have the luck you have." The older man

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A southern Miwok [photogravure plate]

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THE WINTUN 95 answered, "I am a good shaman [or hunter, or gambler], and I do not think that even if you dream you will have my luck." Nevertheless, he rubbed his hands along the young man's arms and gave him a parting slap on the palm. The candidates then began to dance about the fire, endeavoring to throw themselves into a trance. They were not always successful. Some, however, would suddenly become limp and apparently unconscious, and were then assisted out of the circle to the edge of the room, where they lay down. Others became as if crazed, and these were immediately taken in charge by the shamans, two of whom danced with each one so affected, holding him by the hands. Eventually he fell unconscious. Later in the night all these "came to life," and weakly crawled toward the dancing floor, uttering strange sounds, as if trying to sing. But they neither sang nor spoke intelligible words, yet the shamans pretended to be able to understand them. Then again they lay down in a trance, and the next time they woke they stood up and sang, having at last really gotten hold of the songs vaguely heard in the trance. Blood sometimes issued from the mouth of a dancer, and this was taken as a certain sign that he would become a shaman. Much dancing was not permitted after blood appeared, and the candidate was led aside and made to recline. On the following night or two all the people, including the women, gathered in the ceremonial house to dance and sing the new songs. About daylight after the last night of dancing the shamans in charge and the novices danced outside in a row, facing the north, the elders at the ends of the line and the novices in the middle. Finally all bathed in the river. An important ceremony was called by the Waileka Yechuivischanus ("dream dance"). The costumes were like those worn in Yuki ceremonies. Upright in the back of their hair women wore a tebebus, an ornament made by tying two divergent white feathers to the end of a slender rod, which constantly trembled - a thing desired of every article worn in this dance. Across the forehead was the chileu ("yellowhammer"), a band of perpendicular yellowhammer tail-feathers. Men wore a tebebus upright in the back of the hair and one projecting forward at each side above the ear, with a chileu above the eyes. Their costume included also the pitahlas, which was an oblong garment of quill-feathers, the quills of which were held by twined cordage while the vanes were free, so that the feathers dangled from the netting. Two corners were connected by a cord, and through the loop thus formed the head

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96 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN was inserted so that the pitah7as hung down the back. Suspended on a cord about his neck each man had a whistle made of a longbone of any large bird or small mammal. There were two songleaders and a time-keeper, each of whom, and each spectator likewise, had a split-elder stick with which the rhythm was kept by striking it on the left hand. Anyone who had experienced a dream, in which he saw dancing and heard a song, rose and said: "I saw such and such dancing and heard this song. I want you to help me sing it." He then started the song, which the two leaders quickly took up, and all joined in as they caught the air and the rhythm. The dreamer himself led the dance. The men struck first one foot and then the other several times forcibly upon the ground, at the same time throwing their clenched fists forward alternately with a downward swing across the body. Women merely flexed the knees. One following another, the dancers moved around the fire until the time-keeper raised his hands, when they stopped, faced the fire, and danced in a row, sometimes blowing their whistles and again, at the places indicated by the time-keeper, dropping them. If this first dance-leader had learned more than one song in his dream, he sang the others after a few minutes' intermission; if not, then some other dreamer took his place, introduced a song, and led the dancing. This continued all night, and sometimes was repeated on one or two succeeding nights. If there were not enough dreamers present to keep the dance in operation until all were satisfied and ready to stop, they danced Nom-weres-chanuis ("west come dance"), using the same costumes and the same steps, but different songs. So far as the Waileka know, these songs originated with the Nomlaki, passed to the Nomsus Wintun on Trinity river, and thence to the Waileka. In another form of this Nom-weres-chanuis two of the performers used bohim-payuk ("big head") head-dresses, consisting of very tall bunches of feathers. When these were used, no levity was permitted. Sedem-chanuis 1 ("coyote dance") was a social dance, in which the men stood in a straight line, joined hands, and danced from side to side and backward and forward. This usually took place during the day, but sometimes at night, and continued for as many days as the people desired. In Panniki they danced in a circle with their hands on the shoulders of the ones beside them. Of course no celebration of any kind could long continue without a feast. 1 S-dem is correct, though coyote is sedit, or sbdet.

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A southern Miwok - Profile [photogravure plate]

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The Maidu

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I~ ~~~ ~~~ ~~~~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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THE MAIDU HE Maidu occupied a large number of settlements consisting of round, earth-covered, partially subterranean houses from one to perhaps twenty in number. Roughly defined, their former territory is the eastern drainage area of Sacramento river from a point a few miles north of Chico southward to Cosumnes river, a distance in a straight line of about a hundred and ten miles. In the northeast it extended into the alkaline plains of the inland basin about Eagle and Honey lakes, so that on the eastern side it attained a length of some one hundred and forty-five miles. The average breadth is approximately ninety miles, and the area nearly ten thousand square miles. This region is marked with a number of characteristic features of California topography. In the west, from north to south, extends the valley of the Sacramento, with waving tule swamps bordering the river and a level plain, once a vast field of native grasses studded with great oaks, stretching some twenty miles or more to the foothills. Near the centre of the plain, like cones on a table, stands the remarkable cluster of volcanic peaks known as Marysville buttes, a landmark for the explorers of other days. East of the valley are the foothills of the Sierra, partially covered with oaks and conifers, but exposing many open slopes and ridges where various shrubs and annual plants yielded edible nuts, fruits, and seeds. Manzanita and ceanothus are the prevailing shrubs. The foothills are cut by numerous southwest-flowing streamsnotably Feather and American rivers and their branches, - which generally tumble through deep glacial gorges or canions. East of the foothills lies the heavily forested Sierra Nevada, where at elevations of five to ten thousand feet a snowfall of twenty feet is not uncommon. At the extreme northwestern corner of Maidu territory is the volcanic peak, Mount Lassen, still mildly and intermittently active, the northern outpost of the Sierra Nevada. From its northern 99

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I00 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN slopes flow streams discharging into Pit river and so into the Sacramento, and its southern slope drains into the North fork of Feather river and a multitude of creeks flowing more directly into the Sacramento. Immediately east of Mount Lassen is a region of cinder cones and hot springs, a place of mystery to the Indians. Farther eastward, in the extreme northeastern part of Maidu territory, is an extension of the great interior basin of Nevada. Here the drainage is into salt lakes - Eagle, Horse, and Honey. Arid sagebrush plains and alkaline flats, the beds of ancient lakes, predominate. The Maidu probably did not extend far out into this plain, because one of the four divisions of the Paviotso, as recognized by themselves, roamed this country and claimed Honey lake as the principal feature of their territory. The northern neighbors of the Maidu were the now extinct Yana, from Rock creek in the northwestern corner of Butte county northward to Round mountain, and eastward to Mount Lassen; and the Achomawi, on Pit river. Eastward were the northern Paviotso, or Paiute, of the Great Basin country, and the Washo about Lake Tahoe, both essentially Nevada tribes, but extending into California. South of the Maidu were the Miwok, and westward across Sacramento river the Wintun, by whom the Maidu were profoundly influenced, especially in their ceremonial life. On linguistic and geographical grounds Dixon 1 recognizes three divisions: the northeastern Maidu, partly in the arid plains of Lassen county, but more numerously in the mountain valleys of Plumas county; the northwestern Maidu, west of the first-named division and north of Yuba river; and the southern Maidu, south of Yuba river. Considerable differences, all due to environmental and other external influences, existed between these divisions. The northeastern Maidu led the more simple life of the interior plains people, like the neighboring Paviotso and Achomawi. The northwestern Maidu had a very elaborate ceremonial system borrowed from the Wintun. The southern Maidu resembled the Miwok more than they did the other Maidu. It must not be thought that within each of these more or less arbitrary divisions there was a uniform culture. In every case there were rather wide differences between opposite borders. Thus, among the northwestern Maidu the people of the valley and those of the foothills were nearly as divergent as the two northern major divisions. Their habitats were entirely dissimilar, consequently 1 The Northern Maidu, Bulletin American Museum of Natural History, XVII, I905.

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Sifting basket - Southern Miwok [photogravure plate]

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THE MAIDU IOI habits of daily life necessarily differed. The ceremonial organization of the foothills was much simpler than that of the valley. Lastly, the vocabularies show many variations, mostly lexical, not phonetic. The name Maidu is the native word for person, or people, and was first used by Powers in I877. The southern Maidu he classed as a separate tribe under the name Nishinam. For themselves the Maidu have only local names. They are the sole representatives of Powell's Pujunan linguistic stock, but the studies of Dixon and Kroeber show their linguistic relationship with Wintun, Costanoan, Miwok, and Yokuts, all members of the newly conceived Penutian family. Spaniards from the south explored the lower courses of Sacramento and Feather rivers in the first quarter of the nineteenth century, and trappers, approaching from the opposite direction, made a beginning of exploration in the mountains. None of these activities left any impression on the country or the native people. In 1839 John A. Sutter, a Swiss soldier, obtained a grant near the mouth of American river, and there built a fortified private establishment, which he patriotically called New Helvetia. It was in this region that gold was discovered in 1848. A large part of the placer area lay within Maidu territory. The very names of the counties carved, in whole or in part, from their domain are bathed in the glamor of the days of gold. Sacramento, Eldorado, Sutter, Placer, Yuba, Nevada, Sierra, Butte, Plumas - every name brings a romantic picture of the Argonauts. For the Maidu the period was far from romantic. To them the Argonauts did not appear in the golden haze that surrounds them in modern imagination. Not a few of them mere desperadoes, most of them hard living, hard fisted, hard hearted, their sole aim was the acquisition of the yellow nuggets in the shortest possible time. The fact that their operations filled with debris the streams from which the natives had always obtained a substantial part of their food, and drove the game into remote fastnesses, was unheeded if considered at all. Patient, pathetic entreaty was answered with a laugh, protest with a curse or a kick, resistance with premeditated slaughter of guilty and innocent. Unaccustomed diseases had been steadily playing their part for nearly a generation, and now drunkenness was added to the Indian's already impossible burden. Today there are about two hundred Maidu, probably one twentieth of the population at the beginning of the last century. With the exception of a few at Round Valley reservation in former

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I02 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Yuki territory, the Maidu live in small groups here and there in their old domain, most of them on allotted land. Their principal centres are in or near Chico and Mooretown in Butte county, for the northwestern Maidu, Prattville and Genesee in Plumas county for the northeastern Maidu, and Nashville in Eldorado county for the southern division; but others are to be found, one family here, two there, throughout the entire area. The largest number at any one place is on the Bidwell ranch at Chico, and it is on information there obtained that the material for the following pages is based. It must be understood, therefore, that statements therein made do not necessarily apply outside the valley section of the northwestern Maidu. The typical house was about fifteen feet in diameter. Its construction was begun by digging with sticks, and with baskets used as scoops, a circular excavation about three feet deep, and setting near the centre and some six feet apart two forked posts, one, the main post, eight to ten feet high, the other, the front post, somewhat shorter. A beam connecting the two crotches was next put in place, and in the circumference of the excavation was set a number of short posts, scarcely higher than the earth wall, the tops of which were connected by a series of plate-timbers. Horizontal battens close together were bound to these posts from bottom to top. All timbers were securely lashed by means of grapevine withes. From opposite sides two heavy beams extended from the plate to the taller of the two central posts. Then a great number of rafters were erected, their bases resting on the plate and their tops on the central posts or on the beam connecting them. Small transverse poles were lashed across the rafters. Grass and brush were spread thickly on these battens, tules were set up outside the wall battens, and dry grass was stuffed down between the tules and the earth wall. Lastly a heavy layer of earth was applied to the roof and piled up against the wall, so that the visible part of the structure was nearly a low-angle cone. An opening back of the main post served as a smoke-vent and an exit, from which a pole ladder led down into the interior close to the fireplace. In the front wall at the level of the floor was a circular hole for ventilation; but at night it was stuffed shut with a bunch of grass. This hole served also as a doorway for the aged and for children, an incline extending from it upward to the ground. Under modern influence this grew into a practical doorway with a pent-roof. Every autumn a fresh covering of earth was applied to the roof of the house.

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A southern Miwok youth [photogravure plate]

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THE MAIDU 103 The roof-plan of Maidu houses, that is, the number and arrangement of the posts and timbers, but not the ultimate shape, varied not only among the major divisions, but even in the valley section of the northwestern Maidu. Here, in addition to the two posts near the centre, there was sometimes a row of shorter ones midway between the centre and the two sides, and from each central post a heavy timber extended to the wall, one in front, the other in the rear. The other roof-timbers rested either on these main ones or on the central posts, being supported at the middle by the shorter, secondary posts. Poor families in the valley, and nearly all in the foothills, contented themselves with smaller, conical lodges of poles meeting at a point above a shallow excavation and covered with brush, bark, and slabs, -a very inferior shelter. Its general use in the foothills, where thorough protection was more desirable than in the lowlands, was doubtless due to the difficulty of excavating earth in the stony ridges and hillsides on which their settlements were pitched. The assembly house resembled the earth-roofed dwelling, but was considerably larger - from twenty-five to thirty feet in diameter and correspondingly lofty - and had a different arrangement of posts and roof-timbers. A tall post stood in the centre, a shorter one behind it, and another in front of it. Each of the two shorter ones was connected with the central post by a heavy beam, and with the plate by several radiating main rafters. Other main rafters rested on the central post and the connecting beams. The door, always facing west, was very low, so that one who chose this exit instead of the smoke-hole in the roof had to crawl out and then climb up the incline to the surface of the ground. The Maidu had no sweat-houses. In dancing the performers perspired profusely and at the end of the dance bathed in the river; but other than this the sweat was unknown. The beds were rather low platforms of willow poles, which parallelled the wall and were supported by a number of transverse pieces extending from the wall posts to stakes embedded in the earthen floor. Bunches of fine willow twigs were tied transversely on the poles, or pine-needles were strewn on them, and tule mats frequently covered the twigs or needles. The Maidu slept with the head to the fire (an unusual position), and the head-rest was commonly a stout pole extending along the edge of the platform. With a comparatively large number of people sleeping in a small house, practically air-tight except for the smoke-hole, covering was rarely

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Io4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN needed, and they usually lay naked. In emergencies they covered themselves with fur or feather robes. A reliable informant, Jack Franco, stated that some of the Maidu were so wretched that they curled up on the floor like dogs. For the poverty of the Indians, their hardships and ignorance, he blamed Coyote, the mischiefmaking companion of the benevolent creator.1 The household utensils were mostly numerous basketry vessels for containing and preparing food. The prevailing type of basketry was coiled, with three-rod foundation of willow or redbud, and wrapping or sewing material from the same source. In this manner were made the circular, flaring cooking vessels; baskets, shaped like a truncated cone and having a diameter of as much as three feet, for the storage of acorn meal, seeds, and other vegetal food; parching baskets, the shape of which may be deduced from the fact that the Indians sometimes used them as gold-pans; trays for sifting meal; and hoppers for use with flat stone mortars. Twined work was confined to the sharply pointed, conical burden-baskets; open-work storage baskets; seed-beaters, and trays for holding dry food; and great out-door granaries, cylindrical, and as much as five or six feet in diameter and six to eight feet high - so large in fact that sometimes a man would take his paramour to sleep in one of them, secure from detection. The mortar used in pulverizing acorns, seeds, and dry fish, was simply a flat stone sunk in the floor, or the flat surface of a granite bowlder, with a basketry hopper set on it and held in place by the worker's legs. When the gradually worn conical hole became four to six inches deep, so that it was difficult to remove the meal that became firmly packed in the bottom, a new stone was procured for the house or a new spot was selected on the bowlder. As elsewhere in northern California, globular mortars are found buried in the ground, apparently by natural causes, and like other Indians the Maidu disclaim any knowledge of the makers, believing these objects rather to be supernatural in their origin and dangerous for ordinary persons to handle. They were used only for religious purposes, and principally by shamans. The fact that these mortars are found beneath the surface of the ground may be connected with the ancient shamanistic practice, as among the Luisefios of southern California, 1 After relating the myth of the creation and naming the evil customs instituted by Coyote, he became oblivious to the presence of an auditor, and speaking quite to himself he exclaimed softly but earnestly: "Oh, poor people! Dog-gone that devil! Wasn't for him we would have had it nice! Oh, sugar!"

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On the south fork of the Tule River [photogravure plate]

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THE MAIDU I0o5 of burying their ceremonial mortars when not in use. These southerners also believed that stone objects of this kind were capable of motion, but only in the performance of their ceremonial function. Although the Maidu, unlike the Shasta, did not credit these prehistoric mortars with the power of instantaneous motion, they held a somewhat similar belief in regard to the water-worn stones that were sometimes used as pestles instead of those artificially shaped by pecking. They thought that such stones had life, and in winter went dashing through the water against the banks, hollowing out great caves. Sometimes they threw themselves out of the water, and were found. Clothing could hardly be simpler than that of the Valley Maidu. Men, elderly women, and children wore nothing whatever, except that in cold weather they threw a feather or fur robe about the shoulders and fastened it in front with wooden pins. Younger women wore as an apron a mere thick switch of bark, either willow or maple, the latter being preferred, and when gathering seeds, and consequently stooping much of the time, they had another bunch behind. Fur robes were either entire skins sewn together, or more commonly the skins of rabbits cut into continuous strips, which were wound spirally on poles, so that after drying they retained the spiral shape and were in effect hollow cylinders covered with fur. These ropes of fur were wound on a frame consisting of two horizontal poles, and through the warp thus formed was passed the milkweed or hemp cord weft in the process known as double twining. Among the Valley Maidu the most common robes were made by the same process out of the skins of crows, or of ducks, geese, and other waterfowl. Women wore flat-topped basketry caps, which in many cases were made of tules. Close-mesh net-caps were worn by men, principally on ceremonial occasions. The fabric was about eight inches wide and twice as long. On each long margin was a draw-string, and when the cap was adjusted over the mass of hair bunched on the top of the head, the extremity of the strip of netting drooped down over the back of the neck. A deerskin band covered the front edge. The hair of women and children was kept very short by means of a glowing ember of oak-bark, and after this treatment pulverized charcoal of tarweed was rubbed into the hair. How extensive was this practice among the Maidu is uncertain. At Alialpa, a Feather River town below the site of Oroville, they wore a tonsure, the hair being burned short on the top of the head and VOL. XIV-14

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Io6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN left fairly long at the back and sides. Men had the hair long and doubled up on the top of the head beneath the knitted cap, and a rather long, sharp stick was thrust transversely through cap and hair above the forehead. The comb was a porcupine-tail with a thong handle on the under side. The beard and the pubic hair were burned off. Moccasins and leggings were practically unknown in the valley, but the mountaineers habitually wore them in winter, as well as for hunting in summer. Tattooing was accomplished by scarifying the skin with a flake of white flint and rubbing charcoal into the cuts. Women had several perpendicular lines on the chin, always an odd number for the sake of symmetry, a line from each corner of the mouth to the cheek-bone, and very often marks across the chest. A few men had a line or two on the chin, but most of them were ornamented with rows of dots on the arms and across the chest. Both sexes in the dance wore ear-pendants or plugs inserted in holes in the lobes of the ears. The pendants were clam-shell, dentalia, or abalone-shell beads on deerskin thongs, the plugs were bone or wooden cylinders, either plain or with a cluster of quail crest-feathers or red woodpecker-feathers at the forward end. The commonest ear-ornament for men was a ten-inch wing-bone of a swan or a crane, and for women a smaller bone from the wing of a pelican. Designs scratched on the bone were filled in with charcoal powder. In everyday life a tule plug was frequently inserted to keep the perforation open. Certain head-men in dancing wore a feather or the entire wing of a yellowhammer in the septum of the nose. Principal dancers used red paint, hi, on the face, arms, and chest, and others employed charcoal. Women were fond of necklaces, which were made of clam-shell discs, dentalia, or magnesite cylinders. All these were obtained from the Wintun, who procured them from the Pomo, by whom both clam-shell and magnesite beads were manufactured. Dentalia and magnesite were rare among the Maidu, but they possessed quantities of clam-shell beads, which were a common medium of exchange. For this purpose also they used woodpecker scalps, those of the smaller species being equivalent to twenty-five cents each, those of the large, pileated woodpecker a dollar each. Recently the price of the latter has advanced to two dollars and fifty cents, as they are in demand for decorating dance costumes. The principal vegetal foods of the Maidu were acorns and pinole.

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A boulder milling-stone - Miwok [photogravure plate]

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THE MAIDU I07 Acorns of every species were used in making mush and bread by the process heretofore described in this volume, but those of the black oak were preferred by the valley dwellers. Pinole was the parched and pulverized seeds of various grasses and other plants, the most prolific being tarweed, wild oats, and sunflowers. Other edible nuts were buckeyes, which were prepared in the same manner as acorns, sugar-pine and digger-pine nuts, and hazelnuts. Roots of many kinds, especially camas and other liliaceous bulbs, were roasted in pits, and certain unidentified root-stocks were eaten raw. The subterranean stock of the tule was a fairly important article to the valley bands, and young clover and pea-vines were devoured in the fields with gusto. Fruits were dried and stored, and their great variety gave them importance in spite of the relatively short season for any one species. Elderberries, service-berries, chokecherries, gooseberries, blackberries, plums, and grapes were so treated. Laurel-berries were roasted and eaten, and manzanita-berries, which at maturity become dry and mealy, were used for making a sweetish beverage. Fish of all kinds were staple food, and all species except sturgeon were dried and crushed, bones and all, in a mortar, and packed away in tall, twined willow baskets lined with grass on a thick floor of bark. The bones of fish that were eaten fresh were tied up in bundles, and when winter rations became short the bones were crushed and used in soup. Nothing was overlooked by the Maidu. A great delicacy was a putrid salmon, cooked by boiling with plenty of salt, which was secured from various deposits within Maidu territory. Whenever a dead salmon was seen floating down the river, there was always someone ready to volunteer to swim after it. An immense variety of animal life was available to the Maidu, and they refused little of it. Reptiles, batrachians, dogs, wolves and coyotes, minks and otters, grizzly-bears, and buzzards, were not eaten. Deer and elk, driven from the mountains by snow, joined the swarming bands of antelope in Sacramento valley for the winter. Black bears were sometimes captured, but the grizzly-bear was generally avoided and his flesh was not eaten even if available. The carnivores, fox, wildcat, cougar, badger, porcupine, skunk, and raccoon, were eaten, but of greater importance, because more numerous and more easily killed, were the rodents-rabbits, squirrels, gophers, wood-rats, kangaroo-rats, and mice.

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Io8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The waterfowl, including brant, swans, and a vast variety of ducks and geese, were remarkably abundant, and the Maidu ate not only these, and game birds such as quail and grouse, but the smaller birds, like robins, doves, larks, and woodpeckers, and all predaceous and carrion birds excepting buzzards, these being owls, hawks, eagles, crows, and ravens. Fresh-water clams and mussels, turtles, bats, earthworms, grasshoppers, and yellow-jacket larvae were esteemed. Deer were killed by stalking and by driving. A hunter with a deer-head mask on his head, a rabbit-skin blanket about his shoulders, and k6koko, probably gypsum, smeared over the front parts of his body, stood in the brush on the windward side of the quarry and simulated the movements of a feeding deer, and thus enticed his prey within perhaps a few yards of him. The antlers of the mask were made of wood, and in the spring they were wound with deerskin, so as to resemble horns in the velvet. Deer were also driven into long nets and clubbed as they struggled there, or past ambushed hunters who brought them down with arrows. In mountainous country the deer were driven between long brush wings behind which the bowmen were concealed, or less commonly over a cliff. Elk were killed from ambush when driven by other hunters, and antelope were stalked in the same manner as deer, the horns of the disguise being made of soap-plant fibres blackened with charcoal. But the commonest method of killing large game was in winter to drive the animals into back-water along the swollen river, and there catch them by a hind leg and stab them in the throat. Bears were seldom killed. They were not successfully caught in nets, because they would destroy too much of that valuable material before they could be killed. Such bears as were taken were killed by hunters who surrounded the animal and shot arrows from all sides. Rabbits were driven into long nets and there despatched with clubs, and geese, attracted by decoys, were entangled when the hunter jerked a string and so dislodged the upright poles on which a flat net, its lower edge pegged down, was held perpendicular to the ground. While still without well-developed wings, grasshoppers were driven by a circle of people with ash boughs into a number of large pits partially filled with water. They were dipped out with openmesh baskets, poured into burden-baskets, and baked in pits. Some were then dried and pounded up. The adult insects were

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A southern Miwok woman [photogravure plate]

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THE MAIDU Io9 captured by setting fire to the dry grass of a meadow and so singeing their wings. Salmon to be dried and stored were caught in autumn by means of long seines. The fish-weir t!u was a structure of stakes and poles with grass and earth filling. At each end was a long basketry trap with its mouth up-stream, and in the middle was an opening at which, on a platform, stood a fisherman plying his dip-net, s'kitu, by night. This net was of the bow-and-arrow type. When a run of salmon passed through the gate by day, they were frightened back into the traps. The weir called leu was of the same construction, but had a single trap at the middle, and no gate, being used for steelhead trout in their seaward migration. The dip-net called sapenim-bini was arranged on two long, divergent poles with a cross-piece at the bottom, and was used in eddies in the same manner as the same type was handled on Klamath river. Spears with two bone points loosely socketed on the prongs of the long shaft were employed at riffles or at the salmon-weir. The gorgehook, a straight, double-pointed bit of bone attached at the middle and covered with bait, was used for trout. The northwestern Maidu traded with the Wintun and with the northeastern bands. From the former they obtained principally shell beads, woodpecker-scalps, and yellowhammer-feathers, which with nets and rope snares they passed along to their Maidu neighbors in exchange for yew bows, arrows, and skins. Shell beads are said to have been a comparatively late acquisition. The Maidu never wandered far from home, and these commodities travelled by passing from village to village. No canoes were made in Sacramento valley,1 but small tule balsas were in use. Ordinarily streams were crossed by swimming with a tule or wooden float under one arm. Rude canoes are said to have been made by the northeastern Maidu for the navigation of the lakes in their territory. Tobacco pipes were of two kinds. The more common was a cylindrical piece of ash branch about thirty inches long. Tubular steatite pipes from four to six inches long were less numerous. The war activities of the Maidu were almost exclusively feuds, which were caused by trespass on food preserves and fishing stations, and by the supposed practices of shamans in "poisoning" people. The individual possessed exclusive and absolute rights in certain 1 Dixon says that canoes were used to a limited extent. No confirmation of this statement was secured.

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IIO THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN fishing places and in certain oaks, and if he detected anyone, even a member of his own village, in poaching, a fight was certain to ensue. And this personal affair of course grew into a feud between families or between villages. Payment before revenge was not the thing. If one caught a man stealing his fish or acorns, he did his best to kill the intruder; and his friends did not send a mediator to arrange terms of peace, but fighters to exact revenge. But when peace was to be concluded, all the lives lost on both sides were paid for. The victorious side therefore paid the greater price. In ancient times a deadly enemy lived on the upper part of Mill creek, east of Tehama. These were of Yana stock. Scalps were taken in war, and they figured prominently in the victory celebration, dangling from a pole upon which was hung a bundle of tules representing the enemy. Two warriors with blackened faces danced about the pole, dodging and posturing like fighting-men, and discharging arrows at the effigy. When they retired, two others danced, and thus it went until all the warriors had shot at the "enemy." Then all the people swarmed out and danced around the pole. The Valley Maidu used a long, elk-hide shirt for protection in war, and the hill tribes a vest of round, hardwood rods with cord twining. Their weapons were yew bows, arrows tipped with obsidian or flint, shafted preferably with syringa or reed shoots and triply feathered, and obsidian-bladed spears about six feet long with a stout elder shaft and a hard-wood foreshaft. Arrow-shafts were straightened by bending in a notch at the edge of a heated stone implement, and smoothed by rubbing with a bunch of dry Equisetum. The hill people, however, used stone smoothers. The grass game was the favorite gambling play of the Maidu, and was conducted in the same manner as elsewhere in northern California. Two pairs of bone cylinders, one of each pair being marked with a black band around the middle, were concealed in separate bunches of dry grass by two leaders of one party, and the leaders of the opposing side attempted to guess the location of the marked ones, employing prescribed gestures and exclamations to indicate their choice. The game was usually between villages, and, continuing as long as an entire day and night without pause, was attended with energetic singing and intense concentration. Women sometimes played the hand game, concealing two bones in the hands, but they had no dice play. Gambling was a feature of all athletic contests. Chief among

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Otila - Maidu [photogravure plate]

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THE MAIDU III these was football, which was rather a race for the same goal than a struggle for opposite goals. The opposing players stood in parallel rows, the individuals of each party being from a hundred to a hundred and fifty feet apart, and each leader, the man farthest from the goal, at a signal kicked forward toward his nearest partner a ball of deer-hair covered with skin. The party that first brought its ball to the goal was the winner. Women played a form of shinny, using throwing sticks and a missile made by tying two blocks of wood together with a thong. The Valley Maidu divided the year into summer and winter, but the hill bands named four seasons. Twelve moons were recognized, but of course there was no difference between the solar and the lunar year. The informant who named the moons of the valley calendar has for many years so closely observed the phases of the moon that he has discovered the discrepancy between the Indian system and ours. He complained that for the last three years the Fourth of July had occurred in Kumenim-semenim-poko, the first winter month, and Christmas in Sawim-poko, the first summer month. For this confusion he holds our system at fault. The Valley Maidu calendar is as follows: Sawim-poko ("leaves moon"), the first summer month, when buds begin to appear. Lailam-poko ("grass moon"). Ka/nmakam-poko ("gather-pinole moon"). K6katim-poko ("summer moon"). Tumim-poko ("foggy moon"), referring to the smoky atmosphere. Tem-semenim-poko ("little gather-acorns moon"). Kumenim-semenim-poko ("winter gather-acorns moon"), the first winter moon. Chahwa'dam-poko ("granary moon"). Yapaktom-poko ("cut-asunder moon"), so called because the weather is partly good and partly inclement. Yepanim-poko ("chief moon"). So many people are sick in this month that it is properly called "sickly moon," but in order to avoid offense and an aggravation of conditions they call it chief. Amhin-chfilim-pokol ("stone frosty moon"), or Ba'm-penem-poko ("trail two moon"), so named because many new trails are made over the frost and ice, as the old ones become slippery. Kakakannom-poko (" intermittent-shower-and-sun moon"). 1 A different translation of this term was given by a Hill Maidu informant. See below.

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112 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The Hill Maidu name the following moons: Kainam-pakam, the first spring moon. Wfnu-tim-pakam. Buhkeldekem-pakam, in which month the roof of the house, expanding under the sun, seems to say, "Keli, keli." Tem-diakam-pakam ("little - moon"), the first summer moon, when fruits begin to ripen. Nem-dia'kam-pakam ("big - moon"), when all fruits ripen. Duiyakam-pakam, vegetation dries. Sapim-pakam, all animals breed, autumn begins. Utim-wdnuftim-pakam ("acorns - - moon"). Hekalumpim-pakam, acorns fall. Bapalakam-pakam, the first winter moon. Intam-pakam. When old people lie on the back beside the fire, it is said of them, " nta." Amhin-chfilim-pakam ("stones washed-away moon"), referring to the action of freshets. There is no trace of tribe or clan among the Maidu. Each village was a separate entity, and had its head-man, who occupied his position by virtue of public opinion that he was best qualified for it by intelligence, judgment, energy, and wealth. It follows that the office was not hereditary. The position itself carried less authority than did the forcefulness of the incumbent. In childbirth a woman was helped by two or three old midwives. Difficult parturition was not rare, sometimes lasting two days, and not infrequently resulting in death. The navel-cord was cut off with a clam-shell knife, and the end of the stump was smeared with charcoal. The woman and the child were then placed in a small grass hut, in which the husband kept a fire day and night, and a flat stone was heated and kept on the woman's abdomen in order to "bring out the blood." The protuberant abdomens of the women of the present time are attributed to the fact that these women did not use the hot stone after childbirth, and hence their "stomachs" are full of blood. For five days the parents ate neither meat nor fresh fish, and at the end of that time they bathed in the river and returned to the dwelling-house. Five days later they bathed again, and for several weeks longer the woman spent most of her time in the house. After her first parturition a woman spent about a month in the grass hut, but she bathed at the end of five days, and then ate sparingly of meat. The father of a first-born child laid his fuel

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A Maidu woman [photogravure plate]

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THE MAIDU II3 down carefully, lest the jar harm the infant. Sexual relations were resumed "when the baby was able to cry a little louder," for the old people admonished the young not to indulge themselves too soon lest they thereby kill the child. Twins were never reared: one was always strangled. Sometimes a small child was buried, living or dead, with its mother. The informant as a boy twice saw a child thus buried alive at Eskini. In one instance a four-year-old girl, thrown into the grave of her mother, screamed and kept thrusting her head up through the loose earth as the men filled the pit. At last one of them leaped upon the grave and trampled the fresh earth down. "That is the time she did not come out any more," added the informant pensively but without emotion. On four occasions he saw a man strangle a child with a stick and throw the body into the grave of the mother. He thinks this was done because the father did not wish to have another mouth to feed. Very young children were given nicknames, such as Buipaka ("big head"), Wisuyi ("slim"), Kuisuduti ("cow-lick at the nape of the neck"), Nemsunda ("big forehead"), Ba'spai ("little leg"), Nemkam ("big belly"). Later they received ancestral names, which usually but not always were from the father's family: such as Kamitni, Takaimi, Sewetni, for girls; and Tasik, Wuleki, Kepetu, for boys. These are said to have no known significance. At the time of initiation into the secret society the names of youths were changed again, the new ones being those of ancestors or of deceased collateral relatives. No matter what the season, a girl in her first menses went to live in a danim-du ("menstruating-girl shade"), which was a small grass-thatched hut. A small girl accompanied her, and sometimes there were three or four virgins with their attendants in the same hut. After the first flow girls and women passed their periods of menstruation in the ddnim-uyi, which was a small house built like the ordinary dwelling. For about two weeks the virgin (so called) spent her days in the hut, fuel being provided either by her father, or, if she were married, as was not infrequently the case, by her husband. She ate no meat and no fish, her diet being confined to acorn mush, bread, pinole, and sometimes pulverized grasshoppers. Her attendant fed her. Daily, with a deerskin over her head and face, she was led out in the company of a party of women who gathered clover or roots or fuel. She herself did no work. Daily, too, her attendant painted the virgin's face, as well as her own, with VOL. XIV-15

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II4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN perpendicular stripes of charcoal on the cheeks. Each night the women of the village assembled outside the dance-house, or the principal dwelling of the place, and holding hands in a circle, they sang, while at a short distance the men stood in a row and sang a different song. After several songs they went inside, and the girl was led in through the tunnel at the base of the wall, her head and face covered by a deerskin, her only other garment an old bark apron. The fire was merely a bed of coals, and in the half-gloom sat men and women, each with two small sticks or two stones, which were struck together in time with the puberty songs. Whenever anyone made a mistake in the singing, the others shouted, "Huhem peba wewasif!" The girl and her little attendant sat close to the hole in the wall, and though she did not sing she must not sleep. There was no dancing. Just before dawn some of the men stood on the roof and sang, "Dawn appears on the manzanita hill!" Then they ate, and the girl returned to the grass hut. On the last morning she bathed in a large basket, put on a new bark apron and a necklace of beads, and returned to the family house. Even before the age of puberty girls began to refrain from eating meat, and this restriction was observed for two years or more after the puberty singing. Then in the winter, at the season of high water, the virgin bathed in a large basket, and the men caught a great number of gophers for a feast. All the people were invited into the house, and the girl gave each one a small present valued at about twenty-five cents, after which she partook of the meat. But it is said that some, having by long abstinence acquired a distaste for meat, would spit it out. Recently there died two old women who said that they had not tasted meat since the age of about twelve. Pulverized fish was the mainstay of abstaining girls and women. Although there were no puberty rites, as such, for boys, it was at about this age that boys of promise were instructed in tribal lore and initiated into the secret society. The custom of keeping vigil in order to commune with beneficent spirits did not exist among the Maidu. A young man usually had sexual relations with a girl before marrying her. By degrees the fact became known to her parents, and if they regarded him as a worthy man they welcomed him as a son-in-law, and he paid them whatever he could, the average price being equivalent to about forty dollars. But if he was lazy and 1 "H6uh [a mythic animal] eat throw-him-out!" That is, "Throw him out and let Huhe eat him!"

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A Maidu man [photogravure plate]

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THE MAIDU I I 5 improvident, they bade him begone, and the girl might follow him, if she chose to do so. Sometimes a man took his wife away from her home at once, and built a house of his own, but usually he lived with her parents for an indefinite period. After a time his energy in providing food and performing various other tasks expected of a son-in-law might flag, and they would tell him to go home, saying to their daughter, "If you want that man, you will have to go with him." A man who discovered his wife in adultery either told her to go with her lover, or he engaged in a fight with his rival. These brawls, however, were never bloody, but consisted in pulling the hair, wrestling, and striking with the fist while the thumb protruded between the index and middle fingers. Knives and arrows were not used in such cases. The woman kept her own child as a rule, but the man had a legitimate claim on his sons if he desired to exercise it. Sometimes he sent food for the children kept by his divorced wife, for animosity did not long endure in such cases. There was no rule requiring the choice of a wife outside the man's own village, and as there were no clans, any woman not related by blood was eligible. Prominent men usually had two or more wives, and a widow was required to marry her deceased husband's brother if he desired her. In the presence of her son-in-law or her father-in-law a woman covered her eyes and held no conversation with him, and neither ate in the immediate presence of the other. Even between a man and his father-in-law there was little conversation. That this was not the rigid, pseudo-religious taboo existing among many tribes is deduced from the fact that sometimes a woman teased her husband by tickling him and in other ways trying to make him laugh in the presence of her mother. As soon as death occurred, the family and others who were present began to wail, and all the villagers convened in the house and joined in the lamentation. If death had been expected, relatives and friends from other villages either had already arrived or from time to time came in. The body was immediately washed, beads and feather ornaments were hung around the neck, the knees were drawn up to the breast, the fists placed on the knees, and the head was bent forward to them. Then it was rolled up in a bearskin, and a long hemp rope was wound round and round it, a loop being left to serve as a tump-line. It was hoisted up through the smoke-vent, and a man carried it on his back to the burial

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ii6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ground, followed by all the people, who wailed loudly. The grave was a circular pit three or four feet deep. In it the body was laid without any particular orientation; in fact, it would have been difficult to tell which part of the shapeless bundle was the head. Food and water were not buried, but a small amount of property, such as acorn meal, pinole, and baskets, was burned at the grave. If a pakflma, that is, a band of swan- or goose-down, was possessed by the family, it was placed on the corpse; otherwise, one was made before the annual mourning ceremony, at which time it was burned. A net-cap covered with white down and a chaplet of wisps of human hair, such as was worn in the spirit dance, was placed on the head of a dead chief or a dancer. After a number of years the bones were dug up, the beads were removed, strung, and cleaned with dry sand, and the bones were replaced in the grave. In summer when the ground was too hard for digging, the dead were sometimes cremated. The house was usually burned in honor of a chief, and sometimes his body was buried beneath the floor and the house burned over it. After a corpse had been disposed of, those who had handled it, and those who lived in the bereaved house, bathed in a stream, and they continued to lament through the long night until dawn. Close relatives cried at intervals for a long time. While crying, men strewed dust on the head, and women cast it on the shoulders and back, sometimes bowing the head into the dust. Women were much more violent in their mourning than men. Both men and women singed the hair short, and blackened the face, neck, and upper part of the chest with a mixture of pitch and charcoal from a small nut that grows on a creeping vine, or from the nuts of California laurel or California nutmeg. In the moon Tem-semenim-poko, the last summer moon, was held the annual mourning ceremony, Weda. Messengers were sent to all the villages within a radius of perhaps twenty miles, and for each village invited there was a string with six to eight knots. Each day one knot was untied, and when only two knots remained those who were to attend the ceremony started out and camped on the way, so that they would arrive on the next day. Meantime for months the people had been making feather ornaments, baskets, and acorn meal, to be burned in honor of their dead relatives, and as a sign that mourning was at an end. If a man died in the spring or early summer, his relatives could hold the closing rites at the next autumn ceremony, provided they were

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A Maidu boy [photogravure plate]

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THE MAIDU II7 not mourning very seriously. But if they still grieved, they could defer it another year, or even two years. The people assembled in a brush enclosure at the burning ground about the middle of the morning and stood about, crying bitterly, for about an hour, after which the men went into a dancehouse to a feast of acorn mush. (In more recent times they feasted inside the brush corral.) The men passed the entire day in the dance-house, sitting about and sleeping, while the women were outside, some cooking, others idle. The close relatives of the dead cried at intervals. Sometime during the day they strewed acorn meal on the graves and inverted on each one a large basket. Around the place a number of stakes were driven into the ground, and to each one were tied a small basket and bunches of all kinds of valuable feathers. In the evening the young men gathered fuel and piled it in the houses, and after dark all went to the burial ground and cried for a time. Returning to the houses they spent the night in crying; but such men as did not care to cry returned to the dance-house, and others after crying a while joined them. In the morning those who had been grieving cut off the string of beads which each had been wearing about the neck, and all went to the river and bathed. They now began laughing and joking. Close to the burial ground a fire was built, and the families in mourning burned baskets, feather ornaments, beads, and property of all kinds, including the stakes and the inverted baskets. Many of these articles they themselves had prepared, and some of them had been given by friends and relatives, who usually were offered pay for their kindness, though they did not always accept it. After a bath in the river all congregated at night in the assembly house and performed the dance Kenu, in which both men and women danced at random about the fire, while two men sang and clapped their hands. This lasted about half the night, and then they went to bed. The souls of the dead were believed to go to Estobisim-yamani ("in-the-centre mountain"), that is, Marysville buttes, whence two roads led, one westward to the place where lived Suimuini-wewe ("nose talk"), the evil one of the two creators; the other eastward to the home of the good creator, Nem-yepani ("big chief"), or Yahasin-yepani ("in-the-sky chief"). The body of this Sky Chief was like gold; in fact, the old people used to say that he was the moon, and his sister the sun. The souls of the peaceful took the

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II8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN eastward road, and those who had killed and fought, the westward. The soul was called either the breath or the heart. The Maidu conceived the country as swarming with supernaturals called kakeni,l each of which had its individual abode at some particular rock, peak, cave, lake, or cataract. There were spirit counterparts of all animals, or the animals themselves possessed the power of becoming spirits. Maidu conceptions in this matter are vague. Furthermore, there were various semi-fabulous or purely imaginary creatures. Kakeni, spirit animals, and fabulous monsters, all were capable of bestowing extraordinary powers on human beings, and those who were thus favored either became shamans or at any rate lucky men under the protection of their individual tutelar spirits. Boys were not sent out to observe vigils for this purpose, but a grown man walking about in the darkness might meet a kakeni and fall unconscious. The spirit then talked to him as he lay there, and warned him not to reveal this experience, nor even the mere fact that he had seen a spirit. If he disobeyed, he would soon die; but if he obeyed, he would become rich, people would give him property and expect no payment. Recovering his senses, the man went home. He ate nothing, and would not tell why. But the people knew. Later in life this spirit would return and say: "Well, do you think you have lived long enough? In so many days you will die." Then for the first time the man would tell his relatives that he had once had a spiritual experience, and that in a certain number of days he would die. A man could become a shaman by encountering at night some animal, such as bear, mountain-lion, coyote, or the mythical winwinma, a huge, long monster "with ribs like a cow," and a great head with horns like a deer. When one of these spirit animals was seen feeding or prowling about near a man, he stopped and looked. It would then come closer, and he would fall unconscious. While he lay "dead," it told him that he would become a medicine-man, warning him, however, not to divulge this experience. When after a time he recovered his senses, the animal was gone, and he then returned home and unostentatiously let it become known that he was a medicine-man, without informing anyone how it had come about. The more orthodox way of becoming a shaman was by meeting 1 Kakeni appears to be cognate to Hupa ky'ihfnnai and Tolowa g{hghune. The kyrihnnai were a pre-human race with supernatural attributes, and the hgihaune were diminutive creekspirits. See Volume XIII.

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Cradle-basket - Chukchantsi Yokuts [photogravure plate]

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THE MAIDU ii9 the semi-fabulous red-headed bird, malaka,1 which is said to be of the size and appearance of a turkey, and to live in the water. Emerging, it mounts in circles into the sky without shaking the water from its feathers and without moving its wings. The informant professes to have seen this bird many times. It is apparent from his description that there really is, or was, a bird called malaka, to which the Indians ascribed impossible habits. The malaka was generally encountered in the following fashion: A fisherman, seeing a great many fish going into a cave under a bank, dived, went into the hole after the fish, and brought out one or two. He returned, and went farther into the cave in pursuit of the fish, but when he turned to come out, he found his way blocked by two malaka, which stood with outspread wings. There he died. A medicine-man, aware by clairvoyance of his predicament, dived in and dragged him out by the feet. He carried the man to the bank, and holding him with head downward, shook the water out of him. The next autumn the man related his experience to the shaman who had saved him, and the latter said, "I think we shall have to doctor you." Messengers were sent to the medicine-men of other villages, and on the appointed night they met in a house. The people attended. Each medicine-man had a cocoon rattle, which he struck against the left hand while all sang, assisted by some of the young men, who sang and struck two clam-shells together. After a while they danced around the fire, and the novice danced in his place between two shamans, each of whom held one of his arms. Later in the night one of the old medicine-men sucked blood from the novice's forehead. The ceremony continued five nights, and during this time neither the novice, nor the medicine-men, nor the young men who assisted in the singing, ate anything except acorn mush, pinole, and bread. At some time during the course of the ceremony one of the old shamans "shot" a recent initiate. The two stood on opposite sides of the fire, crouching, facing each other, and singing. The young man slowly crept toward the fire. Suddenly he fell backward. The old shaman had shot him with his "poison," that is, with the disease which he could magically project through space and into the body of his victims. He lay there feigning death for a time, then rose and pretended to vomit up something of the appearance of an elongate pebble. Sometimes he could not bring it up, and the old man then sucked it out. 1Cf. Patwin (southern Wintun) mdluk, condor.

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I20 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The Maidu medicine-men treated their patients in the same manner as those of other tribes in northern California, by sucking out the "poison." There were certain men, rarely women, who with arms, chest, and the lower half of the face painted white, and with prairie-falcon feathers dangling from the arms and down the back, went about constantly singing and striking the hand with a split-elder baton painted white. All this was in response to the bidding of some spirit in a dream experience. Such persons were called 6ya. A certain woman dreamed that she was caught in a lonely place by a great many kakeni, who all day long ravished her, and this experience she mentioned in her songs. The initiation of boys into a pseudo-fraternity was a rite corresponding in many respects to the puberty ceremony for girls. The correspondence was not complete, in that men of mature years were sometimes initiated. There is great similarity to the Yuki initiation rites, which have been herein described, but in the case of the Maidu a closer approach to the true fraternity has been alleged. The reasons advanced for asserting the existence of a genuine secret society among the Maidu are, that not all boys were initiated or even brought into the ceremonial house for trial of their qualities; that an initiate bore the special title yepani ("chief"); and that on ceremonial occasions he was distinguished by a net-cap transfixed with a plumed stick. As to the first reason, practically all males were initiated by the Maidu sooner or later; and the Yuki, instead of initiating every boy, dismissed the incompetent, so that many were not initiated until late in life. As to the second, the Yuki also had a special name for initiates, Taikomol-woknumchi. Thirdly, it is not known that Yuki initiates were distinguished by special insignia. Granting this last point in favor of the Maidu, still there remains no sufficient reason why the secret society should be credited to the Maidu and denied to the Yuki. Fundamentally, both systems were alike. The initiates were pupils in a school of instruction in tribal lore. The practice of the training school varied somewhat at different places among the valley dwellers. At Eskini boys of good promise, that is, those who were industrious, kind, considerate, rather taciturn, were carried forcibly to the ceremonial house and kept there from two to four months during the winter, while they were being instructed by the old men in the lore and practices of the tribe. They did not come out even to defecate, but wrapped their faeces

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A Chukchansi woman [photogravure plate]

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THE MAIDU 121 in grass, to be carried out by one of the old men. There were usually about ten to twelve boys, but the informant once saw twenty-five in one class. At Michopdo the pupils were taken into the house in the spring, and kept only one night. During the six winter months, approximately from the middle of October to the middle of April, the Valley Maidu observed a series of dances, which from their general similarity are probably to be regarded as forming one ceremonial cycle. They were very like those held by other Indians of central California, notably the Wintun, from whom the Maidu say the ceremonial was derived and with whom they participated as visitors long after their own organization was broken down. In some of these dances various kakeni (spirits) were represented, in others only animals; but in at least some cases these too were regarded as kakeni. The only difference then is that in some dances the characters represented creatures of the imagination, in others, actual animals. In most, if not all, of them the predominant motive was to secure the beneficence of the spirits, to avoid the malevolence of destructive animals (as in the bear dance), and to effect an abundance of animal and vegetal food. From the prominence of spirit personators in the ceremony arose the common name of ghost dance. The most important one of the series, the one that opened and closed the ceremonial season, is called Hesi, or Hesin-kasi, Hesinkamhini ("Hesi dance"). The spirits and animals characterized in the dances "belonged to" various prominent individuals; that is, the costumes were personal, and perhaps inherited, property. The owners, however, did not dance, but hired young men to wear the costumes. Some of the roles are said to have belonged exclusively to the important village Michopdo, and never to have appeared in the ceremonies of other settlements. Such were Yaya, Sili, and Yati. An important character in every dance was pehepi, in whom were combined the functions of care-taker of the fire and the ceremonial house, watchman on the housetop for the approaching performers, and fun-maker. As clown he held amusing arguments with the master of ceremonies, and interjected remarks into ritualistic conversations. The original pehepi is said by some traditionists to have been brought into being by the creator, who was waiting within Marysville buttes with the spirit of Coyote's dead son, the first to taste death, and who desired a watchman to advise him of the approach of Coyote. Others say that pehepi was with Turtle VOL. XIV —6

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I22 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN on the raft, when the creator sent the latter to dive for soil out of which he was to create the earth. When the beginning of the ceremonial season was not far distant, messengers were sent to the other villages, each wearing over his ordinary net-cap a similar one in which was thrust a very long, slender switch with a tail-feather of the red-tail hawk at the tip. When such a messenger was seen approaching, people knew that they were to be invited to a ghost dance. Early in the morning of the appointed day the men assembled in the ceremonial house. The presence of women and children at a dance in which kakeni were personated was forbidden. The first actor to appear was maki, followed closely by his attendant, yaya. The former wore a feather cloak, called maki, which was made by covering a net with hawk-feathers, leaving an opening for the head at the centre. At this point was fastened a tall, thick bunch of feathers, which completely covered his head and face. The hawkfeathers were attached to the net by cutting a long bevel on the end of the quill, doubling this part over a strand of the netting, and inserting the end into the quill. Thus the feathers hung suspended, and were set into motion by the slightest movement of the wearer. This was a prime object in all costumes of the kakeni dances. Thrust down into the front of the feather-covered net-cap of maki were two sticks on each of which was tied an eagle-wing or an eagle-wing feather. The character called yyya had the breast painted white, and wore a skirt of tules and a head-dress consisting of a net-cap in which were thrust a very large number of slender sticks with white goose-down tied along them. These wands projected forward and downward over the face and cheeks. Entering the house, mdki approached the chief and said, "I am going to give you plenty of acorns, plenty of salmon, plenty of pinole," naming thus every staple kind of food. In his head-dress were numerous small sticks, each representing one kind of food, and as he named each kind he drew out a stick and laid it beside the chief. Then finally he removed his suit and revealed his naked body, painted with horizontal stripes of black and white. His face also was painted. He laid the suit down, and a youth carried it away along with the token sticks. Then each man present, except the chief, made him a gift of small value, which he delivered to the chief. Maki then departed, and later in the morning returned with masi, who, naked except for breech-cloth, feather head-band, and a bunch of feathers at the back of his head, and carrying bow and

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A Chukchansi woman - Profile [photogravure plate]

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THE MAIDU 123 arrow, danced twice with his companion. He then removed his feathers, and the spectators contributed as before. After a considerable interval came sili, or silin-kakeni, of whom there were usually eight. They had the naked body painted black, and wore a netting belt, a piece of large-mesh net hanging from the head down the back, like a cape, and a head-dress consisting of a band of prairie-falcon wings surmounted by yellowhammer tailfeathers. From beneath the band hung a fringe of human hair, the wisps being held in position by cord twining, and completely hiding the face. Each carried in the left hand bow and arrows, and in the right a long spear, on the end of which was tied a long root of angelica. They constantly shouted. After informing the chief that they brought him acorns, they cut up the roots and placed the pieces in the fire, and as the pungent odor rose and filled the house, they slowly danced. Finally they removed their insignia, and the others gave the usual presents for the chief. Then with the proper intervals of rest, all danced around the fire four times, until they were in a profuse sweat, when they ran to the river and bathed. This was about the middle of the afternoon. Toward evening there was an acorn feast, and the night was spent in repeating the dancing of the afternoon, except that maki did not reappear. This ended at dawn and was followed by another bath. In the following afternoon occurred Luyi, which the Maidu seem to feel was merely the conclusion of Hesi, rather than a separate dance. The kakeni were naked and covered from head to foot with mud. After the usual bath there was another acorn feast, and the visitors began to depart. The speeches made by the dancers on their entrance into the house are sufficient indication that the purpose of Hesi was to influence the next year's crops. In the person of the supernatural kakeni they assure the chief that they bring him all the numerous foods of the fields; and the unexpressed feeling of the Maidu in this connection is a vague sentiment compounded of two ideas: first, that these personators are for the time being actual kakeni; second, that at any rate, if they have not the power of kakeni, their promises will in some way exert a deciding influence on the spirits. This is a very common phenomenon, and is seen in full flower among the Pueblos of New Mexico and Arizona, where the Kachinas play the part here taken by kakeni.1 1 The informant expressed the opinion that the prime purpose of this dance was the enrichment of the chief; for not only did the men in the ceremonial house contribute presents

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124 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Two other characters said to have participated in Hesi were yati, or yatin-kakeni (" sky spirit"), and sahe, or sihen-kikeni. The parts played by them are uncertain. Yati wore a feather headdress, kawi, in which a long, slender wand with a feather on the tip was thrust so that it projected forward and upward. His buttocks were covered with a bunch of feathers, but nothing was worn in front, not even a breech-cloth. His body was painted red. Sahe wore a similar head-dress and was painted red. After an interval of no prescribed length came the dance called Lale, in which women wearing a cap-like head-dress covered with feathers and with a cluster of long, stiff feathers rising from the crown, danced in a circle, all grasping a long pakelma, or feather boa. The pakelma was made by tying white goose-feathers between the twists of a double cord. Salalu, or Salalun-kasi, was performed by men who wore a head-dress like that of the women in Lale, with slender, feathertipped wands added, and a feather-covered net on the back. Each had a bone whistle, a bunch of tules in the left hand, and a staff in the right. What they represented is not known. Exact information about these dances is very difficult, if not impossible, to secure, because the cycle has not been given in whole since possibly 1885. Other dances of the series occurred through the winter. The exact order is not known, and in fact it is uncertain whether there was a prescribed sequence. It is quite possible that a dance could be omitted without interfering with the others, and that on the other hand it could be repeated during the season. This freedom of sequence appears very probable in the light of the fact that the entire system did not fall into disuse at once, like a single inseparable whole. Certain of the dances were being repeated long years after others had perished. Nevertheless a certain tendency to agreement is noticeable in the information obtained from different individuals. It is generally agreed that the fifth dance of the series was Hatman-kasi ("duck dance"), which was followed by Alelin-kasi ("coyote dance") and Panun-kasi ("grizzly-bear dance"), in either this or the reverse order. The coyote dance was held in midwinter. Women wearing kawi head-dresses danced up and down, flexing the knees and after the performance of each character, but each visitor, regardless of age or sex, gave him something of value. This from an Indian seventy years of age is the very acme of sophistication and cynicism.

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A Yaudanchi Yokuts woman [photogravure plate]

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THE MAIDU 125 moving the fists, clenched upon bunches of tule fibre, up and down in front of them, while a single man with the same kind of headdress danced forward and back in front of them. After a while they sat down, and alelin-kakeni entered. He wore a coyote head, and on his back a feather cape, and went about imitating a coyote looking for grasshoppers. Then he withdrew to remove his costume, and the women danced again. As in all other cases, the chief who "owned the dance" and had it performed, received payment from every person present, even from babies in the cradle. In return he was host to the local and visiting public, but in discharging this duty he was assisted by his friends and relations who supplied food for the feast. Other dances were Tbamyempi ("creeper," a small unidentified insectivorous bird that creeps about the boles of trees in spirals), Ene (grasshopper), Aksalma or Anusma (turtle), Chamba (crystallized sap on valley oak), Alaki, Yakala, Malaka (mythic bird), Sfimi (deer), and Aki. The last-named was in the nature of a threat against enemies, and probably had reference to defending their acorn preserves from robbery, for the performers promised the chief plenty of acorns and at one point in the dance they repeatedly struck the principal post of the house with long poles, as if they were stripping the branches of an oak. In Maidu mythology there are two creators, Yahasin-yepani ("in-the-sky chief," in allusion to the region from which he came), or Kadam-yepani ("earth chief," in allusion to his creation of the earth), and Sumuiini-wewe ("nose talk"), Coyote. The former, appearing from the north on the surface of the water, found Turtle, whom, attached by a leg to the end of a rope, he sent to dive for mud. After additional lengths had been attached, the fifth attempt was successful. Turtle reached the bottom, and of the particle of mud recovered from his claws Sky Chief made a flat, round cake. Placed on the water, this spontaneously spread in all directions until it attained the dimensions of the present earth. Its surface was perfectly flat. Then Coyote made his appearance, and Sky Chief, urged by his companion, proceeded to improve the earth and to create animals and people. But all his benevolent plans were constantly opposed by Coyote, who thus became responsible for every unfavorable aspect of nature, for all the hardships of human life, even for death itself, which he deliberately instituted lest the earth become overpopulated. The earth is imagined by the Maidu to be a roughly circular mass

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126 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of land floating on an expanse of water and moored in place by five ropes. These ropes are sometimes shaken by a monster, and we experience an earthquake. Sun and moon are thought to return to their starting points by passing under the ocean.

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The Miwok

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THE MIWOK HE Miwok Indians formerly occupied three distinct areas. One division held a very small territory in Lake county at the south end of Clear lake, where they were surrounded by Pomo, Yukian Wappo, and Patwin (southern Wintun). A larger Miwok area included Marin county and the southern part of Sonoma county up to a few miles north of Bodega bay. These Coast Miwok, or Olamentke as they were called by early writers, were contiguous to Pomo, Wappo, and Patwin, but much the greater part of their borders was the coast line of the ocean, the Golden Gate, and San Pablo bay, and their culture was necessarily far different from that of the inland members of the family. The principal Miwok area lay on the western slope of the Sierra Nevada, from the summit to the eastern line of San Joaquin valley, and between Fresno river in the south and Cosumnes river in the north; except that east and southeast of Lake Tahoe the Washo extended their borders some little distance down the western slope to the beginning of the oak groves, and further that between Cosumnes and Calaveras rivers the Miwok country spread westward into San Joaquin valley. It is this third and largest division of the Miwok that will be described in this chapter, for in the Lake and the Coast areas there remains practically no field for the investigator. Miwuk is the plural of miwu, person, and is simply a convenient term adopted to supply the lack of any native name for these people. The former occupants of the three regions mentioned above have been held to constitute a linguistic family known as Moquelumnan, which is adapted from Mokelumni, "people of M6kel," a former village on Mokelumne river; but the recent reclassification of California tribes by Dixon and Kroeber includes them, with Yokuts, Costanoan, Maidu, and Wintun, in the new Penutian family. Four dialects of the Miwok proper are recognized. Roughly the boundaries are these: the Plains dialect, in the plains between Cosumnes and Calaveras rivers; the Northern, in Amador and the VOL. XIV-17 I29

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I30 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN northwestern part of Calaveras counties; the Central, in the remainder of Calaveras and all of Tuolumne counties; and the Southern, in Mariposa county. As in other dialectic classifications, the lines of division are not clean-cut. Within any one district here outlined there are noticeable differences of speech, so that vocabularies secured from different individuals may vary considerably; and just when variation ceases to be sub-dialectic and becomes dialectic is a question not too easily decided, even with detailed comparative studies of full data, which no one yet has given to Miwok dialects. The Miwok themselves recognized no such divisions by name, although of course they were aware of differences in speech throughout the territory of Miwok-speaking people; but their point of view was that every village beyond their immediate ken had its own peculiar accent, and no attempt was made to generalize or classify. In fact, they were so little inclined to travel beyond the bounds of their own village lands that no one individual could possess very extended knowledge of the rest of the Miwok country. To this extreme isolation is due the fact that almost without an exception they possessed no characteristic or distinctive names for other tribes, calling them simply northerners, easterners, et cetera, and including therein those of their own family who happened to live in the specified direction. Their neighbors were the Maidu on the north; the Washo across the mountains in the northeast; the Shoshonean Mono on the east and southeast; the Yokuts in the south and southwest; and the Patwin at the northwest corner. Such limited intercourse as the Miwok held with these people was generally friendly. Outside of the limited valley land in the north, Miwok territory falls into two zones: the mountains and the foothills. The high Sierras, with their abundance of food-bearing trees and shrubs - pines, oaks, chinkapins, berry bushes of many kinds - and of game and fish, furnished a bountiful and delightful retreat from the excessive summer heat of lower altitudes. Here are some of the most famous of California's natural features, such as Yosemite Park and the sequoia groves. The wonderful valley of the Merced was regularly occupied in the summer by a Miwok band who called their village at that place Awani. This of course ought logically to be our name for the valley, but through error or design on the part of someone now unknown we have the equally euphonious Yosemite, which is English for central Miwok usuimati, bear (not, as usually translated, grizzly-bear).

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A Chukchansi matron [photogravure plate]

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THE MIWOK I3I But desirable as were these high altitudes for summer residence, they were perforce abandoned before the coming of the tremendous snowfall which made them uninhabitable not only for man but for most of the larger wild animals. With the advance of autumn therefore the people gradually withdrew, first to the lower slopes of the Sierra, and finally to the foothills where their permanent winter settlements were already established. Here they harvested their principal supplies of acorns for the winter, as well as the seeds of numerous species of grass and other plants, besides tubers and bulbs. Game, driven out of the mountains by snow, was abundant, and the streams swarmed with fish. The Miwok must be classed as quite inferior in their manufactures. With the exception of the pair of grooved flat stones for smoothing arrow-shafts, they made no stone implements. Obsidian points for arrows and fish-spears were purchased from the Mono.' The pestle for crushing acorns and seeds was a naturally shaped stone, and the mortar a natural depression in a bowlder, deepened by actual use. Here, as in the adjacent Maidu country, a granite surface with ten to twenty such holes is not an uncommon sight. The few perforated magnesite cylinders in possession of the Miwok were obtained by barter. Of bone material were the deer-bone awl and the toggle fishhook. Disc beads of clam-shell were obtained from the north, and were valued at five dollars for two feet. The rare spoons were unworked mussel-shells. Even bone points for the salmon-spear, which are wellnigh universal in the entire Pacific zone from Alaska southward, were absent here. The Miwok fish-spear had a California mahogany shaft about seven feet long, near the lower end of which a divergent foreshaft of the same wood was lashed, so that in effect the shaft was forked. Each of the two heads was a wooden, socketed member, to the end of which was fastened by means of cord and pitch a tip of obsidian, and wood barbs were similarly attached. These two heads were connected by a short cord, and from the pair a line passed up the shaft to the spearsman's hand. The implement differed from the spear of other tribes only in the substitution of wood-barbed obsidian tips for the more practical and durable bone points. Wood split from a cedar branch furnished the material for bows, which were reinforced by deer-sinew glued to the back and covered, as a preservative from moisture, with fibres of a root resembling 1 This may not have been true outside the southern and central districts.

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132 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN soap-plant. They were from three to nearly four feet long. Arrowshafts were reeds, with foreshafts of service-berry, and they were straightened by means of a perforated piece of cedar. Fire was produced with a drill, the spindle of which was twirled between the palms. The tobacco pipe was exceedingly rude, being nothing more than a section of elder stalk with the mouth-end partially closed by a bit of wood. The drum was made by covering an excavation in the floor of the ceremonial house with a slab, on which the time-keeper stamped, while the song-leaders clicked their splitelder batons. The shaman's rattle was a cluster of ten to fifteen cocoons pendent at the end of a short stick. A crude flute was made of elder wood. Canoes were unknown, and those who could not swim were ferried on logs pushed by swimmers. Sometimes suspension bridges were constructed across deep, narrow streams or gorges by throwing across the space two grapevines and laying thereon a floor of transverse poles. As the Miwok lacked the antler wedges so commonly used to aid in felling and splitting trees, they secured fuel by burning down dead trees and breaking up the branches with heavy stones. Sometimes a partially split log was opened by placing a thin fragment of stone in the crack and pounding it with a heavier stone. After the partially dried stalks of milkweed (Asclepias) had been beaten with a stone, the fibres were drawn out and twisted between palm and thigh into cord, one of the uses of which was for making dip-nets. More common than the net was the fish-trap, which was a long, tubular, open-mesh willow basket placed with the bottom down-stream and above the surface, so that the fish, crowding in, forced those ahead of them out of the water, where they were easily taken out through a trap-door. Miwok baskets are both twined and coiled. The' materials for twined work are oak, willow, sugar-pine, and sedge, and the principal examples are the cradle, and baskets for burden-bearing, winnowing, sifting, and storage. The base of the cradle is a warp of oak rods and weft of oak withes, while the head-piece, or hood, separately made and bound to the base, contains oak for the warp and sugar-pine withes for the weft. In the northern portions of Miwok territory a commoner form of cradle is made by lashing cross-sticks to a pair of uprights, which are bent over at the top so as to produce a frame over which a piece of deerskin may be draped to shield the infant's face. The burden-basket is conical, from eighteen to thirty inches deep and sixteen to twenty-six in diameter,

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A Chukchansi Yokuts woman - A [photogravure plate]

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THE MIWOK I33 and is made of willow rods and oak weft. The smaller ones are used for transporting acorns, berries, roots, and seeds, the larger ones for bulkier burdens, such as fuel; and they are supported on the bowed back by a thong fastened just above the middle and passing across the bearer's head. Winnowing baskets are scoopshape, of many sizes from nine to twenty-four inches long, either shallow or deep. The materials are willow warp and oak weft. Trays for sifting acorn meal are shallow plates eighteen to twenty inches in diameter, and the warp is shoots of Rhus trilobata (central dialect, sulpani; southern, tama). The southern Miwok bands use split fibres of Rhus trilobata for the weft, and by leaving the new bark on they produce reddish designs; but the central Miwok employ the root-stock of a sedge (suli) for the weft. Indoor storage baskets for seeds and other dry food, and larger outdoor granaries elevated on platforms for the preservation of acorns, were formerly made, and the materials were willow and oak. The materials for coiled basketry vary in different sections. In the south the foundation is a bundle of the stems of a tall, white grass called hulup; the wrapping material is the subterranean stock of the grass pewisa; and black ornamentation is secured by overlaying the wrap with blackened fibres from the roots of bracken (Pteridium), which is called luna. In the north the foundation is one or three rods of willow, or more rarely hazel; the wrapping material, maple (sayi); the black overlay, bracken-root; and reddish-brown overlay, bark of the redbud (tapatapu). Examples of Miwok coiled basketry are the large, flaring vessels in which boiling is accomplished by the aid of heated stones; the similar but smaller ones in which cooked food is served; bowl-shape dippers; and the almost hemispherical baskets, about fourteen inches broad, in which meal or seeds were parched by shaking them with intermixed embers. Men ordinarily wore only a deerskin breech-cloth, which was either draped about the loins or passed between the legs, and in cold weather they, like the women, threw a small robe of deer-fur or woven rabbit-skins about the shoulders. Some had a winter garment consisting of three deerskins sewed together, with a hole for the head to pass through. This of course was not worn constantly. Deerskin moccasins, with long tops that were wrapped about the calf, were worn when necessary. Women had either a knee-length double apron of deerskin, fringed, and beaded on the fringe, or a loin-cloth like that of the men.

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I34 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Both sexes wore the hair hanging loose without parting it, or tied it in a bunch at the back; and they had the chin tattooed, usually with three vertical lines, as well sometimes as the forehead and wrists. Especially among the women the chest and shoulders were tattooed, and sometimes a long line extended from the lower lip to the abdomen. Some men of means, and more women, wore in the nose and ears slender, perforated cylinders of clam-shell, which came from the Yokuts. A more common ear-plug was a cylinder of wood with quail crest-feathers attached around one end. The frame of the winter house consisted of poles, the bases resting on the edge of a shallow, circular excavation and the tops meeting at a common point, where a hole was left for the passage of smoke. Withes, usually willow, were interwoven transversely through the poles, and numerous courses of dry grass were lashed to the withes. In many cases the roof was made of cedar- or pinebark. The doorway, which was about four feet wide at the bottom, was protected by a pent-roof, so that rain would not run down the roof and into the house; and it was closed when necessary with slabs of bark. It opened eastward. The house of a large family, where one or more married children lived with the parents, was not more than ten to fifteen feet in diameter and seven feet high, but many houses were barely large enough to permit the inmates to lie down without getting their feet into the fire. The underbedding consisted of dry pine-needles or dry grass, and the covering of rabbit-skin or deerskin blankets. Summer houses were mere booths, usually of willow branches. They were frequently circular and completely walled in except at the doorway, but in many cases only a shade was erected. The sudatory was built over a pit three and a half to four feet deep. Two or more forked beams meeting above the central point, and numerous smaller poles with their tops resting on these crotches and their bases on the edge of the pit, formed the frame, which was thatched with grass and covered with earth. The entrance was an inclined tunnel running under the wall, at the bottom of which the fire was built. The sudatory was used only by men. Some of the Miwok took a sweat nearly every day, ending with a plunge into the water; among other groups the sweat was used rather exclusively by hunters as a pseudo-religious rite before starting on the chase. When a good singer was available, songs were sung during the sweating to the accompaniment of split-elder batons. The ceremonial house, or in local phraseology the "round

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A Chukchansi Yokuts woman - B [photogravure plate]

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THE MIWOK I35 house," was covered with earth. The frame consisted of four crotched posts, with numerous rafters resting on the edge of the shallow excavation. Each principal village possessed one of these houses, which were sometimes large enough to accommodate a hundred persons or even more, and during the progress of a ceremony many of the men, women, and children slept there. The vegetal foods available to the Miwok were those common to other people of central California. Of principal importance were the five species of acorns, and the other nuts - pine-nuts, buckeyes, hazelnuts, chinkapins. Second only to acorns was pinole, the meal of parched seeds, particularly those of tarweed and wild oats. Various bulbs, corms, and berries were of importance. Salt, or at least a salt mixture, was obtained by pulverizing dry salt-grass and shaping it into balls, which were wrapped in green grass and baked in hot ashes. It is sometimes said that the Miwok ate every species of living creature available to them, except the skunk. The statement is not true. They regarded the skunk as excellent food, and this opinion was shared by many other tribes, not all of whom were inhabitants of California. Other animals not commonly used for food, but eaten by the Miwok, were the bat and certain species of snakes. The flesh of king-snakes, however, was held to be poisonous, and rattlesnakes were not eaten, although the Yokuts had no such scruple. The larger carnivores, fox, coyote, and mountainlion, were eaten, and in necessity the predatory and carrion birds. Dogs were not eaten, probably because they were too valuable. Worms and larvae were relished. The country of the Miwok was overrun with deer and elk, yet they were compelled to eke out a rather miserable and precarious existence by the use of lower forms of life, some of which are good food and many of which are decidedly not, even to the uneducated palate of a savage. The conclusion seems warranted that the Miwok were not industrious and skilful hunters. Deer were stalked by a hunter masked with the skin of a deer's head fitted with wooden horns, and by this method the largest deer were killed, because the oldest bucks would approach to give battle to the supposed rival. Community drives were sometimes organized, and brush blinds were built beside the deer trails; also, driving the game over a precipice was practised. Snares and pitfalls were foreign to the Miwok. In winter the use of snowshoes sometimes made it possible to slaughter deer and elk helpless in

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136 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the snow. Black bears were smoked out of their dens and killed with arrows, but the grizzly was religiously avoided. By far the largest part of their meat diet was furnished by jack-rabbits. In the community hunts preparatory to a ceremonial feast, each hunter took for his own use the lower part of the legs, the head, the neck, and the internal organs of the deer he killed, and the rest of the carcass was hung up on poles awaiting the feast. When a hunter, working alone or in company with others, brought in game, it was cut up and distributed among all the people. Grasshoppers were caught in two ways: the field was burned over, and the singed insects were gathered up here and there; or several pits in the centre of the field were partially filled with water, and the grasshoppers, driven into them by a great circle of people, were scooped out by means of seed-beaters. The chief divided the catch among the people. Among the southern and central bands of Miwok salmon were taken only by means of the spear. In some localities suckers were driven into tubular basketry traps, and elsewhere into small dipnets. Trout were caught with bone gorge-hooks sharpened at both ends and attached at the middle to the line. Trout and other fish lying hidden under overhanging banks were captured by the ancient method of tickling. The favorite, because the least arduous and most certain, method of fishing was to throw into a pool of quiet water a quantity of pulverized buckeyes mixed with earth, or a mass of crushed soap-plant, and in a short time scoop out with a winnowing basket the stupefied fish as they floated to the surface. The Miwok rarely practised warfare, unless the word can be applied to the assassination of men believed to be sorcerers. The killing of these medicine-men was a frequent occurrence, and expeditions for the purpose were sometimes made to rather distant villages within the Miwok boundaries. While the main body lay in waiting, a scout entered the village as if on a friendly visit. After observing the disposition of things in the shaman's house, and especially the location of his bed, he reported to his companions and then returned to the village as if to spend the night. In the dead of night the executioners closed in, entered the house, seized the medicine-man, and after informing him for what particular deed he was being killed, shot him full of arrows. Very rarely indeed did other members of the household attempt to assist him. In fact, medicine-men were so thoroughly feared that they never had any real friends, and therefore vengeance was never sought.

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A Chukchansi head-man [photogravure plate]

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THE MIWOK I37 After killing the offending shaman, the executioners assisted in the cremation of his body and returned home. The favorite play of course is the hand game (central and southern dialect, hnwa). The Mono still make an annual pilgrimage from Mono county to Yosemite valley to contest against the southern Miwok who continue to spend their summers there, and the game is played with the greatest enthusiasm and for fairly high stakes. The dice game (southern dialect, chata; central, chatatuU) was played by women, sometimes by men. The dice were six halves of acorns, which were cast from the hand upon a sifting tray. If all fell alike, the count was two; if they were evenly divided, one; the other two possible combinations meant the loss of the cast. Tali (southern dialect) was a contest shared by men and women, in which the object was to toss across the goal line by means of throwing-sticks a pair of wooden blocks united by a thong. A similar game (tdkli, central dialect) was played by women exclusively, the missile being a small hoop and the goal a wicket several feet high. Amta (southern and central dialect) was a ball-game for women, sometimes for men and women together. Starting at the middle of the play-ground, women tossed the hair-and-deerskin ball from their seed-beaters, and men, if any were contesting, kicked it. Witpa (southern dialect) was a kicking race contested by men. Two large balls of hair covered with deerskin were set up side by side on small mounds of earth, and the players stationed themselves at intervals along the course. The two leaders started the contest by kicking their respective balls forward, and the others kicked them on as the opportunity was presented. The Miwok were neither a tribe nor a group of tribes. They were an aggregation of villages, speaking a common language, contracting intermarriages, and, where too much difficult country did not intervene, joining in the celebration of ceremonies; but in other respects having practically no relations with one another. Each village, or each group of small scattered settlements within a radius of perhaps a mile or two, had its chief, whose principal duties were concerned with directing such communal undertakings as ceremonial observances and the organized hunts and food-gathering expeditions in preparation for the accompanying feasts. When any such event was contemplated, all the people assembled in the "round house," and the chief addressed them, after which VOL. XIV-I8

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i38 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the elder men discussed the matter and agreed on the general plan. The principal question to be settled was the time. Some would wish to begin in perhaps ten days, others desired a longer time for preparation. When the time was finally decided, a number of cords of twisted human hair were prepared, and in each cord were tied as many knots, less four, as there were days intervening before the beginning of the celebration. Runners were sent out to take one of these yeya to each village that was to be invited. Having been informed how long the runner had been on the way, each invited chief knew on what day to begin loosing one knot daily, and so had an accurate record of the date of the ceremony.' In his morning harangue to the hunters and the women, the chief even specified the number of deer to be killed and the number of baskets of meal to be ground for -the ceremony. This of course was a mere formality. He possessed no such authority as this minute attention to details would perhaps indicate. In fact, like most California chiefs, he was far less a ruler than a priest and official host. Again, if another chief came and reported that his people were in need of some kind of food that grew plentifully in his host's territory, the latter at once directed his people to gather a certain quantity and pile it up before their visitor. The office of chief was hereditary, passing normally to the incumbent's son; or, if he left no son, to his daughter, for whom some male relative performed the actual functions of office, although she herself was regarded as the chief. Miwok society consists of two exogamic, patrilineal divisions without clans. Totemism is not present; not, at least, if the meaning of the word is going to be held within reasonable limits. Totemism involves belief in a supernatural connection with animals or the forces and phenomena of nature, either as actual ancestors or as tutelary spirits. Such conceptions do not enter Miwok thought, nor is there a shred of evidence that they ever did so. The characterization of Miwok moieties as totemic is an error. C. Hart Merriam 2 and S. A. Barrett,3 who first reported the existence of Miwok moieties, both use the word. Gifford4 also declares that 1 The southern Miwok did not use knotted cords as tokens of invitation. The central and northern Miwok probably derived the custom from the Maidu. 2 Totemism in California, American Anthropologist, I908. 3 Totemism among the Miwok Indians, Journal of American Folk-lore, I908. 4 See his excellent and exhaustive account of Miwok Moieties in Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. I2, No. 4, I916; also his Clans and Moieties in Southern California, Vol. I4, No. 2, I9I8. The present writer acknowledges his indebtedness to this investigator.

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A chief - Chukchansi Yokuts [photogravure plate]

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THE MIWOK I39 "totemic symptoms are frequent," but admits "a rather weak foundation." The only foundation at all is that personal names refer, usually by implication, to a natural object or phenomenon. But there is not the slightest evidence that the Miwok ever felt that the possessor of a name, or his forebears, had any connection whatever with the thing implied by the name. The two divisions of Miwok society are called respectively Kik'uu ("waters") 1 and Tuniuka ("dries"). The former are said to, be "wet," and by the central Miwok are nicknamed Frogs (Alasaii), by the southern Miwok, Coyotes (Aheli). The Tunuka are nicknamed Bluejays (Kzsutuna) by the central, and Bears (Uhu'mati) by the southern Miwok. To recapitulate, Miwok moieties are: I. Kikufi ("waters"), Frogs or Coyotes. 2. Tunfka ("dries"), Bluejays or Bears. Personal names refer always to an animate or inanimate object, or to a natural phenomenon, and so, theoretically, indicate the social affiliation of their possessors. Thus, those whose names are associated with fog, rain, water, abalone, fish, turtle, snail, plainly belong to the water moiety. Few of the implications, however, are so obvious as these. Beads of course are made of clam-shells, the killdee is a shore bird, and acorns are eaten in a semi-liquid form; but how do deer, mountain-lion, buzzard, and oak, connote wetness? Badger, bear, dog, sun, pine are naturally enough dry; and the sun being dry, we can account for star, sky, dawn, and even for an occasional cloud name in the land moiety; but why the swamp-growing tule? Nor is this uncertainty all. Many objects are claimed by both moieties, and even among the old men of two generations past there was a good deal of disagreement as to which moiety had the better claim to certain names. Before suggesting an explanation of this want of system, it must be understood that names almost never actually mention the object by which moiety membership is decided; in fact, most names are merely verb forms. For example, the name Huwatpaye is a form of huwate, to run. Asked to translate her name, the owner says it means "running dog approaching." To her and to those who know her the name means that, for the simple reason that when she was named in infancy the old man who bestowed the name explained to those present what was in his mind; but a Miwok from another district would know only that her name contains the 1 The southern Miwok usually call the "wet" moiety Ah'leya.

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140 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN verb to run, and would be utterly ignorant of the reference and of her moiety. Thus there is no practical limit to the number of names that may be invented, all referring to dog. A running dog almost necessarily is running on dry land. There is nothing about him to suggest wetness. Suppose a name to be built on the verb to dig, with the connotation of a dog digging at a mound of earth around a gopher's burrow. Plainly this is another name appropriate to a member of the land moiety. A few names of this sort will tend to establish the dog as an animal belonging to the land moiety. Now suppose a man is called upon to name the child of a water man. Into his mind comes the picture of a dog lapping water. He utters a form of the verb to lap, describes his mental picture to those assembled, and so introduces the dog as an animal appropriate to water moiety names. This tendency to dual reference of nameobjects with its resultant inconsistency was no doubt fostered by the fact that in mythology animals and objects are often placed in the most incongruous surroundings; and as the old men who were invited to bestow names were precisely those best versed in mythological lore, it must frequently have occurred that the mental pictures on which they based the new names were suggested by mythology, with the result that in many such cases the object referred to by the name was one rarely or never associated in nature with the element by which the moiety in question was represented. Gifford has recorded three hundred and fourteen central Miwok personal names. Of these only three connote frog and four bluejay, although frog and bluejay are the nicknames for the moieties. Coyote and bear, the southern Miwok nicknames, are represented respectively by ten and sixty-nine. Next to bear, are deer and salmon, both of the water moiety, with twenty-six and twenty-one respectively. With the exception of the coyote names, which are about equally divided between the two moieties, all these here mentioned are one-moiety names. Exogamy was the rule. A water man was expected to marry a land woman, and vice versa. To propose the contrary course was to call forth frowns and strong protests, and to persist in it was to become the object of much adverse criticism. However, there was no way to prevent an endogamic marriage between those who were determined to brave the public. Polygyny, though a recognized institution, was not of very common occurrence. A man had the first right to his brother's

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A Yauelmani Yokuts [photogravure plate]

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THE MIWOK I4I widow, but the privilege is said to have been rather rarely exercised. On the other hand, a widower was expected to take the unmarried sister of his deceased wife, and neglect of her in preference of another caused adverse comment. The wife's younger sister was a man's logical choice if he desired and could support two wives; he also had the right to these relatives of his wife: her brother's daughter, and her father's sister. Blood relatives could not marry, with one exception: a man and his mother's brother's daughter, that is, his first cousin. But this cousin is precisely the woman whom his father also has the right to marry, because she is his wife's brother's daughter. We thus have a situation where either a man or his son may properly marry a certain woman. Marriage of blood relatives is contrary to Indian feeling, and this contravention of custom Gifford ingeniously explains as probably the result of the father's passing on to the son his prior right to a woman whom he did not need. This right of father and son to the same woman offers a possible solution of the widespread and unexplained taboo on conversation between a woman and her father-in-law, and between a man and his mother-in-law. If the son married her, she became the daughter-in-law of a man who might have been her husband; and if he were seen conversing with her there very likely would have been a suspicion that he was arranging a clandestine meeting to claim the privileges that he had yielded to his son. Granting this origin of the taboo between a woman and her father-in-law, it is not difficult to imagine that the corresponding one between a man and his mother-in-law was simply a logical extension of the original taboo. Among the Miwok the taboo on conversation, physical contact, and exchange of glances, applied not only to these two relationships, but also where the relationship was merely potential. Thus, it applied to a man's conduct toward his mother-in-law's sister, his mother's brother's wife, and his brother's mother-in-law, because any one of these might, according to custom, become, or at least might have been, his mother-in-law. For a similar reason it applied to a woman's relations toward her father-in-law's brother, and her sister's father-in-law. The brothers of a man's wife were highly honored. Frequently a hunter would tell his brother-in-law where his kill would be found, and the latter would bring it in and distribute it among the people as if he himself had killed it.

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I42 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Women in parturition were assisted by midwives, and no medicines were employed. The afterbirth and navel-cord were always buried, and when a woman wished to avoid any additional progeny, something, the identity of which is unknown to the informant who discussed this subject, was buried with them. At the age of about one month a child received a name at a feast given by the families of both parents, and this was retained through life. It might be a newly invented one, or it might be that of an elderly relative or of one long dead. The name of a recently deceased person could not be given, because it was grave sacrilege to utter such a name. Male children received names from the father's side, and female children from the mother's. The ears of young children were pierced without formality, and if the nasal septum was to be pierced, it was done at the same time. There was no training school for boys, such as existed among the Wintun and the Maidu, but as soon as they were able to stand the hardships of the trail they accompanied the hunters and learned the ways of the chase. They were not permitted to eat of the first game they killed. A root called hapali was worn suspended from the neck by boys whose parents desired that they become good hunters. Those who showed aptitude for singing were taken in hand and taught ceremonial songs and dances by the ceremonial officials; and boys and youths who were to become shamans observed the vigil. A Miwok girl, when her first menses occurred, was not confined to the house, and the principal restriction upon her conduct was that meat and fish could not be eaten until, at the end of her period, she had been bathed by her attendant in a large basket, prior to the feast. There was no dancing. Some women observed the taboo of meat at every recurrence of the menses. In many cases girls were pledged in marriage while they were mere children. The parents selected a young man of about twenty, and if the match met with approval, the respective families exchanged objects of value, the shells and other articles given by the man's family being regarded as payment in advance for the girl. Immediately after her puberty feast he simply went to her house and shared her bed. His relatives at this time presented shell beads and meat to the young wife, who distributed them among her people, and they in turn gave him baskets, which he passed on to his relatives. Sometimes a girl, after growing up, refused to marry the man who had bought her, but he had no recourse. On the

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Old Bob - Tachi Yokuts [photogravure plate]

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THE MIWOK I43 other hand a man, after making such an engagement, feared to break it and marry someone else rather than wait for the child to mature, lest her relatives hire a shaman to "poison" him. When a union was arranged between persons of marriageable age, the same exchange of valuables took place, and without further formality the man went to his bride's bed. If she refused his approaches, as sometimes happened, the marriage was not regarded as consummated and the presents were returned. A newly married couple lived with the girl's parents for a time, sometimes for a month or so, but usually until after the birth of their first child, when the husband took his wife to his father's house or built one of his own. The husband of an adulteress might kill her paramour, or castigate the woman, or abandon her. Murder for such a cause did not regularly cause a family feud; for if the friends of the dead man took up the matter and attempted to kill the slayer, or actually accomplished it, public opinion was against them, so that the brawl soon subsided. In such quarrels the services of a medicine-man were more apt to be employed than those of the assassin, for his spells were worked in secret. The payment of blood-money was a custom unknown to the Miwok. The dead were cremated. Immediately after death occurred, the female relatives with some assistance from the men, all being of the opposite moiety, prepared the body by washing it and adorning it with all the ornaments possessed by the deceased person. Meanwhile runners had been despatched to the nearer settlements, and the body was kept as long as two or three days awaiting the arrival of relatives from a distance. When all these had arrived, the family selected a man of the opposite moiety to build the funeral pyre, in which he was assisted by many of his family. Several months later these men would be rewarded by an abundant feast, to the preparation of which the bereaved family devoted many days. These same men carried the body to the pyre, laid it on the wood, and placed a basket beneath the head and another over the face. If the dead person had possessed any feather or bead ceremonial ornaments, these were laid on the face. Finally they applied the fire, and the entire company stood about the pyre wailing. Relatives and friends cast valued possessions on the flames, and all the personal property of the deceased was burned. Sorrowing relatives sometimes attempted to leap into the fire, and had to be restrained. An informant saw his father's sister throw herself upon a pyre with the result that her hair was burned off before she could

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I44 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN be rescued. The ashes and fragments of bone were collected and placed in a basket, which was buried in a place selected by the family. At the conclusion of the funeral rites the men in charge symbolically cleansed themselves and the people by formally washing with water in which crushed leaves and twigs of "wormwood" were mixed. Here also the moieties acted reciprocally, men of the water moiety washing the people of the land moiety, and vice versa. Close relatives of both sexes singed their hair short by means of a glowing stick, and old women smeared charred laurel-berries over the face. For either a few years, or merely until the spring following the death of her husband, a widow remained in seclusion, and in the presence of men kept her face averted. Names of the dead were not spoken for a year or two. In the following summer or fall, or perhaps not until the second season, after large quantities of food had been provided, the Yalka ("crying") was held in memory of the dead. If more than one person had died since the last memorial, their families might combine in this mortuary ceremony, but it was not necessary. All the neighboring villages were invited. Although the people might remain assembled for a week, the "cry" itself lasted only three or four days. Each night they congregated in a large booth and wailed until about midnight, but during the day nothing of a ceremonial nature occurred. On the last night a very large pyre was built by men of the opposite moiety, and at about daylight, after crying in the booth intermittently throughout the night, all gathered around the pyre and threw articles of value into the flames. The formal purification by water mixed with wormwood concluded the rites. Apparently there was no definite conception of a future world, although belief in the life of spirits is evidenced by the fact that it was thought ghosts appear to the living and thus frequently cause death. Miwok religious practices were indeed simple. There was an acorn feast, expressing the wish that the acorn crop might be abundant. This was borrowed from the north, probably from the Maidu, and long ago fell into disrepute and was abandoned, because it was thought that the shamans were employing it as a means of "poisoning" the people. Their mythology included the usual preternatural monsters, such as hohoho, an enormous bird, which carried two or three men in each of its claws, and was killed by

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A Chukchansi Yokuts [photogravure plate]

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THE MIWOK I45 heaping pitchy wood about its nest and setting fire to it; and heyumpulla ("one-sided"), an expert bowman with only one leg who went hopping about the country to visit the people. Furthermore, all animals were credited with preternatural powers. But as to beings strictly spiritual, their only conception was that of ghosts of the dead. An informant related that some years ago while travelling across the mountains at night he met six ghosts, whom he recognized as dead relatives and friends. He left his saddle by the trail, and leading his horse followed them among the mountains. They were dressed in their dance costumes, and at intervals stopped to sing and dance, in which he joined them. About daylight they led him back to his saddle, and just at dawn disappeared. When he reached home his sister and his wife asked whom he had been dancing with, for they said they had heard several persons singing, and thought he and some friends were drunk. This remarkable experience had no effect in causing sickness or other bad luck. There are in general two methods of becoming an Indian medicine-man, or shaman. One method is by direct gift from one who already possesses shamanistic power; the other is by the favor of some supernatural being, who is besought in lonely vigils by the aspirant, or who voluntarily appears in dreams. The Miwok practice combined both principles. The novice was usually the son or grandson (daughter or granddaughter) of a shaman, who selected him in his boyhood as a promising youth. The training involved many night vigils in the woods or in the mountains, either alone or in company with the shaman himself. Sometimes the novice lay all night beside a spring, hoping to acquire some power from it. Again, he might chew the root manui (probably Jamestown-weed), which caused frothing at the mouth and made him act as if he were intoxicated, and in this state he would run from the village and remain absent all day. On his return he was able to enter any house and unerringly find objects there concealed. Consequently he was in demand for the recovery of lost and stolen articles. Treatment of the sick consisted in sucking, and, in very difficult cases, singing and using a cocoon rattle. Among the southern Miwok it formerly lasted only one or two days, but more recently the practice was four days, following the custom of the northern Miwok. An unconscious or delirious patient was thought to have been made ill by seeing a ghost in his dreams. Successful treatment of sickness caused by the malevolence of a shaman was evidenced VOL. XIV-19

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I46 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN by the extraction of the "poison," or, if a ghost was the cause, of some part of a human body, such as an eye or a kneecap. Very large fees were required before the medicine-man would begin his work, and the family of the patient sometimes stripped themselves of almost every possession of value. If the treatment was not successful, the fee was sometimes returned, though the bereaved family seldom would accept it; yet when the patient died, summary vengeance might be taken. Sickness not readily explained was thought to be the result of "poisoning" by a shaman, the identity of whom was usually determined by the patient himself, who would say either that he had seen a certain medicine-man watching him closely, or that he had frequently dreamed of that medicine-man. The fate of a man thus accused was generally death with little delay. It was thought that shamans sometimes met at night in secret places to lay plans for the killing of a victim, and appointed for the work one of their number, whom they would "poison" if he failed to accomplish his task. Like many other people of central California the Miwok assert that in times past there were men who could at will transform themselves into grizzly-bears. According to Miwok belief, this ability was acquired by living with the bears and receiving instruction from them; in other words, their power was a strictly spiritual, personal attribute. In this respect they differed radically from the Pono "bear doctors," whose power was thought to reside absolutely in the actual bear-skins they are said to have worn in their work.' The Miwok ceremonies having more than casual significance are those previously mentioned: the funeral rites, mourning ceremony, puberty observance, and acorn feast. With the exception of the war-dance, Pata, in which men performed around a pole and shot arrows into an effigy at its top, the other dances of the Miwok were intended for amusement. Chief among them was Ukana, which as practised by the southern Miwok was held at any time of the year and lasted four nights. On the first three nights it continued until about midnight, and on the last until daylight. When singers, drummers, and all the people had assembled in the "round house," the ukana appeared. One by one they entered the house, each preceded by a woman singer of the opposite moiety, who by spreading out a blanket concealed him as much as possible until he came to the fire. There he danced briefly and went on around the fire to take his place in a row before the singers. Bears (land 1 See page 68.

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Jack Rowan - Chukchansi Yokuts [photogravure plate]

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THE MIWOK I47 moiety) and Coyotes (water moiety) went respectively to right and left of the fire. They wore either loin-cloths or dance-skirts of pendent strings from which feathers dangled, and head-bands of yellowhammer-feathers. The Bears, both men and women, always were painted with stripes of white, red, and black, and the Coyotes with spots in imitation of a fawn. After the ukcana came four tututpe, each with a bone whistle on which he blew tutu, tutu. There were four dances to each song, and in the intermissions the dancers rested and smoked. Dancers observed continence during the ceremony, and menstruating women were not admitted to the house. It was the duty of wachali, the clown, who always was a Coyote, to move constantly about, both inside and outside the house, and see that this latter rule was observed. He wore the tail of a fox, a deer, or other animal; his body was smeared with white clay, and on his face were black marks imitating the markings of a coyote. His official ensign was a cane, the upper end of which was curved to represent a bird's head with partially opened beak. Cocoon rattles were fastened to it. With this he kept the people back from the dancing space, pecking at them like a bird. Sometimes the tututpe dancers would climb up the central posts of the house, while the clown stood below and with ludicrous gestures pretended to be solicitous lest they fall. Ukana was danced also among the northern Miwok, but not among the most southerly bands of Madera county. These southerners danced Alte, in which the performers had the face smeared with red paint and the head surrounded by a circlet of long feathers. They wore feather skirts, and danced by stamping on the ground, while singing the chorus of the songs at a signal from the leader. So long obsolete that the informant never saw them and cannot describe them, are the dances called Halu and Malui, the latter of which took place in the "round house" in the darkness. Miwok mythology pictures the world in the beginning of things as a waste of water, from the depths of which certain waterfowl brought up bits of mud. Out of this material Coyote created land, and he not only improved the earth with mountains, streams, plants, and animals, but brought into being people and established for them all customs and institutions. The narration of myths was a recognized and honored profession, and the story-tellers travelled from place to place to chant or recite their myths in the public assembly house by night.

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The Yokuts

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THE YOKUTS T HE Yokuts occupied a more extensive territory than any other California group, with the single exception of the Shoshonean tribes, which spread over considerably more than a third of the state's area. Their southern boundary was the Tehachapi mountains, which are the connecting link between the Coast range and the southern extremity of the Sierra Nevada and separate the fertile San Joaquin valley from the Mohave desert and its Shoshonean bands. In the north the Yokuts probably came very close to the delta of the Sacramento. It is known that there were Yokuts in the vicinity of Stockton, but because of the sudden and complete occupancy of this region by early settlers the line cannot be drawn accurately. On the west they met the Costanoan family where the foothills of the Coast range rise from the valley. The northern half of their territory extended eastward only to the edge of the plain, where the Miwok began; but from Fresno river southward they reached well up into the foothills. The higher altitudes, however, belonged to Shoshoneans. Yokuts territory was about two hundred and sixty miles in length, from northwest to southeast, and of an average width of about sixty miles and a maximum of ninety. The area was approximately fifteen thousand square miles. Topographically it is the entire vast plain of the San Joaquin, excepting a small Miwok intrusion at the northern end, and a fringe of mountainous country on the eastern border of its southern half. This hill region is well wooded and extremely well watered by such rivers as Kern, Tule, Kings, San Joaquin, and Fresno, and a multitude of lesser streams. At the southern end of the great valley are two small lakes, Buena Vista and Kern, fed by Kern river and connected by a slough with Tulare lake fifty miles to the north. Tulare covers some two hundred square miles and drains through several sloughs into Kings river and thence into the San Joaquin at the point where the latter swings from its course across 15I

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152 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the plain to continue northwestward to its junction with the Sacramento. The lakes and sloughs and long reaches of the rivers lie in the midst of extensive tule swamps, from which the Spanish, in the early days of their California colonization, called the San Joaquin Rio de los Tulares, and the inhabitants Tularenios. These tules were of prime importance to the valley tribes. The name Yokuts was originated by Stephen Powers. In many of the numerous dialects it is the ordinary word for people, but it was not used as a name by the natives, who indeed had no name applicable to the family. The Yokuts tribes were long known as the Mariposan linguistic stock, from a county in which they were erroneously supposed to reside; but this appellation, in every respect inappropriate, has been superseded by Yokuts as the family name. Moreover, Kroeber, the preeminent authority on the anthropology of California and the sole authority on the Yokuts, has shown the linguistic affinity of this group to the Miwok, Maidu, Wintun, and Costanoan branches of the new Penutian family. The comparative study of Yokuts languages by Kroeber 1 results in his distinguishing seven dialectic groups, composing two divisions. With two exceptions, his Valley division is coextensive with the plain of the San Joaquin, and his Hill division with the border of foothill country from Fresno river to the Tehachapi. The exceptions are that the Northern Hill group at the headwaters of Fresno river, represented principally by the Chukchansi, are linguistically valley people; while the Buena Vista group at Buena Vista and Kern lakes are linguistically hill people. The dialectic groups of the Valley division, then, are three: the Northern Valley, from the westward flowing reaches of San Joaquin river northward; the Southern Valley, from lower Kings river southward, except the area about Buena Vista and Kern lakes; and the Northern Hill, about the upper waters of Fresno river in Madera county. The dialectic groups of the Hill division are four: on Kings river in Fresno county; on Tule and Kaweah rivers in Tulare county; on Poso creek (some maps have Posey creek) in Kern county; and around Buena Vista and Kern lakes. In all there were about forty Yokuts local groups, which closely approximated tribal organization. Each tribe had its own speech, but except for the seven groups named above the differences were sub-dialectic; in fact, divergences throughout were so comparatively slight that in Kroeber's opinion "it is probable that Indians from 1 Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. 2, No. 5, 1907.

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The tule pool - Southern Yokuts [photogravure plate]

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THE YOKUTS I53 Kern river and from Fresno river could have conversed, and that they could have learned to understand each other perfectly in a short time." Yokuts dialectic variation is far less phonetic than lexical. That is, differences are not so frequently due to mutation of consonants and vowels, resulting in varying pronunciation of the same root, as to the adoption of a new and totally unrelated root to express a given concept. "Of about two hundred and twenty-five common words... fully two-thirds show two or more distinct radicals in the totality of dialects.... Barely a fifth go back to the same radical in all the six dialectic groups." Phonetic, and not radical, variation is of course the usual process of dialectic growth; and as one cause, but in his opinion not the principal one, of this Yokuts peculiarity, the author here quoted calls attention to the fact that a taboo on uttering the names of the dead must result in the adoption of new words, or at least giving new meaning to old roots. The role of the Yokuts in history is not an important one. A few were settled at the Franciscan mission San Antonio, founded in I771 among the Salinan Indians of what is now Monterey county, and at San Juan Bautista, established in 1797 among the Costanoan tribes in what is now Santa Clara county; but no single tribe of Yokuts ever became missionized. Although they suffered from the rapid occupancy of the country by Americans, and collisions were inevitable, there was never any organized outbreak by the Indians and general slaughter by the Americans. In I851 they agreed to relinquish their lands in exchange for reservations and payments in goods, but the treaty was never ratified by the Senate. In I853 Tejon reservation was established at the base of Tehachapi range, and Fresno reservation on a leased ranch near Madera. Comparatively large sums were annually appropriated to equip and maintain them, but nothing whatever was accomplished, and they were abandoned in 1864 and I859 respectively. Very few of the Yokuts had been concentrated on them. Tejon was immediately succeeded by a reservation on Tule river, which in 1873 was changed to the present Tule River reservation, a short distance south of Sequoia Park. The final change of residence however was not effected until 1876. In I905 the reservation population was only 154, mostly members of the Southern Valley tribes (principally Yauelmani and Tachi) and a few natives of the Tule and Kaweah River hills. A settlement of Tachi is near Lemoore, north of Tulare lake, and scattered families of the southern Yokuts are to be found VOL. XIV-20

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I54 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN here and there in their native localities. On San Joaquin river a few Gashowu (Kaho6wo) are found in the neighborhood of Pollasky, and a little farther north are some Chukchansi (Chuhchanchi) at Coarse Gold and Fresno Flat. The total Yokuts population as reported by the Census of I9IO was 533. In the present investigation individuals of the Chukchansi, Gashowu, Tachi, and Koyeti tribes were interviewed. The first of these represents the Northern Hill group at the head of Fresno river; the second, the Kings River group; and the last two, the Southern Valley group, Tachi territory lying north of Tulare lake and Koyeti south of Tule river. The Koyeti have been regarded as utterly extinct, and it may be that the single individual found at Tule River reservation is the sole survivor of the tribe. The implements of the Yokuts were comparatively few and generally crude. Of stone material were their obsidian arrowpoints and cutting edges, and their mortars and pestles for pulverizing nuts and seeds. Mortars were either mere holes worn by usage in bowlders or bedrock, or portable bases with basketry hoppers attached with pitch. In some localities where stone material was rare, wooden mortars were common. The pestles were not artificially shaped. A Chukchansi (Northern Hill) informant is authority for the statement that cooking-pots of soapstone were made in a former generation, but it is probable that the objects of this kind which he saw were importations from the Santa Barbara coast in Chumash territory, where steatite vessels were made in abundance. The southern Yokuts tribes made a limited amount of very crude pottery by the process of beating and pressing the plastic material into shape. The art was no doubt learned from the neighboring Shoshoneans. As for bone, the awl seems to have been the only implement of that material. There were no fishhooks. Shell was little used, for the spoon was a non-essential to the Yokuts, mush being hurriedly conveyed to the mouth by the tips of the fingers. The most southerly tribes, including the Tachi, made pendent ornaments of abalone-shells obtained by journeying to the ocean at San Luis Obispo bay in Chumash territory. There also they secured clamshells, from the thicker portions of which they produced cylindrical pendants perforated from end to end. The bow was the principal example of woodwork. It was made of a piece split from a laurel or oak sapling, and was strengthened by a backing of deer-sinew. Bowstrings were either sinew or milk

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A gem of basketry - Southern Yokuts [photogravure plate]

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THE YOKUTS I55 weed cord. The arrow-shaft was a piece of the reed haiyu, and the foreshaft of haIwit (spiraea?). Arrows were carried in quivers made of the entire uncut skin of a fox, dog, wildcat, or other small mammal. Tobacco pipes were made of manzanita wood in the form of a short, truncated cone. The hole also tapered toward the mouth-end, but as there was no curve or angle in it the pipe was necessarily directed upward and the head thrown back, in order to prevent the tobacco from falling out. Could it have been merely the shape of the earliest tobacco pipes that resulted among various Indian tribes in making the act of smoking a form of supplication to the spirits above? Fire was produced by a drill operated between the palms. An instrument for combing the hair and for brushing meal out of mortars consisted of fibres from the roots of soap-plant, the ends of which were cemented together by a coat of the glutinous substance boiled out of the roots, which on hardening becomes tough as rawhide. Musical devices were the elder-stalk flute, the split-elder baton for ceremonial singing, and the cocoon rattle of shamans. Drums and sounding-boards were not used. Twisted cord of Asclepias fibre was used principally for dip-nets of the bow-and-arrow type. Basketry was formerly the principal, as it remains the only, manufacturing industry, and here the Yokuts exhibit more skill and artistry than in any other field. Both the coiled and the twined processes are followed. The materials for coiled basketry are the stems of a grass which the Chukchansi call chinis (Xerophyllum?) for the multiple foundation, and shreds of the root-stock of a sedge, solosul, for the wrap. Black designs are effected by an overlay wrapping of root fibres of sapasip (dwarf fir?) dyed by burial in mud; and reddish designs by the use of the bark of redbud, monohil. A recent innovation is to add bits of a brighter ornamentation by employing the orangecolored quills of the yellowhammer. Among the examples of coiled work are cooking baskets, which have flat bottoms, slightly flaring sides, and maximum diameter at the upper edge, where they are from eighteen to twenty-four inches wide; globose baskets, large and small, with restricted openings, for containing trinkets and other small objects; approximately hemispherical food baskets, sixteen to twenty inches broad, into which cooked mush is poured and from which the entire family eats, each one dipping in the tips of his bunched fingers and rapidly

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156 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN conveying to his mouth that which adheres; and finally, shallow, tray-like parching baskets. Materials for twined work include Rhus trilobata and redbud rods for both warp and weft, fir-root for weft, and redbud-bark and dyed fir-roots for overlaid weft to produce designs of red and black respectively. These materials are used in various combinations. The cradle-basket, which consists of a base and a separate shade lashed to it, the conical burden-basket, and the utility basket with opening slightly smaller than the base and used for storage of basketry materials and other objects, are made of Rhus trilobata warp and weft, with overlay of redbud-bark and blackened firroot. Rhus trilobata warp, fir-root weft, and redbud-bark ornamentation appear in the shovel-shape, or somewhat triangular, sifters and the shallow bowls called "tortilla containers." A scoopshape, open-mesh utensil with the warp-rods all converging into a handle, is made of redbud rods for warp and weft, some with the bark removed, others with the reddish bark intact. The seedbeater, of the same general shape and construction, has Rhus trilobata warp and redbud weft. In the southern part of Yokuts territory, especially in the lake district, willow is much used in basketry; but in former times when the country was covered with tules, and willow and other basketry materials were not at hand, baskets of various types, including water containers, were made of tules. It is said that the water vessels were not gummed, and the swelling of the strands when wet made them fairly water-tight. Tule balsas were the work of a few men who specialized in this industry, but in all the valley country tule mats were made in quantity, to serve as house-walls, mattresses, and cushions. It is possible that the adoption of the potter's art among the southern Yokuts was due largely to the scarcity of suitable materials for basketry. Men, and a great many women, wore nothing but a breechcloth of skin, which passed around the loins and between the legs. Some of the women had kilts, or more correctly double aprons, for the garment was open at the sides. These were commonly made of shredded willow-bark, tules, or sedge, more rarely of skin. In cold weather both sexes used robes made of strips of the skins of rabbits, coyotes, or waterfowl, the edges being decorated with the * This very old basket was sent back and forth between the southern Yokuts bands and the Mono east of the Sierras as an invitation to join in the hunt.

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The hunting basket [photogravure plate]

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THE YOKUTS I57 feet of the animals. Moccasins were rare. Men and women drew the hair together at the back of the head and tied it in a bunch or a sheaf with a milkweed cord. Some used a head-band, which passed from the base of the cranium up over the top, to hold the hair back in place, Chukchansi women tattooed the chin, and men sometimes the fore-arms and chest; and both sexes had the lobes of the ears and the septum of the nose pierced in childhood with a piece of elder-root hardened in the fire. In the orifices they wore occasionally bits of bird-bone, or more rarely clam-shell cylinders purchased in the south. The Tachi on the other hand did not tattoo, and their ornaments were long, slender pendants of clamshell worn about the neck, in the lobes of the ears, and in the nasal septum. Among the Chukchansi, and probably throughout the hill country, houses were of the Miwok type, a conical, grass-thatched structure over an excavation. In the northern plains similar houses were thatched with tules, but about Tulare lake and southward they were of a very different sort, much like the "long houses" of the Nez Perces and other Shahaptians. The frame was made by erecting two rows of strong poles, of which the forked tips of each pair met in the line of the ridge. This was lashed in place, other rafters were set up, and the whole covered with tule mats. The interior was partitioned off with mats into many rooms, each with its individual entrance and fire, and each occupied by one or more families. In hot weather they were converted into cool shelters by raising the mat walls. Generally one of the long structures housed the entire population of the village. Sweat-houses were of the semisubterranean, earth-roofed type, and dances took place under the open sky in an enclosure made of branches, in the hill country, and of tules, in the valley. The hill tribes had the same abundance of vegetal foods found in the Miwok country: nuts, including the great staple, acorns, buckeyes, hazelnuts, and pine-nuts; grain for pinole, including chia (Salvia), tarweed, and wild oats; fruits, such as plums, grapes, laurel-berries, and a large number of shrub berries; and the usual roots and green stalks, among which latter were angelica and clover. Some of the valley dwellers, like the Tachi, were far from the oaks and other food-bearing trees of the hills, and depended mainly on tule-roots, pinole, and fish. The dried roots of tules were roasted, pulverized, and formed into balls, which were baked in hot ashes, or the flour might be cooked into mush.

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or 158 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN In the lake country fish were driven into nets by men on balsas, and were dried in the sun for winter storage. The great San Joaquin plain in winter swarmed with deer, antelope, and elk, but the Yokuts were not very adept in hunting them. The usual method was to drive them past an ambush, and sometimes the grass was fired for this purpose. The use of the deerhead disguise was known even to the southernmost part of Yokuts territory. But rabbits, ground-squirrels, and small birds were of more importance than the ruminants. The Yokuts knew very little about warfare. The Chukchansi were intermittently engaged with all the surrounding tribes, whether Yokuts or alien; but the purpose of their petty raids was merely to steal women and other booty, and little fighting occurred. Scalps were not taken. In later days the Tachi sometimes made forays into the San Joaquin country to steal horses from the Yokuts tribes of that region, but apparently no fighting was contemplated or desired. In order to avenge themselves, the northern tribes on one occasion invited many of the Tachi to visit them, and during the progress of the dance they set upon their guests, stripped them of their beads and breech-cloths, and shot a few. The rest leaped into the river to escape, and some were shot in the water. Like the northern bands, the Tachi, when questioned on the subject of warfare, declare that their fighting consisted in killing their own medicine-men. They never had any difficulty with the Mono. Chukchansi games differed little or not at all from those of the Miwok. The principal one of course was the hand game, wfh'lawas, in which successful guessing of the position of the unmarked bone won the "deal," while failure cost a point. Men and women participated, and the tally-sticks numbered ten. There were two dice games: tanewas, requiring six half acorns, which were dropped on a basket; and talkiwas, with six half sections of elder, the talak, which were cast end-foremost on a deerskin. The method of count was the same in both, one point if the dice lay evenly divided, two points if all faced one way. The possession of the entire ten tally-sticks won the wager. Both sexes played. In hialo the contestants stood on one side of a high brush fence, and one of them tossed over it a stick containing a large knot. * Decoy pigeons are fastened to the arched withes in front of the blind. The hunter, concealed inside, captures his birds by means of a sinew noose on the end of a short pole.

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The pigeon-blind - Yokuts [photogravure plate]

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THE YOKUTS I59 Then all launched their long shafts toward it, the one who placed his javelin nearest it winning a point for his side. Iwas was a kicking race, in which each side had a ball of deerskin stuffed with hair; k6nwas, a shinny play with a small wooden ball; lulkus, or lulkuwas, a contest in which the players tossed a hoop toward opposite goals by means of throwing-sticks. The Yokuts family comprised a large number of tribes, which were more clearly defined than were the bands found elsewhere in central California. This condition is evidenced by the existence of collective names applicable to the inhabitants of several villages, and entirely distinct from the names of the villages; whereas among all other Indians of this region there were simply local groups described as the people of such-and-such a village or locality. Although a Yokuts tribe included as a rule several settlements, each village had its head-man, whose duties were to act as the director of public undertakings, such as intercommunity ceremonies and feasts, and to deliver at sunset a daily exhortation enjoining right conduct. The office of chief was loosely hereditary in the male line. Among the northern Yokuts there is the same social division into two exogamous patrilineal moieties as has been described for the Miwok. The Chukchansi call themNuztuwifh and Totielyuwifh. The former corresponds to the water moiety of the Miwok and is nicknamed Coyotes, the latter to the land moiety and is nicknamed Crows. Gifford 1 cites the Tachi, residing north of Tulare lake, as exhibiting this feature, but the present writer's Tachi informant, a very old woman, was quite evidently ignorant of the system. All of his information agrees that it did not exist south of Tule river. Marriage was arranged without exchange of gifts and without payment for the bride. The respective parents having agreed on the match, and the young man being willing, he was conducted to the girl's house, where a deerskin or rabbit-skin blanket was spread for the couple. The mother of a Tachi bridegroom placed a string of beads around the bride's neck. Sometimes the girl refused to cohabit with the young man, and then of course the marriage could not be consummated. In some cases the newly married couple lived for a time with the girl's family, but sooner or later they took their place among the husband's people. The Chukchansi performed no rites to celebrate the puberty of girls. A Tachi virgin, however, at her first menstruation was 1 Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Arch. and Ethn., Vol. II, No. 5, I916.

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i6o THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN required to abstain from meat and fish, although she was not confined. At the end of her period her family gave a feast and a dance, in which, at the request of various men in succession, she danced at one side of the enclosed ground while they in turn performed at the opposite side. From each one she received an object of value, usually beads. This is a feature of a dance still performed by these people, a man paying any woman twenty-five cents to dance at one side while he himself dances at the other. There were no puberty ordeals for youths. Boys and girls, especially the former, were instructed in mythology and customs by their grandparents. The Yokuts are sometimes said to have observed an initiation ceremony for youths, in which the drinking of a preparation of toloache (Jamestown-weed root) for the purpose of inducing hallucinations was the principal feature. The basis for this statement seems to be the former use of toloache in achieving the status of shaman, and by men of any age for the purpose of seeing visions. The Chukchansi dead were usually buried in shallow holes scooped out by means of digging-sticks and tray baskets. Cremation was rare, but when a person died far from home the corpse was burned and the charred bones were brought home in a basket, to be interred with beads and other valued possessions. The Tachi practised both burial and cremation, according to preference; but the single Koyeti informant was unaware that burning was ever a custom of his tribe. Personal possessions were either buried or burned with the corpse, and mourners, especially women, singed the hair short by means of an ember of bark, blackened the face with the charred, greasy seeds of a plant known in the Chukchansi country as wild hop (apesua), and abstained from meat for about a month. The shorn hair was buried. Destruction of the house by fire sometimes, but not invariably, followed the death of an inmate, and the name of a deceased individual was taboo for a few years. The spirits of the dead were believed to go southward to an unnamed place. Candidates for the profession of shaman repeatedly fasted in solitude, and drank a narcotic mixture for the purpose of causing "dreams," in which state the desired power would be given by the spirits seen in the "dream." The Koyeti used tobacco leaves; * The walls and roof of this cave on Tule River reservation are covered with paintings, some representing various animals, others symbolic figures. The present natives are ignorant of the origin of the paintings.

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Entrance to the painted cave [photogravure plate]

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THE YOKUTS I6I the Tachi, leaves of the plant syha^, the description of which suggests a nettle; and the Chukchansi, h6pul, the roots of tanai, Jamestown weed, Datura meteloides, which is widely known in southern California under its Mexican name toloache. The narcotic was crushed in a stone bowl and transferred to a basket containing water, from which the novice drank. When the drug began to take effect, he wandered at will about the village or into the plains or forest. His hallucinations were regarded as actual visitation by the spirits seen therein. The medicine-man treated his patients in the presence of a crowd of people. He sang, while his assistant kept time with a baton of elder and waved a bunch of eagle-feathers over the sick person, and finally he sucked out the "poison." A part of his fee was paid before he left his house, the remainder after the work was completed; and nothing was restored even though the patient died. Medicine-men were killed when it was thought that they were guilty of "poisoning" people. Like the Miwok the Chukchansi Yokuts believed in the ability of certain shamans to become grizzly-bears and roam the country, destroying and plundering their enemies. The ceremony most generally observed by all the Yokuts was the annual memorial for those who had died during the past year. It took the usual form of lamentation for several nights, the burning of property on the last night, and a final feast in which festivity reigned. The use of toloache, which is to be classed as a religious practice, varied greatly among the Yokuts tribes. The Chukchansi reserved it for young men seeking shamanistic power. The Koyeti permitted individuals of either sex and any age to use it in order to have "good-luck dreams"; and they made medicinal use of it to relieve persons in acute suffering, as from a broken bone. The Tachi held an actual ceremony in which the men, young and old, drank the mixture, sat or reclined in the assembly house awaiting the vision, and when partially recovered chanted their experience in the unconscious state. An annual ceremony about which few details can be learned was performed by Yokuts rattlesnake shamans. Its purpose was to placate rattlesnakes, and the shamans are said to have handled the reptiles with impunity, even suffering themselves to be bitten. It was of course a phase of the snake cult once prevalent throughout the Pueblo area and still extant among the Hopi. VOL. XIV-21

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162 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Most of the Yokuts ceremonies were shamanistic exhibitions, in which medicine-men of different villages contended against one another, performing their magic for the benefit of the spectators. Their feats of course were more or less convincing sleight-of-hand tricks.

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1 There were people living on the earth. For a long time it had not rained, and the wise men said there would be some catastrophe, but others saw no cause for alarm. Then it began to rain, and it rained day and night for an entire moon; and every day it grew warmer, until the people had to leap into the streams. Some died from the heat. By the end of the month it was raining large stones instead of drops of water, and these killed nearly all the people. A great wall of water came from the southwest and covered the world. The few who had saved their lives from the falling stones by hiding in caves now took refuge from the water on the top of Solch6kut [Bald mountain], the peak of which remained above the waves. At Sebihl-chun-yehfisi ["rock with tree poke-in" - Bee rock], Hawk saved himself and his sister. He put her on the end of a long pole and lifted her up to the hole, and then she drew him up to her. The people on Bald mountain had nothing but leaves to eat, and at last they became deer. Hawk and his sister never came out of the cave.2 The Creation
1 In the beginning there was nothing but water. All alone in the upper world [yapini, from ya, sky] lived Chenegh. One day he heard the sound of crying, and beside the trail he saw a baby wrapped in the white leaves of solcho [a plant]. He carried it home, and the infant grew so rapidly that in a few days it was fullgrown. This was Naghai-cho ["walker great "]. One day Naghai-cho looked down and beheld the world of water, and he said to Chenegh: "What are you going to do about this? How shall we travel about?" "I do not know," replied Chenesh. "But you have been talking much about what you can do. We will go down there and see what you can do." So he took Nighai-cho down, far away in the north at the edge of the water. No sooner had they touched the ground than there stood beside them a woman. Chenegh had caused her to be there. "Where did this woman come from," asked Naihai-cho. "I give her to you for your wife," was the answer. So she was the wife of Naihai-cho. In a little while there stood with them a dog, which also Chen6eh gave to his companion. He told Nighai-cho to train the dog. This was the beginning of that custom. In the north they lived for a time, while they pondered what to do. One day Chenesh said: "Well, you have been talking about what you can do. Now what are you going to do?" "Well, what can we do? Here everything is covered with water. We cannot walk on water. I do not think you would know what to do." Said CheneSh, "Watch me." In that place, unknown to Nighai-cho, was nch6-tanan ["deer soft"], a very large deer with enormous horns. To this animal Chenegh said: "Walk southward. When you get far enough, I will stop you." So the Deer went toward the south, and in some places the water was so deep that only the tips of its horns were visible, but in other places its whole body stood out. Far in the south it stopped and lay down, and at that instant ChenAgh was beside it. Though there had been in the world no trees nor stones nor soil, Chen6eh had a pine tree and two stones. He laid the tree down and told the animal to rest its forehead on the trunk, and 1 Narrated by Bill Ray (Tichahaqichlle, "feeling about for salmon"), South Fork Kato. 2 A generation or two ago there was a pole in this high cave, which was pointed to as proof of the veraciousness of the myth. 165

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I66 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN he placed a stone on each side of the deer. Then gradually the creature turned into soil and rock, and it became the earth, and in time all the water sank and left the earth dry. Earthquakes are caused by this deer turning on its side. Chenesh had disappeared, and Nfihai-cho with his wife and his dog was still in the north. After a time the woman ran away to the south, and Nfihai-cho with his dog followed her trail, for he wished to take her back. They travelled nearly to the middle of the world, and then Naighai-cho said to the dog: "I want to catch that woman. You must hurry to the south ahead of her and stretch Tlkfis-nes [" rattlesnake long"] across her path, and stop her. I will follow you as fast as I am able." This snake was of immense length, with horns like those of an elk. So the dog went ahead. After a long time Nighai-cho was coming close upon the woman, when the dog returned and met him. He asked, "Have you seen the woman?" "Yes," said the dog, "she is not far from here." Soon Nfahai-cho came upon her, lying there dead. He looked at her, and drew from the back of his hair a long feather. He waved it over her, and prodded her gently with his foot four times, and she got up. He took her back to the north, and lived there with her and the dog. Thus it was ordained that women should be foolish and run away from their husbands. There was no one else in the world except Naghai-cho, his wife, and the dog. He never spoke of their solitary condition, but his wife thought about it, and at last she said, " It seems as though we ought to have a baby here." They discussed the subject, and after many days of talk Nighai-cho said one night that they would lie in their bed feet to feet. So thus they lay all night, and toward morning Naghai-cho crept down over his wife's body from her head to her feet, and thus she became pregnant. That is the reason children are born head first. After that they had many children. One day Chenesh came back, and Naghai-cho travelled southward with him. He asked: "What are you going to do here for water? I think I can create water." "I do not believe it," answered Chen6sh. Nahgai-cho scraped the earth with his foot, and a stream bubbled forth. Then Ch'enesh tried, and did the same thing. They returned again to the north. Naihai-cho continued to beget children, but because they did not come fast enough, Chenesh made many people at one time. Soon the earth was populated, and the people spread over the entire land. After a long time Chenesh returned again to visit Nfihai-cho, who proposed that they go to see the ocean. So Cheneh told him to proceed, and he himself would be there at the same time. Naghai-cho therefore started, and when he arrived at the ocean, there was Chenesh. They sat and looked at the ocean and talked about various matters. Naihai-cho constantly feigned great wisdom, trying thus to find out from Chen6gh the things he himself only pretended to know. Now he said: "I wonder if any one can walk on the water. Can you do it?" "I do not know," replied ChenAgh. "Can you?" "I think I can." Then said Chenegh, "Let me see you try it." So Nighai-cho tried to walk on the ocean, but he sank to the bottom and the breakers rolled over him. But there he stood like a rock. Then he came out. Chene6h went out on the water and stood on the waves with his left foot, holding the other foot out. He did not sink. And Nfihai-cho acknowledged his defeat. Still he was thinking of some way in which to surpass Chenegh; and his companion knew it, but said nothing. Said Nighai-cho, " I think I can kick that great rock out of the way." "That would be hard to do," said the other. Naghai-cho ran to the rock and kicked it, and it moved a little but did not topple over. "Can you beat that?" he demanded. "Yes, I can do better than that." Frorf the body of Chen6gh came a rumbling like distant thunder. He ran to the rock and kicked it. There was a flash like lightning, and the rock was shattered. Then Chnesgh said: "I am going away, but you shall remain here. I shall go above." He disappeared, and Naghai-cho sat there pondering how Chen6eh could come and go without walking. He heard thunder a great distance away and knew that it came from Chtnesh. All trickery and rivalry among people are due to the habit of Naihai-cho in constantly trying to get the better of Chenegh.

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Looking out of the painted cave [photogravure plate]

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MYTHOLOGY Coyote Provides Daylight
1 In those times the sun rose in the west, but did not come up high. It was not really light. Coyote went to the west to find out about this condition. He found the sun in a sweat-house, hanging in a burden-basket and covered with a tray basket. A boy was there, and Coyote asked, "Cousin, what is that?" For a long time the boy would not answer, but at last he said: "That is the sun. It belongs to my father." Coyote remained there for several days. For a while the people watched him closely. One night he went outside and said: "Sleep, sleep, sleep! Everybody sleep!" Soon all were snoring. Then he crept in, grasped the basket, and ran. Soon the people woke and pursued him. When he heard them coming, he turned into an old woman, stooping to the ground and throwing bits of clover into her basket. They came up and asked, "What are you doing, old woman?" "Oh, my grandchildren, your grandfather wants this clover to eat, and he is too feeble to gather it. So I must do it." "Have you seen Coyote pass this way?" "No, I have not seen him." After they had passed on, Coyote resumed his proper form and hurried forward, and soon was once more in front of his pursuers. The people turned back, but, rediscovering his trail, once more took up the pursuit. Again he became an old woman. But now they were suspicious, and from a distance they shot arrows at him. The old woman, stooping on the ground, picked up the arrows as they fell and threw them into the basket as if to her feeble eyes they were clover. They came up close and made ready to shoot, but Coyote said: "Oh, my grandchildren, do not kill me by shooting, for then my blood would be on your heads. Crush me rather against that rock." So they seized the old woman and hurled her against the rock. But she passed right through it with her basket, and there on the other side stood Coyote, armed with bow and arrows, and ready to kill them. Then they fled. Coyote said: "I do not intend to have this sun rise in the west. We need light. I am going to have the sun rise in the east and set in the west every day." He threw it into the eastern sky. Coyote and Yitestai Provide Salmon
Coyote was travelling down the river, and wherever he found people he offered to make the river favorable for fishing if they would give him a young woman Generally they refused, because they did not like him. He was rather rough in his speech, and wherever they refused, he made the river broad and shallow, but wherever they gave him a woman he made it narrow, with rapids or waterfalls. In this work he was acting for Yitestai, who lived in the ocean at the mouth of Eel river, and controlled the salmon. After Coyote had finished, Yittstai went up the river to inspect the conditions. He examined the entire course of Eel river and its tributaries and found very few fish. He returned to the ocean and commanded his salmon to go up into the rivers. Then again he examined the streams and found them well supplied. Coyote Temporarily Slain for Misdeeds
Two sisters were travelling. Coyote saw them and asked, "Where are you going, cousins?" "We are going to our uncle's house," they told him. "Wait for me," he said. So they stopped. He began to caress the elder, placing his hand on her breasts. When he tried to cajole the younger, however, she repulsed him. He seized her and crushed her chest, killing her. When her sister protested, he did the same to her. Then he fled to his home under a rock. When the people learned what he had done, they assembled at his house, and Cougar said he would avenge the girls. He reached under the rock and seized Coyote, placed him under his arm, and crushed him. They cut off his head, dismembered him, and threw the parts into the river. The head floated down to the ocean and drifted upon the beach, where Raven found it and picked out the eyes. The head spoke, "Give me my eyes!" 1 This and the six myths following were narrated by North Fork John (Nah-lse, "sitting around"), Eel River Wailaki.

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I68 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN "How can you speak when you have no body?" asked Raven. "Any part of my body can speak, no matter how you dismember it." "Well, your eyes are in my stomach. You had better find two white pebbles with black spots, and use them for eyes." This advice Coyote took, and then suddenly there he stood with legs and arms as before. Coyote and Bat War with the Birds
Bat was a shaman, and he had a dream that he was leading home a grizzly-bear. So he danced in the house and sang about the bear of which he had dreamed. Coyote made sport of him, saying, " If I had such a dream I would be leading home two bears, one on each side." But Bat paid no attention to him, and every day he sang and danced. Then he began to hunt deer, and when he had a great quantity of venison he took a few companions, intending to capture the bear. By and by they saw a grizzly-bear. It stood up and growled. But Bat said: "Wait. Do not be angry. We wish to lead you home and feed you." So the bear ceased its growling and they tied ropes about its neck and a rope about its nose, and they led it home and put it in a brush enclosure which they had prepared. Coyote did not see them. They fed venison and clover to the bear. One day Bat noticed that some of the venison was missing, and, suspecting Coyote, he went out as if to hunt; but instead of hunting he sat on a hillside and watched. Soon he saw Coyote go into the house and quickly emerge with a quantity of meat. After eating the meat, Coyote went to explore the new brush enclosure, where he found much fat meat. He took all he could carry and started out, but at the gate the bear, which he had not noticed, leaped upon him and tore him to pieces. One morning the bear, hungry for clover, left its pen, and some of the bird people killed it. Then the Bat and his people decided to avenge the death of their bear. Coyote, whose life could not be destroyed, assumed the form of an old woman, and went to the house of the birds. Some of the Mice accompanied him. While he talked to the birds, the Mice quietly gnawed asunder their bowstrings. Suddenly Coyote struck his side with a piece of elk-horn and removed one of his ribs, with which he attacked the birds and killed all except Wren, who was too quick a dodger to be struck. A Girl Taken by Water-Cougar
A man had a house near a lake. He was making arrow-points. The woman and their daughter went to gather seeds for pinole. Soon after they had stepped across a narrow place above a pool of water, the woman told her daughter to go back, because her father was alone. She called him, "Tell your daughter to come back!" But he made no sign of having heard, and went on chipping arrow-points. Nevertheless she sent the girl back, and herself went on harvesting seeds. When she returned, her husband was still alone. So they called their neighbors, and all the men went to search for the girl. At last they found her footprints and followed them to the edge of the water, and there they saw tracks and knew that the Water-cougar had taken her. Some years later she returned, and her parents asked her repeatedly where she had been, but she would not tell them. For nearly a year she lived there with her parents, and they were constantly begging her to tell where she had been. Then at last she said: "Well, it seems that you people want me to die. So I will tell you. The Water-cougar took me and I lived in his house. He has abundance of good food, better and more than you have. His home is under the water. He told me that if I ever should tell about this, I would die. But now you have made me tell you." That night she died. Good Luck Acquired from Cougar
Kaba-anchun [" laurel"] was having very bad luck: he could neither catch fish nor kill game. One day, early as usual, he went to hunt. It was summer. He was nearly starved. He sat near a pond, waiting for a deer to pass close enough to shoot. After a while he saw a Cougar washing himself. The Cougar began to creep toward him, at the same time making

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Chukchansi cradle-baskets [photogravure plate]

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MYTHOLOGY I69 a peculiar movement with his left forepaw, which deprived Kaba-anchun of the power to run. So the Cougar came up close, and said: "Do not fear. I am human like you, only I have this shape." He came still closer, and said, "Give me those things." The man drew forth two arrows. But the Cougar did not take them, and repeated, "Give me those things." Again the man offered two arrows, but they were not accepted. Then the Cougar took the entire quiver and removed from it the man's fire-drill. "Stay right here and watch me," he said. So the man sat and watched. The Cougar pointed the stick at a deer, and it dropped dead. Thus he went all around the pond and killed all the deer, and piled them up. He came back to the man and said, "Before you start eating you must sing this song." He sang, and then cut up the deer. For himself he took only the briskets. He sang another song and went away. The man carried a deer home and led back all the people to bring in the rest of the meat. Adventure with the White Wolf
A large party of men were hunting. As they stood in a crowd on a mountain peak, debating which way to go, they saw a white wolf approaching. It went into a thicket, and they watched closely to see where it would come out. Suddenly they heard it behind them. They pursued it, but it eluded them in the same way. This happened repeatedly. The instant they prepared to shoot, it would disappear and then would be heard far off in the opposite direction. At last they followed the white wolf into a thicket where a large rock could be seen above the tops of the bushes. They surrounded the place and crept into the thicket. An entrance was seen under the rock, and passing in they found a large house. An old man was lying on his back with his hands under his head, and one leg crossed over the other. Here and there were seated several women and girls. The hunters sat down and waited without speaking. Then one said: "We are in the wrong place. This is the home of the animals. Let us go." But they found that, though the door was still open, they were unable to move toward it. So there they sat. After a while the Wolf man put a shoulder of venison into the fire and roasted it, and gave them food. As soon as they had eaten they felt able to move, and with a rush for the door they dashed away toward home. The Wolf man ran out and howled. Here and there along the road as they ran, they heard the wolf-howl, and one of them fell dead each time. Only one man reached home. The Creation
1 There was only water, and over it a fog. On the water was foam. The foam moved round and round continually, and from it came a voice. After a time there issued from the foam a person in human form. He had wing-feathers of the eagle on his head. This was Taik6-mol ["solitude walker"]. He floated on the water and sang. He stood on the foam, which still revolved. There was no light. He walked on the water as if it were land. He made a rope and laid it from north to south, and he walked along it, revolving his hands one about the other; and behind him the earth was heaped up along the rope. But the water overwhelmed it. Again he did this, and again the water prevailed. Four times this was done. Taik6-mol was constantly talking to himself: " I think we had better do it this way. I think we had better try it that way." So now he talked to himself, and he made a new plan. He made four lilkae [" stone crook"], and planted one in the north and the others in the south, west, and east. Then he stretched them out until they were continuous lines crossing the world in the centre. He spoke a word, and the earth appeared. Then he went along the edge and lined it with whale-hide, so that the ocean could not wash away the earth. He shook the earth to see if it was solid, and he still makes this test, causing earthquakes. The earth was flat and barren, without vegetation and rivers. And still there was no light. In the ocean were fish and other creatures, but on the earth was nothing. Yet Taik6-mol had the feathers of various birds. He laid buzzard-feathers and eagle-feathers on the ground, and they became mountains. With lightning he split the mountains, and streams issued forth. He made all the birds and beasts, which in those times were persons. Afterward he changed them into their present forms and created real human beings. 1 Narrated by a Round Valley Yuki. This version is patently only an outline. VOL. XIV-22

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I70 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN He built a house, and in it he laid sticks of imsi [mountain mahogany]. Those with knobs on the ends were to be men, the smooth ones women, the small ones children. He said: " In the morning there will be much noise in this house. There will be laughing and talking." And in the morning the house was full of people, all laughing and talking. The earth was populated, and Taik6-mol went from the north all around the earth to give the tribes different languages. When all his work was done, he went up into the sky. In the times when the animals were people, Coyote was the helper of Taik6-mol. He was the one who went about, following the commands of Taik6-mol, and changed the evil ones into harmless things. He was the one who placed the sun and the moon in the sky, and after the creation of the human race he became an animal. After the creation of people, there was a deluge in which only the tops of a few mountains remained uncovered. It was at that time that the ancestors of the Coast Yuki were swept away and deposited in the present location of the tribe. Fire is Stolen from Spider
1 There was darkness. In the sweat-house there was a feast, and they were eating raw meat. Jack-rabbit received none, because he was an orphan child, and so he cried constantly. They whipped him and sent him out. There he stood crying, while inside they were eating and joking. The boy saw something, and he said in a sing-song voice, "You people who whipped me and are laughing and eating, I see something far off." And while he spoke he cried. After a while Coyote thought he heard something, and he said: "I think I hear that orphan boy saying something. You who always say I am wrong, and who laugh at me, had better listen." So they listened, and they heard the orphan boy, "You people who whipped me and are laughing and eating, I see something far off." And still he cried. Coyote advised them to give the boy some meat, so that he would tell what he had seen. And when the boy had eaten, Coyote said, " I thought I heard you say something, my nephew." The boy stood there sobbing and sniffling, and did not answer. But Coyote was patient and kind, and at last the orphan boy said: "Do you see something yonder? Stand just here and look." So Coyote stood there, and he saw something red flare up and sink back. Then he went in and told what he had seen, and word was sent to all the people. They assembled to dance and sing, and then went to that place where they had seen the fire. All along the way they danced, while Coyote sang, "Sukhalkashu..., sukhalkaAhu... ['sit on top of a pine, sit on top of a pine']." In a row they danced toward the house. There sat Spider, holding fire in his abdomen. They danced and tried to make him laugh, because Coyote said that if he should laugh he would shake the fire out and they could secure some of it. But they could not make him laugh. Then Skunk and Mouse prepared for a special dance. The others sang, and they two danced together with their entrails dragging on the ground; and so comical were they that Spider gave a grunt of amusement. His fire gushed forth, and Dove thrust a dry stick into it and flew away. All followed him. As they hurried along, they set fire to the grass, so that Spider, pursuing them, had to give up because he could not endure the heat of the burning grass. They however ran to a lake and leaped into the water. Dove carried the fire clear to the coast, and when he returned he called: " Uhu, uhu! Are you people alive?" Coyote replied: "Yes, I was never well before this. We are all right." But he was badly scorched on one side. The Creation
2 At Mayiy [near Upper Lake] there was a sweat-house. In it were Kun6la [coyote] and Hatunutal [lizard]. Kunula split willow and dogwood sticks and painted stripes across the flat side, and stood them up around the inside of the house. Then he broke dry hemp-bark into bits and scattered them in front of the sticks, which became human beings; and the bits 1 Narrated by a Round Valley Yuki. 2 Narrated by San Diego (Unu), eastern Pomo born at Kaiyo in Bachelor valley, and a grown man in I850. He was an attendant at one of the Spanish missions. The account here given is of course only a fragment, and does little more than name and characterize the two creators.

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Yokuts kitchen utensils and milling-stone [photogravure plate]

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MYTHOLOGY I7I of bark became fleas, which leaped upon the people. These people had paws instead of hands, and Hatunital said, "Why do you not give them hands with fingers, like mine, so that they can do something?" Then Kunila proposed that they two wrestle, and the winner decide which way the hands should be made. So they wrestled, and Hatunutal won. After giving them fingers, Kunula bestowed on them different languages such as are now spoken. He wished to give them power to kill deer by merely pointing a finger at them, but Hatun6tal declared that method too easy; so the bow and arrow were invented. Coyote Creates Sun and Moon
1 Coyote [Diwi] and Cougar [Tsimewa] lived at Mayiy [about one mile west of Upper Lake]. Their sons were playing shinny, and each party had concealed in the ground in front of its goal something to kill its opponents when they neared the goal. One party had a rattlesnake, the other a grizzly-bear. When the game was finished, Coyote's sons all were killed except two. During the progress of the game the ball was driven eastward, and the players kept following. At last the ball went into a sweat-house. Coyote's two boys followed it into the Sun's sweat-house, and there the Sun killed them and hung their bodies up on the central post to dry. After a time Coyote dreamed about his sons, and in the dream he saw where they were. He went eastward, and at length saw some children playing about a sweat-house. He went inside and beheld the two bodies, which looked like stuffed bags hanging there. He asked the children what these objects were, but they said they could not tell unless they were paid. So he offered them his abalone-shell earrings if they would tell him. Then they told him. At night the animal people and the Clouds, Rain, Thunder, and Stars, all assembled and danced about the post; and Coyote sent two Mice to cut down the bodies of his two sons. But the people saw the Mice and caught them. Then Coyote cried out, "Give them to me, and I will eat them!" So they gave the Mice to him; but he put two bits of charcoal into his mouth and spared the Mice. After the dance was over, Coyote began to dance, and he kept it up so long that the people became sleepy. Long-haired and short-haired people alternated in the circle that sat around the fire. Coyote advised them that the right way to sleep while he danced was with their heads toward the fire; and it was not long before they lay down to sleep in a circle with their heads thus directed. Then Coyote tied them all together by means of their long hair, and he smeared pitch over their bodies in order that they might be unable to pursue him. While he was doing this the two Mice had climbed the post and had gnawed off the cords by which the bodies were suspended; and quickly taking them down, Coyote ran away. On the roof of the house sat the watchman Frog, who now wakened the people; and tearing their hair loose, they sent the swiftest in pursuit. In the darkness that constantly prevailed on the earth, Coyote could not see which way to run; so he burst the two bags that were the remains of his sons, and the world was flooded with light. Since that time the world has been lighted by the sun and the moon. Wren Kills the Bears
2 Wren [Tftat] lived alone with his wife. One day he went hunting with his throwingstick, with which he killed small game such as quail, rabbits, and squirrels. At a spring he saw very large tracks, and he wondered how he might kill that animal. He gathered pinenuts, cooked and pounded them, and mixed the meal with sap from the sugar-pine, and then stirred it into the water of the spring. He made a flute and laid it on the bank. On the following morning he took another flute and crept with it into the one that lay on the bank. He began to play, and his song was heard far away in the south at the home of the Bears. One of the Bears said: "Listen! Someone is singing for us to come. Listen!" He declared that he would go to see, and he started out walking around the edge of the world in narrowing circles until he found the spring. He scratched his great claws on a tree, and went down to taste the water. The playing ceased. The Bear tasted the water and found it good, and he drank until he was so swollen that his hair stood out straight from his body. Suddenly 1 Narrated by Sam Cowan (Pak6koyatl), northern Pomo born at Sh6rakai (Coyote valley) on the East fork of Russian river. 2 Narrated by Captain Jim Ford, northern Pomo born in Potter valley.

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I72 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Wren darted out from his flute and struck the Bear on the head with his little stick. He skinned and butchered the carcass, and carried the pelt and the meat home. The next day he returned to the spring and killed two more, and on the third day three. But after that no more came. Hawk and the Monster Birds
1 Tata [a large hawk that preys on such small birds as quail and ducks] and Chas'he-tta ["tarweed tata"], his younger brother, lived with their grandfather Coyote at Lak6ka [on Bodega bay]. Tita started on a journey without knowing exactly whither he was going: he was angry with his wife Quail. He walked eastward up into the mountains with his bow and his arrows, and at the top of the hill he stopped in the trail, wondering what to do. A gopher popped out of its burrow, and Tata killed it for his breakfast. Far away on Kanimuta [Mount St. Helena] he beheld a large sweat-house, and he started off toward it. This was the home of four brother Kilak [monster birds], who during the day flew about seeking people to devour, and at home removed their bird coats and resembled human beings. Ui-dika ["eyes four"], the watchman who always sat at the door, saw Tata approaching, and announced the news to his masters. And they were glad, because they expected to eat the stranger. The eldest set his trap before the door, but when Tata came nearer, it was decided not to kill him at once. So the trap was not sprung, and Tata walked into the house. The eldest said: "You must be my brother-in-law. Now, I want to play a game." Just then there was a humming sound in the sky, and soon the fourth Kilak swooped down, circled four times about the house, and alighted at the door. He had four persons tied together and slung over his back. He threw them down on the floor and demanded, "Who is this that has come to our house?" He was eager to kill the man, no matter who he was. But the elder said, "No, do not do it. This is our brother-in-law." The newcomer took off his feather coat and stood there, a man. In this house was Kadus [raccoon], a relative of Tata. He told Tita that he would have to be very careful if he would save his life in the game that was to be played. Then the eldest Kilak spoke again, saying that he would shoot at Tita, and if he missed, Tita should be held the winner. And Kadus secretly warned his relative that the Kilak always shot high, consequently when the arrow was released, he must drop to the floor. But Tita, thinking Kadus meant to mislead him, leaped into the air, and the arrow pierced his heart. He staggered several times around the fire, and then fell dead. They dragged him outside to let his flesh cool. That night Coyote, back at Lak6ka, had a dream, which told him all that had occurred. He invited all the bird people to his house, for he wished to send someone to ascertain if the dream was true. The two Hummingbird [Tsuyudun] brothers were selected. It was not long before they returned from Kanamuta; but their language was different from that of the others, and the only one who could understand them was Oak-gall. So he was sent for, and when he arrived at the council the Hummingbirds told him what they had seen. Then Coyote decided to make war on the Kilak. He had all his people prepare their spears and arrows. Kingfisher, a sly, mean fellow, always lived alone. To him an invitation was sent, but in spite of offers of valuable beads and many other things he would not consent to join the party. One thing he desired, and only when they offered him obsidian did he agree to join them. As a symbol of mourning for his dead grandson, Coyote thrust his head into the fire and burned off his hair. Then, following the tracks of Tita up the mountain, they advanced to the house of the Kilak. Four Eyes announced to his masters, "A large party is coming." But they would not believe that any people would be so rash, and went outside to see for themselves. Four Eyes advised them not to try to kill these people, because they were too numerous; nevertheless they set their trap and waited. When Coyote's party reached the house, Chashe-tita threw a stone pestle into the trap and sprung it, so that all walked over it without injury and went into the house. Then the eldest Kilak proposed to Chahe-tita that they play a game, and it was decided that Kingfisher should contend with him. So they faced each other. The Kilak shot, and Kingfisher dropped to the floor unharmed. He leaped up and shot, and the Kilak staggered around the fire and fell lifeless. Another Kilak tried, and lost, and a third likewise. Then the people leaped upon the fourth with clubs and spears and killed him, and after 1 Narrated by Tom Connor, central Pomo born at Shanel, near Hopland.

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Rattlesnake design in Yokuts basketry [photogravure plate]

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MYTHOLOGY I73 destroying most of the den of poisonous snakes which the Kilak brothers kept, they set fire to the house. The next day they carried the body of Tita to Lak6ka, where Coyote mixed certain roots with water and washed it, and after a time life came into it. The little son of Tita was crying constantly, in spite of everything they could give him to play with. At length they gave him a hoop, and he played with it. This hoop belonged to Tita, and he greatly prized it. One day it was rolling along, and when the child failed to catch it on his stick it went rolling down the hillside and away to the west. He pursued it, but it rolled down into the ocean. Then the boy came home. Now Tita was very sorry about the loss of his hoop; and besides he felt that having been dead he should not live with living people. He sat on the top of the house, looking toward the ocean and wondering what to do. At last he went to the sea, and travelled westward over the water to the place of the dead. The Creation
1 N6m-hleyus-tawa ["west thrower left-hand"] was the creator. At Waiyel-nomil-tos ["far-north far-west opposite" - eight miles above the hatchery on McCloud river], or, as some say, at Waiyel-puiyel-tos ["far-north far-east opposite" - on the other side of the river], he created a tree, chachami [a species of oak]. He was looking down from above and watching the tree, when beside it appeared a man the size of an ant. One by one others came out. At Chuyikhlul [Stillwater creek] after many years he saw, as he looked down from the sky, the arm of some person pounding acorns with the elbow. The person was inside a house. The hand would reach out to M6hmas [on Sacramento river opposite Redding] and bring back sand for leaching the meal. He continued to watch. After a while a woman came out and went down the trail to the river with a basket. When she stooped to get water, he saw a long tail stretching out behind her. She was abhorrent to him. He said: "That does not suit me. I will destroy the earth." His uncle Takut [sunfish] begged him not to do so. Nevertheless he made a sling, took three large rocks, and threw them with his left hand, one to the east, one to the west, one to the north. The third one released the waters ih the north and the earth was deluged. The water rose to his sweat-house. His uncle reproached him: "You would not listen to me. Now the water is running into our house." Then N6m-hleyus-tawa went out and lay across the north side of the house, and the water was divided into two streams by his body. At last the water ran off, and the earth remained, a bare, level rock. His uncle said: "I told you not to destroy this country. You should not have done it." N6m-hleyus-tawa said nothing. He sat there rubbing his palms together, wondering what to do, while his uncle upbraided him. After a while a moist bit of cuticle was rolled up in his hand. He regarded it thoughtfully between his thumb and fingers. Then he stepped outside and dropped it downward. It became Builit ["peak" -Mount Shasta], and its shape today shows the pinching between the creator's thumb and fingers. Without further effort on his part other hills began to spring forth. All the people had been drowned except the tailed woman Hikamin-tikona ["elbow pound"], whom he had desired to destroy. She was now wading in the ocean, which came up only to her knees. Across the ocean she walked into the next land. Again the creator planted a tree, and again, as he watched, the people appeared, one after another, just like ants. These were the ancestors of the present race. The Creation
2 It was only water. From the north came Ytahsin-yepani ["in-the-sky chief"].3 An6sma [turtle] came. "Who is it?" asked Sky Chief. "It is I," said Turtle. 1 Narrated by Tommy Neal (Klallas), Waileka Wintun born at Sulanharas, a camping place a few miles above the mouth of Squaw creek, a tributary of McCloud river. 2 Narrated by Jack Franco (Otila), a northwestern Maidu born about I845 at Michopdo, about three miles south of Durham in Butte county. The Hill section of the northwestern Maidu name Wanami and Henom (coyote) as the contending creators, and following the creation myth they tell a long transformer myth in which two brothers, Naya, the elder, and Penhini ("two eyes"), the younger, play the leading roles. 3 Also called Kddam-yepani ("earth chief"), in reference to his creation of the earth.

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I74 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN "Do you live in the water?" "Yes, I live in the water." "I would like to see you go down and find what is at the bottom," said Sky Chief. He tied many ropes together and fastened the end to the leg of Turtle, who swam downward. He was gone all day, and the entire length of rope was drawn out. Then Sky Chief drew him up. He asked, "Did you get to the bottom?" "I was near the bottom. I could hear the water running. Put another rope on, and I will reach the bottom." So another rope was added, and Turtle went down again and this time he reached the bottom. He scratched in the mud, so that it adhered under his nails. Then Sky Chief drew him up and scraped off the mud. He placed it in his palm and patted it out flat. He laid it on the water to the south. It began to spread, pushing the water away. It crowded close to the raft, which soon lay on dry land at Tadoiko.' As he watched, he saw someone walking toward him from the south. Sumuini-wew6 ["nose talk"] 2 came, and his dog Sala [rattlesnake] was the size of a cottontail rabbit, and its body was covered with hair. Its eye was like the morning star, and on its tail was a large rattle. These two had been born out of the earth. Sky Chief made a small house, in which he placed Rattlesnake, who never came out of it. Then he created the animals and trees, and he placed all kinds of acorns on one tree. He made the different plants that bear seed for food. He created the river by spreading out his hands, and he placed fish in it. He made a fish-weir across the river. That night he caught salmon. He made the rule that when any food was gathered, the first should not be eaten. Nose Talker had constantly opposed the acts of Sky Chief in the preparation of the earth for the coming of people, and had disobeyed him and lied to him. And now he stole a piece of the first salmon and ate it, and the next night Sky Chief could not catch a salmon. The river began to dry up, and along it grew up great bunches of nettles, in which Nose Talker was imprisoned. But he escaped. He made his home a short distance from Tadoiko. He had a son. One day Sky Chief brought home two deer. Nose Talker came to him and said: "Nik-ba ['my companion'], tell me how to kill these deer." "Do you think you will do the way I tell you?" "Yes, I will do as you say." Then Sky Chief told him to call up two deer. Nose Talker went out and called up a great herd of deer. He tried to kill them, but they would not let him. He had called too many. So he came home without a deer. "Nik-ba, I did not see any kind of animal," he said. "I think you did wrong," said Sky Chief. "I think you called too many." On another day Sky Chief brought in two badgers. Nose Talker said, "Nik-ba, tell me how you killed these badgers." "Oh, you cannot do it right. You always do wrong." "This time I will do right. Tell me how to catch them." Then Sky Chief told him to stand at the badger's burrow and call them out, just two. Nose Talker went to a badger's burrow and said to himself, " I ought to call out more than two. Two are not enough." He called out ten, and they rushed out and seized him and dragged his arm into the burrow. He released himself and went home without a badger. On another day Sky Chief went to a hollow tree. He cleared off the ground about it, and called to the shredded salmon with which it was filled, and it began to tumble down. When there was a basketful, he stopped it. Nose Talker came and begged to know how this was done. Sky Chief told him how to do it, but warned him not to eat the first that came out. So Nose Talker went to the hollow tree and called down the shredded salmon. Soon there was a large pile, and he sat down to eat a little. He ate nearly the entire quantity, and went to another tree and called down the shredded salmon. But instead of salmon, there came frogs and snakes of all kinds. One day Sky Chief got two smooth sticks and lay down to sleep between them. In the night they became a man and a beautiful woman. They were Kuksum-yepani 3 ["far-south 1 Near Durham, Butte county, where a slough is pointed out as the mark of Sky Chief's raft. 2 A nickname for Aleli (coyote). 3 Final m for euphony.

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Animal designs in Yokuts basketry [photogravure plate]

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MYTHOLOGY I75 chief"] and Laidam-lulum-kdle ["dawn star woman"]. The woman kept tickling him, trying to make him laugh. But he would not laugh. In the morning came Nose Talker, who said, "Nik-ba, how did you get this beautiful woman?" "Well, if I tell you, will you do right?" Nose Talker promised, and Sky Chief told him what he had done. Nose Talker went to the river to get the necessary sticks. He stood there and thought, "A man ought to have more than two women." After thinking a long time, he took ten sticks. Sky Chief saw him bringing ten sticks, and took away eight of them. Then Nose Talker lay down to sleep with the sticks beside him. In the night they became women, and they tickled him. He laughed, and in the morning he saw two bent old women. Sky Chief made a lake, intending that when anyone became too old he should bathe and become young again. He sent Kuksu to the lake, and as he went along he became very old. Kiksu went into the water and sank. After a while there was a rumbling, the earth shook, and he came out of the water a handsome young man. All this time the people were multiplying. But Nose Talker desired that people should die and make a good time. Sky Chief said, "What do you mean?" "Well, they will have a burning of property. People will come from near and far to burn and gamble and feast and have a good time." "No, that is not good. I would like to see my people live forever, like me, without sickness." "No, that is not good," insisted Nose Talker. "The people must die." All the time Nose Talker was importuning Sky Chief to institute death and the annual mourning ceremony. Then at last Sky Chief said: "Well, send the young men up that hill, and have them run a race toward us. See if your boy can win." The young men went up the hill and started to run. Nose Talker stood talking to himself, as always, and urging his son forward. When they approached the goal, Sky Chief threw a stick out in front of them. It became a coiled rattlesnake. The son of Nose Talker was ahead. He tried to leap over the snake, but it bit him. He fell down, and the others ran on. Nose Talker asked, "What is the matter with my son?" One of the racers said, "That rattlesnake bit him, and he is dead." Then Nose Talker wept and wailed. He carried his son down to the dance-house and said to Sky Chief: "It is right not to have people die. Your way is the good way." But Sky Chief said nothing. Nose Talker took his son to the lake that Sky Chief had made, and put the body in the water. But the moment Sky Chief had consented to have death, that water, which had always been constantly whirling about, became quiet. After a time Nose Talker carried the body back and laid it on the ground. Sky Chief asked: "Why do you not bury him? You said you wanted to have a good time." He began to wail, and threw dust on his head. He got a basket and a digging-stick, and dug a hole. Nose Talker was wailing loudly. When the hole was finished, Sky Chief brought out all the dance costumes he possessed. He wrapped the corpse in a bear-skin, after hanging beads and feathers on it, and tied it with rppe. Then he dropped the body into the hole. That night Sky Chief went down into the ground at the foot of the central post of the house and came out at the lake. He went away southward. Nobody saw him go. With his feet he made various mountains and hills, as he stepped. He made Marysville buttes, and there he waited for the son of Nose Talker. The next day he made pehepi [a clown-like person who stands on the housetop watching for the approach of visitors to a dance, takes care of the fire in the ceremonial house, and interjects comical remarks when the others are speaking]. He told the clown to remain there and watch, while he himself sat inside the mountain. Soon Nose Talker's son was seen approaching. He was carrying all the things that Sky Chief had buried with him. He was crying. He came to the door of the mountain, and Sky Chief said to the clown, "Tell him to throw everything down outside." The watchman went down and led the young man inside. There was a bear-skin for him to sit on and a large basket of water to bathe in. The young man bathed and sat down. The watchman brought in the things that the young man had been carrying, and hung them about on the walls. Now all the time Nose Talker had been looking for Sky Chief. " I do not know where my chum has gone," he kept saying to himself. He had a string of beads about his neck and

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I76 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN his hair was burned off short. Others too looked for Sky Chief. Kalkalim-wenumam-yepani ["clam-shell-beads vomit chief"] went northward in his search, and remained at Mount Shasta. Yalul-pem-yepani ["flute eat chief"] went eastward and remained at another mountain.1 Kasipim-yepani, or Kasipim-pehepi, went westward. Kuksum-yepani ["far-south chief"] went southward. Kolelnom-yepani ["subterranean chief"], or Sammon-kano ["fire oldman"], went beneath the ground. At the lake Nose Talker saw the footprints of Sky Chief. They were filled with water. He followed them. The next day Sky Chief said to his watchman: " I think Nose Talker is coming. I think he is running." Soon Nose Talker came to the door of the mountain. He stooped and peered through the doorway. Sky Chief said: "Well, here is your son. Come in. Do not be ashamed." Nose Talker started to enter, but Sky Chief said, "Leave your bow outside." He started across the room to sit beside his son, but Sky Chief said: "Sit down there at the door. Well, here is your boy. Now are you satisfied?" The room was full of acorn mush and bread and dry salmon. Nose Talker said: "I am hungry. I would like to eat." "Well, you are not yet dead. You cannot eat here. Go home. Tell the people that you have seen your boy here, and he is alive. And you will have your burning, your good time. When anyone dies, he will come to this place." So Nose Talker went back home and held the first burning ceremony. The Girl Who Would Not Use the Menstrual Hut
2 There was a girl who was having her first menses. Instead of going into the grass hut, she went into the mountains with her husband. She told him to climb a digger-pine and throw down some cones. He climbed up and threw down a cone. He said, "Try it; see if they are ripe." She struck it with a stone and hurt her finger. She looked at it, and struck again, and again the stone struck her finger. She looked long at the finger. The man in the tree was watching. He asked, "How is it?" He was wondering what she would do with the blood. She answered, "It is all right." She licked off the blood. Again she struck her finger, and again licked off the blood. She kept licking at her blood, and then began to eat her flesh, singing, "Ddmiyata pea misin ['I-am-crazy eating myself']!" She devoured her whole body up to the chest. The man was still in the tree. She said, "Come down, let us go home." But he feared to come down. He left his voice in the tree, and leaped down on the other side upon a rock, and ran away. The girl was rolling about on the ground. She hurled herself against the tree, and there was a crash like thunder. The tree shook, but the man did not fall down. Again and again she did this. Then she called out, "Come down!" The voice in the tree answered, "I am coming." At length she said, "He must be deceiving me." She went around the tree and saw where he had leaped upon the rock, and followed him, rolling along the ground. She would strike the rocks with the crash of thunder. Then she overtook the man and struck him. He was thrown high into the air, and when he fell he lay there a mere head with arms and chest. They went into the sky and became the thunder. When mosquitoes get their stomachs full of blood, they take it to her, but they do not tell that they obtain it from people, lest she strike and kill people for their blood. They tell her it comes from oaks, so she strikes trees in hope of finding blood in them. Sachacha, the Ogre
3 Sachacha lived among the cliffs along the river. His food was human beings. He would come to a village and take his choice of the women. Nothing could harm him. One day 1 The northeastern Maidu at Big Meadows are said to speak in a sing-song manner because this personage with the flute settled in their country. 2 Narrated by Jack Franco (Otila), a northwestern Maidu of the Valley division. 3 Narrated by Huwatpaye, a central Miwok woman born about 1839 at Pulaima, on the site of Duckwall, Tuolumne county.

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Baskets in the painted cave - Yokuts [photogravure plate]

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MYTHOLOGY I77 he went to a village and selected a fine, fat young woman, whom he took home; and afterward she gave birth to two children. Still he kept bringing home people for food, and nothing else. His wife had nothing to eat. She had two brothers, who came now to find her. The younger said, "Where is our brother-in-law's weakest spot?" She told them that his left ankle was the most tender spot. When Sachacha came home, the brothers proposed a contest with arrows. So they set up a mark. Sachacha entered the contest, but gave them no chance to touch his left ankle. After a while they proposed a visit to the spring, and there while he kneeled down to drink, they began to shoot at his ankle. The arrows that struck his body simply glanced off, but one that struck the ankle killed him. Then they threw his two sons into the cave where he had slept on a bed of human hair, and with their sister they returned home. Yalali, the Giant
1 A man and his wife and his mother-in-law, and their little baby still in its basket, lived a short distance from the village. It was a season of famine, and the man remained out hunting late into the night. One night the two women with the baby were down beside the stream cooking buckeye soup. It was so late that the night was too cold for the baby, and the young woman decided to carry it to the camp and leave it with her husband. For she thought he must have returned, because a fire had just been kindled in the hut. A voice in the house said, "Give the baby to me." She handed the infant in, and a hand took it. But a long, claw-like nail scratched her, and in fright she ran back to her mother and told about the adventure. The infant meanwhile had begun a frightened wailing, and the mother ran back and said: "Give me the baby. He will not stay here." The child was handed to her, and with her daughter she ran to the village. Untended, their cooking fire died down, and Yilali, the monster in the house, perceiving that they were escaping from him, gave chase and almost caught them just as they dashed into the door of the ceremonial house. In the morning the people made a plan for getting rid of Yalali. They trailed him to his home and found him in a tree gathering cones. For when he had no human flesh he ate pine-nuts. They gathered brush and wood, and piled it around the tree, saying to him: "Gather here all the cones you can find, and we will bring the wood on which to roast them. We will pile up this brush, so that if you should fall you will not be hurt." When they had enough wood piled up, they set fire to it. Then Yilali came down quickly, and in desperation tried to leap over the fire. But he fell into it and was roasted to death. His body was obsidian, and when the flesh was burned off the obsidian burst and flew about in all directions, and was scattered among the tribes for the use of all. The Creation
2 There were Raven [Hotoi] and Prairie-falcon [Limik]. They sent Otter, Beaver, and many kinds of waterfowl to dive for a bit of earth, but none succeeded. At last they tried Kuikui [a small waterfowl]. Down he went through three waters [three worlds of water] to obtain material for the creation of the earth. He brought up a few grains of sand beneath his nails. Prairie-falcon took these and worked them in his hands. He divided the material with Raven, and they went far to the north. There they separated. Prairie-falcon came southward along the western edge of the world, and Raven on the eastern edge, and as they travelled they dropped grains of sand here and there. When the grains struck the water, it bubbled and boiled, and mountains and hills appeared. The creators met in the south. People were then created by Nupup ["father"]. Prairie-falcon, Chicken-hawk, and the Monster
Prairie-falcon [Limik] and Chicken-hawk [P6hyun] went up the river. Prairie-falcon saw a red salmon. He pointed it out to his brother, and said, "Do you see that salmon?" For a long time Chicken-hawk could not see it. Then when he saw it he threw a stone at it. The salmon did not move. He threw a stick, and the salmon swallowed it. He took an arrow and said, "I would like to see him swallow this." He threw it, and the salmon swallowed it. He drew out of his fox-skin quiver all his arrows and threw them at the salmon, which 1 Narrated by Huwatpay6, a central Miwok woman. 2 This and the following myth were narrated by Bill Wilcox, Gashowu Yokuts. The account of the creation is obviously fragmentary. VOL. XIv-23

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I78 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN swallowed them all. He threw in his brother's arrows, and they were swallowed. He threw both bows, and they were swallowed. Then he said, "Well, I would like to see if he can swallow me!" He leaped in, and was swallowed. Prairie-falcon stood there a long time, thinking what to do. "Well," he said, "I too might as well die." He jumped in, and the salmon swallowed him. It did not move from that place. Prairie-falcon felt something round. He asked, "What is this?" Chicken-hawk felt of it and said: "It is his heart. I think he would die if we cut it off." Prairie-falcon had a small knife tied about his neck. He gave it to his brother, who cut off the heart. He said: "It will go north. Hold on!" The salmon went northward to the ocean, and from there it went southward to the ocean, and then westward to the ocean. Then it came to the river [San Joaquin] and threw itself out on the sand. It lay there gasping, and Prairie-falcon, peering out through its opening and closing mouth, saw the sand. He said: "What is that? Is it water or land? Well, I am going out to see what it is, even if I die." He took the white sperm and rubbed it between the palms of his hands until it was like down. He gave it to his brother. When the salmon's mouth opened again, he leaped forward, and his brother blew on the dry substance and blew him out. He landed on the dry sand, and laughed with joy. He called to his brother that it was good, and Chicken-hawk jumped out. "This salmon is good to eat," said Prairie-falcon. He showed his brother how to cut it into strips. "Build a fire and dry it, and then cook it, and if you wish to eat it, do so. I am going to sleep." Chicken-hawk cut the salmon up and put the strips before the fire. They smelled good. He ate some. They were good. He cooked more and ate. Suddenly while he was hanging up some strips there was a great sound, as if something were gulping food. He looked, and saw that the meat he was cooking had disappeared. He did not know what was the cause. He was angry. He said, "I will cook more." He took his arrows from the salmon's stomach and sat with them behind his back, waiting to see what had taken his food. Something came out of the ocean and reached for the food. He shot an arrow and struck it in the eye before it could get back into the water. Its mother began to sing, "You have shot my baby in the eye!" It was this Shanwiwa that had put Prairie-falcon to sleep by magic. Chicken-hawk could hear her coming, and was frightened. He shook his brother and tried to waken him. He took a glowing stick and burned him beside the ear, and thus woke him. When Prairie-falcon saw what had happened, he said: "Why did you kill this? Well, we had better go north now. We must leave this place." So they ran away, and Shanwawa pursued them over the land, sucking in her breath with a terrible noise. That was the way she secured her prey. Her breath threatened to draw them back into her mouth. At last they came to their aunt Stink-bug [Badedut]. But they ran on. When Shanwiwa came to this place, she demanded to know where they were. "Oh, they are here," said Stink-bug. "But you are tired. Rest a while, and then I will give them to you." When Shanwiwa had rested, Stink-bug said, "Shut your eyes and open your mouth, and I will throw them into it." Shanwiwa did so, and Stink-bug threw into her throat a great quantity of that which she made for stinks. Shanwiwa rolled over and over in a dizzy convulsion. But when she recovered, she ran on. In succession the brothers passed their other relations, Red Ant, Small Skunk, and Great Skunk. Lastly they came to their aunt Timlaichi [a bug]. When Shanwiwa arrived there, Timlaichi made her rest a while, and then threw into her mouth a red-hot stone, which burned its way completely through her body and killed her. Coyote and Talkakuna
1 Talkakuni lived at Chukchano [north of Apais, Fresno flat]. At that place he cooked the people whom he captured as they gathered pine-nuts in the hills. When he saw anyone in a tree he would throw a large round stone and kill him. Thus he had killed nearly all the people, and Coyote determined to stop him. He went hunting jack-rabbits and cooked them, and took the meat with him so that he would not have to eat human flesh. He made himself look like an old woman. At Chukchano he found only the two children of Tilkakuni. They offered him meat, but he refused it, saying he would wait until evening, because he was not hungry. When 1 Narrated by Dick Neale, Chukchansi Yokuts. * The ornamented deerskin dress was not aboriginal with the Yokuts.

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Among the tules - Yokuts [photogravure plate]

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MYTHOLOGY I79 Talkakuna was heard coming, the children ran to Coyote and said, "Our grandfather is here!" Then Talkakuna entered. He said: "We will eat soon. There is plenty of meat." Coyote had made a small hole in the ground, in which he concealed the human flesh that was given to him, while he secretly ate his rabbit meat. Then he asked Talkakuna to sing, and he listened, with hands crossed on his knees and one foot keeping time. He asked the children to have their grandfather remove his moccasins and rest his feet, and while Talkakuna sang and the children listened, he hid them, so that the next morning Talkkuna had to go hunting barefoot. During the day while the children were swimming Coyote built a large fire. He told them to go close to it and warm themselves, then suddenly he pushed them in and killed them. Next he covered the ground with thorns. In the evening Talkakuna came and whistled for his children. He heard what seemed to be their answer. Then Coyote shouted, and Talkakuna knew that his grandchildren had been killed. He rushed up, but trod on the thorns, and one of them pierced his heart, which was in his foot. And so he died. Coyote Steals the Morning-star
1 There was no sun. It was dark. But far in the east Coyote could hear birds sing when their morning came. So he went to see what was there. The people were hunting rabbits. As they went homeward after the hunt, a great tree fell across the trail. This was Coyote. They tried to lift it, but there was only one man strong enough to do so, and he carried it home. He laid it near the morning star and tried to make a fire, but it would not burn. So Coyote, in the form of a log, lay there a long time watching the morning star, observing how Turtle kept gradually rising and revealing it more and more, and daylight approached. At last Coyote seized the star and ran, and the people pursued him in vain. When he brought the star home, he tried it in various places; but only in the east would it shine brightly, so there he left it. 1 Narrated by Dick Neale, Chukchansi Yokuts.

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APPENDIX Tribal Summary
The Kato
LANGUAGE - Athapascan. In I9I9 the present writer was impressed by the resemblance of southern Athapascan words for "day" to the Haida word, and the following similarities were observed. Subsequently Dr. A. L. Kroeber called his attention to the fact that Sapir (American Anthropologist, I9I5, Vol. XVII, No. 3, pp. 534-558) had already shown apparent relationship between Haida and Na-dene (northern Athapascan). English Haida Kato Wailaki Hupa cloud yan ya (sky) ya1 day sun jn jin ch!Ins hand stlai la bi-la hoi-la' head ki-ji si si lips ku-da da bd-da hot-ta tongue tanl bil-sistan ho-sastan father hi-ta (of a female) sh'ta (my father) Eh'ta hwi-ti (my father) mother's sister 6-ka ghun-kai (my mother's sister) ghfun-kai hwiun-kai POPULATION -The Census of I9IO reported 51 Kato under the name Kai-Pomo. DRESS -The earliest known costume for both sexes was a tanned deerskin wrapped about the waist, and a close-fitting knitted cap, which kept in place the knot of hair. At a later period the garment was a shirt made of two deerskins, laced down the front and reaching to the knees; and moccasins of deerskin were sometimes used. Ear-pendants for women, and sometimes for men, were woven rings of Xerophyllum grass, and ceremonial belts consisted of strings of pine-cones. Both sexes generally had perpendicular lines tattooed on the face and the chest. DWELLINGS -The Kato dwelling was erected over a circular excavation about two feet deep. The framework consisted of four forked posts set at the corners of a square inside the pit, two transverse plate-timbers, rafters sloping from front to rear, and wall poles sloping from the edge of the pit to the sides of the roof. The covering of the roof and walls was slabs split from pine or spruce logs, and the excavated earth was heaped up around the base of the walls. The ceremonial house, or sweat-house, was of the type commonly found in central California. A crotched post in the centre of the pit supported the upper ends of six heavy timbers, the base of which rested on the edge of the excavation, and these in turn supported numerous lighter rafters. Successive layers of slabs, grass, and earth composed the covering. PRIMITIVE FOODS -The staple foods were acorns, seeds of tarweed and various other plants, dried salmon, and venison. A large number of plants yielded edible products, such as nuts, fruits, seeds, roots, and green shoots, and nearly every obtainable form of animal life, except predaceous birds, serpents, and some of the carnivores, was a source of food. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES - Objects of stone manufactured by the Kato were arrow-points, cylindrical beads, knives, mortar bases, and pestles. Of bone were awls and fish-spear points; of shell, discoid beads; of wood, bows, arrow-shafts, and spear-shafts; of skin, clothing; 1 Cf Maidu ya, yam. 183

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I84 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of fibre, cords, nets, and baskets. Kato basketry, their most conspicuous craft, includes conical burden-baskets, dishes, trays, and cradle-baskets. Some of the work is the coiled process. GAMES - In the "grass game" two players with a bunch of grass in each hand extended their clenched fists toward their two opponents, each of whom guessed which bunch of grass in the hands of the player facing him concealed a small wooden counter. A correct guess eliminated that player for the inning, failure cost the guesser a tally-stick. When both players were "dead," the inning passed to their opponents. On the same principle was a game in which the counter, a short, thin rod distinguished by a black encircling stripe, was concealed among a bundle of similar unmarked rods. There was no dice play for women, but occasionally they played the "grass game." There were various forms of outdoor amusement, especially archery and hurling missiles. A favorite evening pastime of women was singing in chorus. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION -Like most Indians of California, the Kato cannot properly be called a tribe. They recognized their ethnic unity, but had no feeling of tribal solidarity. Each village had its head-man, who generally was succeeded by his son. His duties and powers were mainly advisory. When a decision of importance was to be reached, he summoned the elders, whose consensus prevailed. There were no clans. VILLAGES OF THE LONG VALLEY KATOT16-kyahan, "Grass Tribe." I. Chunsan-dn., "Tree-prostrate Place," a mile and a half west of Laytonville on the site of the cemetery. 2. Tsetan-dun, "Trail-emerges Place," at the foot of the mountain west of Laytonville. 3. T6-tikuit, "Water Centre," north of 2, on a knoll down which water flowed on two sides. 4. Chekselohin-dun, "They-killed-woman Place," north of 2. 5. Yisfschhltin-dun, "They-found-wolf Place." 6. Seyuhufnch&f6-dfun, "Old-stone-house Place." MARRIAGE - A youth and a girl cohabited secretly in her parents' house, and when after a few days the fact gradually became known, they were regarded as husband and wife. Divorce was equally casual. MORTUARY CUSTOMS- The dead were interred. A remarkable feature was the depth of graves, which was so great that in some cases the digger had to be lifted out. The excavation was floored with poles, bark, and skins, and the corpse, washed, clothed, and wrapped in deerskins, was covered with bark before the earth was replaced. Trinkets and tools were not always, and food was never, deposited in or at the grave. The hair of mourning women, and sometimes of men, was shorn. In the year following the death of a prominent person there was a ceremony of mourning, in which people from the surrounding region cast valued possessions into a fire. This terminated the period of mourning. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES- Kato religious conceptions centre around two characters: Chenesh, the creator, who is identified with thunder and lightning, and Naighai-cho ("walker great"), his somewhat mischievous companion. The latter was formerly on certain occasions personated by a masked figure clad in a full suit and head-dress of buzzard-feathers, and with a black stick about four feet long extending upward at the back of the head. Both of these personages, as well as the unnamed spirits dwelling in various mountains, were besought for help by shamans engaged in exorcising disease. There were shamans of three kinds: those who by sucking pretended to remove a foreign object that represented the sickness, those who by clownish antics cured the victim of fright caused by encountering a fabulous woodland creature, and those who foresaw the future in dreams. Only the "sucking doctors" acquired their power by instruction. There were two societies of magicians, one composed of a small number of old men, the other, into which about ten youths were annually initiated, of a much larger group of young and middle-aged men. Various tricks were exhibited as manifestations of magic in their annual performances. Annually a group of young boys was inducted into a school of instruction in mythology and religious practice. In memory of the recently dead the Kato observed annually a mourning ceremony, the principal feature of which was the burning of personal possessions. WARFARE -The Kato made war on the Athapascan Sinkyone and Wailaki, and on the Yuki. If possible they beheaded their victims, and in the security of the home camp removed

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APPENDIX 185 the entire scalp, which was used as a trophy in the victory-dance. Trespass on food preserves was the usual cause of war. MYTHOLOGY - In addition to the events of the creation, Kato myths are much concerned with chance encounters between human beings and various grotesque forest creatures. NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES Kato, Long Valley Tlo-kyahan, "Grass Tribe" Nongatl N6kahl Pomo, Sherwood Valley Ch!inchun Yuki Ch!inch Yuki, Coast Pin-kyahan, "Other-side Tribe" The Wailaki
LANGUAGE - Athapascan. POPULATION- According to the Census of I9IO there were in that year 227 Wailaki, all but IO of whom lived on Round Valley reservation. Nothing definite is known of the early strength of this group. DRESS - A small deerskin apron with the hairy side exposed was the sole garment of Wailaki men, except that in cold weather a skin was worn about the shoulders and a piece of fur about the head. For women there was a deerskin skirt from waist to knees. The hair of men was generally in a knot at the back of the head; that of women was parted, and hung in two twists. Some of the well-to-do had nose and ears pierced for the sporting of dentalium ornaments. All females had curving lines tattooed on chin, cheeks, and nose. DWELLINGS - Wailaki structures were exactly like those of the Kato, which have been previously summarized. PRIMITIVE FOODS - Salmon, smoked but not salted for preservation, was a very important food of the Wailaki. Deer were so abundant and so easily taken by driving them into noose snares, that venison was seldom dried. Small birds were esteemed, but full-grown waterfowl were too elusive for the Wailaki. Grasshoppers and certain larval forms were great delicacies. Acorn meal and pinole were the principal vegetal foods. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES - In manufactured articles the Wailaki differed little from the Kato. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION - In each village was a head-man, the wealthiest individual of the community. His title of "haranguer" clearly indicates his principal duty. Though various villages on occasion combined forces for common defense or offense, there really was no tribal organization. The family was the only social unit. MARRIAGE - Usually a match was arranged by the two fathers, but there was no attempt to coerce the children. Without formality the two young people cohabited, and the union was publicly confirmed by exchange of gifts. A man could abandon his wife on any pretext, but a woman must have good reason for leaving her husband, else his family could justly exact the life of one of her relatives. Most men of means had two, rarely three, wives, who as a rule were sisters. A man had prior rights in a deceased brother's widow, and she could marry outside the family only with their consent. Direct conversation or contact of any sort between a woman and her son-in-law or her father-in-law was strictly taboo. MORTUARY CUSTOMS- The dead were placed recumbent in deep graves, with the head eastward. A man's dog was killed and buried with him; but his other possessions were used for repaying each unrelated mourner who honored his memory by breaking and casting into the grave some object of greater or lesser value. Great sorrow was betokened by shearing the hair and smearing pitch on the scalp. Mourning was terminated by the mourning ceremony, in which valued objects were thrown into a fire. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES - A few generations ago the only pseudo-religious rites were the initiation of shamans, the puberty ceremony for girls, and the war-dance. Each spring the principal shamans selected a group of promising youths for instruction, which consisted in dancing to the shamans' songs, in travelling about among places supposed to be dangerous from the presence of fabulous monsters, and in lectures on the methods of treating sickness by removing from the body by suction a small, worm-like object. The puberty ceremony occurred when a girl experienced her first menses and continued each night until the end VOL. XIV-24

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I86 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of her period. All the adults sat in a circle and through the greater part of the night sang various songs while the girl sat in the centre with a deerskin draped over her head and shoulders. Throughout the entire period the virgin remained in seclusion and practically renounced food and drink. The so-called "feather dance" was acquired from the south, doubtless from the Pomo. As the name indicates, feathers of all kinds were prominent in the costumes. Apparently this was little more than a community dance, without ritualistic features, although invested with a religious atmosphere. Like their neighbors, the Kato and the Yuki, the Wailaki held a school of religious and moral instruction for young boys. WARFARE -The Wailaki apparently were always on good terms with the Yuki, and fought principally with other Athapascans, particularly with the Coast bands. They took heads as trophies, but preserved only the scalps. Some of the fighting-men are said to have disguised themselves as bears in order to facilitate approach at close quarters. MYTHOLOGY - Typical Wailaki myths concern the activities of Coyote and the adventures of humans with various preternatural animals. A frequent result of these encounters is the acquisition of good luck by favor of the animal involved. NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES - Huchnom - Kolk6ftkyobi-keyan Kato, Long Valley Tochehl-keyan, "Water-wet Tribe" Nongatl N6nkahil Pomo, Potter Valley Kintiyaihto-keyan Wintun, Hayfork of Trinity River Baikeh6n Wintun, Nomlaki Ch!ena Yuki Kiyinchi Yuki, Coast Tityi-keyan The Yuki
LANGUAGE - Yukian. POPULATION -The Census of I9IO enumerated i98 members of the Yukian stock, of whom 95 were Round Valley Yuki and 73 Wappo. In i856 they were reported to number about 3000. DWELLINGS - Houses of the Yuki proper were like those of the Kato and the Wailaki. PRIMITIVE FOODS - Deer, captured in noose snares and shot by stalking with the aid of deerskin disguises, and fish, taken with dip-net, with spear, and by narcotization, were important sources of food. Acorns were the vegetal staple. Most of the smaller mammals and birds, and a wide variety of roots, fruits, nuts, and seeds were eaten. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES -The material culture of the Yuki did not differ greatly from that of their Athapascan neighbors, the Kato and the Wailaki. GAMES -The gambling play for men was the wide-spread "grass game," in which the counters were concealed in two bunches of grass held in the clenched hands. Women gambled at dice, the implements being six half-round sticks. Men played shinny, and contested in archery and wrestling. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION - In each Yuki village there was a chief, who directed all public undertakings and settled all disputes. He performed little or no labor. Food was supplied by the women of his household and by the hunters of the village. His successor, a son or other male relative, rarely a daughter or his widow, received special training during the chief's lifetime. The chief's assistant was his herald, as well as village peaceofficer. Beyond the village, political relations were loose. There were no clans. Young boys received in classes under regular instructors a systematic course of tutelage in morals, mythology, and ceremonies, as well as in the more practical phases of life, and girls were separately instructed by the old men. YUKI DIVISIONSCoast Yuki Ukhot-no'm,2 "Water-great Tribe" Eden Valley Yuki Witukum-no'm, "Canion-valley Tribe" Huchnom Yuki H6ch-no'm, "Outside Tribe," or Ninhin-waihltm, "Mouth Wide" ' Kolk6ftkyobi, a place name; keyan, tribe. 2 No'm, the regular termination of tribal names, is a locative, meaning "there," "at."

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APPENDIX I87 Round Valley Yuki: ltkum-no'm, "Valley Tribe," on the north side of Round valley. U'muchich-no'm, "Valley-small Tribe," in Williams valley. I'mlich-no'm, "Open-ridge Tribe," on Blue Nose ridge. Sukshudltatum-no'm, "Pine-straight Tribe," on Hull creek.2 Huitit-no'm, "Middle-ridge Tribe," on South fork of Middle fork. Utit-no'm, "Water-ridge Tribe," at the junction of Middle fork and South fork.3 Lilghiik-no'm, "Rock-black Tribe," at Black Rock. Odlkat-no'm, "Tree-flat Tribe," on the south side of Round valley. Tan-no'm, "Slope Tribe." MORTUARY CUSTOMS- The dead were buried in a sitting posture, facing eastward with knees drawn up to the chin. Some of the Yuki cremated those who died away from home. Food was not deposited with a corpse, but articles of value were cast into the grave, and not less than a year later there was a final ceremony of mourning, in which property was burned. The soul was believed to ascend into the sky. Names of the dead were strictly taboo, and those who handled a corpse purified themselves by bathing and rubbing the body with wormwood leaves and angelica. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES - Yuki religious belief involved the cult of Taik6-mol, whom they addressed as "father above." The translation of the name ("solitude walker") is significantly similar to that of the Wailaki character Naghai-cho ("walker great"). Like the latter, he was the creator, and was personated in a ceremony for dispelling certain baffling ailments. The ceremonies of the Yuki included the singing and dancing for the benefit of menstruating virgins; the shamans' dance for the purpose of selecting neophytes and their singing over a "dreamer" in order to bring out the shamanistic power offered him in dreams by the spirits; the long course of instruction by which youths were initiated into the Taik6-mol society; the dance in which Taik6-mol was personated for the treatment of certain forms of sickness; the spirit or so-called "ghost" dance for the benefit of a person suffering from having seen a spirit; the "acorn sing" for abundance of acorns; and the "feather dance" of the Wailaki and the Pomo. WARFARE- With their Athapascan neighbors and with the Wintun, as well as among themselves, the various Yukian divisions were at war from time to time. The principal fighting-men wore rawhide elk-skin tunics, which were almost impenetrable to arrows. Slain enemies were decapitated, and scalps were preserved as trophies. The war-dance was held to arouse courage and to work magic against the enemy, and success was celebrated in the victory-dance. MYTHOLOGY- In Yuki mythology Taik6-mol emerges from a bit of foam revolving on the surface of a world of water shrouded in fog. After various trials he creates the earth and restrains the oceans with rock walls lined with whale-hide. Out of feathers he makes mountains, which he splits with lightning, and from the clefts burst forth rivers. He creates beasts, birds, and people, and then disappears in the sky. His assistant is Coyote, who places the luminaries in the sky and changes destructive monsters into harmless things. After the creation a deluge overwhelms the earth and sweeps away a portion of the Yuki to their present habitat on the coast. NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES - Achomawi Shiwash 4 Kato Lalshiik-no'm, "Lake-black Tribe" Kato, Long Valley Koliukm-no'm, "Other-valley Tribe" The Yuki of Round valley have no collective name for themselves. 2 Hull creek is called Sukshudltatuim. 3 The mountain at the junction of Middle fork and South fork is called Utit. 4 A few Achomawi were removed to Round Valley reservation. As the Yuki had not previously known them, they began to designate the newcomers by the Chinook jargon term for Indians, namely Siwash (from French sauvage).

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188 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Maidu, Kankau Kanko 1 Pomo, Clear Lake Upo6s-no'm, "Water-turbid Tribe" Porno, Little Lake Nak6nmi 2 Porno, Potter Valley Paliukm-no'm, "Leaf-valley Tribe" Porno, Sherwood Valley Onp6tidl-no'm, "Ashes Tribe" Wailaki K6idl Wintun, Hayfork of Trinity River Waikimi Wintun, Nomlaki Kum-no'm, "Salt Tribe" 3 The Pomo
LANGUAGE - Formerly regarded as a distinct linguistic group, the Kulanapan, the Porno are now recognized as a member of Dixon and Kroeber's Hokan family. POPULATION - In 1853, Gibbs, on the authority of Redick McKee, estimated the population of Sonoma and Russian River valleys, Clear lake, and the coast from Fort Ross to San Francisco bay, at 2700. The Census of I9IO enumerated II93 Pomo. DRESS- Men ordinarily were stark naked, women wore short, thick kilts of shredded tules, or skirts of deerskin, or, on the coast, shredded redwood-bark. Rabbit-skin robes were used for warmth, and armless, knee-length ponchos of shredded tules were used in rainy weather. Head, feet, and legs were habitually bare. The hair of men was loose or gathered in a knot on the crown of the head, that of women was either unconfined or in a knot at the back of the head. Tattooing is a modern practice. Neatly made ear-pendants consisted of magnesite cylinders and feathers, necklaces of discal clam-shell beads and magnesite cylinders. DWELLINGS -In the lake region the Pomo built houses shaped like an inverted circular or elliptical bowl, using for the framework willow poles thrust into the ground and transverse oaken hoops. The thatch consisted of three layers: first, willow or oak shoots applied horizontally; second, a perpendicular course of round tules; third, an upper perpendicular course of triangular tules. Horizontal poles lashed to the frame held the thatch in place. Some houses were partially subterranean. Where rushes were not available houses were covered with grass, or, even this material wanting, with earth. The Coast Pomo built low, conical houses of redwood slabs converging at the top of a forked central post. The Pomo sweathouse was a pit covered with an approximately conical roof of timbers, brush, grass, and earth. PRIMITIVE FOODS - Acorns made into mush or bread were the most important vegetal food, and they are still used in considerable quantities. Other products of the soil were buckeyes and hazelnuts, berries of laurel and manzanita, huckleberries, elderberries, blackberries, cattail roots, young tule shoots, and the small seeds of various plants. The Coast Pomo considered seaweed (Porphyra) an important item. Animals of importance were deer, captured in noose snares or by the drive and ambush; waterfowl, taken in nets and by slings; fish, caught in nets, in traps, and with spears; and roasted grasshoppers, gathered after burning the grass. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES -The most important product of Pomo craft is basketry, both coiled and twined. Coiled baskets are frequently ornamented with colored feathers and with beads, and exhibit a very high grade of workmanship. Such baskets are usually merely artistic creations, the coiled utensils used as containers of food being unornamented. Most of the utilitarian baskets are twined. Tules sewn, not woven, together formed the mats used as mattresses, and a canoe-shape bundle of tules served as a boat on the lakes and marshes. Stone-tipped arrows, wooden bows, bone-tipped fishing-spears, flint or obsidian knives, stone mortar bases and pestles, four-hole elder flutes, bone awls, wooden fire-drills, and stone tobacco pipes with ash stems, dip-nets, seines, and duck-nets, deer-snares, and slings were some of the more common artifacts. Discal beads of clam-shell and cylindrical ornaments of magnesite were skilfully made. GAMES -The Pomo practise the forms of gambling common to the region. In the grass game each of two leaders conceals in separate bunches of grass a marked and an unmarked 1 The Maidu of Concow creek were unknown to the Yuki prior to their removal to Round Valley reservation. 2 This name was applied also to all the Pomo bands of Mendocino county. 3 In allusion to their possession of salt deposits.

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APPENDIX I89 bone, and their opponents guess which hands hold the marked ones. In the stick game the effort is to guess whether a bundle of small sticks contains a multiple of four or a number greater than such a multiple by one, two, or three. In the dice play of women six identical half-round pieces of willow are cast points downward on a deerskin. The count is one if they lie evenly divided, two if all face one way. The hoop-and-pole game and shinny are obsolete. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION - There were no Pomo tribes. Each village was a political unit. The head of a paternal group was a chief, and by common agreement one of these patriarchs was the principal chief. The duties of these head-men were to look after the general welfare, to maintain order, to settle disputes by payment rather than by bloodshed. The principal chief represented the community on ceremonial occasions and harangued the people each morning. The Pomo had no clans. Young children of both sexes were publicly initiated into the social body in the course of the Kuksu ceremony. MARRIAGE- Marriage was arranged by the parents of the young people, but payment for the wife was not discussed. On the appointed day the people assembled in the bride's house, where the youth's father delivered a speech and handed over shell money to the value of twenty-five to fifty dollars. The young couple usually lived for a time with the bride's family and thereafter in the house of the husband's father. There was no necessary formality preceding divorce. The wife with her children simply returned to her people, but if she voluntarily left her husband within a few months after the wedding the marriage present was given back. The husband of an adulteress had the right to administer corporal punishment, even to the extent of biting off her nose. MORTUARY CUSTOMS-The Pomo cremated the dead on pyres built over shallow trenches. The clothing and other personal effects of the dead person, as well as other articles of value, were cast into the flames. The ashes were covered with earth, and unconsumed bones were buried in a basket. Mourners of both sexes cut the hair short, and women sorrowing for favorite children smeared over the hair a broad band of white clay, which was renewed from time to time for about a year. To prevent the ghost from returning from its abode in the south, a bit of angelica-root was buried in the house during the four nights succeeding cremation. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES- There were two important ceremonies, the Ghost dance and the K6ksu ("Far South," Northwestern Maidu language) ceremony. As incidents of either were performed various dances, in most of which some animal or other being was personated. Notable among these was the fire dance, in which the performers placed embers in their mouths and by exhaling the breath caused them to glow. The Ghost dance was distinguished by a specialized feature in which spirits of the dead were personated. In the Kuksu ceremony appeared several personators of the mythological character of that name, who was conceived as a personage with a large, red nose; and on certain days an old man initiated children into the tribe by making two incisions in their backs with a piece of shell. MYTHOLOGY- The companion creators in Pomo mythology were Lizard and Coyote. The latter provided sun and moon, and besides working many wonders he experienced numerous adventures of a ludicrous nature. The Wintun
LANGUAGE- Formerly classified as one of two divisions of Powell's Copehan family, the Wintun are now recognized as a member of Dixon and Kroeber's Penutian family. POPULATION- There are no reliable estimates of early Wintun population. The Census of I9IO enumerated 710. DRESS- In warm weather Wintun men wore at most only a small deerskin loin-cloth. In the northern and central sections some had high moccasins for cold weather, a few wore hip-length leggings, and all used deerskin robes about the shoulders. In this region women ordinarily wore only a kilt of shredded bark, but some possessed fringed deerskin skirts. In snowy weather they wore moccasins with knee-length uppers. Patwin men and women of the uplands had rabbit-skin robes, in the lowlands there was a feather robe made by entangling feathers in twisted cords and twining the resultant ropes. In the latter region tule ponchos were used in rainy weather. Every Wintun woman had a basketry cap, but it was not always in use. Wintun women commonly parted the hair in the middle and wrapped the two parts with strips of fur; and in addition those on the upper course of Sacramento river banged the

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I90go THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN hair by burning with a glowing stick. Men sometimes wore the hair in a knot near the front, or at one side, or at the base of the head; but more commonly it hung down the back in a loose rope. Girls and women had perpendicular lines tattooed on the chin, and in some regions lines also from cheek-bones to neck. Leading men had rows of arrow-point designs tattooed across the chest, and sometimes on each side of the throat. Prominent persons of both sexes wore a dentalium in the septum of the nose and another dangling from the hair. Both sexes prized necklaces of clam-shell beads. DWELLINGS- Wintun houses were partly subterranean. In the northern part of their territory, where snow occurred, dwellings were built of slabs covering a framework of posts and connecting timbers; in the south, the framework was a central post with radiating rafters resting on the edge of the excavation, and the covering consisted of poles, slabs, brush, grass, and finally earth. Houses were either circular or approximately elliptical. The sweat-house was the earth-roofed, subterranean type. The Patwin, or southern Wintun, had also in each considerable community a very large ceremonial structure from sixty to one hundred feet in diameter. PRIMITIVE FOODS - In a wide variety of vegetal foods, acorn mush and the parched meal of certain small seeds, especially those of tarweed, were most important. Fresh clover, eaten in the flowering season, was a rather unusual food. Early observers have told of seeing natives in this region browsing on clover like cattle. We must suppose that these travellers came upon some half-starved band devouring with bestial avidity the first food encountered in the day's search. For most of the Wintun, being poor hunters, led a rather miserable and precarious existence, wandering hither and yon in search of natural products. In the north there were successful hunters of large game, but elsewhere a favorite pursuit was the trapping of ground-squirrels, gophers, and mice. Fishing was the most prolific source of animal food. A prized delicacy was the semi-liquid remains of a salmon that had decayed under water. Other foods of an unusual nature were hawks, skunks, earthworms, grasshoppers, yellow-jacket larvae, and the pupae of salmonflies. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES - Stone implements of the Wintun included mauls for driving elk-horn wedges, cylindrical pestles, mortar bases, knives of flint or of serpentine, arrowpoints of flint or of obsidian. The southern Wintun, or Patwin, used neither stone maul nor elk-horn wedge, and the stone mortar with basketry hopper gave place to a hollowed section of oak log. Of bone there were awls, harpoon-points used in salmon-fishing, gorge-hooks made by lashing two double-pointed bones at right angles (used only in the north), and gaffs for taking salmon (used by the Patwin). The Valley Patwin used mussel-shells for spoons, the Hill Patwin clam-shells. Musical instruments were the split-elder baton, the shaman's rattle of oak-galls attached by strings to a wooden handle, the four-hole elder flute, the double-note whistle of two bird-bones, and the drum, a hollow half-section of a seven-foot sycamore log. Cordage of iris, milkweed, and hemp was made into dip-nets and seines. Tule mats with cord twining were used as mattresses and cushions. North of Cottonwood creek twined basketry prevailed; south of that point both the twined and the coiled process were used. In the north both rod armor and the elk-hide tunic were worn by warriors, but the Hill Patwin wrapped a rabbit-skin robe about the torso. Some of the northerners used snowshoes, and the Valley Patwin had tule balsas for navigating the swamps. GAMES- Besides two guessing games the Wintun had a form of quoits, shinny, a play resembling lacrosse, and a variation of the pin-and-ball game. String-games were numerous. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION - Among the Wintun there was no true tribal organization. In each principal village was a chief, whose duties were to harangue the people at frequent intervals and to institute various undertakings, such as dances and communal hunts. Clans did not exist. Polygyny was customary for prominent men. Among the northern bands the restriction of relations between a man and his mother-in-law had begun to take root. A widow might be, but was not necessarily, married at once by a brother of her deceased husband. SUBDIVISIONS OF THE WAILEKA 1 Daup6m-nbas, "Front-ground Dwell," on Stillwater creek, which flows into the Sacramento near Redding. 1 For the principal divisions of the Wintun see pages 74-75.

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APPENDIX I9I Nomlip-nbas, across the Sacramento from Redding. tlpom-nbas, "In-ground Dwell," on Flat creek about two miles north of Keswick. Baras-nbas, at Coram. Ket-nbas, "Wormwood Dwell," about a mile south of Kennett. Hyedilpake-nbas, "Camp-dam Dwell," at the mouth of Pit river. N6mtipom-nbas, "Westward-ground Dwell," on Sacramento river above Hyedilpake. Naltupuilti-nbas, "Southeastward Dwell," at Antler. Aptan-nbas, "Elder-trees Dwell," about five miles south of Antler. Tibaste-nbas, "Stump Dwell," about three miles south of Antler. Wikpom-nbas, "Lean-against-ground Dwell," midway between Antler and Delta. Kelel-nbas, "Cinders Dwell," one mile south of Delta. Salalpom-nbas, "Yellow-ground Dwell," above Dog creek. Tanai-nbas, "Cedar Dwell," one mile north of Salalpom. Hinpom-nbas, "Angry-look-ground Dwell," at La Moine. Talaikenkari-nbas, "Paddle-stir Dwell," a mile and a half above La Moine. Memeldilispom-nbas, "Water-saturated-ground Dwell," three miles north of Tala'ikenkari. Wehldawinkal-nbas, "Salt-emerges-mouth Dwell," between Talaikenkari and Memeldilispom, on the opposite side of the river at the mouth of North Salt creek. Teki-nbas, "Waterfall Dwell," a short distance above Hazel creek. Hluwasas, "Splash-waters," or Hluwis-nbas, "Splash-water Dwell," about two miles above Teki. Suichito-nbas, "Scrape-with-the-feet-in-dancing-place Dwell," at Castle Crags. Chiupom-nbas, at Castle Crags. MORTUARY CUSTOMS - Except among the Patwin, who sometimes practised cremation, the Wintun dead were always buried. The Waileka, or northern bands, faced the corpse southward, the Nomlaki, or central bands, westward. With knees drawn up to the chest and head bent forward on the knees, the body was enfolded in deerskins and wound about with deer-snare hemp ropes. Personal possessions, and in some cases the house, were burned. All who attended the burial rites purified themselves in a steam-bath and the incense of angelica-root. Women and children in mourning cut the hair; mothers and grandmothers covered the head and the face with blackened pine pitch. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES - Wintun religion was concerned largely with taboos and charms supposed to bring luck in hunting, and with shamanism. One who encountered a supernatural in his goings at night was certain to have good luck. He would become either a shaman, a good hunter, or a successful gambler. It was necessary for him to participate in the shamans' dance, in which he sought to throw himself into a trance so that the supernatural might appear to him and give him songs. If blood flowed from the "dreamer's" mouth he was certain to become a shaman. In the "dream dance" the costumes were characterized by an abundance of feathers so arranged as to tremble constantly. The "dream songs" of various individuals were sung in chorus, while both men and women danced slowly around the fire, the former constantly sounding bird-bone whistles. The puberty ceremony for girls lasted five to ten days. The girl wore a distinctive costume, remained isolated in a hut during the day, and observed taboos as to food and activities. The nights were given up to singing and dancing. The Patwin had also a cycle of ceremonies, beginning about October with the Hesi ceremony and concluding about May with the same performance. In the war-dance a fagot representing the enemy was tied at the top of a post, and the warriors danced violently about it, reviling the enemy and discharging arrows at the fagot. The victory-dance celebrated the return of warriors with scalps, which female relatives of the slayers brandished aloft on poles. The Patwin took no scalps, but the northern bands scalped slain war-leaders. WARFARE -The northern Wintun fought principally with the Shasta of Shasta valley. The Stony Creek band sometimes warred with the Maidu of Sacramento valley, and the eastern bands were hostile to the Maidu of Concow creek. Between various divisions of the Wintun there was more or less strife, the commonest cause being the supposed activities of shamans in "poisoning" victims. Weapons were bows and unpoisoned arrows, and armor was a rod corselet, an elk-hide tunic, or a thick blanket of rabbit-skins wound about the torso. MYTHOLOGY -The creator, according to northern Wintun mythology, was West Thrower Left-hand, who, displeased by the presence of a tailed woman among the members

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I92 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of his first creation, caused a deluge which destroyed everything except the monster. When the water ran off, the earth remained a bare rock. From a bit of cuticle he created Mount Shasta, and other mountains budded forth spontaneously. He planted a tree, and people began to appear without effort on his part. Sunfish was his companion in the creation. NORTHERN WINTUN NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES - Achomawi, Alturas Piitisus, "Far-easterners" Achomawi, Atuami Puipatkodi, "East-go-into" Achomawi, Big Bend Puisus, "Easterners" Achomawi, Fall River Pantichariwi-nbas, "Elevated-valley Dwell" Atsugewi, Dixie Valley Piitinolke-nbas, "Far-east-southerly Dwell" Atsugewi, Hat Creek Chant6spami-nbas, "Aside Dwell" Maidu Na-yuke, "South Aliens" Modoc Hlubekinsus, "Lakers" Shasta, Shasta Butte Wai-mak, "North Belong" Shasta, Shasta Valley Yuke, "Aliens" Shasta, South Fork of Salmon River Hfi-nbas Yana Puyel-yuke, "Easterly Aliens" CENTRAL WINTUN NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBESAchomawi Naisa Maidu, Colusa Chudel-inbaha Maidu, Kankau Na-yuk6n, "South Aliens" Yuki N6m-kehl, "West Foreign-language" The Maidu
LANGUAGE -The Maidu, formerly known as the Pujunan linguistic family, are now classed as a member of Dixon and Kroeber's Penutian family. POPULATION-There are no reliable early estimates of Maidu population. The Census of I9IO enumerated IIOO, but this is certainly erroneous, even allowing for the inclusion of mixed-bloods. Dixon, who investigated the Maidu in various visits from I899 to I903, thought the number of full-blood Maidu could not exceed 250. DRESS - Men, elderly women, and children ordinarily had no clothing whatever. Younger women wore as an apron a thick switch of shredded bark. Fur robes for cold weather were either entire skins sewn together or woven ropes of fur with hemp twining. In the valley section blankets of the latter type were commonly made of the skins of waterfowl. In the mountains moccasins and leggings were used. Women used flat-topped basketry caps with a deerskin band at the front. In some sections the hair of women and children was kept short by means of a glowing ember of oak-bark. Men had the hair long, and doubled it up on the crown, sometimes with a long, sharp stick passing through it just above the forehead. The beard and the pubic hair were burned off. Women had several perpendicular lines tattooed on the chin, a line from each corner of the mouth to the cheek-bone, and sometimes marks across the chest. Men had rows of dots across the chest and on the arms, rarely lines on the chin. On special occasions both sexes wore shell ear-pendants or bone or wooden cylinders in holes in the lobe of the ear. A commoner type of ear-ornament was a ten-inch wing-bone of a swan or a crane with incised designs. DWELLINGS -The visible part of a Maidu house was approximately a low-angle cone. The dwelling was partially underground, the frame consisted of unhewn timbers, the roof was covered with grass, brush, tules, and earth. The smoke-vent back of the central post served also as the entrance, and ventilation was assured by an opening at the floor level leading through an inclined tunnel to the open air. Smaller, conical lodges of poles imperfectly covered with brush, bark, and slabs were used by the less fortunate. The village assemblyhouse resembled the earth-covered dwelling, but was very much larger. Sudatories were not used. Beds were low platforms of willow poles supported partly by the walls of the house and partly by stakes driven into the floor. A pole lashed at the edge of the platform served as a head-rest. Fine willow twigs or pine-needles covered with tule mats formed the mattress. At night the earth-covered house was so nearly air-tight and was occupied by so many sleepers that covering was rarely required.

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APPENDIX 193 PRIMITIVE FOODS -As elsewhere in northern California acorn mush and the parched and pulverized seeds of various grasses and other plants were staple foods. Pine-nuts, bulbs, clover, pea-vines, and dried fruits were important. All fish except sturgeon were dried, crushed in mortars, and stored in tall, twined willow baskets. Nearly every available form of animal life was food for the Maidu, from elk, deer, and antelope, to reptiles, worms, and insects. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES -The wooden, stone, shell, and textile artifacts of the Maidu were in general like those common to the region. The prevailing type of basketry was coiled, with three-rod foundation, but the twined process was used in making conical burden-baskets, open-mesh storage baskets, seed-beaters, food-trays, and large, cylindrical granaries. GAMES -The widely known guessing contest called the grass game was played by the Maidu. Women, lacking any form of dice play, sometimes gambled in the hand game, a variant of the grass game. Football for men and a variant of lacrosse for women were not only athletic sports but occasions for spirited betting. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION - There was no trace of tribe or clan among the Maidu. In each village was a head-man, who held position by consensus of public opinion as to his preeminence in judgment, intelligence, energy, and wealth. Blood-relationship was the only bar to marriage. A man of prominence usually had two or more wives, and the levirate was enforced at the option of the man interested. Conversation and the exchange of glances between a woman and her son-in-law or her father-in-law were forbidden. Young boys were trained in a school of instruction and initiated into a pseudo-fraternity. MARRIAGE -The fact that a girl was cohabiting with a youth gradually became known to her parents, who, if they approved her choice, welcomed him as a son-in-law and accepted whatever he could afford to pay. If they disapproved, they ordered him to depart, in which case the girl might accompany him. Usually the couple remained indefinitely with the bride's parents. An adulteress might be dismissed by her husband, or he might choose to pummel his rival. Weapons played no part in such brawls. MORTUARY CUSTOMS -The dead were buried in circular pits three or four feet deep, without regard to orientation. With knees drawn up to the chest, fists on knees, and head bent forward, the body was wrapped with skins and wound with rope. Food was not placed in the grave, but a small quantity, along with a few baskets or other utensils, was burned at the grave. Cremation was sometimes practised when the ground was too hard for digging. In honor of a chief the house was usually burned, and sometimes his body was buried beneath the floor and the house burned over it. Those immediately concerned in a burial purified themselves by bathing in a stream. For a considerable period close relatives wailed from time to time, and while so doing strewed dust on their heads and shoulders. Both sexes singed the hair short and blackened the face, neck, and chest with a mixture of pitch and charcoal. In the last summer moon was held the ceremony of mourning for those who had died during the year prior to the preceding spring. After a night passed in lamentation the mourners bathed in a stream and began at once to laugh and joke. Later in the day a fire was built near the burial ground and the bereaved families and friends burned large quantities of property of every kind. The ceremony concluded with a dance in the assembly-house. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES - In the Maidu conception the country swarmed with spirits called kakeni, each with its abode at some particular rock, peak, cave, lake, or cataract. There were also spirit counterparts of all animals, and various fabulous, or semi-fabulous, creatures. All these beings were capable of bestowing extraordinary powers on individuals, and such persons became either shamans or successful hunters or gamblers. Encounters with spirits were not deliberately sought by youths, as was the custom of many Indian tribes, but occurred casually at night, and always the individual fell unconscious. Sometimes he merely let it become known that he was a medicine-man, in other cases a dance of the shamans was held, to bring out the latent power. This ceremony lasted five nights. Maidu shamans treated sickness by sucking. From about the middle of October to the middle of April the Valley Maidu were intermittently engaged in a ceremonial cycle popularly known as the ghost dance, in allusion to the prominence of spirit personators. The ceremonial season opened and closed with the Hesi dance, and between its two performances was a long series of animal and spirit dances. It is uncertain whether there was a prescribed sequence. The predominant motive was to secure the beneficence of the spirits, to pacify malevolent animals, and to effect an VOL. XIv-25

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I94 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN abundance of food. An invariable participant was the clown. In purpose and practice this cycle of dances resembles the Kachina dances of the Pueblo Indians. WARFARE - In war the Maidu took scalps, which in the dance of victory dangled from a pole on which hung a bundle of tules representing the enemy. The exulting warriors discharged arrows at the effigy. The armor of the Valley Maidu was a long, elk-hide shirt, that of the hill bands a vest of vertical, hardwood rods. Weapons were yew bows, triply feathered arrows of syringa or reed tipped with obsidian or flint, and obsidian-tipped spears with elder shafts and hardwood foreshafts. The principal enemy of the northwestern Maidu was the now extinct Yana on the upper course of Mill creek. The warlike activities of the Maidu were almost exclusively feuds, either between villages or between the members of a village, and the usual causes were trespass on food preserves and fishing-stations or the supposed "poisoning" by shamans. Blood called for blood, but in the end peace was effected by payment for all casualties. MYTHOLOGY -The world appears as an unbroken expanse of water. From a bit of mud brought up from the bottom by Turtle, Sky Chief (also called Earth Chief, in allusion to his creation of the earth) formed the land. He then proceeded to make animals, vegetation, rivers, mountains, and finally people. In all this he was constantly opposed by his companion, Coyote, who by his obstructive disobedience made impossible the ideal conditions which Sky Chief was constantly planning for the human race. The culmination of Coyote's meddling was reached when he insisted that people should not live forever, and instituted the annual ceremony of mourning for the dead. PARTIAL LIST OF NORTHWESTERN MAIDU VILLAGES 1 Rock, Chico, and Butte Creeks Hoida [Hoitda], near the head of Mud creek, an affluent of Rock creek, northeast of Chico. Ataki [Otaki], on Sandy gulch four miles east of Chico. Y6kf [Yauka], near the head of Chico creek on the south bank. Yddo, two or three miles below Y6ka on the south bank. LQlimba, about four miles from Yfdo on Little Chico creek. S'ilimma, west of LQlimba. Bahapki, the present village on the Bidwell ranch at Chico, the people of which came from Michapdo. Wanatta, on Sandy gulch northwest of Chico. Bahya [Bayu], two or three miles east of Sacramento river and west of Chico. Sunusi, on the east bank of Sacramento river, west of Chico. Supt6, three or four miles southeast of Chico. Kaksui6nno, on Little Chico creek below Chico. Chah'l6ka, two or three miles below Kaksui6nno. Challip6, four miles west of Chah'l6ka. tskeni [Eskini], "Soap-root-fibre-brush," at the site of Durham. A short distance from this place is Tadoiko, the scene of the northwestern Maidu creation myth, but no village was ever situated there. Michapdo [Michopdo], three miles northeast of Durham. Bakupani, north of Michapdo. Pafisle, north of Bkuipani and south of Chico. Taikusi [Taikus], about fifteen miles easterly from Chico, in the foothills. Feather River Yupu,2 at the site of Yuba City on the west bank of Feather river. Menomma, ten miles north of Ydpu. Seke, north of Menomma on the west bank of Feather river. 1 To the place-name may be added the suffix -kada (earth), or -hulluku (village), or -ma, in each case with the connecting consonant m. Thus: Hoida, Hoidamkada, Hoidamhull6ku, Hoidamma. The orthography in brackets is that adopted in the Handbook of American Indians. 2 Original of the name Yuba.

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APPENDIX I95 Misau, north of Seke on the west bank of Feather river. Baka [Bauka], north of Misau on the west bank of Feather river near the site of Gridley. Bayu [Bayu], north of Baka on the west bank of Feather river. Alalapa [Ololopa], north of Biyu on the west bank of Feather river near the site of Oroville. One of their transient villages was BAtaka [Botoko]. Kapa, west bank of Feather river opposite the site of Oroville. Yumam, at the site of Oroville. Sito, near the site of Enterprise on the Middle fork of Feather river. The dance-house of this village was at Benkfmkum [Benkomkomi]. Tatamma [Tatoma], about eight miles northwest of Sito on the North fork of Feather river. Hkama, north of the site of Mooretown on the Middle fork of Feather river. PRINCIPAL SOUTHERN MAIDU VILLAGES ON FEATHER RIVER - Haika [Hoako], on the west bank of Feather river below the site of Marysville. Mimal [Mimal], just below the site of Yuba City on the west bank of Feather river. Sisum [Sesum], south of Mimal on the west bank. Akpam [Okpam], south of Sisum on the west bank. PRINCIPAL VILLAGES OF THE NORTHEASTERN MAIDU IN PLUMAS COUNTY - Nikam-koyo [Nakamkoyo], " Meadow," at Big spring in Big meadows. T6si-koyo [Tasikoyo], " Meadow," in Indian valley. Tasma, in Humbug valley. Silon.-koyo [Silongkoyo], at the site of Quincy. The Miwok
LANGUAGE -The Miwok were formerly held to constitute a family named Moquelumnan by Powell, but now are included in the new Penutian family. POPULATION-The Census of I9IO enumerated 699 Miwok. DRESS- Men ordinarily wore only a deerskin loin-cloth, and women either a kneelength double apron of fringed deerskin or a simple loin-cloth like that of the men. Both sexes used, when necessary, deerskin moccasins with short leggings attached, and robes of deer-fur or woven rabbit-skins. An occasional winter garment was a poncho of three deerskins sewn together. Both men and women wore the hair hanging loose without parting, or tied in a bunch at the back of the head, and had the chin tattooed, usually with three vertical lines. Some, especially women, had the chest and the shoulders tattooed, a favorite design including a long line from the lower lip to the abdomen. Some men and more women wore slender, perforated cylinders of clam-shell in the lobes of the ears and the septum of the nose, and a more common ear-plug was a wooden cylinder with quail crest-feathers radiating from the outer end. DWELLINGS -The Miwok winter house was a conical frame of poles covered with grass or with bark. The enclosed space was excavated. The door, always facing eastward, was protected by a pent-roof. The sudatory was of the type commonly found in northern and central California, semi-subterranean, with an approximately conical roof of grass and earth. An earth-covered assembly house capable of holding as many as a hundred people was found in each considerable village. PRIMITIVE FOODS - Acorns and other nuts, pinole, and various roots and fruits were of importance to the Miwok. Like their neighbors they rejected scarcely any form of animal life, and though their country abounded in deer, elk, and antelope, the largest part of their meat diet was furnished by jack-rabbits. Fish were taken by gorge-hook and spear, in wicker traps, and by narcotization. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES -The Miwok are quite inferior in their manufactures. The only stone implement made by them was the arrow-smoother, and of bone there were the awl and the gorge-hook for fishing. Other artifacts of stone, bone, shell, and horn were purchased. Cedar bows were reinforced with sinew, and arrows were made of reeds with serviceberry foreshafts. The tobacco pipe was a section of elder with the mouth-end partially closed by a bit of wood. Flutes also were made of elder. There was no water-craft. Cordage for dip-nets was made of milkweed fibre. The most notable product was basketry, both twined

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I96 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN and coiled. Of the latter type were vessels of various sizes and shapes for boiling by means of heated stones and for serving moist food. GAMES- The favorite play was the very common guessing contest called hand game. It was usually played between members of different villages or even of different tribes. Women, rarely men, gambled with six dice, which were simply the halves of acorns. Both sexes participated in several forms of lacrosse, in which the missile was a pair of wooden blocks united by a thong, or a small hoop, or a ball of hair covered with deerskin. There was also a football contest for men. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION - The Miwok were simply an aggregation of villages, the members of which spoke a common language, contracted intermarriages, and occasionally joined with their nearer neighbors in the celebration of ceremonies, but in other respects had practically no relations with one another. Each settlement of importance had its chief, whose duties were largely concerned with the direction of communal undertakings. The office was hereditary. Socially the Miwok consist of two exogamic, patrilineal divisions without clans. Personal names always refer, usually by implication only, to an animate or inanimate object, and those names which connote wetness belong to members of one moiety, those which connote dryness to those of the other moiety. The "wet" moiety is nicknamed Frog or Coyote, the "dry," Bluejay or Bear. There is nothing of totemism in this system. Polygyny was not a very common occurrence. The levirate was recognized, but not commonly practised. On the other hand a widower was expected to take the unmarried sister of his deceased wife. For a man who desired more than one woman, his wife's younger sister, her brother's daughter, and her father's sister were potential wives. Blood relatives could not marry, except a man and his mother's brother's daughter; and the latter was one of the women to whom his father had a claim, that is, the father's wife's brother's daughter. The customary taboo of conversation between a man and his mother-in-law applied also to the relations between a man and his potential mothers-in-law and his potential daughters-in-law. MARRIAGE - A girl was sometimes pledged in marriage while a mere child. In such a case her parents negotiated with the parents of a suitable youth, and an exchange of gifts bound the bargain. After the girl's puberty feast the young man took up his residence in her home, and again presents were exchanged. After the birth of the first child the young couple joined the husband's people. The husband of an adulteress might kill her paramour, castigate the woman, or abandon her. Murder for adultery did not regularly cause a family feud, for public opinion upheld the aggrieved husband. The medicine-man, rather than the assassin, was the commoner medium for the exaction of revenge, because his spells were worked in secret. Blood-money was a custom foreign to the Miwok. MORTUARY CUSTOMS -The dead were cremated. Members of the opposite social division prepared the body, placed it on the pyre with a basket beneath the head and another over the face, and applied the fire. The populace stood about wailing, while relatives and friends cast into the flames various possessions and all the personal property of the deceased individual. The ashes and fragments of bone were collected in a basket and buried. The men in charge purified themselves and the people by formally washing with a mixture of water and the crushed leaves and twigs of wormwood, the social moieties acting reciprocally. Relatives of both sexes singed the hair, and old women smeared the face with charred laurel-berries. For a period varying from a few months to several years a widow remained in seclusion. Names of the dead were taboo for several years. In the summer or fall a mourning ceremony was held in memory of those who had died during the preceding year or two. On three or four successive nights the people assembled in a large booth and wailed until about midnight; and at the end of the last night a very large pyre was ignited and property was burned. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES - Miwok religious practice was very simple. There was an annual ceremony, said to have been borrowed from the north, expressing the wish for abundance of acorns. Their mythology included the usual preternatural monsters, such as an enormous bird which carried two or three men in its talons, and an expert, one-legged bowman who went hopping about the country visiting the people. All animals were credited with preternatural powers. As to beings strictly spiritual, their only conception seems to have been that of ghosts of the dead. Shamanistic power was acquired by training under one possessed of the power, and by observing many nightly vigils in lonely places. The novice was usually the son or the daughter, grandson or granddaughter, of a shaman. Treatment of the

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APPENDIX I97 sick was by sucking, and, in very difficult cases, by singing and the use of a cocoon rattle. Besides the pseudo-religious rites of cremation, the mourning ceremony, the puberty feast for adolescent girls, the acorn feast, and the war-dance, there were dances intended for amusement. Chief among these was Ukana, which was observed everywhere except among the most southerly bands of Madera county. It continued through four nights. The dancers, called ukana, performed singly, and took their places to right or to left of the fire according as they belonged to the land or the water moiety. A clown performed the function of watchman to see that certain rules, notably the rule forbidding the presence of menstruating women, were observed. WARFARE- The warlike activities of the Miwok had to do principally with the assassination of shamans believed to be guilty of sorcery. Expeditions for this purpose were sometimes made to distant villages within Miwok boundaries. Rarely did the doomed man's relatives offer resistance, for medicine-men were usually so thoroughly feared that they had no real friends. It was customary for the assassins to assist in cremating their victim's body. NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES 1 Southern Miwok Central Miwok Eastern Tribes Chumtiya Hisftak, "Upward" Mono Manaiya M6nak Northern Tribes Hihtaya Timmal6k, "Downward" Southern Tribes Alwiya Chumm6tak, "Southward" Western Tribes Tamluya Alawitak, "Westward" The Yokuts
LANGUAGE -The Yokuts, formerly known as the Mariposan linguistic family, are now classed as a member of the new Penutian family. POPULATION -The total Yokuts population as reported by the Census of I9IO was 533. DRESS - Men, and a great many women, wore only a loin-cloth; other women had double aprons of shredded willow-bark, tules, or sedge, more rarely of skin. In cold weather both sexes used robes made of strips of the skins of rabbits, coyotes, or waterfowl. Moccasins were rare. Men and women drew the hair together at the back of the head and tied it in a bunch or a sheaf with a cord, or passed a head-band from the base of the cranium up over the top. In the north women generally tattooed the chin, and some men the chest and forearms; and both sexes occasionally wore a bit of bird-bone, or, rarely, a cylinder of clam-shell in an orifice in the lobe of each ear and the septum of the nose. In the south, however, they did not tattoo, and ornaments were long, slender pendants of clam-shell worn about the neck, in the lobes of the ears, and the septum. DWELLINGS -Throughout the hill country in the north the Yokuts house was of the Miwok type, a conical, grass-thatched structure over an excavation. In the northern plains the thatch was of tules. In the south the dwelling was an elongate structure, the poles of the framework meeting at the line of the ridge and the covering consisting of tule mats. The interior was partitioned off with mats into many rooms, each with its individual entrance and fire. Generally one such structure housed the entire population of a village. Sweat-houses were of the semi-subterranean, earth-covered type. PRIMITIVE FOODS - In the hill country acorns and other nuts, seeds of grasses, sage, and other small plants, fruits, and various roots and green stalks were important articles of food. Many of the valley dwellers were far removed from the oaks and other food-producing trees and shrubs, and depended largely on tule-roots, small seeds, and fish. In the region of Tulare lake large quantities of fish were dried. In winter the San Joaquin plain swarmed with deer, antelope, and elk, but the Yokuts were not adept in hunting. The usual method was to drive the animals past an ambush. Rabbits, ground-squirrels, and small birds were of more importance than the ruminants. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES - Excepting basketry utensils, the implements of the Yokuts were comparatively few and generally crude. There were obsidian or flint arrow-points and 1 In explanation of the discrepancy in these directional names of the southern and the central Miwok, see page I30.

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I98 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN knives, stone mortar bases and naturally shaped pestles, bone awls, ornaments of clam-shell and of abalone-shell. Bows of laurel or oak were strengthened with sinew, arrows had reed shafts and hardwood foreshafts. The tobacco pipe was a short, truncated cone of manzanita wood. Musical devices were the elder flute, the split-elder baton, and the cocoon rattle of shamans. Dip-nets were made of milkweed fibre. In the extreme south a limited quantity of crude pottery was made, an art doubtless acquired from the neighboring Shoshoneans. In basketry, which formerly was the principal and now is their only manufactured product, the Yokuts exhibit great skill and artistry. The coiled and the twined process are used. The work is excellent, and the designs are varied and symmetrical. GAMES -The northern bands resembled the Miwok in their games. The principal gambling play was the hand game. In the dice play of women either six half-acorns or six half-sections of elder were used. Football, shinny, and a form of lacrosse were played. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION -The Yokuts family comprised a large number of divisions, which approached tribal organization more nearly than was the case elsewhere in central California. There were collective names applicable to the inhabitants of groups of villages, and entirely distinct from the names of the villages. Yet each settlement had its chief. The office was loosely hereditary in the male line. Among the northern Yokuts, and perhaps as far south as Tule river, society was divided, as among the Miwok, into two exogamic, patrilineal moieties, nicknamed Coyotes and Crows. MARRIAGE - Marriage was arranged without exchange of gifts and without payment for the bride. The man was conducted to the girl's house, where a robe was spread for the couple to sit on. In some cases they lived for a time with the bride's people, but sooner or later they joined the husband's family. MORTUARY CUSTOMS - In the north the dead were usually buried in shallow graves. Cremation was rare, but those who died away from home were burned, and the charred bones were brought to the native village for burial. In the south both burial and cremation were practised. Personal possessions were either burned or buried with the corpse, and mourners, especially women, singed the hair, blackened the face, and abstained from meat for about a month. Sometimes the house was burned. The annual mourning ceremony common to the region was observed by the Yokuts. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES - In the north there were no rites for adolescent girls. A Tachi virgin, however, was required to abstain from meat and fish, and at the end of her period there were dancing and feasting, in which she participated actively, receiving an object of value from each man opposite whom she danced. There were no puberty vigils for youths. Candidates for the profession of shaman fasted repeatedly in solitude and drank a narcotic preparation for the purpose of causing hallucinations, in which state it was hoped a spirit would visit the devotee. Tobacco, leaves of the nettle (?), and roots of Jamestown weed were used in the preparation. The shaman treated his patients by singing, waving a bunch of eaglefeathers, and sucking out the "poison." A shaman believed to be guilty of sorcery risked assassination. As among the Miwok and the Pomo, certain Yokuts shamans were thought to possess the power to become grizzly-bears and roam the country, destroying and plundering their enemies. The use of toloache (Jamestown weed) was a religious practice. Some of the Yokuts reserved it for young men seeking shamanistic power, others permitted individuals to drink the "medicine" in order to have "good-luck dreams," others used it to alleviate physical suffering, and some held an actual ceremony in which all the men drank the mixture, reclined in the assembly house awaiting the vision, and when partially recovered chanted their experience. WARFARE-The Chukchansi were intermittently engaged with all the surrounding tribes, whether Yokuts or alien; but the purpose of their petty forays was merely to steal women and booty, and little fighting occurred. The Tachi sometimes raided San Joaquin valley and drove off the horses of the Yokuts tribes of that region. In general, we may agree with various Yokuts informants who declare that the warfare of these tribes consisted in the killing of medicine-men. CHUKCHANSI NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES - Miwok N6ktoto Mono, Inyo County tl1kyuk Mono, Madera County Nataa, "Easterners"

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ANATOMICAL TERMS English ankle-joint arm blood bone chin ear elbow-joint eye face finger-nail finger, little finger, thumb fingers foot hair hand head heart knee leg lip mouth neck nose nostril teeth toe-nail toe, great toe, little toes tongue Kato ki-ni' se-lin fi~!ii hi-ta chg'h6 chich na ni-tiuh la=chaih-te la sti-glha la ji kot dane da da nh6-tai nhiinch nhidnch=yeh-chin (nose hole) wo kUchih-t~ k6=chw6-i-cho so Xailaki bu'-kanil se lin bii-yi-ta brichghe b6-fii-l1 bti-ni bii-i-sit bg-M~-si bo-lM-yis~chi (his-hand little) bii-lM-yis=cho (his-hand big) bq-li bSji bci-k6t bi-chi-t6 bki-di bk-di bd'-kos bkn-chiAh bian-chi~h~ch!itn b6i-k6-yis~cho (his-foot big) bu-k6-yis~chi (his-foot little) bri-sis-tan ANIMALS2 abalone * y6-chil-1rn 3 bat chfill-pfi-tef na-bfl-chi bear, black* n6-ne no-ni bear, grizzly- t6-le 9has bird k6-yaih 1 Bza is the indefinite pronominal prefix. 2 Names of animals used as food are indicated by stars. 3 The abalone and other shellfish were known to the Kato through visits to the coast. VOL. XIV-26 201

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202 202 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English bluejay buzzard clam* coot* coyote crow deer* dog dove* duck (generic)* duck, mallard* eagle elk* fish* fisher fox * goose* gopher * grasshopper* grouse * heron, blue* horse lamprey* meadowlark mink mountain-lion* mussels* otter owl, hoot owl, horned pelican* quail * quail, mountain* rabbit, cottontail* rabbit, jack-* raccoon* raven salmon, dog* salmon, spring* skunk * snake, blueracer snake, bullsnake, kingsnake, milksnake, rattlesquirrel, gray* squirrel, ground* sucker * trout * trout, steelhead* Kato chtls-sai-chln cho-y6s-chiani chin-ta-silkch chsi-chiin di-chanch fn-ch6' ni-ti huin-yu ni-kefi (floater) ti~s-pcil che's~cho (deer great) t6=nai (water go) sa'h~cho hilf6-fln ka lilon=k~i-nas i-difi dis~cho h~ln~cho b6-lln ch! 6-la-ke sa'hch biuit=cho b~in~cho (rodent pops-up) Wailaki chfls-sai-chfln ch6-yos-chilr l4c6-se ka-ch~in~chi (raven small) ~ch6 ni-t!i bi-yu ni-tti-0h; ko-s6=cho 1 tu's-P6il chis~cho sih~cho, k~i-Thi ka ghi-la tcis~cho na-nel (packer) b-1hn; t6-nai (water go) ch!6-la-ke s~ih=chi biuin-tl=cho kfl-sai busk6l~a~h (horned-owl white little) tfis~chi tiis-chi~cho stai=chi l~i-ty~le t6-ti-yani k~i-chan chin=hl6k (food steelhead) k6l-ji sa' s-tin-ch~n yaqihil-ke nahl-chll-chi ni-so; ch'enai hlkilcho SI_,U-s ch'eh1-kT"cho, hi16-nyas MAo be the dog-salmon before alter S'S bd's-t'lo~hlka i (horned-owl white) bi's-t'lo chkish=cho dqi~ch d~lgh-chi cho (quail big) sti-i~chi (sitter small) tth-t3; la'=n~s (hand long) di-chan W~ys; di-chi'-hul k61-ji fikohil-sis~cho chs6=cho tlghbqiA da-taif9 hili-ya~h h-io-ya'sh-lkaich Mok 1 Applied respectively to river ducks and lake ducks. 2 Ky~s, ~~s, the so-called " black" salmon, is believed to ation into the form known colloquially as " hookbill."

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VOCABULARIES20 203 English turtle * weasel wildcat * wolf woodpecker, redheaded wood rat * yellowhammer Kato fi~! dn=t~th1l (bone flat) ma-in biich yisfM JXajiaki ni-bai yisfi! chin-ki-bai=cho hMon biin-chis-bil~cho hil6n=h-lkai buInhch-bdl (rodent white) east north south west CARDINAL POINTS kna yi-t6 (down-stream) yi-nak (up-stream) yi-S6 COLORS hlchu'in hl~o hichik hlkai ki-na; yi-lak 4yi-t6 yi-nak yi-S6 hIichuin Michit filkai black blue (green) red (yellow) white acorn bread acorns (generic) acorns, black oak acorns, live-oak acorns, post-oak acorns, tan-hark acorns, valley oak acorn soup anise blackberries buckeyes chinkapins elderberries grapes hazelnuts huckleberries laurel-berries manzanita-berries oats, wild pine-nuts pinole 2 salt seaweed soap-plant shoots strawberries sunflower seed tarweed seed PRIMITIVE FOODS' hiltagh fin-chwi-Ych chi-chiin s~i-chiain sk~ tk6-isch k~in-sol tih-tol kai chich fin-cha~n tni~h n~i-dNl tan Wi-don lat chi'ch nfin-chuin ch&e-tas ch':in-tan hiltak tki0-chig -- schin-chqin si-ch~in sk6 b'el-ta kBh lfi-sh6 ky-en-so tfih-tol ch&ia-chfn-t~ fin-chiin ttd-n~s ch-g'h-e'ku'lin ni-del n6n-ka-chi'n; t!6-ka h-lezdo n&e-gha k6s-cho chki-a-la ni-Mibah-l (rolling) HANDICRAFT, arrow ka arrow foreshaft kfi-chiin awl sfi-hal ISee also under the head of Animals. 2 The Kato name at least fifteen species of seeds used many bulbs and tubers gathered as food. ka, kfi-chiin si-hal in making pinole, and nearly as

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204 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English basket, babybasket, burdenbasket, cooking basket dish basket dish, shallow basket dish, small basket sifter basket, twined beads, clam-shell beads, dentalium beads, magnesite bow bow, recurved bowstring brush, hair- 2 bullroarer cap, netdeerskin, tanned fire-drill fish-trap flute head-dress, dancing house knife, obsidian knife, ceremonial obsidian moccasins mortar mortar hopper net-bag net, dippestle raft rattle, shaman's robe, bear-skin robe, deerskin robe, elk-skin seed-beater sling spear, fishspear, warsweat-house Kato fi!al tbah]l; ka' tbafhi ki-fga=cho ki-fia chgha chghach kaf-tel kaf-chint yo sffl-kiit si=ye-ten-il (head pointed) sg~ha-ptl-96~1-tel ch ffi-pat si-bi-san bfihl-ghdl-ofnls 61-fio-i stibl-pqd ka kai-kiin-ta; y~ kabhf& chi-si-fi1T chk6-chl-l1 s6-kat chh isfg chkak o'-est chui'n=hlil&gh1-li (sticks tiedtogether) chu'r-til-ghal; chq-gh6h-to4 no-niw=siifg (bear skin) ch~s-ch6h=siifq (elk skin) btihl-chil —chli siun-tloh-I b-el-k6 chtin (stick) yi-cho (house big) Wailaki td-billi-i fW!i-a=cho fi!i-a chg'ha chhfhi=chi kai-tel bn1-l1 ni-tv-ghfl-yai yo y6=chi (dentalium small) kin kln=tol bM'l-cho not used tiil-bdl chit; si=&ha-li ylt 66-glhudl-siit (head tied-up) not used s6-ka kyq~s chi1-kaih be'il-sqt not used chdn-t~l-bak; yi-kih-l-gbal 4 n6-ni=sa6f chi-cho chis-ch6h=sqif6 siun-tohlI bfl-k6 ne-yt NATURAL PHENOMENA ashes kdn-ch6 mch~h charcoal t!6~h t!h cloud a' at darkness uih1-lhghil kT-ti-yan 1 Respectively, close-mesh and open-mesh. 2 The Kato brush was a bundle of coarse grass-stems; the Wailaki consisted of fibres of soap-plant or the roots of anise. I Ka is made of hawk-feathers; chit is a band of yellowhammer-feathers worn on the forehead; sighali, made of various feathers, is worn at the back of the head. 4 Respectively, a split-elder baton and a cluster of dangling oak-galls. Chagjhoto = oakgalls.

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VOCABULARIES20 205 English day earth fire fog ice lake lightning moon morning star mountain night ocean rain rainbow river rock sky smoke snow star sun thunder tree Ursa Major water wind Kato jTn kon yis-tot lo bi'n-kiit t!=ni-ghai (at-n ght walker); ~ha ki-'l-dagh f -,s-n o bin~to (coast water) ti't-bcil ni-na-ch6-chflt t~in~cho yas ko-y~i-n~' 9ba nit-ket chtin to JWaj ia ki kon t6-a lob biuin-kidt chthiI-kflih 4ha; kci-t-e&ha (night sun) b6lil-kai cho bfin~cho hmchqn sai-tol tin=cho ya yas s~n-kyo ~ha ch'etii-ni chiich kitis-ni~stn-kyo (seven stars) to t'es-ch!i one two three four five six seven eight nine ten eleven twelve twenty thirty hundred NUMERALS tli-ha nik-ka' tak nik-ka~n~ik-ka' (two two) li=&i~-n6 (hand) yi-ban=tli-ha yi-ban nik-ka' yi-ban tak yi-ban nak-ka-nik-ka' la hElba u1n (hand both) lIahElba uqn=bi=tli-ha la Elba utn~birnik-ka' nak-ka tun=la-hlb~i'-qn tak tun la-h-lbi'-cin la-hElba unm=tqn~la-hl~-l tlail-ha nik-ka' tak t'n-ky~n tig~h-ka~la (-hand) ius~la ki's-nak kius~tak kq~s~t'n-ky~n PERSONAL TERMS 2 aunt, maternal, my ghu'n-kai ghi'n-kai aunt, maternal, your niin-kai aunt, maternal, his kuin-kai aunt, paternal, my 9hiun-kai sat baby ghkil-chik sk6-chi 1 The Wailaki say they never had occasion to count so high as a hundred. 2 Initial Ah- is the first person singular pronominal prefix; n-, the second person; k-, the' third.

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2o6 206 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English Kato boy chl~kch brother, elder, my ~ h-ntln brother, younger, my ~ hchillch chief nfln-ka-tfl-ni~n daughter, my (of a man) sich~; Thi-u-sich daughter, my (of a woman) ~hi-i-chlch daughter's child, my (of a s6-ich man) daughter's child, my (of a Ohchai woman) father, my sih'ta father's father, my ~ 1 father's mother, My ghch!dn girl, small t~kch girl, adolescent t~k husband, my ggulsr man doln medicine-man chghl-yiAh; chni-lal; na'chtifil-na; 2 ti-ti-yin mother, my ~ h'nan mother's father,, my gh'ch~i mother's mother, my g1h'cho people n~ih-n~s people, alien people, white chi'n-tI-ni sister, elder, my ~ hbi-at sister, younger, my ihVt-ch son, my (of a man) ihi-ich son, my (of a woman) ihi-~ighch son's child, my slhi-ilch stepfather, my ~ 't~i-i tribe kyi-han1 uncle, maternal, my ~ hchddin-nai uncle, paternal, my ihchtink-nai wife my chi-a-ch!e'k woman chi-in-ke A~ajiaki nu-si-an gh6-ncin ghchail ka-pi-tin 1 sei ~hi-i-ch6 sa'i=chi Thchail-i=chi gb'ta ih'agh Ahch!Cin ch~s-k=chi t~k Thkan kat-i-nin nai-tii-hlghai; di-yin 2 ih'nan ghchh'-On tuffl-bogh ch!i~n-tani (apparition) sat Aht6 Thei ~htuds6-ne (my paternal uncle) k6-yan~ ghke-y~i-n6 Ahtc'-sci-ne gh'at ch!&'kchidn alder ash buckeye cedar chinkapin cottonwood dogwood elder laurel madroiia. manzanita. oak, black oak, liveoak, post TREES kilgh cha-chq-li-In tlihlb tk6-isch chg'hi's-cho di=hMkai (mouth white) kin-sol ain-chfn td~s-t~ tnigh-tan h-itagh in-chwa'-Th chi-chcin k~i'-ch!i ky'en-so ~in-ch~in tU'is-t6. ti'n-~s-fi' liltak schin-chuin ISpanish. 2 For the distinction between the different kinds of medicine-men, see pages 14,, 31-33.

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VOCABULARIES20 207 English oak, tan-bark oak, valley pine, digger (P. Sabiniana) pine, sugar (P. Lamberti'ana) pine, yellow (P. ponderosa) redwood syringa wi'llow yew Kato s~i-ch~n ne-tiil-bai n~i-ddl tdl-chik klih~cho (yew big) ti-n~s ka ~h Wailaki sa-chqin na-defl=ch ni-dd diil-chit kifh~cho kil-ylih ka~h breath d ream food large small spirit (ghost) spirit (soul) tattoo tobacco MISCELLANEOUS y~ch chni-lal ch!an nchal; cho 1 t6-biin~h; chi 1 rnich-yik ypch (breath) glhiil-tafg hmIU-t=a-nan (smoke drink) chni-lal chin nchal; cho 1 bgi-y6n-chi; chi 1 s6-yo Yukian
ANATOMICAL TERMS English Yuki Wappo ankle-joint t!6-kq~m pe-16-lku arm hans li-ka blood an s n~p bone kit! fi~i-ti chest fL -pes nichin nq-t!i'-mUm na-e'ti'k ear Thfrm fi~-ma elbow-joint ma-chi'-hMflm fi~ai-ma eye hudl h=6i4 face h~ddhyo hu finger-nail kus rri-chtib fingers mis6 mn h6-le (hand tree) foot mi-pun P hair T!odl2 tol hand mi-pit! M head nqn heart t!uh mo'-ta-lel knee ka'nk taif-i~h leg tla'~ tla lips nin-plih na-pi-pa lungs koch ch6-pa mouth n~in-h~n nan neck in-ihidl ho-aifi& 1 Cho and chi are used only as suffixes. 2 The sound represented by T is made with the tip of the tongue against the back of the teeth, almost as in producing dh.

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208 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English nose nostril teeth toe-nail toes tongue Yuki hin-t!idl hin-pit sank mi-kiis mi-hit nam-lit Wappo ghi-ma Ahi-ma=h6-fia (nose hole) gha p6-chii~h p~=h6-le (foot tree) na-a-fge abalone * badger * bat bear, black* bear, grizzlybeaver blackfish * bluejay buzzard caterpillar * 6 clam * condor coot * coyote crow deer * dog dove * duck, mallard * eagle earthworm * elk * fish * fox goose * gopher * grasshopper* grouse * heron, blue* horse lamprey * loon marten meadowlark * ANIMALS' pan-t! m on=ti-pils (earth ) Thil-pdi-tlnh ch!in-i 4 i-yflm pup-mdii'-yl pal wi-~hid -mit-mol hudllkg-e 6 han-chu'm mi-li 7 at=wjn-~hjt (like bear) ha -yiim sus sah a-num mil~on=ti-ttum 8 h6n yuk=win-_hi9 ki-sa ko-i la-ch!ium i-t-kiim 4 kak ka-wi-yo 10 ch!i-him hi-lulm hi'-le hen-ni 2 t6-ka-la f~i-f4a3 hol-t6m me~na-a-wi k6-te-leu fiui-i4~ mai-a-ta li 2 hu-tu-fhtil-ku-ma fiufa m6=f6i-f1aa (water bird) hut ka k&i~$hu 7 hai-yu i-pis ki-ya le'pich 6-hna fi~6-to-ko eu 1Ih-fia lok ne-te f~i h6-l16=il1k (tree -) k~k ki-wa-yo 10 Thot wa wi-dzi-lo 1 Names of animals used as food are indicated by stars. 2 A Pomo loan-word. 3 Tsifla is used also as a generic term for edible flesh, and specifically for rabbit flesh; also for birds in general and for the edible flesh of birds. 4 An onomatope. 6 A species found only on ash-leaves. 6 "Eye put-out," in reference to a myth in which Coyote exchanges eyes with Raven, who destroys Coyote's eyes and compels him to replace them with pebbles. 7Used also as a specific term for edible flesh. 8 "Deer earth mountain," that is, the deer as large as a mountain. 9 "Chaparral bushy," that is, bushy tail. 50 Spanish.

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VOCABULARIES 209 English mink * mountain-lion * mussels, fresh-water mussels, salt-water otter owl, ground owl, hoot owl, horned pike * quail * quail, mountain * rabbit, cottontail* rabbit, jack-* raccoon * raven robin * salmon * skunk * snake, snake, snake, snake, snake, spider blueracer bullkingrattlewater Yuki u1=hi-~hai (water squirrel) ka-m6l nok ui=md-li (water ) mun-tins odl=y6-yi 1 min-kfi-tfl td-li~h kank pdi-him (short ones) lo-psi ~hi-mdim hin-chiim=t 3 t!i-tdt lep-h n sis-ki-nfl; mil=md-~hi 4 on=l-l1i (ground fat) lil=ni-in (rock on) u=pan-si-kin (water striped) hudl=md-nin (eye coveredwith-web) nin=tqm (spruce ) Thi-~hAj nan-tdk mii-l~im h3n=ta-tii (fish genuine) s6-pid ut kam-lch WjnYIl-moI an-sin ma-ch!i-yam wai-i-mol Jappo mrn4in (water -) ki-ta-ma hi-ka kd-chis wot w6-ti hu-ti-ku-lu 2 hol-wigh fii-ta h6-cha ye-nigh ti-ka i-chach fi-i-pi-tk-tak 2 m~l-k6n ghi-la; ki6-tU-gbil 4 ~h6 4h=hol-bo-wi-ka ha-na-k6-ta hu-m6f-6l-ma ch6-pigh m&hol-lo-wi-ka (water snake) 6-6ee squirrel, gray * squirrel, ground * sucker * swan trout * trout, steelhead * turtle * weasel wildcat * wolf woodpecker * woodrat * yellowhammer * hot fii-hma k6-ka-leu W6 0-mem mi-ch6 hol-661-ma pi-ma-la pi-lich 6h-ka fi6-i 2 east north south west CARDINAL POINTS pi-lant=hin-han (sun under) kiih-tki (up) hi-kei (down) pi-lant=ldt-mol (sun disappear) m6-ti w~n wi-ta COLORS black blue (green) Thi-ik sik fio6-w6 Thi-ki-tis 1 OdI, tree; yoyi, an onomatope descriptive of the owl's cry. 2 An onomatope. "Crow old-woman," referring to a character in mythology. 4 Respectively, the large and the small species. Siskinri, "anus stink." Milmui'iAh, "deer laugh," in allusion to the myth in which Skunk, by trailing his intestines behind him, compelled the spectators to laugh so heartily that Spider unwillingly erupted the fire which he carried in his abdomen. VOL. XIV-27

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210 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English red white yellow Yuki ans=ich I ch!adl sik Wappo tsi-pf kai-el wi-fii-lo-h6'-la acorns (generic) acorns, black oak acorns, live-oak acorns, post-oak acorns, tan-bark acorns, valley oak acorn soup angelica anise blackberries buckeyes cattail-root elderberries grapes hazelnuts huckleberries laurel-berries manzanita-berries oats, wild pine-nuts, digger pine-nuts, sugar pinole roots, bulbous and tuberous salt seaweed soap-plant sunflower seed tarweed seed tule (pith) PRIMITIVE FOODS2 lanl mai has mi'lk; m64htlmm gh6-klh kin-yim hit chin-chil md-sin ka-li=mim (thorn berries) si'm't ki-wi=mim (elder berries) mu '=mim (vine berries) odl'mim (tree berries) p6'-klqm k6-uch wan-4hit'ki-lIch (bear seed) p6-kqm ghqch wa-ut i-lich lil-pil kil-lkm=6dl ( — tree) pigh-niln mol; lep mel k6-ti?h hi-~hi~h mil che'-chi~h pi-Po kdi-pis mun-k~ih f~i-fia=w6-ko (bird - ~hr-mo 3 h&-me=f=ai-ma (- elbow) ka-te-me-u k6-la mi-tigh=6-hu (nut fruit) ke'-~hu'ti-Th~=hol=h 4 p5-ka chi-no~hu (manzanita berries) wa-te a-w6 ch6-m6 5 me-p6l h6-n"te'-pi (tule pith) arrow arrow-point awl ax balsa basket (generic) basket, babybasket, beaded HANDICRAFT kiu ki~n-i kit (bone) tuk ail-wil we-i-fi6-puk Q!i-ti (bone) td-t6 ~h6-n6=ke-y6 (tule boat) ti-ka; chi-yi; 6i-ti=6t-ka 6 k&y6 (boat) 7 wi-le-lu=ti-ka 1 Ans, blood; Ych, diminutive suffix; "blood-like." 2 See also under the head of Animals. 3 This word is used generically for such fruits as berries, apples, etc. 4 "Deer flatulence tree fruit." 5 Mixed with pulverized charcoal, the salt was moistened and laid in hot ashes for several hours until a hard cake was formed. 6 Chbyi is any coiled basket with single-rod foundation; (?ititaka, any coiled basket with three-rod foundation. 7 At the head of each Wappo baby-basket hangs a small string of beads with the legbone of a turtle at one end. This is to insure long life and strength such as the turtle possesses.

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VOCABULARIES 211 English basket, burdenbasket, canoe-shape basket, cooking basket dish basket, parching basket, sifting basket, spherical basket, storage beads, clam-shell beads, magnesite bow brush bullroarer deerskin, tanned deer-snare fire-drill fish-trap fish-weir flute house knife mat mortar base mortar hopper net, burdennet, dipnet, hairpaddle, balsa pestle pipe rattle, shaman's robe, bear-skin robe, deer-fur robe, rabbit-skin sling spear, fishspear, warsweat-house wedge Yuki 6'dl-u; t!at' ~ho-l6-le ti-lich yzn_~hqM win-mi'l han-s6' ~hip hit-m6'1; lu,-w~nt m6-sil Vi-ki-mol (thunder) fich-o-T!it tas al-T!G~dlMol 4 ho-nan pi-mol (whistler) hqn lil~mi-pin (stone k6-tiim kol hai ko-61 T!6dl=ko-61 (hair net) kol='imt (mortar ) wTy=6dl-al (tobacco wood) al-la~ch!ai-mol (stick noisemaker); chi-pdt 5 ach h6-midl sis-hant T!u6-mol pi-mol (splitter) WIappo he'-ma; ho-lo=p6-t6 2 6-k-a=h6-f&ai-ya ch6-fi pi'-ma; p&-pd13 s6-ye-ma ki-mu-lu ch6-hma k6-t6 fil=fI-pe (rock -) 16-ka leu-ma ~hu-m6-to 6u=ho-lo-p6'-t6 (fish burdenbasket) lIu-hgh chdi-ya w6-i (obsidian) pi-pa l6l=pai-ya (stone -) h6l-ko t6-ka p6-i w6-40h ch6-la ld-ch~=lel y&t~i h (tobacco stone) ~hi~n=ffi-6aa ke&-hu~pai-ya fii-f~a kH-mif6 e-we h6-tyo-we h6-6a NATURAL PHENOMENA - I ashes on=p6-tidl (earth dust) h~l=pi-p6l (fire dust) charcoal kil fiel cloud ip fium darkness nrlk u-chi-cha-ki day i-nfi-Y hin-tu earth on 6-ma fire ylm hel 1 Respectively, open-mesh and close-mesh. 2 Respectively, coiled and open-mesh. 3 Respectively, large and small. 4 The termination -mol indicates instrument and recalls Hupa mYhJ (with), which appears frequently in names of implements. ' Respectively, a split-elder baton and a cluster of oak-galls.

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2I2 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English fog ice lake lightning moon morning star mountain night ocean Pleiades rain rainbow river rock sky smoke snow star sun thunder tree water wind Yuki 6n-wahl nant lal p! a la ~h-ka'-woh-l h6"-mohl ti-tqim niik (darkness) uk=h6t (water big) tan-pi T!um sik=w's (yellow arch) lill mit w6-yiim pil man-ch! i-pfls pi-lint odi uk pans NUMERALS Pa n-w1 6-pi m61-mi 6m-ma-hint h6-i-ko mri-kas-chil-ki mi-kas-k6 mi-pi-tal-wi h6i-chflm=pin-wi=s6I 1 h6-chfm=o-pi=s6l h6-chiim=mol-mi=s6I hdi-chiim=6m-ma-hant=s6I Wappo p6-hi fii-ni m6=hu-tdil (water valley) la-hyi-ke~na-pim-mi (thunder flash) d-chu-wa~me~hin (night his sun) mo-ta 6-chu-wa laih~mei (dangerous water) s6-6e-ma mak Thi-ni-lik-ma 6-chu lel tui-hu-w6-la Lin pil s6-ke hin la-hyi-ke hol mei Ahei one two three four five six seven eight nine ten eleven twelve thirteen fourteen fifteen twenty thirty forty hundred pa-wa h6-pi ho-p6-ka 6-la ki-ta pa=te-ni-uk h6-pi=te-ni-uk ho-pi=hin pa-wa=lik ma-hais ma-hais=pi-wa=le-win ma-hais=h6-pi=16-win ma-hais=ho-p6-ka=16&win ma-hais=6-la=l1win ma-hais=ki-ta=16&win h6-pi=hol (two stick) p6-ko=hol 6-la~hol ma-hais=hol PERSONAL TERMS aunt, maternal kUs pi-ha; n'ewa 2 aunt, paternal p6-yqm p6-a; &La (elder sister)3 baby sak 6-ka-6-yi 1 "____ one hanging." Judging from the numerals nine to twelve, it would appear that the Yuki system of counting was by eights. Informants declare, however, that it was by twelves, and that when twelve was reached the objects being counted were laid aside and another start was made from one. Two-twelves is hu-i-/h6t. 2 Respectively, elder and younger than mother. 3 Respectively, elder and younger than father.

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VOCABULARIES 2I3 English boy brother, elder brother, younger chief daughter daughter's daughter daughter's son father father's father father's mother girl husband man medicine-man mother mother's father mother's mother people people, alien people, white person sister, elder sister, younger son son's daughter son s son uncle, maternal uncle, paternal wife woman Yuki ip-sik kich ti-61 ki-li; ki-lin-ka'1 am-chi't; am-chiit-ka' 2 as-mip-ka' kd~'-na Os POP mu-sik i-wi ip (man) i-wip 3 lam-slbi-mi os POP i-tqint k6l=a-tcint (other people) hudl-ki-1il1 (ghost) kich mu ki-li; ki-lin-ka5 as-mip-ka' il-it; al-ki-ka' 6 kin-it musp (woman) musp 8 Jappo p6l-le 6-pa yi-u ki-ni-tdch-ma e&ka-pi &-ke ek; &.ke a-ya 6-9ha pia-pa chi-lis i=eu (my man) keu on-o-m6-fiu-n&k; y6m-to; ka-o-me-li-ghnrk ' na-a pi-f6a ti-ya on lai (dangerous) ka. a-pi &-ka 64he eih; &'ffihe i-wa; ti-a 7 6-1o; ti-a i=mi-si (my wife) m6-te TREES alder inn-pi ash pup po-po buckeye sim-t!I cedar wan_-hin-li cottonwood pi't-mi pi-to elder ki-wi ki-te laurel p6-o-mi chd-Th6 madrofia pa -i-ki na-pai-yo-ku manzanita kU-chi chi-no maple pal-kin-4hi na-p6-ko oak, black niin k6-ti~h oak, live- hi-si hi-Tho oak, post- mi-li mil oak, tan-bark sh6kgh ch&-chi~h 1 Respectively, of a man, of a woman. 2 Also, daughter of a woman's brother or sister. 3 Plural, i-wIs. 4 The first-named is a shaman, the second and third are herb-doctors. I Respectively, of a man, of a woman. 6 Respectively, elder and younger than father. 7Respectively, elder and younger than mother. 8 Plural, mus.

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2I4 English oak, valley pine, digger pine, sugar pine, yellow redwood spruce, Douglas syringa willow yew THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN autumn breath dream food large shadow small spirit (ghost) spirit (soul) spring summer tattoo tobacco winter year Yuki ka'n-yi-mi p6k-mi hbdch~odl (~ tree) suk odl~h6t-iqm (tree big) han-li ch!in-ilI MISCELLANEOUS d=iha-win (water winter) 6-tiim i-nam ha awi-i hot sut idn-Ahidl 6-ttqm (breath) yot=si-a-kcim (grass young) pill-van pin-chis w6-yi gha-win 6-na Wappo pi-Po ~ii-fiM~nai=hol (bird cone tree) 0-pi-to f6o chi-cho na-h6-li o-hin-cho-hme o-pi-uk td-cha u-4hd-te ~d-ti-ya u-nu-gii-pa; lai~n6-ta (danger-.ous ~) 16-ch6 Pomo
I ANATOMICAL TERMS English ankle-joint arm blood bone chest chin ear elbow-joint eye face finger-nail fingers thumb index middle Eastern ka-li i1u-wa bal-lai hya ku-mil ka-wa's ghi-ma' ku-si di U'i=mo rik bi-hyai=f6-hai fi~a-wil=bi-hya du-g.i~h~bi-hya (pointer hand) di-le'bi-hya (middle hand) (middle hand small) bi-hyi~lkuch (hand small) )mo vocabulary was recor(.id. Northern ka-ma-kit-kat ku-md bal-lai ya hi-si-k6 bi-yi Cdi uli~mo ta-ni=f~u Central ha-mip-J~o 9ha bal-lai ya ku-nd' his-k6 ~hi-mi Pi -yi di 6'ch ring little I The Eastern Po the Central at Hoplar -ded at Upper Lake, the Northern at Ukiah,

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VOCABULARIES25 2I5 English foot hair hand head heart knee leg lip lungs mouth neck nose nostril teeth toe-nail toes tongue Eastern ha-mi mu-su bi-hyi kai-yi sa-mai ku-tdl ~ha-k6 hi~sa-la hi=6i-da k6-i li-ba-ho, li-ba-bo~md (nose hole) ya-6 ha-ma=rifk (foot claw) ha-mi=6u-hai bal Northern ka-mi e ta-ni 4hin-i kam ya-sis Sha-kd ha~sa-li ha ku la la~m6 0c ka-mi=hi'ch ka-mi~bu-sa hi-ba Central ka-mi ta-ni 4hna kam ma-ki ~ha-kd hi4fii-da ~h'k~n ha u-chi la li~mo 06 ka-mi~e'ch ka-mi~s6 hi-u-ba ANIMALS1I badger bat bear, black* bear, grizzlybeaver * blackflsh* bluejay buzzard caterpila * condor coot * coyote crow deer* dog duck (generic)* eagle earthworm* elk* fish* fox goose* gopher * grasshopper* grouse * heron, blue* horse loon mink* mountain-lion h&e-ni 2 ha-ti=ta-lMak ~hi-y6~bu-ri-ghal (darkcolored bear) bu-ri-g'hal ti-hna'r Tha-hil ku-ki sd-lu ha=ffi-yi ku-nd-la ha-ai 3 bi-~h-e hai-yu fii-yi (bird) thai li-mik at'=al' bi-ti hi-ffi-ke Aha-hil &ai 3 ku-w6-na Sul ka=chi-ya di-wi ka-ai 3 bi-~he ha-yd 4 ~?hai hi-li ka-si-si Aha k3 da-li li-mu Aha-k6 ma-1h6 kav 6y kak Li-li-li da-m6t; fI-m6wa s'kat; h'-na2 ho~h-mi~ta-lak i-ma pti-gha kit-kea gha-kil fiai 3 chigh-ch'i li Sul ka~fsi-ya (water bird) i-wi ka-ail bi-~h-e hi-yu ~fhai p'la ka-sil-si gha ya-li' lam sgha-k6 ma-k6 ka-vi-yo5~ ka-yd ka=61-li-li ya-m6t bo-6 9?ha ka-k6 Mal li-mi ~ha-k6 ku-bdn-ku-bun3 ma-k6 kav-o6 kik fil-li-ffi-liu wi-ki 1. - 1.. I otter ki-h ki 1 Names of animals used as food are indicated by stars. 2 A Wappo loan-word. The badger is rare in Pomo territory. I An onomatope. 4 Northern Pomo: mallard, ka-ydn; teal, ku-wzi; canvasback, ta-na'. ISpanish.

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2i6 216 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Engli'sh owl, hoot owl, horned quail * quail', mountain * rabbit, cottontail* rabbit, jack-* raccoon* raven skunk* snake, bullsnake, rattlespi'der squirrel* sucker * swan trout* turtle weasel wilIdcat* woodpecker wood rat * yellowhammer* Eastern Thi-mi~ko-d6-ko-do' gha-oha ko-hoi ma-kiu m6-hya ha-hihis ba-k~ir-ba-kar nu-per; hai=nu-p&e hi-bo-6-yal has ka ko-mir ~ha-rnal ka'r-kar 2 ma-lah ha-ni-ti-wa da-ka-in-ba-pu-dik da-16m ka-rich gi-hnifg ti-yil Northern ihi-do-d6 ~ha-ki-ka 2 ko-hoil ma-kiu iha-k6-ro, ka-diis ifhi-o-ha'i ko-6 (poison) bi-k-e ~ha-m6 ka-lik Tha-lo-wimn ka-wi-na da-16m ka-ti da-ki-lak ba-chi-v Central ghY-mai=ko-d6-ko-do; d a-t6-to ma-k6-ku ~ha-ki-~ha 2 ko-hoi ma-kiu mi-&h-la ka-dds ihi-y6~ka-ai (thicket ) m'p6 ba-k6-ya m'cha i - ke ~ha-m6 ka-Wik la-w-im ka-wi-na da-16m ka-tik ba-y6k kf~i-ya east north south west ~ho ku-hti-la yo bo CARDINAL POINTS AhO chu-h6-la yo bo gho chd-la yo bo COLORS black blue green red white f&a-ba-fii-bak ke-dik-e-dak pi-t6 ka-A, ' fi~a-hit fi~a-hit ta'f6 ka-le' kY-l'i fL-kait fia-kit tas ka-le' PRIMITIVE FOODS 3 acorns (generic) -acorns., black oak acorns, live-oak,acorns, post-oak acorns, valley oak,acorn bread acorn flour bu-dii li-~ ht-i lu-ke' ka-kijl fi~i-pi ha-r6 wi-ti di-Thi ki-chi ka-kiil (&u-pi acorn soup to-6; Sg-i 4 angelica bi-ko ba-cho6-a.anise Thi-bd Ahi-b~i blackberries fifi-fii-kop ti-tii-mi buckeyes di-si 1 Shimd, ear; kod6kodo, imitation of the owl's cry. 2 An oi 3 See also under the head of Animals. 4 Respectively, of black-oak and of live-oak or post-oak acorns. u-~h'i u-chi ka-kiil fi~a-pi ba-ch6-a Thi-bii ba-~lhi inomatope.

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VOCABULARIES27 2I7 English cattail-root chokecherries elderberries hazelnuts huckleberries laurel-berries manzanita-berries pinole strawberries tule, shoots Eastern bi-l6-16h du-m~ik di-kail-di-kai fiai ba-ghai be-he bli-g'hai yu-h6-i ti-b'e Northern ka-k6 dd-mak ki-t'e ko-bdl be-he ba-ka'i yd-hu ma-ra-k6 Central hal ka-te' u-dig1h ba-he' ba-ka'i yi-hii ya-0 HANDICRAFT arrow arrow-point arrow-straightener awl balsa basket, babybasket, burdenbasket, canoe-shape basket, cooking basket dish basket, food basket, storage basket tray basket., winnowing beads, clam-shell beads, magnesite bow bullroarer deer-snare fire-drill fish-trap flute head-dress, feather house knife mat., tule mortar base mortar hopper net, burdennet, dipnet,, seine paddle, balsa pestle pipe ba-ti ha-kd hail-mo-o hya (bone) thu-ni 1 hail-ka-tu-hli bu-kd; f~-i 2 ka-la'-su-na gha-hma'i Tha-ki'p gha'-ri di-tir t~u da-li po1 Thu-hmndi pa-dlih su-l'em ho-da-wi-ha-li bu-hil hii-du-s~rmk ka hia-ki bi-f66 ku-Thi ha-bi mi-6l, ki-bd ku-nim~wai-yah wai-yih ba-kil da-~hdn; ba-til 3 sa-hi~ha-bi (smnoke stone) a~u fild=ka-chi hai-mo-6 ya sghi-na' si-ka' bi-chi; fi9-i 2 (balsa basket) ki=pi-1ki (water basket) 4ha-kain pa-se da-la'=kan da-li kal po-kail sghi-i-ma'i ma-dim S16m ha-da-wi-ha'i bu-hil ke-si-mi cha ba't ba-ch6' (mortar stone) mi-chia ki-bd hi-ni=bai-yak bai-yaik ba-kilI da-k6; ba-til 3 sa-ki~ka-b6' ka-y6-yo, bi-s'el ba-td a~u fi= ka-cha' ha'i-mo ya ~fhna hail-ka-tul pchi ka-ligh-na ti-hiln sal i-t'it t6-u na-sd ta-le'-ya ta-le'ya-po hail-igh-'im s'Ci-pa-dak ba-dil-ytik he-de'-wiw ha'-gho cha ka-cha'; ba't Pa~o mchii1i=ka-b6 mchiiti ki-bd bai-yaik bai-yaik ba-Li'l; bal-lai sa-kai=ka-b6 rattle wa-y6y robe, rabbit-skin ihi-i'8i seed-beater ba-t6 1 Cf. Wappo sfhone-, tule. 3 Respectively, large and small. VOL. XIV-28 ka-yg-i sf-ti ba-td 2 Respectively, close-mesh and open-mesh.

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2I8 218 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English sling spear, fishspear, warsweat-house Easter n bi-ghik hyi-hai ha-ka-ba-fi6-i hma-rak Northern mi-ghe' ya-hai; li-pi 1 ~ha-kit ~ha-n6 Central yi-hai; na-pa' him gha-n6 ashes charcoal cloud darkness day earth fire ice lake Lake, Clear lightning moon mountain night Pleiades rain rainbow liver rock sky smoke snow star sun thunder tree water wind no ma-sik ha-b6 pi-ti di-mal ki-i hio i- m6 ha NATURAL PHENOMENA n6-ho ma-sik ka-bi i~ha-ka' hi=ba-tiln (water large) la'ai du-w'ela da-n6 du-wt bu dii-ka-f&u ki-k-e ma-fai-ha-la bi-da-m~ ha-hi ka-Ii sa-hi hyul u-ya-h6 la ka-li ma-t3'-ta2 ha-le' ha hya'-hya ma-chi ma-mi-na' ho i-ma ka-ma-t6 fi~a't di-we'da da-n6 di-w'e to-t6=pa-fgo (star bunch) di-Thi-mi b6-he-ta-ki-li bi-di ka-be' ka-li sa-ki yu t6-to da mi-ki-la'; ka-le' ka ya, no ma-sich ka-bi ma-ch'i-wi ma-fia-bfim ho yii-ha-chai-lmir kat f&a i-we'=da (night sun) da-n6 i-w'e dot chf-mul be-h6-fga-kal p'da ka-b'e ka-l'i ho-si-ha yu ka-a'-mul da ma-k6-la ka-li ka ya NUMERALS one two three four five six seven eight nine ten eleven twelve thirteen fourteen fifteen kai-li hoch h6m-ka dol e-ma Lii-di ki-la=h6ch h6-ka=dol (twice four) hi-da-4ial9h6m; Thfomn hi-da-g'hal=na=ki-li hi-da-gbal=na~h6ch hi-da-g'hal=na~h6m-ka h6m-ka~mar~s'h6m h6m-ka~mar=t'ek cha ko s6-bu tak ~hal fi~i-di k6=ba k6-ko=d6l k6-al=ifh6m k6-aI~t'ek k6-al=na~cha' k6-al=na~ko k6-al=na=s6-bu k6-mat=ThMm k6-mat~t'ek ta-to si-hbo na-giu-i f~ia-di ki~i-nafig ko-k6=d6l na-mil-ka=glh'm na-mil-ka=t'ek na-mil-ka~na=ta'-to na-mil-ka~na~kd na-mil-ka~na~si-bo k6-mat=gh6m k6-mat~t'ek Respectively, single-pointed and double-pointed. 2 KCali' sky; mat6ta, an onomnatope.

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VOCABULARIES29 2ig English sixteen seventeen eighteen nineteen twenty twenty-one thirty forty fifty sixty seventy eighty ninety Eastern ho'm-ka-mar~na=ki-li ho'm-ka-mar=na=h6ch li6m-ka-mar~na~h6m-ka hai-di-k~mar=~h6m hai-di-k~mar~t'ek hai-di-k~=mar~na=ki-li na=ha-d~i-g'hal h66=a-hai hi-da-g~al~ai~h6m-kahai h6m-ka~ha'i ha-da-glhalzai=d6l-a-hai d61=a-hai ha'-da-ghal~ai4l'm-a-hai 1lem~a-hai — Northern k6-mat=na~chi k6-mat~na'~k6 k6-mat~na=sd-bu ch~i-ma~ih6m chi-ma=t'ek ch~i-ma=na=ch~i nk6a-kt a k6-al=i=sd-bu~t6 sd-bu'~t6 Central k6-mat~na=ti-to k6-mat~na=kA k6-mat~na=si-bo ch~i-ma=gh6m ch~ima=t&k ch~-ma~na=t~-to ni=na-mil-ka ka'=t't na-mniI-ka=wi=si-b6=te' si-b6~tft na-miI-ka=wi=dii-ka-hai dd-ka=hai hai ni-f9u~i=hai hundred PERSONAL TERMS aunt, maternal aunt, paternal baby boy brother, elder brother, younger chief daughter daughter's daughter daughter's son father father's father father's mother girl husband man medicine-man mother mother's father mother's mother people people, white w~h kus ka-w'i du'i-ha'f& kai-ha-Ilk wih~k6k; waih~dai-hafg waih~k6k; wah-d~i-ha6i ha-rik mi-ti-16 di-haai bail-le kak ma-tui; ko-6 (poison); ko-6=ba-ki-y~il-ha-l 2 nik ka'fa ka'6i ka-6k ma-san mi-su mi-mu; mci-mu-ak ka-wi ka-wi —a-ba' mi-ki mi-ti cha-ka-le' k-pi-n6; ka-wil t6-ma-aia-ak t6-ma-aia-ak mi-ba a-mi-ma ka-wi —a-rni-ta (child woman) mi-bi-han; bai-ya ba ma-ti; ba-ma-cha'i; k6-o=ba-ma-chail 2 mi-te mi-Ma a-mi-ka cha ma-skin mu Ca kd-lat bai-ya'=k.u ki e-ku chi-yu-dul t6-mna-chi-f8a ba'fg ma'fCa m~i-ta=ku (woman child) ba'i-ya bai-ya ma-ti; ba-d6n-ka-16 ch'6 cha'9i ka'f& cha'ch ma-sin (dangerous -L - C-L thing) I- XI, -L person ka-oi( cha cna-cni sister, elder d6h mi-di' d'egi sister, younger d i-1ha'&i mi-ti 6-ku son wih~Ik6k; wa'h=1ka-wi 1 ka-wi k6-ku (my son) son's daughter w~ih~4c6k t6-ma-fi~a-ak t6-ma-bi-f6a son s son w~ih~kok 6mabakt6-ma-bi-&ia. uncle, maternal i-mi-fnichu'fi uncle, paternal IkIi i-mi-ch6 ch6-gi wife a it k6-di-han (my wife) woman da ma-ta ma-ta 1 JF h ke k my child, is applied to males and females. Wcihdaihia(. = my girl; wa'hkaw' my boy. 2 Matzi is the shaman; the others named are herb-doctors.

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220 220 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English alder ash cottonwood dogwood elder laurel madrofia manzanita oak, black oak, liveoak, postoak, valley pine redbud redwood spruce, Douglas wi'llow Eastern ka-fii-tap L~-hia'p kid9ha- lap bu-hil~a-hai 1 ka-161 be-hklp hu-1i-hu-lup 1~a-y-e li-9fhi-i ~ha-fiik f~i-pi di-sai ka-sil ba-kd; fi~u-ba'-ha TREES Northern ka-chi-ti ka-lim ka-ki-la ghit-i be-hem ka-bit 1ka-y'e di-ghi Tha-chim ka-k6l fi6i-pa chom sa' ka-16 ki-sil Ahi-k6 Central ka-ch'i-ti ka-lim ghit-i ba-ti~ka-16 ba-hem k6-bit l~a-y-e u-Thi gha-ch~im ka-ktil fi~6-pa ghfa-ch6m ka-lai-a ka-sil ka-lI-nu MISCELLANEOUS breath dream food large shadow small spirit (ghost) tobacco pu~h'en ha-dii ma-aif ba-tin Ahi-y6 kuch ka'-hl16i-kak sa-hi (smoke) da-in ma-a ma-t6 pa-ihit bi-chd cha-du-wll sa-kd gb'kln ka-in ma-a ba-tt pa-Thit ku'ai l~d-ya sa-ki Wintun
2 ANATOMICAL TERMS English Northern ankle-joint mai-i-nitik arm k6-di blood t6-de'ki bone pak chin k~n-ti-kkt ear mat elbow-joint hi-kam eye t face tmm finger-nail ks-ha; s'em~ka-ha fingers s~m foot mai hair ta'-ma-i hand s6m head pa'-y'ak 1 Compare buliil, fish-trap. Central maf-pak S~M sak pak ka~ mat chdh-pik hid-i ki-ba s-em~ka-i S~M k6-le ta-mo-i sOM pak Hill Patwin V~alley Patwin hl1o-p6 ha-ki sa-li sa-lih sak sak pak pak ka-bi ka-bai mat 16-but lul ka-til sa sas tus tus ch!ai ch!ai ku-pdm si1m=hlu'b6-hlo-16-ki mai mai ti a-na t~-kel SIM tuhl ~t1! d-bi 2 The Northern Wintun vocabulary was recorded at Antler on Sacramento river; the Central Wintun at Paskenta in Tehama county; the Hill Patwin at Cortina valley in Colusa county; and the Valley Patwin on Sacramento river in Colusa county.

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VOCABULARIES22 221 English heart knee leg lip mouth neck nose nostril Northern pd-rus pd-ycik kfn-su kil-y'b' d6-ki sa-na sa-na~ha'-Iak S1 mai-ka-ha Central ch! i-d ik mai-pak chd-i ma-it chis sa-n6=alk ko-1k=ka-i t6p-m~ ti-hah-I Hill Patwin p6-ru po-mu'k yir 1e'ti ki tu-kd-tu-ku hli-nik S1 ch! ai mai=ku-pum ta-hil Valley Patwin p6-ru tl! o-ra' ylr 1e'ti kil tu-k6'-tu-ku hili-nik 51 ch! ai mai ha-b6-ho-l6-k ta-hil (nose hole) teeth toe-nail toes tongue tu-n~-chd-rut ti-halil antelope* badger * bat bear, black * bear, grizzlybeaver * bird bluejay, crested brant * buzzard civet condor coot * coyote crow deer* deer, mule-* dog dove* duck, mallard* eagle eagle, bald earthworm* elk * fisher fox, red fox, silver goose * gopher * grasshopper* grouse * hawk, chicken-w* hawk, fish-* tu-r'ep d&-hi-lat wi-ma sd-fa1t chil-chil- l 2 wd-ch at 2 lak bus ta-ri-lik ANIMALS'I tu-d'ep sg-chik d6-he-la (sailing) chih-i we-mafhl ko-t6fil chil-chifil wit-wat 2 lak bus do-chi-k6-chat ma-lak3 bim-cha-sak se-dit se-d t aml f-lahm nip nip ku-lu'm~nip (pine deer) s6-ku s6-kut ki-nus; ka-ril-ba (seed ki-ki-ku 2 eater) ka cha'-tom ke-'chu-lai 6-yum si-lai pik chip2 wtis-wiAs2 li-k~is bus ma-luk ta-h-luk sii-de-u al nap hai-yu'4 p6-luk lo-pt-tu sul 5 ki-kak~su'l ch! 6 sa-wi-tu; lo-k6-ya ha'-u; ka'l-chls ta-wil1; si-koi 6 ki-i ta-rim ka' dam-hi-lai ki-hik chu-kd-i pak ku-ch6-i 2 li-ka bus m6-luk si~i-d-eu kak 2 nap hai-yu 16-ku-ku 2 lo-pe-tu. sul sa-wa-tu. ka-l-ji ta-wil; si-koi 6 d e-i ta- rip wak kit-kat 2 su-tu-nut ma-yp-has pi-liku k6-lit yi-pi-kiis hi-u wai=hi-u (northern fox) yi-laml n~p ni-rit bi-ki-ka-tit k6-16u la'-dat pit i-la~pit (head-dress eagle) hi-u hfi-kit rn~p mi-pit chi-li-lik 1 Names of animals used as food are indicated by stars. 2 An onomatope. I Cf. Maidu mdlaka, a fabulous bird, page I 19. 4 A loan-word from the Wappo. ' Cf. Pomno Sul, condor. 6 Respectively, the Canada goose and a gray-breasted species.

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222 222 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Engli'sh hawk, red-tail* heron horse kangaroo-rat* kingfisher lamprey * meadowlark* mink mole mountain-lion* mountain-sheep* mouse * mussel, fresh-water* otter owl, ground* owl, hoot* owl, horned* pike * porcupine* quail * quail', mountain * rabbit, cottontail* rabbit, jack-* raccoon* raven robin* salmon *4 salmonfly* skunk* snake snake, rattlespider spider, black squirrel, gray * squirrel, ground* sturgeon* sucker * trout* turtle* weasel "whitefish"* wildcat* wolf Northern li-dit kar 1 sii-ku (dog) cha-ra-ri'k1 hat chu-ldhili bi-sus tli-bus pi-tit san-nap (rock deer) chii-di tlahil mem~tii-lit (water swimmer) bii-li-bak ka'-pas chdt-ku-ddt1 k6-wahlI h-lu-ydku (star) 3 pi-tis chdl-chafil Central st-hit wak I kaVj-yo 2 hu-w&e-hu-wkt y6-ko-lot bi-sus sti-tat chu-de' chi-it m~m~tu-lit wiiik bi-ma chiit-ku-diit hhi-yuk bi-ta-lat cha'l-chaihl wa-chit ta-ki-lat pat-k6-1s; pom~bd-1fls pat-ke-le ka-ri-lit (cf. civet) ch!ik-bas k6-r~h1l PIS ha si-kal tlak la-sas-wa k6-rik kai-sis ti-ch-lfs b6-ki chitib sti-lat h16-ko-has kan-hili-las (stink under arm) ka-wi pa=Mli-mit ka-chifIl kak1 wis-pat-pat nut ka pi-li-ta-pit (crawler) tlef-s~u kek y6m~kek (poison spi'der) ka-n' tl~t (jumping squirrel) tdt n~s0 w6-ba-la sa-lat in=tlkt 6 wi-ni-kat ka-wit mdk~h~a-me't (snarling fisher) pa'-ka Hill Patwm'n lak-lak wak-su1 ka-vi-yo kat chi-ra-ra1 bit td-lu-ku-i ta-yi ta-k6k ka"-pu tlm-pi-rik1 to-k6 ti-ti-min til tal-tal w&-ik ch!&l' Ii ch&w~-i kak lis-bik hur ka ti-wil che'r~t chti-muk tl! 6t n~s a-ba-li a-nA pa-ma-lai hul Valley Patwin lak-lak wik-wak 1 ka-vi.-yo kat chi-ra-ra1 k6-wa hii-yuk ha"r-woi ho-pi-ch6-min pi-t6 tu-be's ta-yi w~t ka-pus Thi-ti-ri 1 to-k6 i-ka-ka we-lik ch!&l'-o ch&w6-i lis-bak hur; wa-ch6; tip-sa-lai s6-t'etu hu-lip ti-wil ch'er~t kin-kin tu-su n~s nu-i a-nus pa-mi-lai hul;aid to be a star fallen from 1 An onomnatope. 2 Spanish. IPorcupines are so rare in the Wintun country that when one is seen it is s:the sky because of having opened both eyes. 4~The species of salmon to which these names apply are not identified. 5 A Wailaki loan-word meaning " long." 6 "Like squirrel" in flavor.

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VOCABULARIES English woodpecker, redheaded * wood rat * yellowhammer * yellow-jacket larvxe Northern Central Hill Patwin (id-rat; bd-li-ta-rtik' 1chu-diik; 2 a-tdk'I ta-rnt 223 JFalley Patwin ti-dai chi-le'u * hu-bi-ha-kut chi-yo tu-ki-chit t! 6-b~s wa-la-lak tla'-no t! ti-b~s chi-yak mu-lu-mu-lu east north south West piii wai na-ru nom CARDINAL POINTS wai wai; wai-y~l nai war; war-'l n6m nom; nom-'l COLORS ku'-ta si-li-ai tu-ch6i-ka s&k cha-y6-ka 6 t-&d&.ka tu-16'k-a hilu-y6-ka cha-la-k-i yo-ko-16=ya a-wat-il (meadowlark ) wai; wai-yel war; war-'el nom; nom — ti-16-ki s~k wa-ru'k chain black blue green red white yellow chu-l1i-la ch! i-16-was ch! a-rui-ki t'edi hi-yi ka-nai-las PRIMITIVE FOODS65 acorns (generic) acorns, shelled and d ried acorn bread acorn meal acorn meal, leached acorn soup blackberries camas chokecherries clover elderberries grapes hazelnuts holly-berries huckleberries laurel-berries manzanita-berries., black manzanita-berries, red oats, wild tll-h-li iw tlil-hla cha'-tos tli-h-h&r pu-kil-ta-ki yi-wit hy&e-ti ku-pis cha-r6k ap 6i-yul sti-la-hai na-ki hblil b `-lIi i sa-u dak chi-le y i w t i-mil u-Ili-pai cha-y~k ap kap ta-ka' ti-lfila t! i-pa dak yi-wlt i-mil a-sil; lMu (green) kap ka'-mu-lak ta-kaib ti-lila t! i-pa dak yi-wyt war a-sil yo kap ka-mu-ruit na-pun-mat liil-bak b a-I ai pai pih-ka e6-y6 (western ~ Ia —k i se-mi-ya6 pine-bast, yellow ku-lim not used si-nak sa'-nak pine-nuts, digger chai-tim c~k pine-nuts, sugar su-mu su-mu 1Respectively, the small and the large species. A scalp of the former was valued at ten to twenty-five cents, of the latter, at one dollar. 2 An onomatope. 3 The first-named has no tuft of hair on the tail. It was taken in very large numbers by digging out the burrows. 4 The shorter forms are used of places not distant, the longer forms of more distant localities. 6 See also under the head of Animals. 6 Spanish.

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224 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English pinole raspberries roots, bulbous and tuberous salt service-berries sumac-berries sunflower seed tule-roots Northern kd-ri chi-pi-kim,el-li wehi t6-ha-bat pin-tus hi-lflm h1~p Central kA-i tak-chi el-li w~l ta-hi pin-tu ka-ld-kai Hill Patwin kg-ri -el-li wh1 Yalley Patwin kA-ri el-li w~hEl cho-min-tu 1 duk apron, deerskin apron, fibre armor, corselet armor, tunic arrow arrow-point arrow-smoother arrow-straightener awl ax basket (generic) basket, babybasket, burdenbasket-cap basket, cooking basket dipper basket dish basket granary basket ladle basket, parching basket, sieve basket, storage basket tray beads, clam-shell beads, dentalium beads, magnesite bow breech-cloth cord deerskin deer-snare digging-stick 16-yas; depihil;s'echik ch!a-hai ta-hl-lis k6-16 nat dd-kas la'-ru-chus mg-kas chup an; pu-l6ku3 tl!ol k6'-pi; d~n=k6o-pi 3 ta-k~is; he-wi 5 yi-wis=pu-l1iku (cooking basket) kas-lam do"-sap pa-che'kus k'e-ni ta-tas an mt'm=pak (water bone) kU-ba-las 7 k6-lul ch!i-u la-u 10 t6-ruik po-k&hUis s~n HANDICRAFT kl-ti; tepil 2 ti not used ki-le nat ddh-ka ma'h-ka la"-lak til-ta-kn't chi-dik; k6-ko tlal pi-di; tas 3 ta-ki 6 sak-chi-dik d O —t&-6i~ da-sa-pa ke'-ni ten-nu ta-kai ka'-lat m'em=pak kd-bit kul-sak ke'n-til-cha la-u k6h-chi chahi-ka-da s~n cho'-li not used ng-ki d a —k i tup (point) td-nuk a-ba t6-tok ch6-bi 06a-i cha'-pil k'e-ni hi-Eli tu-1il 8 nun ka-li 'O not used not used nd-ki kol tup ta-t6t k6-wa a-ba t6-tok ti-li an-sak ko-hli chA-pal ko-hli hi- li tu-hIr 8 nun; wa-kat ka-li not used 1 "Look around," because the flowers are thought to resemble human faces, apparently following one in every direction. 2 The first-named is fringed, the others are fringed and ornamented with shell beads. 3 Respectively, open-mesh and close-mesh. 4 Respectively, coiled and twined. Coiled baskets are not made by the northern Wintun. " Hewi, a flexible cap purchased from the Achomawi. 6 Made of flexible fibre and used only by women in mourning. 7 Dentalia were less valuable than clam-shell beads. 8 Purchased from the Pomo. 9 Purchased from the northern tribes. 10 Lau is sinew cord; kcli, hemp or milkweed.

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VOCABULARIES 22S English drum fire-drill fish-hook fish-trap fish-weir flute head-band house house, dancehouse, fishing house, menstrual house, sweatknife knife, steel knife, white flint leggings mat, tule maul, stone moccasins mortar base mortar hopper net (generic) net, dipnet, seine paddle, soup pestle pipe quiver raft rattle 5 robe, deerskin robe, feather robe, rabbit-skin rope, iris-fibre seed-beater snowshoes spear, fishspear, warspoon, shell tump-line wedge, elk-horn whistle Northern ki-bal ti-li-kus hl1-ma ki-ha; ki-hi' hbli-lus yel-dd-lus ke-w'el bo-him=fllut (big sweat-house) b6-ke ye l-tun=ke-w'l (isolate( house hlut a-1i16-mo-nas not used kii-li ti-mus si-mis ki-wi k6-ro; p!i-mas-chikas2 not used si-tak ha-la ip-mis rnd-di-li tla-si-sus; sa-ka-kus al-t~l-mas not used not used ch!ek an t6-chus li-ma; kir6 Central ti-l~t si-chu not used chi=pa-ku; pi-ku d G-di y~l-di-16 kel chi-na=kel (dance house) not used d hiut; 'el-kel wi-du e&tlail-chi tih-ko-me not used (tule ); tim-lik ti-mi si-mi ki-wi k6-ma; chik-me 3 not used se-yi-wu ya-mik Iafl-kak ap-mi not used ka-fili-hlu; wa-sa'-su ka-lat not used not used ch6-chi ki-wa not used iU-ma; chd-chi 6 Hill Patwin h6l-wa pd-file pi-ki not used ha-lol t6-no=ke —w6 (dance house) ti-chi=ke-w~ (buried house) not used not used h6l-wa ki-wi Md-b6 til-li 4 hS1-ta ta-ril tu-sa ba'-ti kafl-chis (fox) Valley Patwin h61-wa pi-ki b6-nu 11-lul k-w~; hilut hiut; yi-pa-yi=hiut (dance house) bgT=filut su-tdt not used cha-bik' not used hld-b6 ha'-ta ch!i-wil ti-ki k l-ji (fox) cha-ki-ra; wai-wai cha-ki-ta-yi; sa-kdt not used ch!e`1141u-kai not used hk-u-silytip(thrust point) sak kuk du-h i not used t6-ka po-tan not used not used hiiu-si=uip sak hiMlk la-chik not used t6-ka not used not used li-kum sut cha-yis not used pak=hfli-lus (bone flute) hli-lu 1 The Valley Patwin used a hollow oak mortar. 2 Respectively, the divergent-stick and the bow-and-arrow type. I Respectively, the net itself and the net attached to the bow-and-arrow frame. 4 The bow-and-arrow type. ' Respectively, a split-elder baton and a cluster of oak-galls. 6 Respectively, the point and the shaft. 7 Cf. d-chaya, drive in; h~nchaya, split. VOL. XIV-29

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226 226 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN NATURAL PHENOMENA Central Hill Patwin English ashes charcoal cloud darkness dawn day earth evening evening star fire fog ice lake lightning Milky Way moon morning star mountain night North Star ocean Pleiades rain rainbow river rock sky smoke snow sta r sun thunder tree water wind Northern d6-chi-bii-kul ki-li ka pu-ri-wa kfl-wal sa-ni p6m 2 ha-hi-la yas pa his ki-ki Mul; hild-b~k wa-hi-kit kfl-kal puk I kfl-li ka Li-ma tuk-16-n6- a h6-lol pomn p6m-pu-di-hia 1l-ni~ihi1-yuk (night sta r) pai t6-mit tlg-la sfl-wal chfl-nahl che'nalil sa-ni-hi s~tIl-ri-cha schfl-ti~ihI6-yuk (daylight shoots-over) (morning star) p6-yuk3~ cha'ih-ah chi-pi 1l-ni wai=da-we'irs (north coming) m~m~pom (water ko-mn&m~m (big earth) water) wa-li kid r mi-nu-sa sa-ni=as sa-ni wi-li'k (valley) i-h-las ti-la-min kos s6-so cho-p6l wfll-bo-ko ye-m~el-Iu-ra-b~s (road created) sa-nar tohM mgh-chis y6-wiqs pu-ch~l yii-ru sak-chu-ril ka-pai k a^- doi a-lil-b6 h-li-hhlik yal ta-ti-mmn ki-mi tak mem tu-d'i V'alley Patwin pv~t wa-li kid r mo-so-h6s sa-ni~as sa-ni ifl-as ti-la-min kos so-so cho-p6l wfll-bo-ko kfl-nu=y'em6 sa-nar tohM si-ndl yo-w -us hd-k sak-chu-ril ka-pai tu-d u-i a-lml-b6 m6-ku yal h~la-rik p~-lu-p&lu ki-mi ta-hlflm mem ta-hi 19-kas lu-hi sflk-hi-kai-a bo-him=mim san ka-l-chi noku ya-la hlu-ydku sas tu-mu-kit6 mi mem ki-hit (water big) 4' Id-ha ku-lf-ma mem~pan san nuk y~T-Ia hld-yuk td-ku tu-pd-pit6 mi m~m tl'ehi NUMERALS 1. -1 - - -1 one ke-t~m ke't~m &-t&ta two pa-le& pa-l'et pflm-pa-ta th ree pa-ndh-l pfl-nofil po-n6lil-ta four tla-wi tla-wi e-mds-ta five ch! in-s~m chfln-s~m &-t~=s'm-ta six se-ru~pfl-nuhil se=pfl-nohl s'er=pohil-ta 1 Cf. words for fire. 2 Cf. Shahaptian locative suffix -pu, -pz~m. 3 Mount Lassen, Na,'ru-bd'lit, "South Peak"; North Yallo Bully, Yaila-bzilit, Bzilit, "Peak." 4 Mi m instead of mem, for euphony. "Above earth green-like-serpentine."~ &t'eta, pflm-pa-ta po-n6h-l-ta e-mul-ta &-t~='erm-ta ser~pohM-ta 'Snow Peak"; Shasta, 6 An onomnatope.

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VOCABULARIES27 227 English seven eight nine ten eleven twelve thirteen fourteen fifteen sixteen seventeen Northern Central k-t~em=6-46s chin=tla-wi ti-k6-1s se-ma ti-k'e-1s=k-t'em=fila-mi se'ma=k&t~m ti-k'el1s~pi=h-li-mi se-ma~pa-le& Hill Patwin s~r-po=t6-ta pan=e-mds-ta pan-e-mu=te-ta pim-pa=s~m-ta lu-ma=t6-ta pan=hil6-mi pan-hilo-mi4t6-ta hil6-ti po-ni=s'em-ta po~ni-s~m=i-te-ta pim-pa~s~m-ta=s~rpo-t6-ta pim-pa~s~m-ta~pane-mus-ta pim-pa's~m-ta~pane-mu-te-ta 6-t6=ki-yi Valley Patwin s~r-po=te'-ta pan=6-mul-ta pan-e-mu=t6-ta pim-pa~s~m-ta lu-ma=te-ta pan=1h16-mi pan-h~lo-mi=te'ta hI16-ti po-ni=stm-ta po-s~=t&ta p6-s6=pa-nu 6-t6=ka-yi eighteen nineteen twenty twenty-one thirty forty fi fty sixty seventy eighty ninety hundred five hundred thousand k6-te'win-tun;1 ch-ptm-kes k6-t'ewin-tun=k& tem~h-li-mi k6-t&-win-tun=tik-el-es=h-la-mi ti-k6-l6s pal=win-tun~ti-ke&. ta-w~il=win-tun ks=h-li-mi ch! in-s~m~win-tun U-t'em=sak kU-te'm-sak~k'et~m U-t'em-sak~s'ema pon=hlai-ra pil~sak pam-pa=ki-yi pil-sak=s&ma pi-noh-l=sak pi-nohl-sak~s6-ma tli-wi~sak tli-wi-sak~s'ema s6-mi=not k6-t'ewi-t6 &t6-s~m~pim-pas~m-ta p6lil=ka-yi ser-po-t6=pim-pas~m-ta pin-e-mus —pim-pas~m-ta pin-e-mu-te~paimpa-s~m-ta 6&ttta~s~n-t~ 2 pon=hiiki-ra pam-pa=ka'-yi hil ma-tin=p6hl'ay p6fil~ka-yi lil'emat=&emu=ka-yi e&mu=ka-yi ka-yi -t~-stm~'ka-yi PERSONAL TERMS aunt, maternal aunt, paternal baby boy brother, elder brother, younger chief daughter pu-ta. i-la (small) wi-ta=i-la (man small) hili-be 1l-kut WI pi-ch~n 3 tt-nu-h~ te'nu-h6 nen=chu u-chii=chu 'i-lai n~t~la-ban (my li-b6=chu -1 brother) net-16 (my brother) hlin=chu win (man) s'ek-tu, n~et=tli-16-he (my daughter) na-ku u-tiin=chu i1-lak s~r-i-ta li-b6=chu Elin=chu sek-tu ti-chu~la'-i-ta (my girl) father ne'ttan (my father) 4 ne-ttan ti=chu tin=chu 1 "4One men." 2 Sgntg, Spanish ciento. 3 My daughter, n&=pi-che'n; his daughter, pu-ru=pi'-chen; daughter (indefinite pronoun), pi-che'n~u-he-r~s, 4 His father, pz6=tan; father (indefinite pronoun), tin~u-hN-r~s; father (vocative), tai-ta, ha'-pa.

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228 228 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English father's father father's mother girl husband man medicine-man mother mother's father mother's mother people people, white person sister, elder sister, younger slave son stepfather stepmother uncle., maternal or paternal virgin wife Northern ki-ye~ch!&-plt p6-ta~ch!6-pIt (aunt worn-out) p~k-ta=i-Ia (woman young) n~t~wi-yi (my husband) wi-ta fhli-hit ne't~nen (my mother) ki-ye=ch! 6plt pii-ta=ch!&-pit win-tu yi-pai-tu (supernatural) la laf-~kut al-chi-nu (captured) net-kol (my son) tam-lil&.ch!!&pit (uncle worn-out) worn-out) ta'm-file Central nt-cha-pa-s6-ka 1 n6-cha-man 1 la'-i-ba ne't~wi win yom n~t=n'in ne-cha-pa-sa'-ka, 1 ne-cha-man1 win-tun hi-lf-wlt (supernatural) Hill Patwin i-pa~chu i-ma=chu i-Ii-mi ni-min~w'i-ta. (my man) wi-ta, y6m-ta; su-tii-ka nen=chu i-pa=chu li-ma=chu pit-win Mericano 2 JFalley Patwin i-pa=chu i-ma=ku la-i-ta wi-ta y6m-ta; su-t6-ki ni-ku i-pa~chu i-ma~ku pit-win Mericano 2 win u-tnin~chu hlin=chu 3 ti-chu~s~r-'i-ta (my boy) pa-tin=chu win n~=chdn (my sister) u-chii=chu ne't=la-hai (my sister) hflin=chu to-wil-na-he3 nt=kui (my nephew) nai-md —Mk ne=tom-ki-ya (my uncle) nen~t~t (my aunt) ne=tom-kil-ya (my uncle) bi-hiliis hi-Ma nkt=p6-kan (my wife) n'et=pa-kan I i-pa~chu t6-ko-ya ni-min~pi-kil-ta (my woman) pi-ki-ta pi~na-ku (recent mother) i-pa~chu t6-ko-ya ni-yo-nok pa-kii-ta woman paik-ta di-ki TREES alder ash buckeye cedar cottonwood elder fir hazel holly laurel manzanita, black manzanita, red maple oak, black oak, liveoak, postoak, valley pine, digger pine, sugar pine, yellow kia-lIo" ki-lo' h6-la~chus (pipe wood) lal-kaik (pipe) ya-nat=mi pi-sa lk6u=chus; ti-nai pa'h-lkik ta-rip=mi tap=mi ip=mi ip=mi tap=ba-ki (~ bush) not known su-li-hai=mi na —pun-mat~mi hlil1=mi h-lil=mi pai~mi pih-ka=mi sai=mi sai-kok~mi p'e-nIl=mi p~-n'l=mi &iik~mi chik=mi cha-tim=mi cha'-kun'~mi i-rit ya-wi so-161 not known so-161 nat ch'i-li si-u-li=tak 6yy=tak si-sa~tak sai~tak h1a'=tik tu-wi ch'i-li si-la'=mi not known chii=sak sul-mu=mi ku-l'em~mi su-m6=mi sik~mi I Used of any aged relative. 1 Usd ofany ged elatve. 2 Spanish. 3 The Patwin held no slaves.

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VOCABULARIES29 229 English redbud spruce, Douglas sycamore willow yew Northern Central Hill Patwin lul ta-kas~mi Valley Patwin lul so-h6n i-wal; tu-Ihi~t; tar a-p~ik ko-ldl~mi (bow tree); chai a-wal; tu-hlldt; tar nom~kdl-sak~mi (west bow tree) MISCELLANEOUS autumn bad breath dance dead dream food good large long no shadow short small song spirit (ghost) spirit (soul) spirit (supernatural) spring summer tattoo tobacco village winter year yes hafl-da-ni kai-dan ch!e&pa; ch!e&pak (very bad) kai-da-ni cd6-ka ha-s'i Id-mu -al-pdi-rus pd-i-na cha'-niis chi-nd &Ie'u=ha-ras (not di-pla gone); ku-wi (melted); mi-nil (dead) y'ech~u kin-ke-la bas ba cha-Wi b6-him ke'la wai=lhMs (north ghost) wa-rd-ti k6-ti ch~i-wi h1~s m~s hIa-chit al-t!&-pum a~-pil ahi-m-is hye-'dil pa-mi-sim pi-mi-SIM chai-la; cha-la=b'em (very good indeed) ki-m6-sa k'ele-la e-16-wa h-16s wa-ta i-lis-t6 ch!i-wi h-16s chi-dik ha-ha —wit 6l-t6-pkim pa-pil d a —p na lal ke-wv~l 1 pdm-sym pdm-slm he wi-nil ba M-yok be-n6 ydy-a ba'-t ~hffil ta-doi kd-jl mu-hi mdl-la-win kg-ta' win-hi-ni win-chak-chi wa-kin lol di-hi pam-sin di-bil-ta 0 ka'-da-ni pi-r'e dl-pu-ru yi-pai y&tetw6 bas M-yok be'n-ta yd-i-ta ta-d k i1-lai mu-hi mdl-la-win k a —t win-hi-ni po-h6-wil wa-k'en lol di-hi pam-sim di-bil-ta 0 Northwestern Maidu
2 ANATOMICAL TERMS English ankle-joint arm blood bone chin ear Valley Maidu Hill Maidu pa-yim~k6'-ko (foot - yi-mim s-e'd pu-mi sa-wa pi-ni elbow-joint yi -un hli-yi-t!im; siui-kait-kuim 1 The contracted form kel = house. 2 The vocabulary of the valley division of the northwestern Maidu was secured from a native of Michopdo, a village, now extinct, three miles south of the site of Durham in Butte county; that of the hill division, near Enterprise, Butte county, on the South fork of Feather river.

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230 230 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English eye finger-nail fingers foot hair hand head heart knee leg lip mouth neck nose nostril teeth toe-n~ail toes tongue Valley Maidu hii-ni ch!'i-bi y6s-kit~kti (step with) 6-no ma kd-yi hai-ka-ti di-kat-da-kat~t6-kfi pi-yi k6m-bo k6m-bo hI-no, scf-m Ui sIf-mfi=td'-k6 (nose hole) si-ki ch! i-bi 6-ni Hill Maidu hii-nim ch!i-bim main (hand) pfi-yim b6-tum main o-nom hai-ka-tim p! 6-ka-sim lid-lim k6m-bok-6m k6m-bok-6m kii-yim sf1-muim sfi-mfim=tii-k~m ch! i-wam pfi-yim~ch i-him t'em=pa-yim (little foot) 6-nim antelope * badger * bat * bear, black* bear, grizzlybeaver * bluejay, crested brant * buzzard clam, fresh-water * coyote crow * deer * ANIMALS' ka' ty6n-to a-l6-li 4 wfl-tu-ni pa-nu tii-p~n-d& ka's-ka-si 3 li-hia-ka 3 hi-si ti-da-kii; w6-kfi-si ki-ka 3 sfl-mi na-wim pi-mim mfl-d~m pi-nam ki-kim kis-ka-sim s! ci-w'enom h6-nom i-kam s6-mim dog sfi Sam dove *piii-luk-ld-kti piil-bam duck *hit-ma la-tam eagle *wip-b-rmi ap-A-lim earthworm *ki-he ki-ye elk *wi-ni wi-nim fish *mi-ki mi-ki fox, red* ha-wi hi-wim fox, silver* yais-kip-ka-pi ya's-kap-kip goose * li-ka li-kam goose, Canada * lim goose, white * wa-wi wa-Wim gopher* h&mn6 wi-kum grasshopper *e~n6; 16-ti 6 e&n~m; s!tik-wa6 INorthwestern Maidu: thumb, n'em~ta-ni (big ) middle finger, e-s-tom~ta-ni (middle ) prim~ta-nr, or k6'-yom~ta-ni (outside ) 2 Names of animals used as food are indicated by stars. 3 An onomatope. 4 The practical identity of the words for bat and coyote leads to the inference that the latter is a mere nickname. 5 Cf. Wintun hciu. 6L'ti and s!a'kwci are the young insects without wings.

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VOCABULARIES23 23I English grouse * hawk, fish-* hawk, red-tail* heron* horse kangaroo-rat* kingfisher meadowlark* mink mole mountain-lion* mouse * mussel., fresh-water* otter owl, ground owl, hoot * owl, horned* pike * porcupine* quail * quail', mountain * rabbit, cottontail* rabbit, jack-* raccoon* raven* robin* salmon, dog* salmon, spring* skunk * snake, bullsnake, rattlespider, black squirrel, gray * squirrel, ground-* sturgeon* sucker * swan* trout* turtle* weasel wilIdcat* wolf woodpecker* wood rat * yellow-jacket larvae Yalley Maidu chi-si biik~la-ka (tail goose) wak-su ka-vi-yo'I dil-ni cha-ti-ta2 yiit-du-li hi-li-ti 3 suip-ma, kfi-ki ktii-tu-tu-kfi 2 wii-tu-lu 2 m6i-f66; ne'm~ma-ka (big fish) he-A-ki su-su ha-16-pi pa'-pa-wi; wis-kfi-la 6s-k6 hu-me'l1 ka —ki-kci 2 chis-tak-tak-fi wa'-i-ki m~i-yi btin=kii-ti k~i-u-di hi6-bi sa-wi-li kit-ma pi-ti; halti ti-hg-ni k6-wi pa-li-ki ak-sAl-ma; an-nuis-ma sas-si-si ch! e'wi; ti-kU 4 hti-li 9-i-ma-ka, yiii-ma, 6-p~-ni Hill Maidu s!il-tap-ti-pi wik-sim ka-wi-ya 1 dil-ni wai-mi-si ytit-du-lim mam-pan-da chtis-k ki-ki ki-ka'-kum w~s-pi-pi-la 2 hfi-h ilmi 2 ma-s tim ke-wA-ka su-sum ha-ha-pim pa-ki-lim tl-ktom ki-kaM 2 chis-tak-ta-kam s~-m~-nim ma-yim hi-nai-nam hg-w~m sg-lam h'ebim sa-wi-lim hi-loin hal-tim ha'-Yam k6-wi yi-Sim ak-s!gl-mam wi-bu-sim 614-l-mam hi-hi-no pa-ni-ka, yiii-mam &-p&nim east north CARDINAL POINTS6 yan-na; kf-dafi-kTm bH~-ma yii-dik-nim 1 Spanish. 2 An onomatope. I The mountain-lion is thought to choke deer with its long tail and to eat only the tripe. 4 Ch!~wi is a spotted cat; ttiku, a larger, yellow animal. 5 The word first given refers to places near the speaker; the last, to distant places. Where three words are given, the second refers to places moderately distant.

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232 English south THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Valley Maidu ka-nai-naniwwi-y~; ka-nai-na; kd'k-su ho'n-na; kd-kai-kin-kd-da Hill Maidu kg-dam~bA-sa-niam (earth - west black blue green red white yellow COLORS e-rnu-hn e-ka-fgi-win e-pa't-in e-pip-in e-k6k-on 6-da-sim &mu-lin kich-i-wim 6-ti-tit-non 6-la-lik-non &wa-win 6s!-d'-la-kan acorns acorn bread blackberries buckeyes clover elderberries gooseberries grapes laurel-berries pine-nuts, digger pine-nuts, sugar pinole roots, bulbous and tuberous salmon, putrid salt soap-plant sunflower seed tarweed seeds tule-roots PRIMITIVE FOODS' k6-ko; si-la 2 mi-ti wan-ka-mil-li pa-li kt-n6 n6-kor~h'i-ni (arrow eye) yii-h6-mi b6-rni b6-do-ti kg-kurn~hi-ni (pine eye) su-mu y6-ko k6-wa su-yern~h6-rni (stink boil) ba ha wa —ka-li ps-la-ti wa-ta-ka 6-tim; p!e'k~n2 mi-tim; pi-ni 3 wi-sem p6-lam S!i-wirn vi-Iu-Iurn~kS-mim (elder fruit) td-ti-karn=hi-ni (-eye); yfi-h6rni pi-mi-lirn sof-bam t6-nim sd-mum turn e-mun barn ham not used wis-a-ki-to not used HANDICRAFT apron ma-la (bark); wg-sa armor, tunic mun-ki-tirm-ffi arrow n6k-o -arrow-point ba-sa (obsidian) -awl ta-ka bag ya'k-ya-ka balsa nC,basket, baby- tul-tul-i basket, burden- k6-1a basket, cooking ch6'-li basket., dipper pcin-chfi-li basket granary chaih-wA-da basket, parching k~l-la basket., sieve y6-1a beads, clam-shell k6-ya 1See also under the head of' Animals. 2 Respectively, before and after shelling and drying. 3 Spanish. mi-la; wg-sa not used n6k-om bg-sam t! -ALM i-waim tii-ta'm kci-tfim pus-ta —nim hat-ti-kdm sdi-kci-nim pi-ta wa-"-dah-kfl hi-wd-kam

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VOCABULARIES English beads, Olivella boa, feather bow cloak, feather fire-drill fish-hook fish-trap fish-weir flute house house, dancemaul mortar net net-cap net, deernet, dipnet, seine paddle, soup pestle pipe, ash pipe, stone quiver rattle, elder robe, feather rope spear, fishspear, warspoon tump-line wedge, elk-horn whistle, bird-bone Yalley Maidu kal-kal-i pi-kel-ma pan-da 1 mg-ki sa-wa fit-di f~i 16n; t!u3 yi-lu-lu 4 6-yi ku-mi a-w~-n6 bi-ni wi-ki y6m-hi-nim=bs-ni sai-ki-tu; s~-pe-nim=b'I-ni 5 ha-sim=bi-ni yi-y'-kri; wa-y&-ki (stir with) p&wi; ba-ya-na 6 pi-nin=k6-la (tobacco hollow) am=pa-nir=ksi-la nd-ka p! k-pa-ka S1 ku-ta ta'-ki; mg-ha'; bg-sU'-kU'M= lil-la (thrust pole) 7 ygm-sa ta-la (shellfish) him-bi-ku sa-wi-ya tg-ka 233 Hill Maidu pin-dam sa-w~m-s!am; sim-s!am 2 U~-n-6-Urn yi-lu-lu ii-yim k6-mim a-kUnim 6mrto-k6-di; am=hi-ni (rock eye) bi-nim sdi-mim~bi-nim (deer net) t~m=bi-nim bi'-nim~am-mam Su-Sum sd-nsm pi-nin1=kd'-lam n6-kam p! ak-pi-kam ya-mi-nim bul-mi; mg-ha; mai-mfi ygm-sa t!a-lam hi-kam s!im-mi le'-lim ashes charcoal NATURAL PHENOMENA &-du-si ke'-mi pl-pfim hd-mim cloud ya (sky) yi-kin cloud, cumulus 6-ko-nom=yi (white sky) cloud, rain ka-dim=ya (rain sky) darkness dtei-po pA-kfi-lin dawn lai-da Iai-dan day -ki 6kin earth kH-di kl-dim 1Bows were always purchased. 2 Respectively, the cedar base and the buckeye spindle. 3 Respectively, a fence with a trap, 6ii, opening up-stream; and a dam of stakes, earth, and grass, with a trap, f6i, at each corner. 4 An onomatope. The word means also elder, the material of which the flute was made. 5 Respectively, the bow-and-arrow frame, and the divergent-stick frame. 6 Maidu pestles were water-worn stones, which were believed to have life. In winter, it was thought, they went dashing about in the water, striking the rocky banks and thus making caves. Sometimes they threw themselves out of the water, and were found for the benefit of the people. 7 Respectively, the double, bone point; the hardwood foreshaft; and the shaft. VOL. XIV-30

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234 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Engli.~h Valley Maidu Hill Maidu evening ku-id' htu-yfin evening star kail-kim=1fI-1a (supper star) kai-ktln-nam fire sam-mo sam fog tud-mi t! 6-mim frost kg-ki -yuin hail no name kd-bgn-no ice no name yil-ya-lim. lake pa-ka'-ni pa-ka'-nim lightning ton=wi-na-ka t6n=wi-na-kan Milky Way mu-pu-pup-nom=ba (whitish road) moon d~i-pom=p6-ko (night sun) p~m~pa'-kam morning star Iafl-dam~hI-la (dawn star) laf-_dam=1i-16m mountain yi-mna-ni1 yi-ma-nimn night d~i-po pa Pleiades pa-tai; da'-tg-t'a ht-mui-mum rain ki-di kai-dimn rainbow pi-'dik=wl-da a'-l'e1=kas=w6-damr river se-6-te; ma-yim~se'-wi se-wim (salmon ) rock a; n'em=63 am sky ya; 4 be-dimn~ya (clear sky) yam"4 smoke sdk-ki si'-kumn snow ka kg-im star hi-hi l1I-1cim sun 6-kim=p6-ko (day sun) e-ki1m=pA-ka'm thunder ye-h6-ni wii-ttlm-td-min 6 tree s! a s! am Ursa Major wil-n6-ti water m6-mi 6 mo-mim wind mu-nu mu-numn NUMERALS one wtl-kii wf~k-t~m two pe'-n6 p&n~m three sa-a-pfi sa-puim four Sti-y6 chii-y~m five mi=sa-ni 7 mwikm7 six sai~s6-ko sai=s!o-kom seven mi-san~p'en6 t~k-pu-im eight sii-y6=s6-ko p'en~chfi-yim nine Sui-y6=ni~ma-s6-ko8 pfI-ni-om ten mni~so-ko' mna's!o-kom; mai=sa-mim7 eleven w6k~ni~p&n~-k~ 9 twelve pe-n~=k6 1 Mount Shasta, Kd1l-kal-i~ya'-ma-ni,. " Olivella-biplicata Mountain," referring to the shape and perhaps to the color of the peak when covered with snow. 2 These stars, it is said, do not like to be called pata', and when they hear this name applied to themselves they move slowly and delay the coming of dawn. But if they are called deitdta they move quickly. 3 Respectively, a small bowlder and an immovable rock. 4~An Athapascan loan-word. Cf. Kato, Wailaki, Tolowa. 5 An onomatope. 6 Cf. Wintun mem. 7 Ma, hand; m6-soko, apparently "hand double." Cf. sai-s6ko, six, "three double"(?). 8 "Four toward ten," Ythat is, four counted on the second hand. 9 "One toward twelve."

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VOCABULARIES 235 English thirteen fourteen fifteen sixteen seventeen eighteen nineteen twenty twenty-one thirty forty fifty sixty seventy eighty ninety hundred aunt, maternal, my aunt, paternal, my baby boy brother, elder, my brother, younger, my chief daughter, my father, my father's father, my father's mother, my girl girl, adolescent husband man medicine-man mother, my mother's father, my mother's mother, my people people, white sister, elder, my sister, younger, my son, my stepfather, my uncle, maternal, my 'alley Maidu si-a-pa=ni=hf-wa-li 1 s6-yb=ni=hfi-wa-li hi-wa-li wdk=ni=mai-dik-wi-kti 2 pe-nt~ni=mai-d ik-wi-kdi si-a-pa=ni=ma'i-d ik-wi-ka~ sii-y6=ni=mai-dik-wi-ka mai-dik-wi-kii m ai-d ik-wik=d i=w bk-t~ m= po-s'I mi-sok=ni=p'e;nnm=ma 3 pe-ntm=ma ma-sok~ni~sa-pfm=ma si-pam=ma mi-sok~ni=su —yem=ma sfi-yem=ma mr-soknni=ma-sa-nim~ ma ma-sa-nim~ma PERSONAL TERMS ni- i-ma=de~ nik-ma=k'-ti 5 y6-pin=ka-le (man baby) ni-ki-mu-=ie ni-ki=taZ-ni ye-pa-ni 6 nik~ni-pa ni-ki-mu=kd-li" ni-ki-mfi=ki ni-ki-mfi=si-ka kH-ln=ka-16 (woman baby) da-mi ni-ki=y6-pi (my man) y&epi ya-m1 ni-ki=k6n-ti rii-ki-mfipa ni-ki-mfi=k6si mai-dci ki-ke-ni (supernatural) nik=6-ti ni-ki=ka nik=t6-tu ni-ki=kii-mi (my uncle) ni-ki=tai-ti Hill Maidu nik=dem nik=ka-tim ka'-Mm; s! ila'-kam, nik=k4em nik=t6-nim kil-ttm nlk=tdl-tum nlik=kd-lim nik=ki-am nik=si-kam kuc-la-tem; kd-noi-b~m 8 yu-pam nik=y&epim ye-pim ya"-mim nlk=m'em nlk=pim nlk=t6m mai-dCi ka-ki-nim nik=lk&etim nlk=kim nik=td-tum nlk=yim nik=ki 1 "Three toward fifteen." 2 "One toward twenty." 3 "Hand-double toward two hands," that is, ten counted on the second score. 4 Your maternal aunt, min=d9; his maternal aunt, md-y9-kI=d9=ku'-nu; vocative term, mii'd=. 5 Your paternal aunt, mrn=ka'-ti; his paternal aunt, md-y9-ki=ka-ti=ka'-nu; vocative form, mr'ki4-ti. 6 Cf. y~pi, man. 7 Vocative, mti=kul. 8 Respectively, two to three years, and five to six years.

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236 236 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English uncle, paternal, my wife, my woman V'alley Maidu ni-'ki~kti-16 (my woman) kci-16 Hill Maidu nik=yim ni-ki~kd-km k 6-16m alder ash buckeye cedar cottonwood elder holly laurel manzanita, black manzanita, red maple oak,, black oak, live- (small) oak, live- (large) oak, postoak, valley pine, digger pine, sugar pine, yellow spruce spruce, Douglas sycamore willow TREES si s-i sa-ki-ni pd-li ma-ni wi-li-li kik-su-li; yi-lu-lu I soi- da-si h6-yin; &-pun 6-la-kan him-si ba-bi-ka wai-ya sa-ki-wi 16-wi kg-kii sui-mu in-hi-mi ffi-tci-kc 2 di-ka-si pi-ta-ta; chd-pi s!is!-im hi-lim pi-l6M mi-nim wi-li-lim yi-lu-lu 16-li-sim soi-bam dik-da'-kim &-la-kam da-pim n~m~ba-kam (big leaf) ba-bi-kam wa-yam s!a-ki-wim 16-wim ta'-nim su-mum i-nim tdi-tfi-kfim no-wim di-da-ka-sim s!i-pam; lil-lim MISCELLANEOUS autumn bad breath dance dead food good large long no shadow short small song spirit (ghost) spirit (soul) h6n-si ki-si wa-nan p~m hi-no-pi h -elI li-mi wi dfi nui-si nik-ti sA-fin h6n-si (breath) mit=m~-nirn wis-an h6n-w~n ki-mi-nin ne-d! in pe-kfim wen-n~n he-lin li-la-mmn win hfi-yarm nu-nu-sin ndk-tin tds-ba=kim hai-ka-tim (heart); bil-sin (remain) ka-ki-nim yafi~m6nimn ih-la-kamn b6-nun pi-nim wood. spirit (Supernatural) ki-ke-n i 3 spring ya -sin summer k6O-ka-ti tattoo wi-ha'-ti tobacco pi-ni 1 Cf. flute. 2 An onomnatope, imitating the crackling of the burning 3 Cf. Hupa kyihfnnal, Tolowa hg'hun-e.

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VOCABULARIES23 237 English village winter year yes Yalley Maidu hul-16-ku kti=m'eni k6-ka-ti (summer) h Ci Hill Maidu kim-ba-lrn kd~m~-nim ktim~-nim (winter) M~u English ankle-joint arm blood bone chin ear elbow-joint eye face finger-nail fingers foot hair hand head heart knee leg lips mouth neck nose nostrilI teeth toe-nail toes tongue Miwok
I ANATOMICAL TERMS Central ki-ta-la-la wdn-i-tu kii-cha-wfi kci-chi-chci tgl-ki-su kyi-pi-ndi sun-ta mi-ka-sfi si-la tis-sia hi-t6 yd-s6 tin-i bin-na wils-ki harn-i-yu h6-chin-u h~-wfl-li a-wa s&-ch ni-y6 wi-y6 ktl-t~i si-la 2 n&pi-tfi Southern pi-chan ki-cha-u 6i-ki t6l-ko kit-pil hiun-tf ma-til-ki hi-la tis-sci hi-t6 hi-sok 6-kus hi-ku wfih-ki h6n-a-i hg-chan h~-w-e-kil A-wi hti-piit ni-ta ni-ta kc-tfi hi-la; &t-em-ta~ha-li'-hu&ttm-ta n&pit antelope * badger * bat * caterpillar * bear (generic) bear, black * bear, grizzly- * ANIMALS3 unknown ti-wi-kfi ti-pi-si-si ti-ku fi-sd-ma-ti ho-pi-mu ti-wt-chi hi'-lu ti-wik ti-pi-si-sli chi-til-ti fi-hfi-ma-ti ho-pi-mu i-li-wa~~fi-htI-ma-ti (southern bear) beaver * m'e-su mn~s 1 The Central Miwok vocabulary was secured from- a native of Pulailma, the site of which is now occupied by Duckwall, Tuolumne county; the Southern Miwok, from a native of the hills at the head of Chowchilla river, on the border of Mariposa and Madera counties. 2 Central Miwok: great toe, zi-tun-ta; second toe, ki-win-ta; little toe, cha'-yin-ta. 3 Names of animals used as food are indicated by stars.

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238 English bird bluejay buzzard coyote* crane* crow deer* dog dove* duck (generic)* eagle earthworm* elk* fish* fox* goose* gopher * grasshopper* grouse * hawk., gray hawk, red~tail hawk, sparrow horse marten mink mole mountain-lion* mountain-sheep* owl, great horned owl, screech porcupine* qual* quail, mountain* rabbit, cottontail* rabbit, jack-* raccoon* raven salmon* skunk * snake (generic) snake, gopher-* snake, kingsnake, rattlesquirrel, gray * squirrel, ground-* sturgeon* sucker * trout* turtle* weasel THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Central chich-ka'I ta-yis-mu hd-su-wi-ya kit-wa; i-se-li ki-ku-lu ui-wdl-ya chd-ku h6i-lu-wi1 hit-ba-ta' wi-pai-ya-kii k — s u hi-lu-su kg-su-mu yii-wd-l-k 16-wi-tu sii-wfi-tui ka'-chi m6-cha-ma-si' sdi-yu ki-li-ti-la1 ka-wi-yo 3 hii-t6-m6 tgn-na-su tam-mi-hi h6n-u unknown sd-ku-mi tdi-kum-mu1 m6-kii-na kii-ya-ka1 ep-la-li pit-ka-yfi 6n -i-ya-ya sa-wi-ka-ti li-wa-ti si-ka-ya li-wa-ti ti-wa-hi ti-chi'-sfi sa-wi-ka-ti la-pi-sa-yui a-wi-na-ta Southern chich-ka ta-yich-mu, lu-tis-na a-he'li i-ut2 hi-ka chd-ku hu-wi-nui hat-hi-ta wi-pai-yak k&-hu sfi-ki-i lin-lan sfl-wiit in-ut mii-cha-ma y6-ta'n-i ki-li-ki-la'1 ha-wi-yo 3 hi-li-cha win-ki h6-ha-hi 1 hiikum-mi' mui-hd-na h&ke-kO ku-yi-ka' ti-w6 ta-la-ka'-na pit-kas kgT-sum his-sik h — p i hi-ka-ya la-wi-ti ti-cha ka-hi-pil-cha hi-wa-kUch la-pi-sa-yi a-wan-ta 1 An onomatope. 2 Cf. Chukchansi Yokuts 6lwy~ch, raven; Cupeifio and Luisefio alwtit, Cahuilla eilwat, crow. 3 Spanish. 4 The flesh of the king-snake was regarded as poisonous.

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VOCABULARIES 239 English wildcat * wood rat * yellow-jacket larva * Central td-la-ma 1-l-a-ku Southern t6-l1-ma I -lak me-lin-ai east north south west CARDINAL POINTS' hi-sfm (up) ta-mi-lin chffm-m~ch a-11-win (down) chd-m~ch hi-hom (up) a-1-win (down) ta-ma-lin COLORS2 black blue, green red white yellow su-nun-ni chi-ti-ti mg-ki-ki ke-'ll-li chi-wi-wi tu-hd'-hi chi-wi-wi ya-chd-chi pa-sas-si ta-ta-ti acorns, black-oak acorns, live-oak acorns, post-oak acorns, scrub-oak acorns, water-oak acorns, shelled acorn bread acorn meal acorn meal, leaching acorn meal, leached acorn soup blackberries buckeyes chinkapins chokecherries elderberries gooseberries hazelnuts huckleberries, blue manzanita-berries oats, wild pine-nuts, digger pine-nuts, sugar pinole plums PRIMITIVE FOODS3 ti-l'eli si-ka-sa le'-ka sa-sa wi-li-sa wa-td-ka 6-1l; ma-sd-ta ka-wa-nui md-la-pa hd-ta-ya nd-pa lu-td-tu-yd si-wu yd-ta-t a ti-pi-n6 in-ta-ya ki-li sal-lu-ku h~-m&ki-n6 ma-ki-su; 6-y& hd-nuch-mi-na si'-ka hin-a-chi td-yu mi-kafl-ki-n6 ti-l&e-li hi-ka-ha lM-ka sa-sa wi-li wa-td-ka 64l; n~-pa'-ti ki-wan hu-ti-ya h-a-yd-ma mam-d-la u-nu pi-h ~kki-n ~ ki-wach; in-tai 5 ki-li m6-la ma-ka; &y~6 hd-nas-m6 si-kd san-ak td-yu roots (generic) A-lu-chu A-la-hi salt ka-ya service-berries li-pi-n6 la-pi-n~ 1 The discrepancy in Central and Southern Miwok names of directions is probably due to orientation with reference to local streams. 2 A question of interest to philologists: Why do so many unrelated Indian tribes consistently employ reduplication in words denoting color? 3 See also under the head of Animals. 4 Made respectively of fresh meal and of the settlings from soup. 5 Respectively, the valley and the mountain species. 6 Respectively, black and red.

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240 240 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English arrow arrow-point arrow-smoother arrow-straightener awl basket, babybasket, burdenbasket,9 cooking basket, dipper basket, food basket granary basket, parching basket, sieve basket,9 winnowin g beads, clam-shell bead s, dentalium beads, magnesite beads., Olivella blanket, deerskin blanket, rabbit-skin bow bridge cord deerskin drum fire-drill fish-hook fish-trap flute house house, dancehouse, summer knife moccasins mortar net, dippestle pipe quiver rattle seed-beater shirt skirt, grass skirt,, skin snowshoes spear, fishspoon, mussel-shell tump-line 1IRespectively, 2 Respectively, 3 Purchased. I Respectively, 5 Respectively, HANDICRAFT Central mdch-ku-lu si-ti-qi-na 1i-pi-pa si-wa-a ttl-kfi'-a; chtll-la hi-ki; chgk-ni 1 chi-k~-16; chi-ka-la 2 h6n-no-cha pu-li-ka hi-ma chi-ka k6-wa-yu he'ta-lfi chi-mai-yahg-wi-ku pi-1leki ko-w6-ki 3 mg-a ytip-ti 6n-li ta-ke'-ma um-ma-si p6-hu-na t6m-ma ki-yan-na not used not used 161-1a kii-chu hin-i ku-chai-la ka-yi-yi mgim-ka cha'-s6 wa-si-li ka-wi-chi ki-wa-ch~i ma-ka'-i sg-ki-sa hii-tus-si ma-a se-ki kis-si sa-wi-n~ 6-cha si-pti-ni-yu 164k6 Southern miich-kul ki-ch6 ha-ktl-na hi-wa-a chtll-la hi-ki; cho-ki-m~ chi-k-16 pu-li-ka hu-m&a hu-m&a chai-ka kam-ti-yi h-tal chai-mai hd-wik pi-kk ku'm-sul chip-li-hai yi-w6 ta-k6-ma tim-ma-hi p'e-hu-na tum-ma hi-kc-na hu-n'ema k6-su'-pa Idl-la u-chu ka-lin-a chai-pu mgm-ka sa-S6 not used ka-wi-chi ki-wa-cha hd-ta hg-ki-hia; ta-lan-na cha'-mai not used Hi-t6 sa-wi-na h6-cha not used lii-kti-ta the base and the hood small and large. an obsidian flake purchased from the Mono, and a sheet of slate. a cluster of cocoons, and an elder baton.

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VOCABULARIES24 241 English ashes charcoal cloud darkness dawn day ea rth evening evening star fi re fog ice lake lightning Milky Way moon mountain night Pleiades rain rainbow river rock sky smoke snow star sun thunder tree water wind NATURAL Central sk1-ka 6-pa pd-si-ta. wa-li-sd' hi-e'-ma (sun) wa-li sdi-n~m hdn-6 sus-sa a-wi-ya wi-l -pa sik-k6 (ashes) k6-m6 ka-wti-lfl chfi-ki-va-ya nil-ka kii-y6-ta wfi-kil-mfi-ta' sa-wa h6k-ki-sa ke'la hds-si-ka'-na hi-6-ma hi-ma. ki-kfi h-e'na PHENOMENA Southern sik-k6 kdl-la 6-pa chfi-tc-pi-ya hai-a-ttih-nu hi-6-ma t6l-16 hu-yd' hdn-6 kil-li-m6 a-wa-ya wi-l6-pa ko'-m6 le-,m6 ka-wil 16-16 (bunch) n1-ka kii-yfi-ta wfi-kil-mui-ta' hai-wa he'lak hik-ki-sa ke'la cha-li-tu. hi-e'-ma tim-m~-l&li 1 li-ma ki-kCi pd-ku-ya one two three four five six seven eight nine ten eleven twelve thirteen fourteen fifteen sixteen seventeen 1 An onomatope. VOL. XIV-31 NUMERALS ti-19-ka-su 6-yis-sa mi-sa-ka te-ma-ka k&-ni-ka-kfi ki-win-ta ni-a-cha ken=ha-t~-a-kfi a-tilk=sa-ke-nfi ta-lak=sa-ke-ndi a-yis~sa-ke-nfi y6-wa-li te'mik~sa-ke-nfl k6-nik=sa-ke-nfi a-ti ti-hi-ka't i-yis-sa ma-hd-ka t~-md-ka ti-tai-wa ka-win-ta el-l'i-wa na-a-cha ke'n-&ha-t'eh uti-th-kit=ha-t-ehci ai-yis-sa~ha-te-ha

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242 242 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English eighteen nineteen twenty twenty-one thirty forty fi fty sixty seventy eighty ninety hundred Central ka'-wit=sa-ke-nfl wti-&sa-ke-nfl na-a ni-a~k~n-h~-yi ta-l6k=mu-mu ci-yi~s=mu-mu ma-sgk=mu-mu t~-mdk=mu-mu k&n~k=mu-mu ka-w'it=mu-mu wi-6=mu-mu Southern i-til-yflk=ni-a-cha=ktn-6=hat&.hi i-yils-s~=yiik=ni-a-cha ma-h6=yiik=ni-a-cha t~-mg=yflk~ni-a-cha ti-ti-wa=yflk=nfi-a-cha ka-wi-ti=yflk=ni-a-cha ke'n-&=nm-fl PERSONAL TERMS aunt (mother's elder sister) tti-mu aunt (mother's younger sister) ci-nis-sci aunt, paternal nn baby hi-ki-m,6 brother, elder ti-chi brother, younger chi-16 chief ha-yi-pu child ~s-s'el-lcl daughtert6n father ti-p I1 a-mi hi-ki-m6 ti-chi i-t'i ha-yi-pu ~s-sfl-lfi tu-n6 ti-pCi 2 ti-hat-ki nan-i n=ti (man my) nan-a tu-ytik a-mi mi-wflk girl husband man medicine-man mother people people, Spanish people, white as-sa nan-a nan-a tii-yu-ku ti-ta mi-wfik u-ye-a-yu person sister, elder sister, younger son stepfather uncle, maternal uncle, paternal wife woman mi-wua in-si ha-yi ki-ka ti-pCi (father) tis-sas as-sa pa-sas-si-m6-ti (white ones) mi-wfl; t&te kli-chl hi-yi ki-ka hi-yi (stepfather); ti-pCi ih-hin~ti (woman my) Ah-ha TREES alder buckbrush buckeye cedar chaparral pa-ma-Iji U-sun-ni mti-ni-ku paf-wa pa-mal u-hfln-ni u-nu mti-nik pai-wa 1 My father, ua-pud-ti; your father, UA-pdn; his (their) father, a'-pds. 2 My athe, ka mun u u-=' n; your f t e, m i-na' =ya-pt2'=ni2; his father, i-nf'-hz-tn=z2-pti= ha'; their father, i-ni'-kan=pa-pd~ka.

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VOCABULARIES24 243 English chinkapin cottonwood dogwood elder fir hazel laurel mahogany, mountain manzanita maple oak, black oak, liveoak, postoak, scruboak, waterpine, digger pine, sugar pine, yellow redbud sequoia spruce, Douglas tamarack willow Central ti-ta-ka-la w~l-fi-n6 drn-ta-yfi tis-sa sAI-Iu-ku wi-ta-ka-yfi mg-ka-su; 6-y6 1 sa-yi ti-le'li si-ka-sa 1l'ka si-sa wi-li-sa si' -ka hin-a-chi wis-sa ta-pi-ta-pu chim-chim-m'is-kU-nl se-se-ki-n6 sa-pa-la; sil-ki-la Southern ta-ta-ka-la mci-la Ia'-kg-ti mg-ki; e'y~ 1 hi-yi ti-1l-li hi-ka-ha e-ka si-sa wi- li si-ka sin-ak was-sa wah-w~h-na chim-chi-mi-k-e'n6 s6-se-ki-n6 sa-kil; si-kil MISCELLANEOUS autumn sis-ka~ni bad A-sa-tcd breath h'en-si dance kiln-a dream iik-chu food tlw-cd good k6-tyi large 6ti-a-ti long td-ti-ti no &wii-tci shadow mn~l-li short kaim-mi-t! small tdn-ni-tyi song mill-li spirit (ghost) sd-16s-ka spirit (soul) sd-l~s-ki spring chi-tik=ni summer he-lik~na tattoo si-na tobacco ki-sfi village hinl-i (ceremonial house) winter dm-chu=ni year 6m-mu-cha yes Ci IRespectively, black and red. sis-ka~nain Os'-wi h~n-na kiln-a u-kd-chin-~ chfl-tfl i-yin-ni wi-li-t iw-w6 mAl-li hil-li-wi ch'in-ni-mi cl-m~tIpal-li he'n-na (breath) pa-ki-tu=nin; ch'i-tak=nain ha-lik=nin sti-ka ki-hfl dch-u-ya (houses) iim-chuh=nin iim-mu-cha hcl-Ci

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I ANATOMICAL TERMS English ankle-joint arm blood bone chin ear elbow-joint eye face finger-nail fingers: thumb index middle ring little foot hair Chukchansi kd-yu we-pin pai-Al ch! e'i u-kii-sul tCd-ku we-pi-nin=su-tas (arm-its joint) sa-sa ni-wa-i h-sih ng-m~ch chu-kd-ki-i (pointer) ti-i-ni-chi t'ekan ki-lits-u-a (little) ti-chach si-lis English hand head heart knee leg, calf leg, thigh lip mouth neck nose nostrilI teeth toe, great toe-nail Chukchansi pd-nus 6-cho h6n-hon pd-sun ti-his k6-wi y6-pe-chil sa-ma mi-kis si-nik sin-kin=puk-piik-is (nose-its hole) ke —lIi ti-chach=in~na —mich (foot-its thumb) ta-chich~in~h'esih (foot-its claw) til-has tongue ANIMALS2 antelope * badger * bat * bear (generic) bear, black * bear, grizzlybeaver * bird bluejay bluejay, crested buzzard coyote crane * crow deer * dog * dove * duck (generic) * eagle earthworm * s6-yiil ch!i-ni-u ch~p-ch'ep-il na-hi-a (black bear) ha-pil-kai~na'-ha-a (red bear) 3 t'epik ch!e'n-pai ch!ai-ch!ai 4 hai-hai 4 ki-tu-ya ki-yu 5 ka'l-tach h-a'-i ch'eha u-pa-liil-li wiw=sul 6 wik-wik elk *s~h-ki-i fish* la'-pis fox i-wuh goose *li-la gopher * chi-mil grasshopper * ch! i-nus grouse *nis-nis hawk, chicken * p6-hytim hawk, red-taill pu hawk, sparrow * 1kk-le'k-sa4~ heron wi-hat 4 horse ka-wi-yu. 7 kangaroo-rat * td-wi-i lizard (generic)* mole * a-ti-tuk mountain-lion * w&e-sit mouse * kg-sa-i owl, great horned * hi-hih-na 4 owl, hoot chu-ku-lil-li 4' porcupine k'en-kin quail * hdm-nul quail, mountain-* chil-pit 1IThe Yokuts vocabulary was obtained from a member of the Chukchansi tribe at Coarse Gold in Madera county. 2 Names of animals used as food are indicated by stars. 3 This is probably'the cinnamon bear. 4 An onomatope. Cf. Pomo haiyu, dog. 6 Cf. Pomno SUl, condor. 7 Spanish.

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VOCAB3 ULARIES 245 English rabbit, cottontail* rabbit, jack-* raccoon * raven salmon * skunk * snake, gopher-* snake, king-* snake, rattle-* spider, black squirrel, gray * squirrel, ground-* Chukchansi t~w hA-mih sin-na-hai il-wuch'I ki-ya-hit chah h6-pdl kg-lan-ki na-sis me-cha ms sit-kil English sturgeon * sucker * trout * turtle * weasel wildcat * wolf woodrat * yellow-jacket Chlukchansi po-yim pafl-ha-i; sa-sti-tuch (round protruding mouth) ti-lim 0 su-mim t! t-nul nui-fhu-nu-nun=ki-yu (eastern coyote) ha-much larvae * po-nai east north ng-tu ha'-sin CARDINAL POINTS south west h'a-m6-ti tg-kil (down) si-ku-win il-ki-kin; is-ki-kin black blue, green red li-mik ch!i-u-kai ha-pil-kai COLORS white yellow PRIMITIVE FOODS 2 acorns (generic) p6i-tus acorns, black-oak si-wan=p6i-tus acorns, live-oak ch~ih-sin=p6-tus acorns, post-oak k&emi-himn=pd-tus acorns, water-oak wi-min=pdi-tus acorns, shelled pa-yin acorn bread ti-kan acorn meal e-pan acorn meal, leaching 6hh-sat acorn meal, leached ki-is acorn soup I1-min angelica s61-mu blackberries li-mik=mi-miI (black berries) buckeyes ta'-pin chia chi-nit clover ma-his; sa-ku-ma elderberries wfl-si-ta gooseberries s6m-suk grapes p6-lak hazelnuts td-na huckleberries hie-mi-ya laurel-berries lo-16-hi manzanita-berries, red aip-su mushrooms ha-hai mushrooms, puffball pa-ku oats, wild ha'-nus-min pine-nuts, digger tin pine-nuts, sugar cha-n6-hls pinole 16-ki-u plums l6-pa salt kdi-yu strawberries at-p6-sa tarweed seed tat thimbleberries, red ti-wi armor arrow arrow-point arrow-straightener awl basket, coiled basket, baby HANDICRAFT not used basket, bowl-shape tii-yus basket, burdenkach basket, cooking pa-ki-yun basket, food pi-wdl s6k-sok-e; twis 3 basket granary ki-p~l; chi-ne-win 4 basket, parching pa'-mi-ki an-nas lI-m!-ni-hi tol-ti-yan=hai-hi (tortilla put-in) 5 su-un pu-a-yi 1 Apparently a Shoshonean loan-word. Cf. Cupefio and Luisefio ailwiz, Cahuilla eilwat, crow. 2 See also under the head of Animals. 3 Respectively, loosely wrapped and water-tight. ' Respectively, the base and the hood. 6 Toltiyan, Spanish.

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246 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English basket, sieve basket, soup basket, utility basket, winnowing beads, clam-shell blanket, rabbit-skin bow bowstring brush, hair or meal cord deerskin drum fire-drill fish-hook flute house Chukchansi pa-min-na u-til-i-na=ha-pin-hi s-pu-i sa-pi-al hdm-na hip-chal; y6-kis nu-kin ch!i-ki chi-n&ihil ch!l-ke s,'p not used wa-l6-hi not used wd-sil hi English house, dancehouse, sweatknife moccasins mortar net, dippestle pipe quiver rattle seed-beater skirt spear, fishspoon tump-line Chukchansi ki-wi mos nu-kd-chl su-yun ti-nil t6-ni-i ch&i sd-kut ti-mi-hai si-nich; ti-wit 1 hi-le yik-wus td-ki-i; pi-ch6kam-ni 2 not used sl-t~ch NATURAL PHENOMENA ashes charcoal cloud darkness dawn day earth evening evening star fire fog ice lake lightning Milky Way moon ha-sin si-lu chim chim-kU t6-nit hai-li h6l-ki ni-w6w ni-win=chaf-tas (evening-its star) 6-sit kU-mal s%-puil ti-i wil-ma wi-kai (stream) ta-y6-nim-ni=op (night-its sun) mountain night Pleiades rain rainbow river rock sky smoke snow star sun thunder tree water wind t6-lul tl-yun ma-h-maih st-al ta-kd-lup wi-kai Si-hII wi-la che'-han 6-ni chai-tas Op mem-yas u-tu 'I-lik sA-ku-wa NUMERALS one y~t two p6-ni-i three sa-pin four hit-pan-ni five yit-si-nil six chl-li-pi seven n6m-chin eight m6-nos nine no6-nip ten chi-y6-u.eleven y&ch-am 'twelve p6s-tom 1 Respectively, a cluster of cocoons and 2 Respectively, the shaft and the single 3 Literally, "twenty eleven." thirteen fourteen fifteen sixteen seventeen eighteen nineteen twenty twenty-one thirty forty hundred chl-pi-om hich-pam yit-cham chMl-pom n6m-chom mdn-cham n6n-pom pu-ng-i=chi-yu (two ten) pu-n6-i=chi-yu~y&eh-am 3 sd-pin~chi-yu (three ten) hit-pan-ai~chi-yu y~t=pich a split-elder baton. point.

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VOCABULARIES 247 PERSONAL TERMS English aunt, maternal my your his our your, dual your, plural their aunt, paternal baby (child) Chukchansi n&kkt nim=n'-k~t min=n&kUt h6-in=n ket no-m6-kun=ne-k~t hil-ti-min=n'-kUt hil-ti-mu-nuk=n6-k~t im-nok=nek-t n6-sus pas pai n&p~ch kap-tin; 1 ti-ya ki-chap nd-pup ki-in-na 16-wit English man medicine-man mother vocative people people, Mexican people, white person sister, elder sister, younger son stepfather uncle, maternal uncle, paternal wife woman youth Chukchansi na-na t&-yis na-am 6-mis; a-ma-ii chi-pis; yd-kich o-y6-ai si-ku-win~chi-pis (white people) chd-pa ni-at pd-chan na-pip-na-nim nd-hilh nd-pup (father) m6-ki mo-k6-la 2 n~ch-hoi boy brother, elb brother, yo chief daughter father vocative girl husband der )unger TREES alder buckeye cedar cottonwood elder fir laurel manzanita oak, black pi-mil ta-pin ch6-pin chi-lich-lai wia-s6-ta cha-pah lo-16-hi ip-su sa-wa oak, liveoak, postoak, waterpine, digger pine, sugar pine, yellow sequoia willow ch1ih-is k&-mi-hi wi-mi tan cha-ng-his in-nil woh-w6h-na 3 ki-wa MISCELLANEOUS autumn wd-kfls-m-a small bad pi-chili song breath h6n-hon (heart) spirit (ghost) dance w6-ti spirit (soul) dream a-nas-won spring food hf-tas summer good ki-yich tattoo large k6-ti tobacco long wa-at village no o-h6m winter shadow che-no year short ki-p~s yes 1 Spanish. 2 Perhaps Spanish mujer. 3 Loan-word from Southern Miwok. k6-lis ha-tim his-wan-na (corpse) ch6no (shadow) ti-sim-i-yu haf-yal sep-wa's pa-om chi-n6-win to-mo-his to-mo-his (winter) hd'-hu

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VOL. XIV- 32

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INDEX Abalone-shell, ornaments, IO6, I54, I7I, I98 tongue of, in bear costume, 8 See SHELL Accompaniment, bones used for, 9 clam-shells used for, 119 of puberty songs, 114 See BATONS; MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS Achomawi, neighbors of, 76, Ioo on Round Valley reservation, 4I Wintun names for, I92 Yuki name for, 187 Acorn bread made in puberty rite, 45-46 See BREAD; FOOD Acorn feast following dance, 123 of the Miwok, 144, 197 of the Wailaki, 22-23 See FEAST Acorn meal strewn on graves, I17 Acorns, a food staple, 6-7, 22, 61-62, 83, IO6-IO7, I35, I57, I83, I85, I86, I88, I90, I93, 195, I97 ceremony for increase, 187, 196 dice made of, 137, 158, 196, I98 how treated for food, 23, I33 in myth, I73, I74, I76 See FOOD; OAK Acorn song of the Yuki, 51 Adolescence. See BOYS; GIRLS; PUBERTY RITE Adultery, how treated, II, 67, I15, I43, I89, I93, I96 Afterworld of the Maidu, 117 of the Miwok, I44 of the Pomo, 67-68 of the Yokuts, I60 of the Yuki, 46 See RELIGION; Yo Aheli, a Miwok social division, 139 Aki, a Maidu dance, 125 Aksdlma. See TURTLE DANCE Alaki, a Maidu dance, 125 Alaldpa, a Maidu town, 105 Ailasaii, a Miwok social division, I39 Alder-bark, basketry dyed with, 79 Alli. See COYOTE.Alelin-kasi. See COYOTE DANCE Alexander valley, Wappo in, 39 AltP, a Miwok dance, 147 Amador county, Miwok in, 129 American river in Maidu territory, 99 Amusement, Miwok dances for, I97 of children, 26 See GAMES Anatomical terms, Kato and Wailaki, 201 Maidu, 229-230 Miwok, 237 Pomo, 214-215 Wintun, 220-22 Yokuts, 244 Yuki and Wappo, 207-208 Ancestral names given to children, 113, 142 See NAMES; NAMING Angelica, a food product, 157 for purification, 46, 92, I23, 187, 191 worn by adolescent, 46 Angelica-root, ghosts dispelled with, 68, I89 Animal designs in Yokuts basketry, I74 pl. feet, clothing adorned with, I56 food of the Kato, 6 food of the Miwok, 135 people in Kato myth, 17 Animals and totemism, 138 ceremonies to pacify, I93 created in myth, I25, 147, I69, I74, I87, 194 in Maidu country, 107 mythic adventures with, I86 native names for, 201, 208, 215, 221, 230, 237, 244 251

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252 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Animals, powers ascribed to, 145 power to become preternatural, 47 represented in dances, 121 spirit counterparts of, 118, I93 See FOOD; GAME; HUNTING Anise-root, brushes made of, 204 Ant in myth, 178 Antelope, how hunted, IO8, I58 See ANIMALS; HUNTING Antler (town), Waileka at, 191 Antlers, artificial, worn by hunters, IO8 See DEER-HEAD; DISGUISE; ELKHORN Antusma. See TURTLE DANCE; TURTLES Aprons of Miwok women, I95 of the Maidu, 105, II4, I92 of the Wailaki, 25, 35, 185 of the Yokuts, 156, I97 of Wintun women, 80, 90 See CLOTHING; KILTS Archery, contests in, 26, 42, 89, I84, 186 in Miwok myth, 177 See ARROWS; Bows; GAMES Argonauts, character of, IOI See WHITES Armor of bear-shamans, 8-9 of the Maidu, IIO, I94 of the Wintun, I90, 191 of the Yuki, 41, 43, I87 See CORSELETS; ELK-HIDE; TUNICS; WARFARE Arrow-points in myth, 168 of the Kato, 183 of the Miwok, 131 of the Wintun, 77, 190 of the Yokuts, I54, 197-I98 Arrows carried by dancer, I23 in myth, 167, I69, I7I, 172, 177-178 in trade, 4, I09 in victory-dance, I O, I94 not poisoned by Wintun, 76 of the Maidu, I I, I94 of the Miwok, 132, 195 of the Patwin, 80 of the Yokuts, 155, 198 shamans paid in, 33 used in hunting, 84, IO8, 136 used in war-dance, I46, I9I Arrows. See ARCHERY; BOWS; HUNTING; IMPLEMENTS; WARFARE; WEAPONS Arrow-shafts, Maidu, how finished, IIO of the Kato, 183 Arrow-smoothers of the Miwok, 131, I95 Arrow-straightener of the Miwok, 132 Arts of the Kato, 183 of the Maidu, I93 of the Miwok, I95-I96 of the Pomo, 188 of the Wailaki, 185 of the Wintun, I90 of the Yokuts, 197-198 of the Yuki, 186 See BASKETRY; BASKETS; HANDICRAFT; INDUSTRIES; IMPLEMENTS Asclepias fibre, cordage of, 155 Ash, pipes made of, 79-80, I09, I88 Ashes, infants rubbed with, 28 used in basketry dye, 59 Ash leaves, baking pit lined with, 62 Assembly house of the Maidu, 103 See CEREMONIAL HOUSE; HOUSES Asti, Poro near, 55 Athapascans, Haida relations with, 183 of California, 3-4 Wailaki warfare with, 186 Yuki warfare with, 187 See KATO; WAILAKI Atsugewi, Wintun names for, I92 Awdni, a Miwok village, 130 Awls of the Kato, 183 of the Miwok, 13I, 195 of the Wintun, 77 of the Yokuts, 154, I98 used in ear-piercing, 66 See HANDICRAFT; IMPLEMENTS Axes of the Wintun, 77 See IMPLEMENTS Bachelor valley, Pomo in, I70 Badger eaten by Maidu, I07 in Maidu myth, 174 Bad luck, how caused in puberty rite, 45 result of frequent dancing, 49 Bags, tule, used for storage, 83 Bahapki, a Maidu village, 194 Badkpani, a Maidu village, I94

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INDEX 253 Bald mountain, a place of refuge, 165 Ball played by Miwok, 137 used in kicking race, I59 See FOOTBALL; GAMES; LACROSSE; RACE; SHINNY Balsas made of tules, 56 pi, 64 pi., 156, i88 of the Maidu, IO9 of the Porno, 6I, folio pls. 474, 489 used by Patwin, 80, 190 used in fishing, 157 See CANOES; RAFT Bark, garments of, 80, 90, 114, 189, 192 menstrual hut made of, 83 storage baskets floored with, 107 used in graves, 12, 92, 184 used in house-building, 6, 8I, 82, 103, I92, 195 See ALDER-BARK; CEDAR-BARK; HEMPBARK; MAPLE-BARK; OAK-BARK; PINE-BARK; REDBUD-BARK; REDWOOD-BARK; WILLOW-BARK Barrett, S. A., cited, 138 Basketry, fish-traps of, 63, 1O9, 132, I36 hoppers of, 77, I54 in myth, 173 not made during menstruation, 45 of the Kato, 4, 5, 184 of the Maidu, 104 193 of the Miwok, Ioo pi., 132-133, 195-196 of the Pomo, 28 pl., 57, 58, 58 pl., 59, 60 pl., 68 pl., 86 pl., i88, folio pls. 475, 484, 485 of the Wintun, 78-79, 190 of the Yokuts, frontispiece, 152-I56, 170-176 pl., I98, folio pls. 500-503 See BURDEN-BASKETS; CRADLE-BASKET; SEED-BEATERS; STORAGE BASKETS Basketry caps of the Maidu, I05, I92 of the Waileka, 79 of the Wintun, 80, 189 See CAPS Baskets as marriage gifts, 142 cremated remains buried in, 67, I44, 189, I96 dead deposited in, 46 for gathering grasshoppers, Io8 in myth, 167, 175 placed on graves, 117 Baskets sacrificed for the dead, 12, 92, II6 -II7, 143, 196 shamans paid with, 33 sifting, Ioo pi., 104, 132-133, I56 storage, 104, 107, 132-133, 193 streams forded with, 80 used for bathing, II4, 142, 175 used in games, 137, I58 used in grave-digging, I60 used in house-building, 102 used in invitation, I56 worn by medicine-men, 16 Bast. See PINE-BAST Bathing after mourning ceremony, 117 after sweat-bath, 26, 82 by adolescent, 29, 90, 114, 142 by handlers of corpse, 116, 187 following dance, 95, 103, 123 in puberty rite, 46 mythic, in basket, 175 of parents after childbirth, 112 of the dead, 115, 173, I84 rejuvenation by, 175 See PURIFICATION; SWEAT-BATH Bat, a mythic shaman, I68 Batons, elder, used in ceremony, 15, i6, 96, I34, I55, I6I, I98 See MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS Batrachians not eaten by Maidu, I07 Bats used as food, IO8, 135 Bauka, a Maidu village, I95 Bayu, a Maidu village, 194, I95 Beads as gift to adolescent, I6o baskets ornamented with, 58, 68 pi., i88 buried with the dead, I60 clam-shell, in Maidu myth, 176 clam-shell, in trade, 60, io6, 131 clam-shell, of the Pomo, i88 clam-shell, of the Wintun, 81 ear-ornaments of, 60, io6 Naghai-cho rewarded with, I6 of the Kato, 183 placed on corpse, 175 presented to bereaved, 67 shell, kilts adorned with, 80 shell, necklaces of, 25, 60, 8i, io6, 157, I88, 190 shell, traded by Wintun, IO9

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254 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Beads. See CLAM-SHELLS; NECKLACES; ORNAMENTS; SHELL; SHELL BEADS; WAMPUM Bear, a Kato ogress, 13 beliefs of hunters regarding, 93 dung of, used in ceremony, 8 how hunted, 24, 63, 84, IO8, 136 in myth, 171-172 See ANIMALS; GRIZZLY-BEAR Bear creek, Mattole on, 3 Bears, a Miwok social division, I39, I46, I96 warriors disguised as, 28, I86 Bear-shamans of California tribes, 7-8, 48, 68 Bear-skin as cushion in myth, 175 dead wrapped in, I15, I75 moccasin soles of, 80 worn by Wailaki, 25 Beaver in Yokuts myth, 177 Beds of the Maidu, 103, I92 See MATTRESSES Bee rock in Kato myth, 165 Belts, ceremonial, of pine-cones, 5, 183 See COSTUME Benkomkomi, Maidu dance-house at, I95 Berries eaten by Pomo, I88 See BLACKBERRIES; CHOKECHERRIES; ELDERBERRIES; FOOD; GOOSEBERRIES; HUCKLEBERRIES; LAURELBERRIES; MADRONA-BERRIES; MANZANITA-BERRIES; RHUS TRILOBATA; SERVICE-BERRIES; SKUNK-BERRY Beverage made of manzanita-berries, I07 Bezoar, treatment of, 92 Bidwell ranch, Maidu on, 102, 194 Big-head dance of the Pomo, 69 Big-head head-dresses in Wintun dance, 96 Big Meadows, Maidu at, 176 Big valley, Pomo in, 63-64 Bird, fabulous, in Maidu belief, 119 Bird-bone, ornaments of, I57, I97 whistles of, 77 Bird head on clown's cane, 147 Bird monsters in myth, 172 Bird people in myth, I68 Birds, certain, tabooed as food, 6, Io8 how caught by Wailaki, 24 in California mythology, I4, I69, 187 in Maidu country, 1o8 Birds. See BLUEJAYS; BUZZARD; CHICKENHAWK; COOTS; DOVE; DUCKLINGS; GEESE; GROUSE; HAWK; HUMMINGBIRDS; KINGFISHER; MALAKA; MEADOWLARKS; PRAIRIE-FALCON; QUAIL; RAVEN; SWALLOWS; WATERFOWL; WREN; YELLOWHAMMER Bitterweed, stalks of, used in game, 64 Blackberries used as food, 62, 107 Black-fish. See FISHING Black Rock, Yuki at, 187 Black salmon, use of term, 21-22, 202 Blinds used in hunting, 135, 158, I58 pl. Blood as an omen, I4-I5 from mouths of dreamers, 95, 191 from Yuki initiates, 47 in Maidu myth, 176 Blood-money not exacted by Miwok, 143, I96 See INDEMNITY Blood-sucking in shaman rite, 32, II9 See SUCKING Bluebird-feathers, baskets adorned with, 58 Bluejay mimicked by deer-hunter, 93 Bluejays, a Miwok social division, 139, I96 Blue Nose ridge, Yuki on, 40, 187 Blue Rock, a trading point, 4 Bob. See OLD BOB Bodega bay, clam-shells obtained at, 64 Miwok on, 129 Bone, awls made of, 66, 77, I3I, I54, I83, 195, I98 gorge-hooks made of, IO9 implements of the Kato, 183 implements of the Miwok, I3I, 195 implements of the Wintun, 77, I90 objects of the Kato, 5 plugs of, as ear-pendants, IO6 used in game, I I, 158, I88-I89 whistles of, 96, 124, I47, I9I See BIRD-BONE; CRANE-BONE; DEERBONE; JACK-RABBIT BONE; PELICANBONE; SWAN-BONE; TURTLE-BONE; VERTEBR/E; WILDCAT-BONE Bones for accompanying music, 9 of fish eaten, 107 Botoko, a Maidu village, I95 Bows carried by dancers, 122, 123 in myth, I7I, 172, 176, 177

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INDEX 255 Bows of the Kato, 183 of the Maidu, I09, 110, 194 of the Miwok, 131, 195 of the Wintun, 80 of the Yokuts, 154, I98 used in hunting, 63 See ARCHERY; ARROWS; IMPLEMENTS; WARFARE; WEAPONS Bow-strings of the Yokuts, 154-155 Boys initiated as shamans, 31 instruction of, 43-44, 114, 142, I85-I86 See CHILDREN; INITIATION; INSTRUCTION; TRAINING Bracken-roots used in basketry, 59, 133 Bread made of acorns, 23, 45-46, 6i, 62, IO7 See ACORNS; FOOD Breech-cloths of deerskin, 49, 189, I95 of the Wintun, 80 of the Yokuts, I97 See CLOTHING Bridges of the Miwok, 132 Brushes of Kato and Wailaki, 204 of the Yokuts, I55 Buckeyes, fish stupefied with, 136 used as food, 62, 107, I35, I57, 177, I88 Buena Vista lake in Yokuts range, 151, 152 Buffalo meat, putrid, a delicacy, 83 Bug. See INSECTS; STINK-BUG Bulbs used as food, 193 See ROOTS Bulit, Mount Shasta, 173, 226 Bullroarer in Yuki ceremony, 49 Burden-baskets of the Kato, 184 of the Maidu, I04 of the Miwok, 132-133 of the Pomo, 59 of the Yokuts, I56 See BASKETRY; BASKETS Burial of infant with mother, I 13 See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Burning ceremony. See CREMATION Butte county, Maidu in, 0OI, 102, 173 Butte creek, Maidu on, I94 Buzzard not eaten by Maidu, I07 Buzzard-feathers, head-dress of, 184 in creation myth, 169 used on novitiate, 14 worn by Niahai-cho, 12 Cahto valley, Kato in, 4 Calaveras county, Miwok in, 129, I30 Calendar of the Maidu, 111-112 Camas eaten by Wintun, 83 how prepared by Maidu, I07 See FOOD; ROOTS Cannibalism in myth, 176, 177, 179 Canoes of the Maidu, 109 unknown to Miwok, 132 See BALSAS; RAFT Capes made of tules, 59 See CLOTHING; COSTUME; PONCHOS Caps in Yuki ceremony, 48 knitted, of the Kato, 5, 183 knitted, of Wintun warriors, 76 See BASKETRY CAPS; NET-CAPS Cardinal points in myth, 173, 176-178 native names for, 203, 209, 216, 223, 231, 239, 245 See ORIENTATION Carex used in basketry, 59 Castle Crags, Nomsus killed near, 76 Waileka at, 191 Catalepsy, doctoring based on, 33 See SHAMANS; TRANCE Cattail-roots used as food, 62, I88 Cave in Kato myth, 165 native paintings in, 16I See PAINTED CAVE Cedar, arrow-straightener of, 132 bows made of, 131, 195 used in house-building, 8I Cedar-bark, houses roofed with, 134 Central flVintun. See NOMLAKI Ceremonial house, boys confined in, 120 communal tasks planned in, I37-138 of the Maidu, 122 of the Miwok, 134-135 of the Patwin, 190 of the Yuki, 43 rites held in, 49-51, 90, 94 See ASSEMBLY HOUSE; HOUSES; SWEATHOUSE Ceremonies directed by chiefs, 159 of the Kato, 12, 17, 184 of the Maidu, IOO, 116-117, 119, I93 -194 of the Miwok, 146-147, 196-197

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256 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Ceremonies of the Porno, 68-70, 189 of the Wailaki, 185-186 of the Wintun, 93-96, 191 of the Yokuts, 161-162, 198 of the Yuki, 48-52, 187 organized by chiefs, 137 See DANCE; PUBERTY RITE; RELIGION; SPIRITS; VICTORY-DANCE; WARDANCE Chaghayilchin, a Kato ceremony, 17 Chah'loka, a Maidu village, 194 Challipe, a Maidu village, 194 Chamba, a Maidu dance, 125 Charcoal, dancers adorned with, Io6 mourners blackened with, II6, I93 navel-cord smeared with, 112 ornaments decorated with, Io6 placed in mouth, in myth, 171 rubbed into hair, I05 smeared on Kato boys, I used in tattooing, Io6 used on adolescent, 14, 90, 113-114 used on hunters' disguise, IO8 See FACE-BLACKENING; PAINTING Charms of the Wintun, 191 See BEZOAR Chashe-tata, a mythic character, 172 Chekselghin-din, a Kato village, 184 Chdnes{h, Kato creator, 12, 15, 17-18, 165 -i66, 184 Chia, pinole made with, I57 Chicken-hawk in Yokuts myth, 177-178 Chico in Maidu territory, 99, 102, I94 Chief, Chukchansi, I38 pi. title of, following initiation, 120 See EARTH CHIEF; SKY CHIEF Chiefs, division of food by, 136 enriched by dances, I23, I25 how honored at death, 116 of the Kato, 9-10 of the Miwok, I37-I38, 196 of the Pomo, 65, 70, I89 of the Wintun, 89, I90 of the Yokuts, 159, I98 of the Yuki, 42-43, 186 salmon catch owned by, 86 See DESCENT; HEAD-MEN; POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Childbirth among the Miwok, 142 among the Pomo, 66 among the Wailaki, 28 Maidu customs regarding, 112-113 myth regarding, I66 Wintun customs concerning, 90 Children, amusements of, 26 ears and noses of, pierced, 157 forbidden at certain dances, 122 funerals not attended by, 92 hair-cutting of, for dead, 92 initiation of, 66, 70, 189 Kato, naming of, IO Kato, status of, 1I Maidu, treatment of, 113 Wailaki, status of, 30 See BOYS; GIRLS; INITIATION; INSTRUCTION; NAMING; TRAINING Chilula, habitat of the, 3 Chimariko, neighbors of Wintun, 76 Chinkapins eaten by Miwok, I35 See FOOD; NUTS Chokecherries used as food, 107 Chukchano, Yokuts locality, 179 Chukchansi, a Yokuts division, 152 burial customs of, I60 cradle-baskets of, I I8 p., 168 pl. habitat of, 154 names for Indian tribes, 198 no puberty rite by, 159 portraits, 120 pi., 122 pi., 130-138 pl., 144 pl., 146 pl., folio pls. 497, 504, 505 tattooing by, 157 vocabulary of, 244-247 warfare of, I58, 198 See YOKUTS Chumichekchuin, a Mattole warrior, 27 Chunsan-dun, a Kato village, 184 Chunuintafh. See FEATHER DANCE Chuyikhlul. See STILLWATER CREEK Clams eaten by Maidu, Io8 Clam-shells as song accompaniment, II9 beads made of, 58, 60, 8i, IO6, I3I, 176, 188 navel-cord cut with knife of, I12 necklaces made of, 60, 8i, IO6, I57, I88, 190

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INDEX 257 Clam-shells, ornaments made of, io6, I34, 154, I57, I97, I98 spoons made of, 77, 190 where obtained by Pomo, 64 See BEADS; NECKLACES; ORNAMENTS; SHELL Clans, absence of, 9, 43, II2-II5, I38, I84, i86, I89, I90, I93, 196 Clay, balls of, for sinkers, 78 clown smeared with, 147 dancers rubbed with, 94 mourners smeared with, 67, I89 See EARTH Clear creek, Wintun on, 74, 75, 85 Clear lake, Miwok on, 129 Pomo on, 55-56, 63 view of, folio pl. 477 Clothing of adolescent girl, go of dead burned, I89 of the Kato, 5, 183 of the Maidu, I05-I06, I92 of the Miwok, I33, 195, folio pl. 496 of the Pomo, 59, 66, 188, folio pl. 480 of the Wailaki, 25, 185 of the Wintun, 80-81, I89-190 of Yokuts, 156-157, 197, folio pi. 506 traded by Kato, 4 See COSTUME Clouds personified in myth, 171 Clover as food, 84, 107, I57, 167, I90, I93 Clowns, Kato shamans as, 184 of the Maidu, 121, I75, 193 of the Miwok, I47, 197 Clubs in myth, 172 used by hunters, Io8 used in fishing, 85, 87-88 Coarse Gold, Chukchansi at, 154 Coast Miwok. See OLAMENTKE Cocoons, rattles of, 132, 145, 147, 155, I97, I98 Cohabitation enjoined by hunters, 93 Colors, native names for, 203, 209, 216, 223, 232, 239, 245 See DYE; PAINTING Colusa, the site of Koru, 86 Colusa county, Pomo in, 55 Combs of the Maidu, Io6 Communal work of the Miwok, 137-138 VOL. XIV-33 Conception rock of Pomo women, 66 pl. Concow creek, Maidu on, 76 See KANKAU Condor dance of the Pomo, 69 Connor, Tom, a narrator, 172 Continence observed by dancers, 147 Cooking avoided by menstruating women, 29 basketry used in, 79, 133, 155-156 by the Miwok, 196 by the Wailaki, 24, 87 by the Yokuts, 157 in myth, 177, 178 of roots by Maidu, 107 of salmon by Waileka, 87 See FOOD Coots, how killed by Pomo, 62 Copehan family of Powell, 74, I89 Coram, Waileka near, I91 Cordage of the Kato, 184 of the Miwok, 132, 195 of the Wintun, 78, 190 of the Yokuts, I55 See FIBRE; GRAPEVINE; ROPE Cords, knotted, means of invitation, 138 Corselets of Wintun warriors, 80 See ARMOR; ELK-HIDE Costanoans, Maidu relations with, 101 mission among, 153 neighbors of, 76, 151 part of Penutian family, 129, 152 Costume, dance, of the Miwok, 147 dance, of the Pomo, 70 pi., 80 pi. dance, of the Wailaki, 34-35 of bear-skin, 8, 68 of Kato dancers, 17 of Kato medicine-men, I6 of Maidu dancers, IO6, 121 of Wintun adolescent, 191 of Wintun dancers, 95, 191 of Yuki dancers, 49 See CLOTHING; DANCE Cosumnes river, a Miwok boundary, 99, I29 Cottonwood creek, a Wintun boundary, 73 Cougar eaten by Maidu, 107 in myth, 167, i68, 171 See ANIMALS; WATER-COUGAR Cougar-skin, clothing of, 59 Courage aroused by war-dance, 187

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258 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Cowan, Sam, Porno narrator, 171 Cow creek, Wintun on, 73, 74, 89 Coyote bred with dogs, 7 eaten by Miwok, 135 in myth, 12, I8, 70, 104, I21, 147, 167 -172, 174, 178-179, I86, I87, I89, I94 not eaten, 6, 107 sinew of, used in magic, 7 See HLNOM; S6MOINI-WEWE Coyote dance of the Maidu, 124-125 of the Pomo, 69 of the Wintun, 96 Coyotes, Miwok water moiety, 139, I47, 197 Yokuts water moiety, I59, I98 Coyote-skin, robes of, 156, I97 Coyote valley, Pomo in, 171 Cradle-basket in Maidu myth, 177 navel-cord attached to, 91 of the Chukchansi, II8 pl., I68 pi. of the Kato, 184 of the Miwok, 132 of the Pomo, 90 pl. of the Yokuts, I56 turtle-bone attached to, 2Io See BASKETRY; BASKETS Crane-bone, ear-ornament of, IO6, I92 Crazy dance of the Pomo, 69 Creation recounted at Kato dance, 17 Creation myth of Gashowu Yokuts, 177 of the Kato, 165-166, 184 of the Maidu, I25, I73, I94 of the Miwok, 147 of the Pomo, 170-171 of the Waileka, 173 of the Yuki, 169-I7I, 187 Creator, Coyote the companion of, 104 in California mythology, 70 in Pomo mythology, 189 in Wintun mythology, 191 of the Maidu, II7, I21, 173-176 See CHtNESH; MYTHOLOGY; NAGHAICHO; NUPUP; RELIGION; TAIK6-MOL Cremation by Huchnom, 46 of dead by Maidu, 116, I93 of Miwok dead, 137, I43, 196, 197 of Patwin dead, 92, 191 of Yuki dead, 46, 187 practised by Pomo, 67, I89 Cremation practised by Yokuts, I60, I98 See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Crops influenced by dance, 123 Crow-feathers worn by Kato dancers, 17 Crows, the Yokuts land moiety, 159, 198 Crow-skins, robes made of, I05 Cushions made of tules, 78, I56 Cuticle, mountain formed with, 173, 192 Dance, adornment of participants, 49, 70, io6, I22-124, 147 boys taught in, 142 by Kato magicians, IO by shaman initiates, 31 face-blackening in, 25 given for adolescents, I59-160 held in sweat-house, 6, 82 in myth, I68, 170, 171 in puberty rite, I, 29, 90, I98 instituted by chiefs, 42, 89, I90 of the Maidu, 121-125 shaman, of the Maidu, I19 sweat-house dedicated with, 26 See BIG-HEAD DANCE; CEREMONIES; CONDOR DANCE; COYOTE DANCE; CRAZY DANCE; DEER DANCE; DREAM DANCE; DUCK DANCE; FEATHER DANCE; FIRE DANCE; GHOSTDANCE; GRASSHOPPER DANCE; GRIZZLY-BEAR DANCE; MALU; MONSTER-BIRD DANCE; PIERCE DANCE; PUBERTY RITE; SHAMAN DANCE; SOUTH DANCE; SPIRIT DANCE; THUNDER DANCE; TURTLE DANCE; VICTORY-DANCE; WAR-DANCE Dance-house in myth, 175 See CEREMONIAL HOUSE Danokha, a Pomo village, 63 Daughter-in-law, taboo of, 30, 196 Daylight created in myth, 167 See SUN Deadfall not used by Pomo, 63 used for mice, 84-85 See HUNTING Death instituted in myth, 125, 175 See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Decapitation in war, 7, 41, 184, 186, 187 See SCALPS; WARFARE

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INDEX 259 Decoys, geese hunted with, Io8 See DISGUISE; HUNTING Dedication of sweat-house, 26 Deer, how hunted, 22-25, 41, 42, 63, 84, 108, 135, I58, 185, 186 hunting before shaman-making, 31 hunting practices regarding, 92-93 in myth, 17-18, 165-166, I68, 169, 174 Miwok names pertaining to, I40 Deer-bone, implements of, 66, 77, I3I shinny-ball made of, 42, 65 tattooing needles of, 5 See BONE Deer dance of the Maidu, 125 Deer-hair, football of, III, I37, 159 Deer-head disguise used by hunters, io8, 135 See ANTLERS; DISGUISE Deer-sinew, bird slings made of, 62 Deerskin, adolescent covered with, 29, 45, 90, 113-114, i86 blankets made of, I34, I59 cap bands made of, 92, I05 clothing of, 5, 25, 49, 59, 8o, I33, 185, I88, I89, I95 corpses wrapped in, 12, 91, 184, I91 dance costume of, 17, 34-35 infants wrapped in, 28 navel-cord wrapped in, 91 ribbons on head-band, go sacrificed for dead, 92 shamans paid in, 33 sudatory covered with, 91 used in game, I58, I89 Delta, Waileka near, I9I Deluge in myth, 17, I65, I73, 187, I92 Dentalia, ornaments of, 25, 81, 106, 185, I90 See ORNAMENTS; SHELL Descent of chiefs, 28, 43, 138, I59, I84, i86, 196, 198 Dice used in games, 42, 65, I37, I58, 186, 189, 196, 198 See GAMES Digger-pine in Maidu myth, 176 roots of, used in basketry, 59 See PINE Digging-stick in myth, 175 of the Wintun, 79 Dip-nets used in fishing, 22, 63, 78, 86, IO9, 132, 136, i86, 190, I95, I98 See FISHING Dippers made of basketry, 79, 133 Disease treated by shamans, 14-16, 1I9 Disguise of Wailaki warriors, 28, i86 used in hunting, 41, 42, 84, io8, 135, 158, i86 Divorce among the Pomo, 67 among Wailaki, 30 how effected by Maidu, 115 See MARRIAGE Diwi, the coyote in Pomo myth, 171 Dixon, R. B., on Maidu canoes, 1O9 on Maidu divisions, 100 on Maidu population, 192 Dixon and Kroeber, Hokan family of, 56, 188 Penutian family of, 74, IO1, 129, I89, I92 Doctors. See SHAMANS Dog creek, Waileka near, I9I Dogs domesticated by Kato, 7 in myth, I65-166, 174 not eaten by Maidu, 107 not eaten by Miwok, 135 sacrificed for dead, 30-31, 92, I85 Dog salmon. See BLACK SALMON Dogwood, basketry fish-traps of, 63 Dove in myth, 170 Doves, how taken by Wailaki, 24 Drake, Sir Francis, on Pomo basketry, 58 Dream dance of the Waileka, 95-96 of the Wintun, go, I91 Dreamers of the Maidu, I20 See SHAMANS Dreams by shaman initiates, 145 future foretold in, 14, 17, 184 how induced, 161 in myth, I68, 171, 172 of shamans, 8, 33, 48 power acquired by, I5, 68 related by dancers, 96 the basis of shamanism, 46 Dress. See CLOTHING; COSTUME Drum in Wailaki feather dance, 35 not used by Yokuts, 155 of the Miwok, 132 of the Wintun, 77-78, I90

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260 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Drum used in ghost dance, 50-5I, 70 See MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS Duck dance of the Maidu, I24 Duck-feathers, baskets adorned with, 57 worn in dance, 35 Ducklings caught by Wailaki, 24 Duck-skins, robes made of, 105 Duckwall, site of Miwok village, 176, 237 Durham, site of Maidu village, I94 Dust strewn by mourners, 193 Dwarfs, powers conferred by, 47 See GIANT; MONSTERS Dwellings. See HOUSES Dye used in basketry, 59, 79, 155 Eagle-feathers in myth, 169 in shaman initiation, 198 used in healing, 161 worn in dance, 122 Eagle lake, situation of, 99, Ioo Ear-ornaments of the Kato, 5, 183 of the Maidu, IO6, I92 of the Miwok, 134, I95 of the Pomo, 48 pl., 60, 60 pl., 82 pi., I88, folio pl. 482 of the Wailaki, 25, 185 of the Yokuts, 157, 197 See ORNAMENTS Ear-piercing by Miwok, 142 by Pomo, 66 of Wailaki infants, 29 Earrings of abalone in myth, 171 See EAR-ORNAMENTS; ORNAMENTS Earth destroyed in myth, 173 houses covered with, 102, 188, 190, I92 red, mixed with bread, 62 sweat-houses covered with, I34, I57, 183, 195, 197 See CLAY Earth chief in Maidu myth, I25, 173-176 Earthquakes in myth, 126, I66, 169, 175 Earthworms as food, 25, 83, IO8, 190 See WORMS Eden valley, Yuki in, 186 Eden Valley Yuki, feather dance of, 52 the Witukomnom, 39, 40 Education. See BOYS; CHILDREN; GIRLS; INSTRUCTION; TRAINING Eel river in myth, 167 tribes on, 3, 4, 21, 39-40 Effigy of enemy, 77, I I, 146, 191, 194 Elder, arrow-shafts of, 194 batons made of, 15, I6, 132, 155, I6I, I90, 198 dice made of, 198 flutes of, 77, 132, 155, 190, I95, 198 pipes made of, 132, 195 rattles made of, 77 tally-sticks of, 158 time-beater of, 96 Elderberries used as food, 62, 107 Elder-root, piercing done with, 157 Eldorado county, Maidu in, IOI, 102 Elk, how hunted, 24, 84, io8, 135, 158 Elk creek, Wintun on, 75, 89 Elk-hide, war tunics of, 80, 1IO, 187, 190, 19', 194 Elk-horn in myth, 168 wedges of, 6, 77, 190 Emmons, Lieutenant, exploration by, 73 on Wintun tattooing, 81 Endurance of dancers, 50 See ORDEAL Ene. See GRASSHOPPER DANCE Enterprise, Maidu village near site of, 195 Environment, Maidu influenced by, IOO of the Miwok, 129-130 of the Pomo, 57 of the Yokuts, 151-152 See HABITAT Equisetum, arrow-shafts treated with, IIO Eskini, a Maidu village, 113, 120, 194 Exchange. See TRADE Exogamy. See MARRIAGE Face covered with pitch for dead, 92 hidden in puberty rite, 45 Face-blackening by dancers, 25 by medicine-man, 16 by mourners, I60, 193, 196, 198 See CHARCOAL Face-painting by clown, 147 by dancers, 122, 147 by Maidu dreamer, 120 by mourners, 144 by Pomo, 60

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INDEX 26i Face-painting by warriors, IIo of adolescent, I I3-I 14 of the dead, 67, 91 See PAINTING Fairies. See SPIRITS Falcon. See PRAIRIE-FALCON Falcon-feathers worn by dreamers, 120 Falcon-wings in dance head-dress, 123 Family, the social basis, 28, 43, 185 Fasting before fish-weir building, 86 by shaman initiates, 31, 32, I60, 198 Father-in-law, taboo of, 43, 90, 115, 141, 185, 193 Feast after puberty rite, II, 29, 114, 142, I60, I97, 198 at child-naming, 142 at Kato war-dance, 7 ceremonial, of Miwok, 136 directed by chiefs, 159 following ceremonies, 34, 96, 123 given by Yuki chiefs, 42 in mourning ceremony, 117 in myth, I70, 175 marriage, of the Pomo, 66 mortuary, I43, I6I of shamans, 16, 32 sweat-house dedicated with, 26 See ACORN FEAST Feather dance of the Wailaki, 34, i86 of the Yuki, 51-52, 187 Feather river, Maidu on, 99, 194-195 Spaniards on, IOI Feathers, dead adorned with, 115, I75 deposited at graves, II7 ear-ornaments of, 188, folio pl. 482 head-band of, 147 head-dress adorned with, 76, 96 incorporated in garments, 48, 70 pl., 80 pl., 104, I05, I47, 172, I89, 191 mountains created with, 187 used in basketry, 60 pl., 188 worn by dancers, 122-124 worn in hair, 81, 95 worn in net-cap, 70 worn on necklace, 48 pl., 70 pl., 82 pl. See BLUEBIRD-FEATHERS; BUZZARDFEATHERS; CROW-FEATHERS; DUCKFEATHERS; EAGLE-FEATHERS; FAL CON-FEATHERS; GOOSE-FEATHERS; HAWK-FEATHERS; JAY-FEATHERS; LARK-FEATHERS; OWL-FEATHERS; QUAIL-FEATHERS; SWAN-DOWN; WOODPECKER-FEATHERS; YELLOWHAMMER-FEATHERS Ferns used in basketry, 79 See BRACKEN-ROOTS Fibre, antlers for hunters made of, Io8 bows reinforced with, I3I-I32 Kato objects of, 184 used in cordage, 78 See ASCLEPIAS-FIBRE; CORDAGE; MILKWEED-FIBRE; SINEW Fighting, personal, by Maidu, 115 See HOSTILITIES; WARFARE Fir. See FIR LEAVES; FIR-ROOT Fire, hair trimmed with,, 81, 05-16, 144, I6o, 189-I90, 192 how produced by Miwok, 132 hunting by aid of, 4, 158 in myth, 170, 175 mortuary, of Maidu, 117 property sacrificed by, 184, 185, 187, 189, 191, 193 trees felled with, 132 woodworking by means of, 77, 78 See CREMATION; TORCHES Fire dance of the Pomo, 69, 189 Fire-drill in myth, 169 of the Wintun, 79 of the Yokuts, 155 used in lighting pipe, 51 Fire-keepers in rites, 70, I21, I75 Fire-pit of the Wintun, 82 Fir leaves as incense, 93 bezoar wrapped in, 92-93 Fir-root used in basketry, 155, 156 Fish, chief food of adolescent, 114 created in myth, 174 how cooked by Wailaki, 24 how prepared by Pomo, 63 how treated and stored by Maidu, 193 importance as food, 21, IO7, 197 narcotized, 22, 41-42, 136, I86, 195 tabooed by adolescent, i6o, I98 See BLACK SALMON; CLAMS; FOOD; LAMPREYS; MUSSELS; SALMON;

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262 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN SHELLFISH; STEELHEAD TROUT; SUCKERS; SUNFISH; TROUT; TURTLES Fish-hooks not used by Yokuts, 154 of the Miwok, 131 of the Wintun, 77 See GAFF-HOOK; GORGE-HOOKS Fishing by the Miwok, 92 pl., 136, 195, folio pl. 496 by the Patwin, 85-88 by the Pomo, 63, I88 by the Wintun, I90 by the Yokuts, 157 by the Yuki, I86 instituted by chiefs, 89 property right in, IO9-II0 Fishing shelter of tules, folio pl. 487 See HUT Fish-nets of the Wintun, 78 Fish-spears of the Kato, 183 of the Miwok, 131 of the Wintun, 77 See SPEARS Fish-traps of the Miwok, I32, 195 See TRAPS Fish-weirs of the Maidu, I09, 174 See WEIRS Flat creek, Waileka on, 191 Fleas created in myth, 170 Flies. See SALMON-FLIES Flint, arrows of, IIO, I94 implements of, 77, I90, I97-198 knives of, 22 used in bear costume, 8 used in tattooing, Io6 See IMPLEMENTS; STONE; WEAPONS Flood. See DELUGE Flutes in myth, I7I, 176 of elder, 77, 132, 155, 190, 195, 198 See MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS Fog in myth, 169 Food, baskets for, 58, 79, I04, I55-I56 burned for dead, 116-117, 193 ceremonies to increase, 121, I93-I94 gathering, organized by chiefs, I37, I38 in Maidu myth, 176 not deposited with dead, 12, 46, 91, 184 of parents after childbirth, 28, 112-114 Food of shaman initiates, 32 of the Kato, 6-7, 183, 203 of the Maidu, 104, 106-107, 193, 232 of the Miwok, 131, 135-136, 195, 239 of the Pomo, 61-63, I88, 216-217 of the Wailaki, 21-25, I85, 203 of the Wintun, 83-84, I90, 223-224 of the Yokuts, 157-158, 197, 245 of the Yuki, I86 of Yuki and Wappo, 2I0 relation of basketry to, 57, 61 represented in head-dress, 122 restrictions as to, 46 supplied Yuki chiefs, 42, i86 tabooed by adolescent, 29, 113, I42, i6o, i86, 191, I98 See ACORNS; ANIMALS; BERRIES; COOKING; FISH; FISHING; FRUITS; HUNTING; MEAT; MORTARS; NUTS; PINOLE; SEEDS Football played by Maidu, III, 193 played by Miwok, 196 played by Yokuts, 198 See GAMES Ford, Captain Jim, Pomo narrator, 171 Fort Vancouver, Emmons at, 73 Four Eyes, a mythic character, 172 Fox eaten by Maidu, 107 eaten by Miwok, 135 See ANIMALS Fox-skin, quiver of, in myth, 177 Franco, Jack, an informant, 104, 173, 176 See OTiLA French Gulch, Wintun village at, 75 Fresno Flat, Chukchansi at, 154 Fresno river, a Miwok boundary, 129 Yokuts on, 151-154 Frog in myth, 171, 174 Frogs, a Miwok social division, 139, I96 Fruits, importance of, as food, 197 of the Yokuts, 157 See BERRIES; FOOD; GRAPES; NUTS Fur, head-bands of, 80 robes of, 104, 105, 195 See SKINS Gaff-hook used in fishing, 22, 77 See BONE; FISH-HOOKS; FISHING

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INDEX 263 Gambling following Kato dance, 17 success acquired in, 193 Game driven by fire, 4 first killed, tabooed by hunter, I42 See ANIMALS; FOOD; HUNTING Games of the Kato, 9, 184 of the Maidu, IIO-II I, 193 of the Miwok, I37, i96 of the Pomo, 64-65, I88-I89 of the Wailaki, 26 of the Wintun, 88-89, 190 of the Yokuts, 158, 198 of the Yuki, 42, I86 played in myth, I7I, 172, I75 Garcia river, Pomo on, 56 Gashowu, a Yokuts tribe, I54 myths of the, 177-178 Geese, how caught, 62, Io8 Generosity, chiefship based on, 28 Genesee, a Maidu centre, 102 Genesis. See CREATION MYTH Ghost dance of the Maidu, I2I-I22, I93 of the Pomo, 69-70, I89 See HUDLKiLL-W6KNUM; SPIRIT DANCE Ghosts, how dispelled, 67-68, I89 Miwok concept as to, I96 See SOUL; SPIRITS Giant in Miwok myth, 177 See DWARFS; MONSTERS Gibbs, George, on Pomo population, I88 Gifford, E. W., cited, 138-141, I59 Gifts at marriage, I42-I43, I96 marriage, not made by Yokuts, 159 to adolescent girls, i60, 198 to bereaved, 67 to Yuki chiefs, 42 Girls, Wailaki, tattooing of, 25, 29 Yuki, training of, 44, I86 See CHILDREN; INSTRUCTION; MARRIAGE; PUBERTY RITE; TRAINING Glen Ellen, Pomo near, 55 Glenn county, Pomo in, 55 Wintun in, 74, 75 Gold discovered in Maidu country, IOI Golden Gate, a Miwok boundary, I29 Good luck given to hunters, 48 how acquired, 92-93, I68, I86, I9I See HEALTH; WEALTH Gooseberries used as food, 107 Goose-down on dance head-dress, I22 placed on corpse, I16 Goose-feathers worn in dance, 124 woven in robes, 80-8I Goose-skins, robes made of, I05 Gopher in myth, 172 used in feast, I 14 Gorge-hooks used in fishing, Io9, 136, I95 See BONE; FISH-HOOKS; FISHING Government of the Pomo, 65 See CHIEFS; HEAD-MEN; POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Granaries of basketry, 79, I04, I33, I93 See BASKETRY; BASKETS; STORAGE BASKETS Grapes used as food, I07 Grapevine, bridges made of, 132 cordage made of, 78 fish strung on, 85, 87-88 used for lashing, 60, 8o, 85, I02 See CORDAGE Grass, baking pits covered with, 62 granaries lined with, 79 hut occupied after childbirth, II2 storage baskets lined with, I07 sweat-house covered with, 183 used for bedding, I34 used in basketry, I33, I55 used in house-building, 6, 60, 102, I34, 157, I88, I90, 192, 195, I97 See XEROPHYLLUM GRASS Grass game following Kato dance, 17 See GAMES Grasshopper dance of the Maidu, 125 Grasshoppers eaten, 25, 63, 83, IO8, 185, I90 how gathered, IO8-109, 136, I88 Grass tribe, the Long Valley Kato, 4, 184, i85 Graves of the Kato, 184 See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Gridley, Maidu village near site of, 195 Grief. See HAIR-CUTTING; MOURNING Grindstone creek, Wintun on, 75, 89 Grizzly-bear avoided by Miwok, 136 in myth, I68, 171 not eaten, 6, 107 transformation into, 68, 146, i6i, I98

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264 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Grizzly-bear, when personated, 7-8 See BEAR Grizzly-bear dance of the Maidu, I24 Grouse, how taken by Wailaki, 24 Gualala river, Pomo on, 56 Gum. See PINE GUM; PITCH Gypsum, hunters' bodies smeared with, Io8 Habi-napo. See KHABENAPO Habitat of the Kato, 3-4 of the Maidu, 99-100 of the Miwok, 129 of the Pomo, 55, 57 of the Wailaki, 21, 40 of the Wintun, 73 of the Yokuts, 151-152 of the Yuki, 39-40 See ENVIRONMENT Haida and Athapascan relationship, 183 vocabulary of, I83 Hair, human, knotted cords of, 138 human, on head-dress, I23 Hair-cutting, a symbol of grief, 12, 31, 67, 92, 116, I44, I6o, I72, I73, 184, 185, I89, I91, I93, I96, I98 Hair-dress of the Kato, 5, 183 of the Maidu, 105, I92 of the Miwok, I34, I95 of the Pomo, 60, I88 of the Wailaki, 25, 185 of the Wintun, 81, I89-I90 of the Yokuts, I57, I97 Hair-pulling in combat, 115 in game, 89 Hdkama, a Maidu village, I95 Hakammn-takona, a mythic personage, 173 Hallucinations, how induced, I60-161, I98 See DREAMS; TRANCE; VISION Halu, a former Miwok dance, I47 Hammers, stone, of the Wailaki, 33 See IMPLEMENTS; MAULS Hand-game. See GAMES Handicraft of the Kato, 5, 203-204 of the Maidu, 233 of the Miwok, 240 of the Pomo, 217-2I8 of the Wailaki, 203-204 of the Wintun, 224-225 Handicraft of the Yokuts, 245-246 of Yuki and Wappo, 210-211 See ARTS; BASKETRY; BASKETS; IMPLEMENTS; INDUSTRIES; WEAVING; WOODWORKING Harpoon-points. See BONE; FISHING; IMPLEMENTS Hatman-kasi. See DUCK DANCE Hats not worn by Pomo, 59 See BASKETRY CAPS; CAPS; CLOTHING; NET-CAP Hatunutal. See LIZARD Hawk eaten by Wintun, 83, I90 in myth, 165, 172 Hawk-feathers worn by dancers, 35, 122, 204 Hazel used in basketry, 133 Hazel creek, Waileka near, 191 Hazelnuts as food, 62, 83, 107, 135, 157, I88 Head-band of adolescent girl, go of the Miwok, 147 of the Wintun, 80 of the Yokuts, 157 See CLOTHING; COSTUME Head-dress of Kato dancers, 17, 184, 204 of Maidu dancers, 122-124 of Naghai-cho, 12 of Porno dancers, 70 pl., 80 pl. of Wailaki, 204 of warriors, 76 See CAPS; COSTUME; NET-CAP Head-men, acorn feast given by, 22-23 of the Kato, 17, 184 of the Maidu, 112, I93 of the Wailaki, 28, 34, 185 of the Yokuts, 136 pl., 159 ornaments worn by, 81, 106 See CHIEFS; POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Head-taking. See DECAPITATION; SCALPS Healdsburg, Wappo near, 39 Health promoted by ghost dance, 70 See GOOD LUCK Hemlock, wedges of, 33 Hemp, cordage made of, 24, 105 dead wound with rope of, II5 deer-noose made of, 63 Nomlaki articles of, 78-79 used in weaving, 8I waterfowl nets of, 62

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INDEX 265 Hemp. See CORDAGE; FIBRE Hemp-bark in myth, 170 Henom, Maidu creator, 173 Herbs used by Porno doctor, 68 See MEDICINE-MEN; MEDICINES Heredity. See DESCENT Hisi, a ceremony, 121, 191, 193 Hidatsa, putrid meat eaten by, 83 Hide. See ELK-HIDE; RAWHIDE; SKINS; WHALE-HIDE Hill Patwin, mice trapped by, 84 the southwestern Wintun, 75 Hills created in myth, 173, I75 Hoako, a Maidu village, 195 Hoalgk, a Porno village, 63 Hoitda, a Maidu village, I94 Hokan family, Porno a member of, 56, I88 Honey lake, situation of, 99, Ioo Hooks. See FISH-HOOKS; GAFF-HOOK; GORGE-HOOKS Hoop used in game, 159 Hoop-and-pole obsolete among Pomo, 65, 189 Hopland, Pomo village near, 172 Hoppers, basket, 77, I04, I54, folio pl. 485 Horn objects of the Kato, 5 See ANTLERS, ELK-HORN Horse lake, situation of, Ioo Horses early among Kato, 4 stolen by Tachi, I58 Hostilities of the Kato, 4 of the Porno, 63-64 of the Yuki, 40 See FIGHTING; WARFARE Hotoi. See RAVEN Houses burned for dead, 92, 116, I60, 191, 193, 198 of the Kato, 5-6, I83 of the Maidu, 99, 102-103, 192 of the Miwok, I34-I35, I95 of the Pomo, 28 pi., 46 pl., 52 pl., 6o-6I, 62 pi., 74 pi., 78 pl., 88 pi., 90 pi., I88 of the Wailaki, 25, I85 of the Wintun, 81-83, 190 of the Yokuts, I56, 157, I97 of the Yuki, i6 pl., 42, i86 See ASSEMBLY HOUSE; CEREMONIAL HOUSE; HUT; MENSTRUAL HUT; SWEAT-HOUSE VOL. XIV-34 Huchnom, a Yuki division, 39, I86 cremation by, 46 hostilities of, 40 neighbors of Kato, 4 population of, 41 spirit dance known to, 51 Wailaki name for, I86 See YUKI Huckleberries used as food, 62 Hudlkilul-w6knim, Yuki spirit dance, 49-51 Huitft-no'm, a Yuki division, 187 and Yuki warfare, 40 Hull creek, Yuki band on, 40, I87 Humbug valley, Maidu village in, I95 Hummingbirds in myth, 172 Hunting by the Maidu, Io8 by the Wailaki, 23-24 by the Wintun, 84-85, 92-93, 190 by the Yokuts, I58, 197 charms used in, 191 following Kato dance, 17 implements of the Wintun, 190 in myth, i68, I69, 171, I77, 179 instituted by chiefs, 89, 137, I90 Miwok customs as to, 135, I41, 142 objects of the Porno, I88 preceded by sweat-bath, 82 success acquired in, 48, 193 See ANIMALS; GAME Hunting basket of the Yokuts, 156 pi. Hupa, habitat of the, 3 neighbors of Wintun, 76 supernaturals of the, 118 vocabulary of, I83 Hut occupied by adolescent, 113 for mother and infant, 112 See FISHING SHELTER; MENSTRUAL HUT; HOUSES Huwatpaye, a Miwok narrator, 176 I'mlach-no'm, a Yuki division, 187 Implements deposited with dead, 12, I84 of the Miwok, 131 of the Porno, I88 of the Wintun, 77, I90 of the Yokuts, 154-I55 See ARTS; HANDICRAFT; INDUSTRIES; TOOLS; WEAPONS

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266 266 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Incantations by Kato warriors, 7 Incense of angelica-root, 191 of fir leaves, 93 used after funeral, 92 Indemnity, disputes settled with, 1 89 for bloodshed among Porno, 65 paid by Yuki chiefs, 43 peace effected by, I94 See BLOOD-MONEY Indian valley, Maidu village in, I95 Industries of the Kato, 183 of the Maidu, 193 of the Miwok, I95-196 of the Porno, i88 of the Wailaki, 185 of the Wintun, 190o of the Yokuts, 197-198 of the Yuki, i86 See ARTS; BASKETRY; BASKETS; HANDICRAFT; IMPLEMENTS; WEAVING; WOODWORKING Initiation of Maidu boys, I14, 120, 193 of Porno children, 66, 70, I89 of shamans, I4-15, 31, 119, 145, 184, 185, 187, I98 rites of youths, 46-47, i6o vigils observed in, 142 Insanity among Kato, i6-17 Insects eaten by Maidu, 193 Instruction of children and youths, I1, I12, 114, i6o, I84-I87, 193 See Boys; CHILDREN; GIRLS; TRAINING Invitation, basket used in., I56, I56 pl. by knotted string, i Iris-fibre. See CORDAGE; FIBRE Jack-rabbit, importance as food, 136, 195 in myth, I70, I78 See RABBITS Jack-rabbit bone., whistles of, 17 Jamestown weed, narcotic prepared with, 145, i6o, i6i, 198 jargon used by dancers, 50 javelins in hoop-and-pole game, 65, 159 Jay-feathers, baskets adorned with, 58 John. See NORTH FORK JOHN joking enjoined by hunters, myth, 170 Kaba-anchran, a mythic character, x68 Kddam-ye-pfni, Maidu creator, 125, 173-176 JkaITUd1kak-lh9. See GHOST DANCE Kai-Pomo, the Kato, 183 Kaiy6, a Porno village, 170 Kcikeni, Maidu supernaturals, 118-120 K~ksui6nno, a Maidu village, 194 Kdlkalim-w~numam-y~pani, mythic personage, 176 Karnamuta. See MOUNT ST. HELENA Kankau., Wintun name for,. 192 Yuki name for, i88 Kaipa', a Maidu village, 195 Ka~h'wo. See GASHOWU Kdsipim-pehepi', mythic personage, 176 Kdsipi'm-y'e'pani, mythic personage, 176 Kato, account of the, 3-17, 183-185 and Yuki culture, 41 myths of the, 65-066 neighbors of Yuki, 40 of Long Valley, villages of, 184 portraits, 6 pl., 8 pi., io pl. scalping by, 27 spirit dance known to, 51 vocabulary of, I83, 201-207 Wailaki name for, i86 Yuki names for, I87 Kaweah ri'ver, Yokuts on, 152 Kekawaka creek, a Wailaki boundary, 3, 21 K-elai, a noted Wailaki, 28 Kennett, Waileka near, 191 Kern lake in Yokuts territory, 151-152 Kern river in Yokuts territory, 15I-153 Keswick., Waileka near, 191 Khabenapo, a Porno village, 63 Ki'ktii, a Miwok social division, 139 Kilak, mythic monster bird, I72 Kilts of shredded tules, 59, 188 See APRONS; CLOTHING Kingfisher in myth, 172 King-snake not eaten by Miwok,13 See SNAKES Kings river in Yokuts territory, 151, 152, 154 Kinkla, application of name, 73 KLla-las. See NEAL, Tommy Knives carried by bear-shamans, 8 of the Kato, 1 83 of the Miwok, 240

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INDEX26 267 Knives of the Wailaki, 22 of the Wintun, 77, 190 of the Yokuts, I97-I98 See CLAM-SHELLS; IMPLEMENTS Knotted strings employed by Maidu, i60, 138 K6lelnom-y-epa'ni, mythic personage, 176 Kol-i'kkam-no'm, Yuki name for Kato, 4 Ko'prl-wok. See FEATHER DANCE Koru, a Wintun rancheria, 86 Kos'ho'nono, portrait, 42 pl. Koyeti, a Yokuts tribe, I54 burial customs of, i6o narcotic used by, i6o Kroeber, A. L., cited on Yokuts, I52 information by, 183 See DIXON AND KROEBER Kuh7a6napo, a Pomo band, 56, 63-64 Kt'ikui, waterfowl in myth, 177 Kz'ksu, mythic personage, 175 Pomo ceremony, 66, 69-70, 189 Ki'ksum-y-epa-ni, mythic personage, 174, I76 Kulanapan, a former linguistic stock, i88 See KUFILAiNAPO Kunz'da,, the coyote in Pomno myth, I70 Ki'sutuna, a Miwok social division, I39 Lacrosse, game of, 190, 193, 196, 198 Ladders of the Maidu, 102 Laidam-ladium-ku2le, mythic creation of, 175 Lake, mythic creation of, 175 Lake county, Miwok in, 129 Pomno in., 55 Lake Tahoe, a tribal boundary, 129 Lako'ka, a Pomno locality, 172 M a Maidu dance, 124 Lac1l1hiik-no'm, Yuki name for Kato, 4, I87 La Moine, Waileka. at, 191 Lampreys, how taken by Wailaki, 22 Lands relinquished by Yokuts, 153 See RESERVATIONS Language created in myth, 170, 171 of the Kato, 183 of the Maidui, 101, 192 of the Miwok, 129-I30, 195 of the Pomo, i88 of the Wailaki, I85 of the Wintun, 74-75, 189 of the Yokuts, I52-153, 197 Language of the Yuki, i86 See VOCABULARY Lark-feathers, baskets adorned with, 58 Larvcv as a food, 135, 185 See YELLOW-JACKET LARVhE Lassen county, Maidu in, 100 Lassik, habitat of the, 3 Laurel, bows made of, 154, 198 Laurel-berries used by mourners, 144, 196 used for food, 62, 83, I07 Laurel leaves worn by ghost dancers, 49 Laytonville, Kato villages near, I84 Leggings not worn, 25, 59 of the Maidu, io6, 192 of the Wintun, 8o, 189 See CLOTHING; COSTUME Lemoore, Tachi settlement near, I53 Levirate. See MARRIAGE Light. See DAYLIGHT; MOON; MORNING STAR; SUN Lightning in myth, i66, 169, 184, 187 Kato concept as to, 12, 17 L'lAhiik-no'm, a Yuki division, i87 Lfmik. See PRAIRIE-]FALCON Lizard, a Pomno creator, 70, 170, 189 Loin-cloths. See BREECH-CLOTHS; CLOTHING Long valley, Kato in, 4 See GRASS TRIBE; TL6'-KYX~HAN Luisefios,' mortars buried by, 104 Lzulimba, a Maidu village, 194 Lz'yi, a Maidu ceremony, I23 Lying in Maidu myth, I74 Madera county, Miwok in, 147 Yokuts in, 152 Mad river., tribes on, 3 Madro#ia-berries used for bird bait, 24 Magic in myth, I78 of Yokuts shamans, 162 practised by Kato, 7, I0, 184 worked by war-dance, I87 See SHAMANS Magnesite, ornaments Of, 48 PI-, 58, 6o, 6o pI., 8i, io6, 131, 188 oi 1. 8 Mahogany, fish-spear shafts of, 131 Maidenhair fern. See FERNS Maidu, account of the, 99-125, I192-195 acorn feast borrowed from, 144

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268 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Maidu and Wintun warfare, 76, I9I knotted cords derived from, 116, 138 linguistic affinity of, I29, I52 myths of the, 173-176 neighbors of Wintun, 76 on Round Valley reservation, 41 portraits, I I-II6 pl., folio pl. 492 vocabularies of, 229-237 Wintun names for, I92 Mdki, a Maidu dance character, 122-123 Mdlaka, a Maidu dance, I25 a semi-fabulous bird, II9 Malu, a former Miwok dance, 147 Mandan, putrid meat eaten by, 83 Manzanita, leaves of, worn in dance, 49 pipes made of, I55, I98 Manzanita-berries used as food, 62, 83, 107 Maple used in basketry, 133 Maple-bark, garments made of, 80, 90, IO5 Marin county, Miwok in, I29 Mariposa county, Miwok in, I30 Mariposan family, the Yokuts, I52, I97 Marriage among the Kato, II, 184 among the Maidu, 114-115, I93 among the Miwok, I40-I43, I96 among the Pomo, 66-67, 189 among the Wailaki, 28-30, 185 among the Wintun, I90 among the Yokuts, I59, 198 costume of Porno girl, 82 pl. See POLYGYNY Marysville buttes created in myth, 175 in Maidu territory, 99 place of spirits, I17, 12I the Prairie Butes of Ringgold, 73 Masi, a dance character, 122 Mask. See DISGUISE Mast eaten by Wintun, 84 Material culture. See ARTS; BASKETRY; HANDICRAFT; HOUSES; INDUSTRIES; IMPLEMENTS; TULES; WOODWORKING Mats, beds covered with, 103 in house construction, I57, I97 of tules, 6I, 66, 78, 156, i88, 190, 192 sweat-house covered with, 82 Mattole and Wailaki warfare, 27-28 habitat of the, 3 Mattresses, tule mats used as, 6I, 78, I56 See BEDS Mauls of the Wintun, 77, 86 See HAMMERS; IMPLEMENTS Mayiy, a Porno village, I70, 171 Mc Cloud river, Wintun on, 73, 74, 76, 77, 85, 86, 89, 93 McKee, Redick, on Porno population, I88 Meadowlarks, how taken by Wailaki, 24 Meat, when tabooed, 32, 66, 68, i6o, 198 See ANIMALS; COOKING; FOOD; HUNTING Medicine-men, feuds caused by, 76 how treated by Miwok, 136 of the Kato, 14-I5 of the Maidu, 118-I20 of the Porno, 68 spells cast by, 143 See SHAMANS Medicines used by Yuki, 42 See HERBS Mendocino county, Porno in, 55 Mendocino reservation abandoned, 56 Menomma, a Maidu village, 194 Menstrual hut absent among Wailaki, 29 myth concerning, I76 of the Maidu, 113 of the Wintun, 83 See HUT Menstruation a bar to dancing, 147 See PUBERTY RITE Merced valley, Miwok in, I30 Merriam, C. Hart, cited, I38 Meteoric shower, a tally date, 27 Mexicans visit Kato, 5 Mice eaten by Maidu, 107 in myth, i68, 171 trapped by Wintun, 84 See MOUSE Michopdo, Maidu village, 121, I73, I94, 229 Milkweed-fibre, bow-strings of, I54-I55 cordage made of, IO5, 132, 195 dip-nets made of, 198 hair tied with, 157 used in weaving, 8I See CORDAGE; FIBRE Mill creek, Yana on, I IO, I94 Mimal, a Maidu village, I95

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INDEX 269 Mink not eaten, 6, 107 Mink-fur, head-bands of, 80 Misau, a Maidu village, 195 Mitat, portrait of, folio pl. 472 Miwok, account of the, I29-147, I95-197 and Maidu relations, 101 and Maidu resemblance, IOO bear-shamans of the, 7-8 Chukchansi name for, 198 clothing of, folio pl. 496 linguistic affinity of, 152 neighbors of, 76, IOO, 151 on Putah creek, 73 portraits, 92-102 pi., io8 pl., folio pls. 493-496 vocabularies of, 237-243 Moccasins in Yokuts myth, 179 not used, 25, 59 of the Kato, 5, 183 of the Maidu, io6, 192 of the Miwok, 133, 195 of the Wintun, 80, 189 rare among Yokuts, 157, 197 worn by adolescent, go Modoc, Wintun name for, 192 Mohmas, a Waileka locality, 173 Moieties of the Miwok, I38-I40, 196 of the Yokuts, I59, 198 See SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Mokelumni, a Miwok village, 129 See MOQUELUMNAN Money of the Pomo, 60, 131 See BLOOD-MONEY; CLAM-SHELLS; SHELL MONEY; SHELL; VALUATION; WEALTH Mono and Tachi friendship, I58 Chukchansi names for, 198 hand-game contest with Miwok, 137 implements traded by, 131 Miwok names for, 197 neighbors of Miwok, I30 Monster-bird dance of the Pomo, 69 Monsters in Kato belief, 13-I5 in Maidu belief, 118-II9, 126, I93 in myth, 144-145, i66, 172, 187, 191 -192, 196 in Wailaki belief, 31, 34, I85 See DWARFS; GIANT Months of the Maidu, 111-112 Moon created in myth, 170, I71, 187, 189 Maidu belief regarding, 126 relation of creator to, II7 See SEASONS Mooretown, a Maidu centre, I02 Moquelumnan, use of term, 129, 195 See MOKtELUMNI Morning star in myth, I74, 179 Mortars, fish crushed in, 107, I92 of the Kato, 183 of the Maidu, 104-105 of the Miwok, IO6 pi., I31 of the Pomo, 62, folio pl. 485 of the Wintun, 77, 83, 190 of the Yokuts, I54, 170 pl., I98 See FOOD; IMPLEMENTS Mortuary customs, institution of, 175 of the Kato, 12, 184 of the Maidu, 115-117, I93 of the Miwok, 143-144, 196 of the Pomo, 67, 189 of the Wailaki, 30, I85 of the Wintun, 91-92, I91 of the Yokuts, I6o, 161, I98 of the Yuki, 46, I87 See BURIAL; CREMATION; GRAVES; MOURNING Mosquitoes in Maidu myth, 176 Mother-in-law, taboo of, 30, 43, 90, 115, 141, 190, 196 Mourning, basket-caps used in, 80 by the Kato, 12, 184 by the Maidu, 116-117, 193 by the Miwok, 196, I97 by the Pomo, 67 by the Wailaki, 31 by the Yokuts, I6o, I98 by the Yuki, 22 pi., 46 mythic creation of, 175, 194 See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Mountain children. See SPIRITS Mountain-lion eaten by Miwok, 135 Mountains created in myth, 18, 147, 169, 175, 187, 192, 194 spirits of, besought for help, 15 Wintun names for, 226 Mount Lassen, a Maidu boundary, 99

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270 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Mount Shasta in myth, 173, 176, 192 Maidu name for, 234 Mount St. Helena in myth, 172 Mouse in myth, 170 See MICE Mud creek, Maidu village on, I94 Murder for adultery, 143, 196 of one of twins, 113 of shamans, 136, 158, I6i, 197, 198 See PUNISHMENT Musical instruments, Wintun, 77-78, I90 Yokuts, 155, I98 See BATONS; DRUM; FLUTES; RATTLE Mussels eaten by Maidu, Io8 Mussel-shells, spoons made of, 77, I31, 190 See SHELL Mythology of the Kato, I7, I65-166, I85 of the Maidu, I25-126, 173-176, 194 of the Miwok, 147, 196 of the Pomo, 70, I70-172, I89 of the Wailaki, 167-169, i86 of the Wintun, 191-I92 of the Yokuts, I77-I79 of the Yuki, 169-170, 187 Na-dene. See ATHAPASCANS Naghai-cho, a mythic character, 12-I8, 165 -i66, I84, 187 NaNlse, a Wailaki informant, 33, 34 See NORTH FORK JOHN Ndi-mak, the Nomlaki, 75 Namamkoyo, a Maidu village, I95 Names of dead given to children, 91 of dead tabooed, 46, 144, I53, I6o, 187, I96 personal, of the Miwok, I39-140, I96 See ANCESTRAL NAMES Naming of Kato children, IO of Maidu children, 1I3 of Miwok children, 142 of Pomo children, 66 of Wailaki infants, 28-29 Ni'nhtn-wahlum. See HUCHNOM Narcotic taken by initiates, I6o-I6I used in fishing, 22, 41-42, 136, i86, I95 used in shamanism, I98 See JAMESTOWN WEED Narfl-mak, a Wintun division, 75 Ndru-mak, the Nomlaki, 75 Nashville, a Maidu centre, 102 Natural phenomena, native terms for, 204, 211, 218, 226, 233, 241, 246 Navel-cord, customs, 28, 66, 90o-9, 142 See CHILDBIRTH Ndya^, a mythic personage, 173 Neal, Tommy, Waileka narrator, 173 Neale, Dick, Yokuts narrator, 178 Necklaces, bead, in myth, 175 of clam-shell, 60, 8i, Io6, 157, I88, I90 of Tachi bride, I59 of the Maidu, io6 of the Pomo, 48 pl., 60, 70 pl., 80 pl., 82 pi., I88, folio pl. 482 of the Wailaki, 25 of the Wintun, 8I, I90 worn by adolescents, 114 See BEADS; ORNAMENTS Nem-yepani, a Maidu creator, 117 NMtash, a Wailaki locality, 27 Net-cap of dance messenger, 122 of the Maidu, IO5-Io6 worn by dancers, 70 worn by dead chief, 116 worn by initiate, I20 See CAPS; CLOTHING; COSTUME Nets of the Kato, 184 traded by Wintun, IO9 used in fishing, 63, I57, I88 used in hunting, Io8 waterfowl taken with, 62, I88 worn by dancers, 123 See DIP-NETS; FISHING; SEINES; SNARES Nettle leaves used in narcotic, I6I, I98 Nettles in Maidu myth, 174 Nevada county, Maidu in, 101 New Helvetia established by Sutter, 101 Nicknames. See NAMES; NAMING Nishinam, the southern Maidu, 10I NochuJghukan, a Kato ceremony, 17 Nome Cult Indian Farm, Yuki on, 41 Nom-hleyas-tawa, the Waileka creator, 173 Nomkehl, application of name, 39 Nomlaki, clothing of the, 80 fish-hooks not used by, 77 hostilities of, 76 houses of the, 82

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INDEX 271 Nomlaki, mice trapped by, 84 mortuary customs of, 92, 191 mourning by, 80 sweat-house of, 82 the Central Wintun, 75 tule mats of, 78 Wailaki name for, I86 Yuki name for, 188 Nom-leka, the Nomlaki, 75 Nomsus, a Wintun division, 75 clothing of, 80 depredations by, 76 Nongatl, habitat of the, 3 Kato name for, I85 Wailaki name for, I86 Northern jWintun. See WAILEKA North Fork John, informant, 24, 27, 167 See NAHLSE North Salt creek, Waileka on, I9I Northwestern Wintun. See NOMSUS Nose bitten off for adultery, 189 Nose-ornaments of dentalia, 8I, 190 of the Miwok, I34, I95 of the Wailaki, 25, I85 of the Yokuts, I57, 197 of yellowhammer wings, Io6 See ORNAMENTS Nose-piercing by Miwok, 142 Nose Talker in Maidu myth, 125, I74-176 See S6MUfINI-WEWE Numerals, Kato and Wailaki, 205 of the Maidu, 234-235 of the Miwok, 241-242 of the Pomo, 218-219 of the Wintun, 226-227 of the Yokuts, 246 Yuki and Wappo, 212 Nupup, Yokuts creator, 177 Nuts used as food, 22 See ACORNS; BUCKEYES; CHINKAPINS; FOOD; HAZELNUTS; PINE-NUTS Nuituwifh, Yokuts Water moiety, 159 Oak, basketry made of, 63, 132-133 bows made of, I54, 198 created in myth, I73 drums made of, 77 mauls made of, 86 Oak, mortars made of, 77, 83, I90 property right in, IIO shinny-ball of, 89 soup-paddles of, 79 used in house-building, 60, I88 See TREES Oak-bark ember used in hair-trimming, I05 Oak-galls personified in myth, I72 rattles of, 15, 77, 190 Oats, wild, used as food, 23, Io7, I35, I57 Obsidian, implements of, 22, 77, 80, IIO, I31, 154, 194, 97-198 in myth, 172, I77 used in bear costume, 8 See IMPLEMENTS; STONE Odlkatnom, a Yuki division, 40, 5I, I87 Ogre in Miwok myth, 176 Ogress, a Kato conception, 13 Okpam, a Maidu village, I95 Olamentke, habitat of, I29 Old Bob, portrait, 142 pi. Ololopa, a Maidu village, 195 Ordeal of Yuki initiates, 47 See ENDURANCE Organization of the Kato, 9 See POLITICAL ORGANIZATION; SOCIAL ORGANIZATION; TRIBAL ORGANIZATION Orientation of assembly house, 103 of dead, 30, 46, 91-92, 116, 185, 187, I9I of Miwok houses, I95 of patient, 50 See CARDINAL POINTS Ornaments, dead adorned with, 115, 143 in dancers' hair, 95 of the Maidu, o06 of the Pomo, o16, I88 of the Wintun, 81 of the Yokuts, I54, 198 See BASKETRY; BASKETS; BEADS; CLAMSHELLS; DENTALIA; EAR-ORNAMENTS; NOSE-ORNAMENTS; SHELL Oroville, Maidu village near, 105, I95 Orphan, how treated in myth, 170 Otaki, a Maidu village, 194 Otila, portrait, folio pl. 492 See FRANCO, JACK

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272 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Otter in Yokuts myth, 177 not eaten, 6, 107 Outlet creek in Porno territory, 57 Owl-feathers worn by dancers, 35 Paddle. See SOUP-PADDLE Painted cave on Tule River reservation, I60 pl., I61, 166 pl. See CAVE Painting by Wintun warriors, 77 of adolescent with charcoal, 90 of bodies by dancers, 49, 70, io6, 122 -124, 147 of bodies by hunters, Io8 See CHARCOAL; CLAY; FACE-BLACKENING; FACE-PAINTING Paiute, neighbors of the Maidu, Ioo Pak6koyaa. See COWAN, SAM Painun-kasi. See GRIZZLY-BEAR DANCE Pafiele, a Maidu village, 194 Patwin, application of name, 74 bows purchased by, 80 ceremonial houses of, I90 clothing of, 80, 189 fish-spears used by, 88 funeral customs of, 92 Hesi ceremony of, I9I houses of, 82 implements of, 77 neighbors of Miwok, 129, 130 scalps not taken by, 76, I91 seines of, 78 sweat-houses of, 82-83 vocabularies of, 220-229 See HILL PATWIN; VALLEY PATWIN; WINTUN Paviotso, Honey lake claimed by, Ioo See PAIUTE Pea-vines used as food, 107, I93 Pehepi, Maidu dance character, 121 See CLOWN Pelican-bone, ear-ornament of, io6 Penhini, a mythic personage, 173 Penutian family, members of, 74, IOI, I29, 152, 189, 192, 195, 197 People created in myth, 125, I69-I70, 173, 187, 192, I94 Perfume, angelica used as, 46 Personal terms, Kato and Wailaki, 205-206 of the Maidu, 235-236 of the Miwok, 242 of the Pomo, 219 of the Wintun, 227-228 of the Yokuts, 247 Yuki and Wappo, 212-213 Pestles in myth, 172 of the Kato, 183 of the Maidu, 105, 233 of the Miwok, 131 of the Porno, folio pl. 485 of the Wintun, 77, 190 of the Yokuts, I54, 170 pi., I98 Pierce dance of the Pomo, 69 Pigeon-blind of the Yokuts, 158, 158 pi. Pigment used in tattooing, 5 See CHARCOAL; PAINTING Pin-and-ball played by Wintun, 190 Pine in myth, 165, 170 used in basketry, 78 See DIGGER-PINE; SUGAR-PINE; YELLOWPINE Pine-bark, cooked salmon spread on, 87 houses roofed with, 134 Pine-bast eaten by Wintun, 83 Pine-cones, belts made of, 5, 183 Pine gum, whistles stopped with, 77 See PITCH Pine-needles used for bedding, 103, I34, I92 Pine-nuts used as food, 83, 107, 135, 157, I77, I93 Pine-root used in basketry, 79 Pine slabs, houses covered with, 183 Pinole, a staple food, 23, 62, 83, o16-107, 135, 157, I68, I85, I90, 195, 203 drums smeared with, 77 See FOOD; SEEDS Pins, wooden, robes fastened with, 105 Pipes lit with fire-drill, 51 made of ash, 79-80 made of elder, I95 of the Maidu, IO9 of the Miwok, 132 of the Pomo, I88 of the Yokuts, 155, I98 See HANDICRAFT; IMPLEMENTS; SMOKING

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INDEX 273 Pitch, hoppers attached with, 154 used in tattooing, 5 used on mourners, 31, 92, 116, 171, 185, I9I, I93 See PINE GUM Pitfalls not used, 63, 84, 135 See HUNTING Pit river, Waileka on, 191 Wintun on, 74, 85 Placer county, Maidu in, IOI Pleiades, Maidu belief regarding, 234 Plumas county, Maidu in, I00-I02, 195 Plums used as food, 107 Pohyun. See CHICKEN-HAWK Point Delgada, a Sinkyone boundary, 4 Poison extracted by shamans, 120, I6I, I98 See SUCKING Poisoning by shamans, 109, II9, I43, 144, 146, 191, 194 See NARCOTIC Poison-oak used in basketry, 78 Polasky, Gashowu near, 154 Political organization of the Kato, 184 of the Maidu, I112, 193 of the Miwok, I37, I96 of the Pomo, 189 of the Wailaki, 185 of the Wintun, I90 of the Yokuts, 198 of the Yuki, 186 See CHIEFS; HEAD-MEN; VILLAGES Polygyny among Miwok, 140-I4I, 196 among Wailaki, 30, I85 in Maidu myth, 175 practised by Maidu, 193 practised by Wintun, 90, 92, 190 See MARRIAGE Pomo, account of the, 55-70, 188-I89 basketry of, folio pls. 475, 484, 485 bear-shamans of, 8, 146 feather dance derived from, 52 friends of Kato, 4 influence on Kato basketry, 5 Kato name for, 185 myths of the, I70-172 neighbors of, 39, 40, 76, 129 on Round Valley reservation, 41 VOL. XIv-35 Pomo, on Stony creek, 73 ornaments made by, io6, 188 portraits, 28-44 pi., 48-52 pi., 82 pi., 86 pi., 90 pi., folio pls. 473, 474, 476, 478, 482, 483, 486, 488 spirit dance known to, 51 vocabularies of, 214-220 Wailaki name for, I86 Yuki names for, I88 Ponchos made of tules, I88, 189 worn by Miwok, 195 See CAPES; CLOTHING Poor, how treated by Wintun, 86 Maidu, houses of, 103 Population of the Kato, 183 of the Maidu, 101-102, I92 of the Miwok, I95 of the Pomo, 56, i88 of the Wailaki, 21, 185 of the Wintun, I89 of the Yokuts, I53-154, I97 of the Yuki, 41, i86 Porcupine eaten by Maidu, 107 Wintun belief regarding, 222 Porcupine-tail used as comb, Io6 Posey creek. See PosO CREEK Poso creek, Yokuts on, 152 Potter valley, Pomo in, 40, 171 Potter Valley Indians, the Huchnom, 39 Pottery made by Yokuts, I54, 156, 198 Powell, J. W., cited, 56, 74, IOI, 189, I95 Power acquired by dreams, 14, 15, 68 ascribed to animals, 145, 196 derived from spirits, 15, 94, 118, 193 how derived by Yuki, 47 imparted by bear costume, 68 of shamans, how acquired, I6o Powers, Stephen, cited, 56, 101, 152 Prairie Butes. See MARYSVILLE BUTTES Prairie-falcon in Yokuts myth, 177-178 Prattville, a Maidu centre, 102 Prayer for novitiate, 14 to spirits, 94 to Taiko-mol, 45, 48 See CEREMONIES; RELIGION Pregnancy induced by magic, 66 Property burned in myth, 175 of dead distributed, 30

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274 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Property sacrificed for dead, 12, 30-31, 46, 67, 91-92, 1i6-ii7, I43, I44, I6I, 184, 185, 187, 189, 191, 196, 198 See WEALTH Property right in fishing places, 109-11o Puberty rite of the Kato, IO-II of the Maidu, 113-114 of the Miwok, 142, 197 of the Pomo, 66 of the Wailaki, 29, 34, 185-186 of the Wintun, 83, 89-90, 191 of the Yokuts, 159-160, 198 of the Yuki, 44-46, 187 Pueblo and Maidu dances compared, 194 snake cult, 161 Pui-bas, a Wintun division, 74 Puimak, the eastern Wintun, 75 hostilities of, 76 tule mats of the, 78 Puii-mem-inbas, a Wintun division, 74 Pujunan, a former linguistic family, 192 Pulaima, Miwok village, 176, 237 Punishment for adultery, 67, 189 for doubt of spirits, 50 for seduction, 30 for using names of dead, 46 See ADULTERY; INDEMNITY; MURDER Purification after funeral, 46, 92, 144, 187, 191, I93, 196 before fish-weir building, 86 by sweating, 82 See BATHING; INCENSE; SWEAT-BATH Putah creek, Miwok on, 73 Quail, how taken by Wailaki, 24 hunted in myth, 171 Quail-feathers, baskets adorned with, 58 ears ornamented with, 60, io6, 134, 195 Quincy, Maidu village at site of, I95 Quiver, fox-skin, in myth, 177 of the Patwin, 80 of the Yokuts, 155 Quoits played by Wintun, 190 Rabbits, how hunted by Maidu, Io8 hunted in myth, 171 important as food, 158, I97 See ANIMALS; JACK-RABBIT Rabbit-skin, blankets made of, Io8, I34, 159 clothing of, 133 robes of, 59, 80, 105, 156, I88, 195, 197 used by warriors, I9I See SKINS Race, football, of the Maidu, llI in Maidu myth, 175 kicking, of the Miwok, 137 kicking, of the Yokuts, 159 See GAMES Raccoon eaten by Maidu, I07 in myth, 172 Raft in Maidu myth, 174 of the Waileka, 80 See BALSAS; CANOES Rain personified in myth, 171 Rats eaten by Maidu, I07 Rattle in Maidu myth, 174 not used by Pomo doctor, 68 of Kato and Wailaki, 204 of Wintun song-leaders, 77 used by shamans, 15, i6, 32, 68, 77, 119, 132, 147, I55, 197, 198, 211 See COCOONS; ELDER; MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS; OAK-GALLS Rattlesnake design in Yokuts basketry, 172 pl., folio pl. 500 in myth, 166, 171, 174, 175 not eaten by Miwok, 135 not killed by hunters, 93 shamans of Yokuts, 161 See SNAKES Raven in myth, 167, 177 Rawhide, cordage made of, 78 See ELK-HIDE; SKINS; WHALE-HIDE Ray, Bill, Kato informant, 166 Redbud used in basketry, 104, 156 Redbud-bark used as dye, 59, 79 used in basketry, 133, 155 Redding in Wintun territory, 73-74, 190-I9I Redwood used in house-building, I88 Redwood-bark, clothing of, 59, 188 houses built of, 60 Redwood creek, Whilkut on, 3 Redwood Indians, the Huchnom, 39 Reed, arrows of, I94, 195 Religion of the Kato, 12-17, I84 of the Maidu, 193-I94

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INDEX 275 Religion of the Miwok, 144-I45, I96-I97 of the Porno, I89 of the Wailaki, 185-186 of the Wintun, 92-96, I9I of the Yokuts, I61-162, 198 of the Yuki, 48-52, 187 See CEREMONIES; DANCE; SHAMANISM Reptiles eaten by Maidu, Io7, I93 See SNAKES Reservations established for Yokuts, 153 provided for Pomo, 56 Restrictions during puberty rite, 45-46 See TABOO Rheumatism, treatment of, 42 Rhus trilobata, berries eaten, 83 used in basketry, I33, 156 See SKUNK-BERRIES Ringgold, Lieutenant, exploration by, 73, 86 Rivers in myth, I8, 147, 169, 174, 187, 194 Robes of fur, 104, 105, I95 of skin, 59, 80, 105, I56, I88, 189, 195, '97 See CLOTHING; DEERSKIN; FUR; RABBITSKIN; SKINS Rock creek, Maidu on, I94 Rodents eaten by Maidu, 107 Roots used as food, 22, 84, 107 worn by hunters, 142 wrapped with bezoar, 92 See ANGELICA-ROOT; ANISE-ROOT; BRACKEN-ROOTS; BULBS; CAMAS; CATTAIL-ROOTS; ELDER-ROOT; FIRROOT; PINE-ROOT; SEDGE-ROOT; TULE-ROOTS Rope, corpse tied with, 175, 19I, 193 earth moored with, 126 in Maidu myth, 174 made of hemp, 24 of grapevine, 77-78 See CORDAGE; HEMP; SNARES Round mountain, a tribal boundary, 73, 74 Round valley, tribes in, 40 Round Valley Indians, the Yuki proper, 39 Round Valley reservation, Indians on, 21, 41, IOI, I85, I87 Round Valley Yuki, divisions of, 187 Rowan, Jack, portrait, 146 pl. Russian river, Indians on, 39, 55-56 Sachacha, ogre in Miwok myth, 176 Sacramento county, Maidu in, IO1 Sacramento river, Maidu on, 99, 194 mode of fishing on, 85, 86, 88, 89 Spaniards on, IOI Waileka on, 191 Wintun on, 21, 73-75, 77, 189 Yokuts near, 15I Sacrifice of property to dead, 12, 30-3I, 46, 67, 91-92, II6, I43, 144, i6I, 185, I89, I91, 193, 196, 198 Sdhe, a Maidu character, 124 Salalu, a Maidu ceremony, I24 Salinan Indians, mission among, 153 Salmon, how caught, 21-22, 109 how treated and stored, 83, 109 importance as food, 6, 183, 185 in myth, 167, 174, I76-178 Miwok names pertaining to, 140 putrid, a delicacy, 83, 107, 190 vertebrae used in game, 89 See FISH; FISHING Salmon-flies eaten by Wintun, 83, 190 Salmon-roe, how treated, 87 putrid, a delicacy, 83 Salmon-skin, bows backed with, 80 Salt, absence of, in acorn soup, 62 cause of Yuki warfare, 40 deer-head roasted without, 93 deposit controlled by Pomo, 55, 57 eaten by Wintun, 84 how obtained by Miwok, 135 putrid salmon prepared with, 107 traded by Wintun, 22 Salt tribe, the Nomlaki, 188 Sammon-kano, mythic personage, 176 San Antonio mission, Yokuts at, 153 San Diego, a Pomo narrator, 170 Sandy gulch, Maidu village on, I94 San Joaquin plain, Yokuts in, I5I, 152, I54, 158, 197 San Joaquin valley, a Miwok boundary, I29 San Juan Bautista, Yokuts at, 153 San Pablo bay, a Miwok boundary, I29 a Wintun boundary, 73, 75 Sapir, E., cited, 183 Sasikoyo, a Maidu village, 195 Scalps not taken by Yokuts, I58

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276 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Scalps smeared with pitch, 31 taken by various Indians, 41, 76, IIO, 184-187, 194 used in war-dance, 191 See DECAPITATION; WARFARE Scarification for tattooing, IO6 of children, 70, 189 Scirpus. See TULES Scratcher used by adolescent, 45 Seasons of the Maidu, III Seaweed used as food, 4, 62, I88 Sedge, aprons made of, 156, I97 used in basketry, 58-59, 78, 79, 132, I33, '55 Seduction, punishment for, 30 Seed-beaters of basketry, 86 pl., 104, 156, 193, folio pls. 475, 484 used in game, 137 Seed-plants created in myth, I74 Seeds, importance of, as food, 6, 62, I83, i88, 193, 197 pinole made from, 23, 107, 203 utensils for gathering, folio pl. 484 See FOOD; PINOLE; SUNFLOWER SEEDS; TARWEED SEEDS Seines, cordage used in, 78 of the Wintun, 190 used in fishing, 63, 109 See FISHING; NETS Sike, a Maidu village, I94 Serpentine, implements of, 77, I90 Service-berries used as food, 83, 107 Service-berry, arrow-shafts of, 132, I95 Sesum, a Maidu village, 195 Sexual relations, Maidu custom as to, 113 Seyuhuncheaf-duin, a Kato village, I84 Shaman dance of the Maidu, I93 of the Wintun, 82, 94-95, 191 of the Yuki, 46-47, 187 Shamans among the Kato, 7-9, 14-16, 184 among the Maidu, II8, I93 among the Miwok, I45-I46, 196 among the Wailaki, 31-32, i85 among the Wintun, I9I among the Y9kuts, 160-I62 among the Yuki, 46-49 baskets for paraphernalia of, 57 hostilities caused by, 109, 191, 194 Shamans murdered for sorcery, 136, 158, I6I, I97, 198 old mortars used by, 104 poisoning by, 109, 119, 143, I44, I46, I9I, '94 puberty rite directed by, 45 rattles of, I5, i6, 32, 68, 77, 119, I32, I47, I55, I97, 198, 211 sweat-houses occupied by, 25-26 vigil observed by initiates, I42 See DREAMERS; DREAMS; MEDICINE-MEN Shanel, a Pomo village, 172 Shanwaiwa, a mythic character, 178 Shasta and Wintun warfare, 76, 191 neighbors of Wintun, 76 Wintun names for, 39, I92 Shasta Retreat, a Wintun boundary, 73, 74 Shatila, a Pomo, portrait, folio pl. 478 Shell, basketry adorned with, 58 ornaments of, 81, 192 used in scarifying, 70, 189 See ABALONE-SHELL; CLAM-SHELLS; DENTALIA; MUSSEL-SHELLS; NECKLACES; ORNAMENTS; WAMPUM Shell beads, kilts adorned with, 80 of the Kato, 183 traded by Wintun, 109 See BEADS Shellfish obtained by Kato, 4 See CLAMS; MUSSELS Shell money paid for bride, 66, 67, 142, 189 paid medicine-men, 15, 68 See MONEY STiig6m, a Pomo village, 63 Shinny obsolete among Pomo, 65, 189 played by Maidu women, III played by Wintun, 89, 190 played by Yokuts, 159, I98 played by Yuki, 42, i86 played in myth, 171 See BALL; GAMES; LACROSSE Shorakai. See COYOTE VALLEY Shoshoneans, neighbors of Yokuts, 151 pottery derived from, 154, 198 Sh'ta'chan, a name for Naghai-cho, 15 Sickness, causes and treatment of, 15-16 See MEDICINE-MEN, SHAMANS

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INDEX 277 Sierra county, Maidu in, o10 Sierra Nevada, Miwok area on, 129 Sifters of basketry, 100 pi., 104, 132-133, I56 Sili, a Maidu dance character, 121, 123 S'ilimma, a Maidu village, 194 Silongkoyo, a Maidu village, 195 Sinew, bird noose made of, I58 bows backed with, 80, I3I, I54, I95, I98 bow-strings of, 154 cordage made of, 78 coyote, used in magic, 7 See CORDAGE; DEER-SINEW Singing by Kato women, 9, 184 by shamans, 33 in grass game, 26, IIo in puberty rite, 29, 45 in Yuki ghost dance, 49 over shaman initiates, 31, 47 sweat-house dedicated with, 26 treatment by, I97 See SONGS Sinkyone, habitat of, 3 hostility of, 27, I84 neighbors of, 4, 40 Sito, a Maidu village, 195 Siwash, application of term, 187 Skins, clothing made of, I56, I88, I92, 197 dead wrapped in, I93 graves floored with, I84 Kato articles of, 5 quivers made of, I55 sacrificed for the dead, 12 sweat-house covered with, 82 traded by the Maidu, Io9 See BEAR-SKIN; COUGAR-SKIN; COYOTESKIN; CROW-SKINS; DEERSKIN; DUCK-SKINS; ELK-HIDE; FOX-SKIN; FUR; GOOSE-SKINS; RABBIT-SKIN; RAWHIDE; SALMON-SKIN; WHALEHIDE Skirts made of feathers, 147 of the Pomo, 59, I88 of Wailaki women, 25 tule, worn by dancers, 122 See CLOTHING; COSTUME Skunk in myth, 170, I78, 209 used as food, 83, 107, I35, I90 Skunk-berry used in basketry, 78, 79 See RHUS TRILOBATA Sky Chief, a Maidu creator, 117, 125, 173 -176, 194 Sky spirit of the Maidu, 124 See YATI Slaves not held by Patwin, 228 Sleep induced by magic, 178 See TRANCE Sling in Waileka myth, 173 waterfowl killed with, 62, I88 Smoking by Miwok dancers, 147 supplication by, I55 See PIPES Snakes eaten by Miwok, 135 in myth, I73, 174 in Yokuts cult, I6I not eaten by Kato, 6, I83 See RATTLESNAKE Snares, birds taken in, 24 corpses wound with, 9I not used by Miwok, 135 rope, traded by Wintun, 1O9 used by Wailaki, 23-24 used for deer, 42, 84, I85, i86, i88 See HUNTING Snowshoes of the Wintun, 80, 190 used in hunting, 85, 135 Soap-plant, brushes made of, 155, 204 fish stupefied with, 41, 136 hunters' antlers made of, IO8 Soapstone, vessels of, among Yokuts, 154 See STEATITE Social organization of the Kato, I84 of the Maidu, 193 of the Miwok, 138-141, I96 of the Pomo, 189 of the Wailaki, I85 of the Wintun, 89, I90 of the Yokuts, I59, I98 of the Yuki, I86 See FAMILY; VILLAGES Societies of the Kato, 10 of the Maidu, 120 of the Yuki, 48, 120 Songs, boys taught in, 142 during sweating, I34 given by supernaturals, 94, 191

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278 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Songs heard in dreams, 96 in myth, I68-171 in puberty rite, 89, I14, I86 of medicine-men, 15, i6, 68, i6I of the Wailaki, 34 of Yuki deer-hunter, 42 See ACORN SONG; SINGING Son-in-law, taboo regarding, I15, I85, I93 Sonoma county, Indians in, 39, 55, 129 Sorcery, how punished, I97, I98 See MEDICINE-MEN; SHAMANS Soul, how regarded by Maidu, 117 Yuki concept as to, 46, I87 See SPIRITS Soup-paddle of the Wintun, 79 South dance of the Pomo, 69 Southeastern Wintun. See VALLEY PATWIN Spaniards, explorations by, 101 Spears carried by dancers, 123 in myth, 172 of the Maidu, IIO of the Patwin, 80 used in fishing, 22, 63, 85, 87-88, Io9, 136, i86, i88, I95 See FISHING; FISH-SPEARS; IMPLEMENTS Spear-shafts of the Kato, 183 Spider in myth, I70 Spircea, arrow-foreshafts of, 155 Spirit dance of the Yuki, 49-51, 187 Spirits besought for help, 15 hallucinations caused by, i6I in Maidu belief, ii8, 193 Miwok belief as to, I44-I45 mountain, of the Kato, 184 mountain, of the Wintun, 93 power conferred by, 47 represented in dances, 70, 121-125, I89 seen in dreams, 46, I20 tutelary, totemism and, 138 Yokuts concept as to, I60 See GHOSTS; RELIGION; SOUL Spoons made of mussel-shells, 77, 131, I90 not used by Yokuts, 154 Spruce slabs, houses covered with, I83 Squirrels hunted in myth, 171 important as food, I58, I97 Stars personified in myth, 171 See MORNING STAR; PLEIADES Steatite, pipes made of, 109 See SOAPSTONE Steelhead trout, how taken, 22, I09 See FISH; FISHING; TROUT Stillwater creek in Waileka myth, 173 Waileka on, I90 Wintun on, 76 Stink-bug in myth, 178 Stockton, Yokuts near, 151 Stomach, treatment of pains in, 42 Stone eaten to produce pregnancy, 66 hammers of the Wailaki, 33 hot, used in childbirth, II2 implements of the Miwok, 131 implements of the Wintun, 77, I90 objects of the Kato, 5, 183 raining of, in myth, I65 Yokuts implements of, 154 See IMPLEMENTS; WEAPONS Stony creek, Pomo on, 40, 57, 64, 73-75 salt deposit on, 22, 55 Wintun on, 22, 76 Storage of acorns, 22 of salmon, 87 Storage baskets of the Maidu, 104, I07 of the Miwok, 132-133 See BASKETRY; BASKETS; GRANARIES Stramonium. See JAMESTOWN WEED Strangling of infants by Maidu, 113 Streams. See RIVERS String-games of the Wintun, 89, 190 See GAMES Suckers, how caught by Wintun, 85-86 how taken by Wailaki, 22 See FISH; FISHING Sucking, treatment by, 32-33, II9-120, 145, I6I, 184, 185, 193, I97, I98 See BLOOD-SUCKING; MEDICINE-MEN; SHAMANS Sudatory. See SWEAT-HOUSE Sugar-pine, basketry made of, 132 See PINE Suisun bay, a Wintun boundary, 73, 75 Suks'hudltatum, Hull creek, 187 Sukshultatanom, a Yuki division, 40, 51, 187 Sulanharas, Waileka camping place, 173 Sumac used in basketry, 87

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INDEX 279 Sdmi. See DEER DANCE Sdmiuini-'w9w., a Maidu creator, 117, I25 See NOSE TALKER Sun created in myth, 170, 171,V 187, 189 Maidu belief regarding, I26 relation of creator to, I 17 See DAYLIGHT Sunfish, companion of creator, 192 in Waileka myth, I73 Sunflower seeds used in pinole, 23, 107 St'nusi, a Maidu village, I94 Supernaturals, good luck given by, 191 See KA~KENI; RELIGION; SPIRITS Supplication. See PRAYER Su'pte, a Maidu village, I94 Sutter county, Maidu in, 101 Sutter, John A., settlement by, 73, 101 Swallows, a Wailaki delicacy, 24 Swan-bone, ear-ornamnent of, io6, 192 Swan-down placed on corpse, n 6 Sweat-bath after ghost dance, 50 by parents of infant, 91 of the Miwok, 134 purification by, i91 Sweat-house in myth, 167, 170-I73 not used by Maidu, 103, 192 of the Kato., 6, 183 of the Miwok, I34, 195 of the Pomo, 6i, I88 of the Wailaki, 25-26 of the WintLin, 82-83, 190 of the Yokuts, 157, I97 See CEREMONIAL HOUSE Sycamore, drums made Of, 77, 190 Syringa, Maidu arrows of, 110, 194 Taboo by adolescent, II1, 29, 66, i6o, i86, 191, 198 of certain foods, 107, 112, 1 13, 135, 174 of meat by dreamers, 68 of meat by mourners, 198 of names of dead, 46, I44, I53, i6o, I87, 196 of relations by marriage, 30, 43, 90, 115, 141, 185, 193, 196 of spring by hunters, 93 Wintun belief as to, 191 See RESTRICTIONS T6chahaqach~le, portrait, io pI. See RAY, BILL Tachi., a Yokuts tribe, 153, 154 customs of, i6o-i6i hostilities of, 158, 198 portrait of Old Bob, 142 PI. puberty rite of, 198 Tadoiko, a Maidu locality., 174, 194 TMha, a Nomsus head-man, 76 Taik6-mol., Yuki creator, 12, 44-46, 48., 49, 51, i69-170, 187 Taiko'mol-wo'kni~m, significance Of, 44 Taiko'mol-woknfimchi, Yuki initiates, 44-48 Taikus, a Maidu village, 194 Tail, animal, worn by clowns, 147 Tailed-woman in Wintun myth, IV73, I9I-192 Tad-kut. See SUNFISH Talkalkuna in myth, I78-179 T~mlaichi, a bu-g in myth, I78 T6nn',a Yuki division, I87 Tarweed, charred, rubbed into hair, 105 Tarweed seeds eaten by Kato, 6, I83 used in pinole, 23, 83, 107, 135, 157, 190 Tasma, a Maidu village, 195 T~ta, a hawk in myth, I172 Tcitat, the wren in myth, 171 T6ztiw6ki~t, a Wailaki, 34 Tatoma, a Maidu village, I95 Tattooing by the Chukchansi, I57 by the Kato, 5, I83 by the Maidu, io6, 192 by the Miwok, 134, I95 by the Pomo, 6o, i88 by the Wailaki, 25, 29, I85 by the Wintun, 8i, i90 by the Yokuts, 197 Tehachapi mountai~ns, a Yokuts boundary, 151, 152 Tehama county, Wintun in, 75 Tejon reservati~on established, 153 Theft in Maidu myth, I74 Throwing-stick used in hunting, 171 Thunder in myth, i66, I71, I76,.184 Kato concept as to, 12 Thunder dance of the Pomo, 69 Tickling in Maidu myth, I75 Time, how measured by Maidu, III-II2 See SEASONS

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280 - THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Tlabal-pom, a Wintun village, 75 Tlo-kyahan, Long Valley Kato, 4, 184-185 Tobacco, narcotic prepared with, I60, 198 See PIPES; SMOKING To-chUhl-keyan, Wailaki name for Kato, 4 Tohilyuwifh, the Yokuts land moiety, I59 Toloache. See JAMESTOWN WEED Tolowa, habitat of the, 3 supernaturals of the, 1I8 Toms creek, Wintun on, 75 Tonsure worn by Maidu, 105-IO6 See HAIR-DRESS Tools sacrificed for dead, 31 See IMPLEMENTS Torches used in fishing, 22, 87-88 See FIRE T6-takut, a Kato village, 184 Totemism, absence of, 138-139, I96 Trade of Kato and Wailaki, 4 of the Maidu, Io6, IO9 of the Miwok, 131 of the Wintun, 22, 109 Training by shamans, I45 of Maidu boys, 120-121 of Miwok boys, 142 of shamans, 196 of spirit society initiates, 51 of Yuki children, 43-44 See BOYS; CHILDREN; GIRLS; INITIATION; INSTRUCTION Trance caused by seeing spirits, 50 experienced by Maidu, 118 of Yuki initiates, 46-47 produced by ceremony, 49, 94-95, I9I See CATALEPSY; HALLUCINATIONS Trappers in Maidu territory, IOI Traps used in fishing, 63, I09, 136, i88 used in hunting, 190 See BASKETRY; FISHING; FISH-TRAPS; HUNTING; SNARES Trees created in myth, I74, 192 native names for, 206, 213, 220, 228, 236, 242, 247 Trespass, a cause of hostility, 40, 63, I09, 185, I94 Tribal organization absent among Pomo, 65, 189 approached by Wintun, 89 Tribal organization approached by Yokuts, 159, 198 lacking among Maidu, 112, 193 See POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Trickery, mythic origin of, 166 Trickster. See COYOTE Trinity river, tribes on, 3, 73-75 Trophies, war, of Wailaki, 27 See SCALPS; WARFARE Trout, how caught by Maidu, 1O9 how taken by Wailaki, 22 See FISH; FISHING; STEELHEAD TROUT TMamyempi, a Maidu dance, 125 Tsetan-dun, a Kato village, 184 Tsimewa, the cougar in myth, 171 Tufighltyach;in, a Wailaki, 33 Tulare lake, Yokuts on, 151, 197 Tularenos, application of name, 152 Tule river in Yokuts territory, I51, 152 Tule River reservation established, 153 Tule-roots used as food, 157, 197 Tules, aprons made of, 156, 197 balsas of, 56 pl., 64 pl., 109, 156, i88, 190 basketry caps made of, 105 canoes made of, folio pls. 474, 489 capes made of, 59 carried in dance, 124, 125 ear-perforation plugged with, Io6 enemy effigy made of, IIo illustrated, 84 pl., 152 pl., 178 pl., folio pls. 474, 481, 489, 500, 501 importance of, 152 infants' garments of, 66 kilts made of, 59, i88 mats made of, 61, 66, 78, 103, 156, i88, 190, 192, I97 ponchos made of, 81, I88, 189 shelters made of, folio pls. 479, 487 skirt of, worn by dancer, 122 storage bags made of, 83 used as food, 62, 107, I88 used as seine floats, 78 used in basketry, 59, 156 used in house-building, 28 pl., 46 pi., 52 pi., 60, 62 pl., 74 pl., 78 pl., 88 pl., 90 pl., 102, I57, I88, I92, '97

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INDEX Tump-line of the Miwok, I33 used by Wintun, 79 Tunics, elk-hide, of Wintun warriors, 8o See ARMOR Tuni~ka., a Miwok social division, I39 Tuolumne county, Miwok in, 130, 176 Turtle-bone attached to baby-basket, 210 Turtle dance of the Maidu, 125 Turtles eaten by Maidu, io8 in myth, 121-I22, I25,I173-I74, 179,I194 Twins not reared by Maidu, 113 Two. Rivers in Yuki territory, 40 tfhamati, a Miwok social division, 139 Ui-dti4ka. See FOUR EYES Uka'na., a Miwok dance., 146-147, 197 Ukho't-no'mn, a Yuki division, i86 Ukiah, a Porno, portrait, folio pl. 473 Ukiah, Porno at, 56 Ukomnom (CTiar-no'rn), a Yuki division, I87 acorn singing by, Si hostility of the, 40 U'mz'chiich-no'm, a Yuki division, 187 (inu. See SAN DIEGO Usal creek, a Sinkyone boundary, 4 Yuki on, 39 tfsd2mati, Miwok name of Yosemite, I30 Utensils of the Porno, 6i sacrificed for dead, 31 See BASKETRY; HANDICRAFT Utft, a mountain, I87 Utft-no'm, a Yuki division, 187 UtisaU76, adventure of, 13 Valley Patwin, application of name, 75 fish-weirs of, 86 See PATWIN Valuation of beads, 6o, 131 of woodpecker-scalps, io6, 223 See MONEY Vancouver. See FORT VANCOUVER ran Doosen creek, a tribal boundary, 3 Vegetation, mythic creation of, 194 of Maidu country, 99 of Miwok country, I30 Vertebra?, salmon, used in game, 89 See BONE Victory-dance of the Kato, 185 VOL. x~v-36 Victory-dance of the Maidu, 110, 194 of the Wintun, 76, 191 of the Yuki, 41, 187 Vigils by shaman novices, 142, 145, 196 not observed by Maidu, 114, ii8 Villages, basis of social organization, 43 children named after, 29 gaming contest between, 110, 196 Maidu, status of, 112 Miwok, status of, 137, 196 of the Maidu, 194-195 of the Pomo, 56 the political unit, 28, 65, 189 Wintun., chiefs of, 89, 190 Yokuts, status of, 159, 198 Village-sites of the Pomo, 55 Vision., how induced, i6o, i6i of meat among Miwok, 136 See DREAMERS; DREAMS Vocabulary of Athapascan tribes, 201-207 of Haida, I83 of Hupa, I83 of Kato, 183, 20I-207 of Miwok, 237-243 of Pomo,% 214-220 of Wailaki, 183, 201-:207 of Wintun, 220-229 of Yokuts., 244-247 of Yuki and Wappo, 207-2 14 See LANGUAGES Jf~aikeh7l, application of term, 21 JXai-ken-mak, a Wintun division, 75 kVailaki, account of the, 2I-35, i85-i86 and Yuki culture, 41 habitat of the, 3, 40 hostilities Of, 40, 184 myths of the, 167-169 name for Kato, 4 neighbors of, 4, 40, 76 on Round Valley reservation, 41 portraits, 12 PI., 14 PI., folio PI. 472 spirit dance not known to, 51 vocabulary of, 183, 201-207 Yuki name for, i88 JVaileka, a Wintun division, 21, 74 basketry Of, 79 clothing of, 8o

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282 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Waileka, creation myth of, 173 fish-nets of, 78 hostilities of, 76 hunting practices of, 92-93 mortuary customs of, I9I salmon fishing by, 86-87 subdivisions of, g90-I91 sweat-house of, 82 taboo of word dead by, 92 See WINTUN Waiyel-nomil-tos, a Waileka locality, 173 Waiyel-puiyel-tos, a Waileka locality, 173 Wampum, shamans paid in, 33 See BEADS; SHELL; SHELL MONEY Wdnami, Maidu creator, 173 Wanatta, a Maidu village, I94 Wappo, a Yukian tribe, 39 neighbors of, 76, 129 on Clear lake, 55 population of, 4I, i86 portraits, I6 pi., folio pls. 490, 491 vocabulary of, 207-2I4 War, customs of the Kato, 7-9 face-blackening for, 25 War-chief, Yuki, function of, 43 See CHIEFS; HEAD-MEN War-dance of the Kato, 7 of the Miwok, 146, 197 of the Wailaki, 27 of the Wintun, 77, I91 of the Yuki, 41, 187 puberty rite celebrated with, 90 songs used in, 34 Warfare of the Kato, I84 of the Maidu, o19-0I, 194 of the Miwok, 136-I37, 197 of the Wailaki, 27-28, i86 of the Wintun, 76, I91 of the Yokuts, 158, I98 of the Yuki, 40-41, 187 See HOSTILITIES Warriors, mortuary custom regarding, 67 Wintun, how protected, 80 Washing of corpse, 67, 143 See BATHING; PURIFICATION; SWEATBATH Washo, neighbors of, Ioo, I29-130 Water created in.-myth, I66 Water placed with dead, 9I-92 Water-cougar in myth, 168 Waterfowl consumed by Maidu, Io8 how taken, 62, I88 in Yokuts myth, 177 See BIRDS; HUNTING Waterfowl-skins, robes of, 105, I56, 192, 197 See SKINS Water people, powers conferred by, 47 Waters, a Miwok social division, 139 Wealth acquired by shamans, 146 chiefship based on, 28, 112, I85, I93 how acquired by chiefs, 123 received through spirits, 118 See MONEY; SHELL MONEY Weapons of the Maidu, IIO, 194 of the Wintun, 191 See ARROWS; Bows; IMPLEMENTS; WARFARE Weasel not eaten by Kato, 6 Weaving of robes by Wintun, 8I See BASKETRY; CLOTHING; CORDAGE; FEATHERS; FIBRE; HEMP; ROBES Wedges, antler, not used by Miwok, 132 of elk-horn, 6, 77, 190 of hemlock, 33 Weirs used in fishing, 22, 85-86 See FISHING; FISH-WEIRS Wenim-mem-wintun, a Wintun division, 74 Whale-hide in myth, 169 Whilkut, habitat of the, 3 Whipping in myth, I70 Whistle, bone, used in dance, 17, 77, 96, 124, I47, I90, 191 Whites, contact of, with Yuki, 41 contact of Yokuts with, 153 Kato tradition regarding, 4-5 See ARGONAUTS; SPANIARDS; TRAPPERS Widows, Miwok, custom of, I40-I4I, 144 Wailaki, status of, 30, 185 Wintun, status of, 190 See MARRIAGE; WOMEN Wilcox, Bill, Yokuts narrator, 177 Wildcat eaten by Maidu, 107 Wildcat-bone used in game, 64 Wilkes, Charles, expedition of, 73 Williams valley, Yuki in, 40, 187 Willow, beds made of, 103, 192

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INDEX 283 Willow, ceremonial cap of, 48 granaries made of, 79 fish-traps made of, 85 sticks used in game, 88 used in basketry, 58, 59, 78, 79, 104, iO7, 132-133, 156, 193 used in house-building, 60, 134, i88 used in sweat-house, 91 Willow-bark, aprons made of, IO5, 156, 197 Winnowing, baskets for, 59, 132-133 Wintun, account of the, 73-96, 189-I92 and Maidu relations, 101, 1O9 and Yuki warfare, 40, 187 ceremonies borrowed by Maidu, 1oo, 121 linguistic affinity of, 129, 152 neighbors of, 21, 40, 57, Ioo on Round Valley reservation, 41 ornaments obtained from, 1o6 spirit dance known to, 51 vocabularies of, 220-229 Wailaki name for, 186 Yuki names for, i88 See PATWIN; WAILEKA Wishham, storage of salmon by, 83 Witukomnom (Witukum-no'm), a Yuki division, 39, 186 cult of the, 51 hostilities of the, 40 See EDEN VALLEY YUKI Wolf in myth, I69 not eaten, 6, 107 Women as chiefs, 43, 138, I86 bathing by, 61 clothing of, 25, 59, 80, 105, 133, 156 -157, 183, 185, i88, I89, 192, 195, 197 customs concerning, 29 desertion by, in myth, 166 ear-ornaments of, IO6 forbidden at certain dances, 69, 122, 197 games of, 26, 42, 65, 89, I10-III, 137, 158, 184, i86, I89, 193, 196, 198 graves dug by, 91 hair-dress of, 25, 60, 8I, 185, i88 in Coyote dance, 124-125 in creation myth, I65-I66 in dream dance, I9I in feather dance, 34-35 Women in Miwok dance, 146 in puberty rite, 29, 90 Maidu, dance of, 124 mourning customs of, 92, 191 not admitted by magicians, 10 participate in victory-dance, 76 perform in Kato ceremony, 17 Pomo, as basket-makers, 57-59 portraits, 6 pl., 8 pi., 14 pi., 16 pi., 22 pi., 24 pi., 28 pi., 30 pi., 48 pi., 52 pi., 82 pi., 86 pi., 90 pi., IOO pi., IO8 pi., II2 pi., 120-134 pi., folio pls. 475, 482, 483, 486, 488, 491, 504, 505, 507 shamans among Miwok, 196-197 stolen in raids, 158, 198 tabou of meat by, 142 tattooing by, io6, 134, 157, 183, 185, 190, 192, 195, 197 See CHILDBIRTH; MARRIAGE; WIDOWS Wood, antler disguise of, 135 ear-pendants of, Io6 gaming blocks of, 137 implements of, 131-132 Kato objects of, 5, 183 Yokuts mortars of, 154 See ARTS; HANDICRAFT; WOODWORKING Woodpecker-feathers, baskets adorned with, 57 ear-ornaments of, 60, io6 Woodpecker-scalps traded by Wintun, IO9 value of, io6, 223 Woodworking by Kato, 6 by Miwok, 132 See ARTS; HANDICRAFT; WOOD INDUSTRIES; Worms as food, 25, 135, 193 See EARTHWORMS Wormwood used in puberty rite, 45-46 used in purification, 46, 144, 187, 196 Wren in myth, 168, 171-172 Wrestling by the Wailaki, 26 by the Yuki, 42, i86 in myth, 171 See GAMES Xerophyllum grass, ear-ornaments of, 5, 183 used in basketry, 79, 155 worn by adolescent, go

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284 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Yhhasin-yfpani, Maidu creator, 117, 125, I73-176, 194 Ydkala, a Maidu dance, 125 Y6lali, a giant, 177 Yalul-pem-yipani, mythic personage, 176 Yana and Maidu warfare, IIO, I94 neighbors of, 76, Ioo Wintun name for, I92 Yati, Maidu dance character, I2I, 124 Yaudanchi, portraits, 124 pi., folio pl. 507 Yauelmani, a Yokuts tribe, 153 portraits, 140 pi., folio pl. 498 Yauka, a Maidu village, I94 Yaya, Maidu dance character, 121, I22 Year. See SEASONS Yellowhammer, wing of, worn in nose, Io6 Yellowhammer-feathers in basketry, 58 head-dress of, 17, 95, 147, 204 traded by Wintun, 109 worn by dancers, 35, 123 Yellowhammer-quills used in basketry, 155 worn by dancers, 70 Yellow-jacket big, a war title, 27 Yellow-jacket larvc as food, 25, 83, io8, I90 when not eaten, 32 Yew, bear-shamans' staffs of, 8 bows made of, 80, 109, I o, 194 Yistschei7tfn-dun, a Kato village, 184 Yitestai, a mythic character, 167 Yo, the Wailaki afterworld, 3I Yokuts, account of the, I5I-I62, 197-198 and Maidu relations, 101 a Penutian people, 129 basketry of the, folio pls. 499-503 rokuts, bear-shamans of the, 7-8 myths of the, 177-179 neighbors of, 76, 130 ornaments traded by, 134 portraits, 120-146 pi., folio pls. 497, 498, 504-507 rattlesnakes eaten by, 135 vocabulary of, 244-247 See CHUKCHANSI Yosemite, meaning of name, 130 Yosemite Park in Miwok territory, 130, I37 Yuba, derivation of name, I94 Yuba county, Maidu in, II01 Yuba river, Maidu on, Ioo Yud6, a Maidu village, I94 Yike, application of name, 39 Yuki, account of the, 39-52, i86-i88 and Maidu rite compared, 120 and Wailaki relations, 26, I86 bear-shamans of, 8 hostilities of, 76, 184 Kato mythology derived from, 12 Kato names for, I85 modern house of, 26 pl. myths of the, 169-170 name for Kato, 4 neighbors of, 4, 21, 57, 76 portraits, 22 pl., 24 pi. vocabulary of, 207-214 Wailaki names for, i86 Wintun name for, 192 Yukian family, tribes of, 39 Yuimam, a Maidu village, 195 Yupu, a Maidu village, 194 THE END OF VOLUME XIV

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List of Large Plates Supplementing Volume Fourteen
The North American Indian List of Large Plates Supplementing Volume Fourteen 472 Mitat – Wailaki The Wailaki were a group of loosely connected Athapascan bands occupying the watershed of the North fork of Eel river in northwestern California. About two hundred are now quartered with the Yuki on Round Valley reservation. 473 Old "Ukiah" – Pomo The Pomo formerly occupied about half the area of Mendocino, Sonoma, and Lake counties, besides a small isolated territory in Glenn and Colusa. The survivors are found in greatest number in the vicinity of the town of Ukiah. This name, though it is applied to the original portrait as a nickname, is a word of Pomo origin, from yo, south, and kaia, valley. 474 Hunter - Lake Pomo The scene is Clear lake. The abundant tules along its shallows formerly supplied the natives with material for house-coverings, mats, garments, and balsas, and sheltered teeming flocks of waterfowl. 475 Burden-basket – Pomo With her basket supported bya tump-line passing across her head, and with seed-beater in hand, this capable matron is ready for a day in the fields harvesting wild seeds, which she will parch and crush into a nutritious and appetizing meal known by the Mexican name pinole. 476 Mixed-blood Coast Pomo 477 On the shores of Clear Lake 478 Shatila – Pomo 479 Summer camp - Lake Pomo Except that it was larger and rather more substantial, the winter house of the Lake Pomo was identical with its tule-covered framework of willow poles. 480 Wild grapes – Pomo 481 Gathering tules - Lake Pomo The round-stem tule, Scirpus lacustris, was used principally for thatching houses, for making mats by stringing them laterally on parallel cords, and, securely lashed together in long bundles, in the construction of serviceable and quickly made canoes. 482 Pomo girl Clam-shell beads of the kind here shown are still made by some of the old men. Fragments of shell are pierced and strung on a stem of the scouring-rush (Equisetum), which is then drawn backward and forward on a flat surface of sandstone until the fragments have become nearly circular. The feathered ornament is an ear-pendant, which in this case, because of its length and weight, is attached to a strand of hair. The large, dark-colored bead on one strand of the necklace is a cylinder of magnesite, a highly valued object. 483 Coast Pomo woman 484 Pomo seed-gathering utensils The group includes a tight-mesh burden-basket for seeds, an open-mesh burden-basket for acorns and other nuts, two winnowing trays, and a seed-beater with which the seeds are brushed from the plant into the burden-basket. 485 Pomo baskets, mortar, and pestle 486 Coast Pomo girl 487 Fishing camp - Lake Pomo Large quantities of species locally called black-fish are still taken annually by the Lake Pomo. The fish are split down the back, and after the removal of backbone, head, and entrails, are hung on pole racks to dry in the sun for about two weeks, after which they are thoroughly cured in smoke-houses. Tule huts are not now seen, the one here shown having been built especially for the occasion. 488 Aged Pomo woman 489 Canoe of tules – Pomo In an emergency a craft even more simple than this was made by fashioning a long bundle of tules, which the boatman rode astride with his legs in the water. 490 Wappo The Wappo were a Yukian group occupying a detached area in the northeastern corner of Sonoma county. Only a small band survive in Alexander valley near Healdsburg. 491 Wappo woman 492 Otila – Maidu Otila, otherwise Jack Franco, was the principal source of information regarding the Maidu. Born at the important village Michopdo in the lowlands of Sacramento river about he year 1845, as a young boy he experienced the untainted native life before the influx of miners and settlers proved the undoing of the Indians. As a youth he rode the range for General John Bidwell, and his old age he has spent in company with a small group of his people on the Bidwell ranch at Chico. 493 Miwok head-man 494 Fishing-pool - Southern Miwok Besides a small district at the southern end of Clear lake, and larger territory that included all of Marin and a part of Sonoma county, Miwok Indians occupied the western slope of the Sierra Nevada from the summit to the San Joaquin plain, and from Fresno river in the south to Cosumnes river in the north. The higher regions are veined with brawling mountain brooks, which converge into such larger streams as Merced, Tuolumne, Stanislaus, Calaveras, adm Mokelumne. Yosemite and many of the sequoia groves lie in Miwok territory. 495 Southern Miwok 496 Fisherman - Southern Miwok 497 Chukchansi Yokuts The Chukchansi, one of the northern divisions of the Yokuts, occupied the headwaters of Fresno river and the northern tributaries of the San Joaquin, in Madera county, California. 498 Yauelmani Yokuts The Yauelmani formerly lived in the plains north of Kern lake. The survivors are on Tule River reservation in Tulare county. 499 Art as old as the tree - southern Yokuts 500 Rattlesnake design in Yokuts basketry Basketry was the principal, and remains the only, manufacturing industry of the Yokuts. Both the coiled and the twined process are followed, but the better baskets, and by far the greater number, are coiled. The examples shown in the plate are coiled, and of the kind used for cooking liquid foods by means of heated stones. 501 By the pool - Tule River Reservation 502 Yokuts basketry designs – A 503 Yokuts basketry designs – B 504 Chukchansi Yokuts type 505 Chukchansi matron 506 Quiet waters - Tule River Reservation Tule River reservation, a tract of nearly fifty thousand acres on the edge of the foothills of the Sierra Nevada in Tulare county, is the home of about a hundred and fifty Indians, practically all of whom are members of the Yokuts family. Only a small portion of the reservation is suited to agriculture. 507 Yaundanchi Yokuts woman The Yaudanchi formerly controlled the territory about the headwaters of Tule river in Tulare county, including the present Tule River reservation, where the survivors are quartered.

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Mitat – Wailaki [photogravure plate]

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Old "Ukiah" – Pomo [photogravure plate]

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Hunter - Lake Pomo [photogravure plate]

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Burden-basket – Pomo [photogravure plate]

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Mixed-blood Coast Pomo [photogravure plate]

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On the shores of Clear Lake [photogravure plate]

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Shatila – Pomo [photogravure plate]

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Summer camp - Lake Pomo [photogravure plate]

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Wild grapes – Pomo [photogravure plate]

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Gathering tules - Lake Pomo [photogravure plate]

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Pomo girl [photogravure plate]

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Coast Pomo woman [photogravure plate]

{view image of plate no. 484}
Pomo seed-gathering utensils [photogravure plate]

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Pomo baskets, mortar, and pestle [photogravure plate]

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Pomo baskets, mortar, and pestle [photogravure plate]

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Fishing camp - Lake Pomo [photogravure plate]

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Aged Pomo woman [photogravure plate]

{view image of plate no. 489}
Aged Pomo woman [photogravure plate]

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Wappo [photogravure plate]

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Wappo woman [photogravure plate]

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Otila – Maidu [photogravure plate]

{view image of plate no. 493}
Miwok head-man [photogravure plate]

{view image of plate no. 494}
Fishing-pool - Southern Miwok [photogravure plate]

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Southern Miwok [photogravure plate]

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Fisherman - Southern Miwok [photogravure plate]

{view image of plate no. 497}
Chukchansi Yokuts [photogravure plate]

{view image of plate no. 498}
Chukchansi Yokuts [photogravure plate]

{view image of plate no. 499}
Art as old as the tree - southern Yokuts [photogravure plate]

{view image of plate no. 500}
Rattlesnake design in Yokuts basketry [photogravure plate]

{view image of plate no. 501}
By the pool - Tule River Reservation [photogravure plate]

{view image of plate no. 502}
Yokuts basketry designs – A [photogravure plate]

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Yokuts basketry designs – B [photogravure plate]

{view image of plate no. 504}
Chukchansi Yokuts type [photogravure plate]

{view image of plate no. 505}
Chukchansi matron [photogravure plate]

{view image of plate no. 506}
Quiet waters - Tule River Reservation [photogravure plate]

{view image of plate no. 507}
Yaundanchi Yokuts woman [photogravure plate]

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