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Vol.16. The Tiwa. The Keres.{view image of page i} The North American Indian VOL. XVI {view image of page ii} Chifd Omitint id XLimitrI tO.ibe 3unlret AetB of Wtfhticf thfti it ialtmbel.S. {view image of Frontispiece} A narrow street - Laguna [photogravure plate] {view image of page iii} THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN BEING A SERIES OF VOLUMES PICTURING AND DESCRIBING THE INDIANS OF THE UNITED STATES, THE DOMINION OF CANADA, AND ALASKA WRITTEN, ILLUSTRATED, AND PUBLISHED BYEDWARD S. CURTIS EDITED BY FREDERICK WEBB HODGE FOREWORD BY THEODORE ROOSEVELT FIELD RESEARCH CONDUCTED UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF J. PIERPONT MORGAN IN TWENTY VOLUMES THIS, THE SIXTEENTH VOLUME, PUBLISHED IN THE YEAR NINETEEN HUNDRED AND TWENTY-SIX {view image of page iv} .; n ' i... i COPYRIGHT, I926 BY EDWARD S. CURTIS THE PLIMPTON PRESS * NORWOOD * MASSACHUSETTS PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA {view image of page v} Contents of Volume Sixteen PAGE ALPHABET USED IN RECORDING INDIAN TERMS...... viii ILLUSTRATIONS..................... ix INTRODUCTION..................... xiii THE TIWA........................ 3 Isleta....................... 3 Relations and History............. 3 Organization and Government......... 12 Religion.................... 23 T aos............27 Character and History............. 27 War..........38 General Customs............ 41 Organization and Government.......... 45 Kivas and Societies.............. 47 Ceremonies............... 52 Mythology.......... 59 Kua-hlohli, Bear Old-man.......... 59 Piwena, Rabbit........59 The Race between Deer Boys and the Witches 60 Kawiya-hwi an-wyu, Magpie Long-tail Boy. 60 Coyote's Scalp-dance............ 6 THE KERES...................... 65 C ochiti.....................65 Relations and History............. 65 General Customs............ 73 Organization, Societies, and Ceremonies...... 84 Initiation into a Shaman Society....... 89 Individual Healing Ceremony...... 92 Society Healing Ceremony.......... 94 Sorcery................ 99 Retirement of the Societies at the Summer Solstice IOI Winter Solstice Rites............ I03 Clown Societies.............. I03 The Shiwanna............... 105 W arriors................. 13 Ridding the Village of Evil......... 117 6we, a February Dance for Good Crops... 20 Fiesta of Dia de los Reyes......... I2 Shrines................. 22 v {view image of page vi} vi CONTENTS PAGE Santo Domingo................. 122 History and Organization............... 122 Religion and Ceremonies........... 126 Planting of the Cacique's Field..... 26 The Scalpers............... I28 Societies............ I30 Shaiyaka, the Society of Hunters...... 33 Shkoyu-ch!aiaii, the Giant Shamans..... 38 Ku'sari................. 39 Kwi'ranna.......... 143 Rattlesnake Shamans of the Flint Society 144 Retirement of the Societies at the Summer Solstice I45 Winter Solstice Rites............ 148 The Cacique's Chamber.......... 148 The Shiwanna............... I49 Fiesta of Santiago Cavallo.......... I57 Fiesta of San Juan.............. I58 Other Practices.............. 159 Mortuary Customs............. 1.59 Child Fetishes.............. I6I W itchcraft............... 63 Punishment for Heresy........... 63 Drums and Songs............... I68 Acoma.............. 69 History.................... 69 Origin and Migration........ I72 The Kivas and the Kafiina...... 177 Summer Kafiina Dance....I80 Fire Kafifna Ceremony of the Corn Clans.. 89 Ceremonial Battle with the Kafiina.... 91 Kopishtaia Ceremony at the Winter Solstice. 203 Ceremony of the Kapina-ch!aiafii......208 Origin of Scalping and the Scalp-dance... 214 Kasari Dance, a Sequel to the Scalp-dance to Lay the Ghost................ 214 Gathering Salt........ 225 Shrines and Prayer-sticks..... 225 Societies of the Shamans..226 Initiation into the Fire Society... 226 Ceremonial Purification of the People by the Societies................. 230 Clans and Government.......236 Laguna...................... 240 History and Organization............240 Customs................. 242 Religious Beliefs............... 244 {view image of page vii} CONTENTS APPENDIX vii Ancient Jemez Villages... Jemez Names for Indian Tribes Cochiti Names for Indian Tribes. Taos Names of the Moons. Laguna Names of the Moons Isleta Names for Indian Tribes Isleta Relationship Terms.. Taos Relationship Terms. Cochiti Relationship Terms Laguna Relationship Terms... Laguna Villages. Laguna Names for Indian Tribes Pueblo Population.. Native Names of Pueblos.... VOCABULARIES..... Tanoan (Isleta, Taos, Jemez) Keresan (Laguna, Cochiti). INDEX............. ~......... ~. ~........... ~.. ~........ ~...................... ~................................................... PAGE 251 252 252 252 253 253 253 254 255 256 258 258 259 260 266 266 274 285 *.......... *.................... {view image of page viii} Alphabet Used in Recording Indian Terms [The consonants are as in English, except as otherwise noted] a as in father as in cat aas in awl ai as in aisle e as in they 6 as in net ias in machine i as in sit o as in old 6 as in how oi as in oil u as in ruin as in nut i rounded iu as in French peu u as in push has ch in German Bach gh the sonant of h k a non-aspirated k k velar k q as kw I approaching lr hi the surd of 1 i as in caion n as ng in sing n nasal, as in French dans p a non-aspirated p r alveolar, approaching d s approaching sr sh as in shall t a non-aspirated t T dental t fh as in thin f? approaching tr ty approaching ch a glottal pause! stresses enunciation of the preceding consonant superior vowels are voiceless, almost inaudible NOTE: 1, s, 5, ty are formed with the tip of the tongue retracted and touching the hard palate. viii VIII {view image of page ix} Illustrations A narrow street - Laguna Frontispiece Francisca Chiwiwi - Isleta 4 Cave dwelling near Jemez 6 A street in Jemez 8 An Isleta boy 10 An Isleta woman 14 An Isleta girl 16 An Isleta potter 18 Felicia - Isleta 20 Isleta kiva 22 Tsola - "Chipmunk", Jemez governor 24 A Jemez fiscal 26 A corner of Taos and a kiva entrance 28 Pecos in ruins 30 Old house and kiva at Picuris 32 Jemez houses 34 In the forest - Taos 40 Threshing wheat - Taos 42 Tapa - "Antelope Water" - Taos 44 Walvia - "Medicine Root" - Taos 46 Picuris harvest dance 50 Iahla - "Willow" - Taos 52 A Taos girl 54 Pavia - Taos 56 A Taos maid 58 Santa Ana and Jemez River 66 Old Cochiti 68 Partially excavated kivi, old Cochiti 70 Ruins of the church at Gyusiwa 72 Hope - Jemez 74 Santana Quintana - Cochiti 76 {view image of page x} Ti'mu - Cochiti 78 Tsi'yone - "Flying" - Sia 80 Tsaiyatsa - Cochiti 82 A Santa Ana man 88 Sia footgear 90 Ka'yati - Sia 94 A Sia man 96 Tsipiai - Sia 98 A Cochiti woman 100 Tyo'oni Shiwanna mask - Cochita 108 Sia war-dancer 114 A Santo Domingo man 126 Sotsona - "Fox" - Santo Domingo 128 Pishkuty - "Cornstalk" - Santo Domingo 132 Native drawings of Santo Domingo masks 152 Wall-painting for the summer Shiwanna ceremony - Santo Domingo 154 Cliff-perched Acoma 168 Crumbling walls of the old church - Acoma 170 The enchanted mesa 176 The Acoma and the enchanted mesa 178 Acoma from the churchtop 198 A morning chat - Acoma 202 Native conception of a kopishtaia with mask and tablita - Acoma 204 An Acoma man 206 Church and cemetery - Acoma 208 Among the rocks - Acoma 212 Native conception of Histiani-Kowasutyi - "Flint-wing", the Thunderbird - Acoma 214 Mission and church at Acoma 216 Fiesta of San Estevan, A - Acoma 218 Fiesta of San Estevan, B - Acoma 220 Procession of San Estevan, A - Acoma 222 Procession of San Estevan, B - Acoma 224 Depositing San Estevan in the booth - Acoma 226 {view image of page xi} Laguna cooking-pot and Acoma water-jars 228 Turivio Waconda - Paguate 230 Hiyortsa - Paguate 232 Laguna house 234 A corner of Laguna 236 Laguna architecture 238 Laguna 240 Laguna water-jar 242 Paguate watchtower 244 A second-story apartment at Paguate 248 Excavated ruins at Gyusiwa - Jemez Springs 250 {view image of page xii} {view image of page xiii} Introduction ALTHOUGH they have been in intermittent contact with civilization for nearly four centuries, and under its continuous influence more than three-fourths of that time, the Pueblo Indians of the Rio Grande valley in New Mexico, so far at least as their religious beliefs and practices are concerned, remain the most conservative of all the tribes of North America. Living in a semiarid region and tilling the soil by the aid of irrigation from time immemorial, the Pueblos evolved a cult that centers to a considerable extent in the desire for rain, consequently there were developed scores of ceremonies which had and still have as an important purpose the supplication of the cloud-gods for the beneficent showers and snows by which the tribal entity is conserved. The conservatism of these people with respect to their religion in all its phases and bearings is traceable largely to the efforts of the early Franciscan missionaries to implant Christianity among them at the expense of their own deep-rooted beliefs, which compelled the natives to practise their rites in secrecy, even to the extent of visiting secluded spots away from their pueblos We find survivals of this custom at Taos and at some of the Tewa villages today. Most Indians are loath to reveal their religious beliefs, to be sure, yet with tact, patience, and tenacity the student can usually obtain desired information. On the Rio Grande, however, one meets organized opposition to the divulging of information pertaining to ceremonial life so strong that at Santo Domingo, most refractory of the pueblos, proclamations have been issued against affording information to any white people, and at more than one pueblo priestly avengers have executed members who have had the temerity to disregard the tribal edicts. The right to maintain esoteric organizations and to exclude aliens from knowledge of religious ceremonies can not be questioned, but from the viewpoint of civilization it is regrettable that the priestly dominance of the population is such as to oppose progress on the part of the younger generation; for it is the custom of secret religious societies often to mete dire punishment on such returned pupils who decline to follow the ways of their forebears by participating in practices repugnant to the moral enlightenment they have gained at xiii {view image of page xiv} xiv INTRODUCTION school. Yet in the face of every effort on the part of the priesthoods to maintain the ancient order of life, the progressive element, composed chiefly of the younger men and women with common school education, is making substantial progress in many of the pueblos, in some instances, however, at great personal cost. The ultimate result of this conflict between primitive conservatism and progress in the pursuits of civilization awaits the slow passing of the older generation and the predominance of the enlightened. The full story of the Pueblo tribes of New Mexico will never be told, much less condensed into the two volumes of this work which are devoted to them. Indeed, a detailed account of the gathering of the admittedly incomplete data embodied in this and the subsequent volume would form a book in itself. In the present volume are treated the villages of Cochiti, Santo Domingo, Acoma, and Laguna, representing the Keres linguistic family, and Isleta and Taos illustrating the Tiwa group of the Tanoan stock. Preliminary field work among the Rio Grande pueblos was conducted by Mr. W. W. Phillips in 1905, and Mr. C. M. Strong, then instructor in Spanish at the University of Washington, spent about eight months in I909 at the Tewa villages (treated in Volume XVII) and recorded also some data relating to Acoma. All of this material was confirmed, systematized, and largely augmented by Mr. W. E. Myers, who, having visited the Rio Grande in I909 and I917, spent the entire season of 1924 in that field. EDWARD S. CURTIS {view image of page 1} The Tiwa VOL. XVI-I {view image of page 2} {view image of page 3} THE TIWA Isleta Relations and History ISLETA, the most southerly of the Rio Grande pueblos, is, like Taos the northernmost of the group, a Tiwa settlement. Isleta and Sandia in the south, Taos and Picuris in the north, the Tiwa division of the Tanoan stock is split asunder by intervening Tewa and Keres villages. Of the Tanoan stock1 there are three branches: Tiwa (Tigua), Tano, and Tewa (Tegua). Harrington subdivides these branches as follows: Tiwa: (I) Taos and Picuris (2) Sandia, Isleta, and Isleta del Sur (3) Piro Tano: (I) Jemez (2) Pecos Tewa: (I) San Juan, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Nambe, Pojoaque, Tesuque, and Hano The Spanish name Isleta refers to the situation of this pueblo at the period of its discovery on an elevation which at times was rendered an "islet" by a mountain freshet on one side and the Rio Grande on the other. The native name, Shie-hwib-ak ("flint kicking-racestick at"), probably embodies a mythological allusion. According to Castafieda, one of the chroniclers of Coronado's expedition, in I540 the Province of Tiguex (the Spanish form of Tiwesh, the native name of the family) comprised twelve villages. 1 Harrington regards Tanoan as related to Kiowa, basing his opinion on a comparative study of Kiowa and the Taos dialect. Taos and Picuris are known to have had early and intimate relations with the Kiowa and other Plains tribes. 3 {view image of page 4} 4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Of these we know positively but four: Isleta; Alameda, about twentyfive miles north of Isleta and on the west bank of the river; 1 Puaray, three miles north of Alameda and on the east bank; and Sandia, three miles north of Puaray and on the same side of the river. A ruin at Los Lunas 2 is said by Bandelier to have been a Tiwa settlement. He calls it Bejuituuy. Both Alameda and Puaray have been in ruins so long that the sites are not definitely known. In 1629, according to Benavides, there were still eight Tiwa villages on the Rio Grande, and their population was given as six thousand, an estimate that may be regarded as too generous. About thirty miles east of the Rio Grande, beyond the forbidding Manzano range and overlooking the salt lagoons of the Manzano basin, were other villages, eleven in all according to Chamuscado, who penetrated the region in I580. Of these at least three of the northerly ones, Chilili, Tajique, and Quarai, formed a third geographic division of the Tiwa group. Exposed to constant attack by the dreaded Apache, and deprived of the aid of their kinsmen by intervening mountains, these eastern Tiwa abandoned their villages one by one, and before the uprising of I680 all had fled the country, most of them joining their Rio Grande congeners. By that time also the twelve or more pueblos of "Tiguex" had become consolidated into the four named above. According to Vetancurt, Isleta then had two thousand inhabitants, Sandia three thousand, Alameda three hundred, Puaray two hundred. The Tiwa were unfortunate in their first contacts with the higher civilization. Coronado's force passed the winter of I540-I54I in a "Tiguex" village, the houses of which had been vacated for the Spaniards by the natives. The ensuing events were the direct cause of nearly four centuries of resistance, usually passive and undemonstrative but none the less resolute and bitter, the vast, silent opposition of the Pueblo Indians to all that pertains to what they with some reason regard as a grasping, faithless race. Let the chronicler Castafieda tell the tale. The general wished to obtain some clothing to divide among his soldiers, and for this purpose he summoned one of the chief Indians 1 Bandelier placed Alameda on the east bank of the Rio Grande, and Puaray on the west bank opposite Bernalillo. The true location of these pueblos has been pointed out by Hackett in Old Santa Fe, Vol. II, pp. 381-39I, April, 1915, his conclusions being based on documents copied in Mexico by Prof. H. E. Bolton and listed in his Guide to Materials for the History of the United States in the Principal Archives of Mexico, Washington, I9I3. 2 Not Las Lunas. The settlement is named for the Luna family, hence the masculine article. {view image of facing page 4} Francisca Chiwiwi - Isleta [photogravure plate] {view image of page 5} THE TIWA 5 of Tiguex, with whom he had already had much intercourse and with whom he was on good terms, who was called Juan Aleman by our men, after a Juan Aleman who lived in Mexico, whom he was said to resemble. The general told him that he must furnish about three hundred or more pieces of cloth, which he needed to give his people. He said that he was not able to do this, but that it pertained to the governors; and that besides this, they would have to consult together and divide it among the villages, and that it was necessary to make the demand of each town separately. The general did this, and ordered certain of the gentlemen who were with him to go and make the demand; and as there were twelve villages, some of them went on one side of the river and some on the other. As they were in very great need, they did not give the natives a chance to consult about it, but when they came to a village they demanded what they had to give, so that they could proceed at once. Thus these people could do nothing except take off their own cloaks and give them to make up the number demanded of them. And some of the soldiers who were in these parties, when the collectors gave them some blankets or cloaks which were not such as they wanted, if they saw any Indian with a better one on, they exchanged with him without more ado, not stopping to find out the rank of the man they were stripping, which caused not a little hard feeling. Besides what I have just said, one whom I will not name, out of regard for him, left the village where the camp was and went to another village about a league distant, and seeing a pretty woman there he called her husband down to hold his horse by the bridle while he went up; and as the village was entered by the upper story, the Indian supposed he was going to some other part of it. While he was there the Indian heard some slight noise, and then the Spaniard came down, took his horse, and went away. The Indian went up and learned that he had violated, or tried to violate, his wife, and so he came with the important men of the town to complain that a man had violated his wife, and he told how it happened. When the general made all the soldiers and the persons who were with him come together, the Indian did not recognize the man, either because he had changed his clothes or for whatever other reason there may have been, but he said that he could tell the horse, because he had held his bridle, and so he was taken to the stables, and found the horse, and said that the master of the horse must be the man. He denied doing it, seeing that he had not been recognized, and it may be that the Indian was mistaken in the horse; anyway, he went off without getting any satisfaction. The next day one of the [Mexican] Indians, who was guarding the horses of the army, came running in, saying that a companion of his had been killed, and that the Indians of the country were driving off the horses toward their villages. The Spaniards tried to collect the horses again, but many were lost, besides seven of the general's mules. The next day Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas went to see the {view image of page 6} 6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN villages and talk with the natives. He found the villages closed by palisades and a great noise inside, the horses being chased as in a bull fight and shot with arrows. They were all ready for fighting. Nothing could be done, because they would not come down onto the plain and the villages are so strong that the Spaniards could not dislodge them. The general then ordered Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas to go and surround one village with all the rest of the force. This village was the one where the greatest injury had been done and where the affair with the Indian woman occurred. Several captains who had gone on in advance with the general, Juan de Saldivar and Barrionuevo and Diego Lopez and Melgosa, took the Indians so much by surprise that they gained the upper story, with great danger, for they wounded many of our men from within the houses. Our men were on top of the houses in great danger for a day and a night and part of the next day, and they made some good shots with their crossbows and muskets. The horsemen on the plain with many of the Indian allies from New Spain smoked them out from the cellars [kivas] into which they had broken, so that they begged for peace. Pablo de Melgosa and Diego Lopez, the alderman from Seville, were left on the roof and answered the Indians with the same signs they were making for peace, which was to make a cross. They then put down their arms and received pardon. They were taken to the tent of Don Garcia, who, according to what he said, did not know about the peace and thought that they had given themselves up of their own accord because they had been conquered. As he had been ordered by the general not to take them alive, but to make an example of them so that the other natives would fear the Spaniards, he ordered 200 stakes to be prepared at once to burn them alive. Nobody told him about the peace that had been granted them, for the soldiers knew as little as he, and those who should have told him about it remained silent, not thinking that it was any of their business. Then when the enemies saw that the Spaniards were binding them and beginning to roast them, about a hundred men who were in the tent began to struggle and defend themselves with what there was there and with the stakes they could seize. Our men who were on foot attacked the tent on all sides, so that there was great confusion around it, and then the horsemen chased those who escaped. As the country was level, not a man of them remained alive, unless it was some who remained hidden in the village and escaped that night to spread throughout the country the news that the strangers did not respect the peace they had made, which afterward proved a great misfortune. After this was over, it began to snow, and they abandoned the village and returned to the camp just as the [main] army came from Cibola.. It snowed so much that for the next two months it was impossible to do anything except to go along the roads to advise them to make peace and tell them that they would be pardoned and might consider themselves safe, to which they replied that they did not trust those {view image of facing page 6} Cave dwelling near Jemez [photogravure plate] {view image of page 7} THE TIWA 7 who did not know how to keep good faith after they had once given it, and that the Spaniards should remember that they were keeping Whiskers [a Pecos head-man] prisoner and that they did not keep their word when they burned those who surrendered in the village. Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas was one of those who went to give this notice. He started out with about 30 companions and went to the village of Tiguex to talk with Juan Aleman. Although they were hostile, they talked with him and said that if he wished to talk with them he must dismount and they would come out and talk with him about a peace, and that if he would send away the horsemen and make his men keep away, Juan Aleman and another captain would come out of the village and meet him. Everything was done as they required, and then when they approached they said that they had no arms and that he must take his off. Don Garcia Lopez did this in order to give them confidence, on account of his great desire to get them to make peace. When he met them, Juan Aleman approached and embraced him vigorously, while the other two who had come with him drew two mallets which they had hidden behind their backs and gave him two such blows over his helmet that they almost knocked him senseless. Two of the soldiers on horseback had been unwilling to go very far off, even when he ordered them, and so they were near by and rode up so quickly that they rescued him from their hands, although they were unable to catch the enemies because the meeting was so near the village that of the great shower of arrows which were shot at them one arrow hit a horse and went through his nose. The horsemen all rode up together and hurriedly carried off their captain, without being able to harm the enemy, while many of our men were dangerously wounded. They then withdrew, leaving a number of men to continue the attack. Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas went on with a part of the force to another village about half a league distant, because almost all the people in this region had collected into these two villages. As they paid no attention to the demands made on them except by shooting arrows from the upper stories with loud yells, and would not hear of peace, he returned to his companions whom he had left to keep up the attack on Tiguex. A large number of those in the village came out and our men rode off slowly, pretending to flee, so that they drew the enemy on to the plain, and then turned on them and caught several of their leaders. The rest collected on the roofs of the village and the captain returned to his camp. After this affair the general ordered the army to go and surround the village. He set out with his men in good order, one day, with several scaling ladders. When he reached the village, he encamped his force near by, and then began the siege; but as the enemy had had several days to provide themselves with stores, they threw down such quantities of rocks upon our men that many of them were laid out, and they wounded nearly a hundred with arrows, several of whom afterward died on account of the bad treatment by an unskill {view image of page 8} 8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ful surgeon who was with the army. The siege lasted fifty days, during which time several assaults were made. The lack of water was what troubled the Indians most. They dug a very deep well inside the village, but were not able to get water, and while they were making it, it fell in and killed 30 persons. Two hundred of the besieged died in the fights.. One day, before the capture was completed, they asked to speak to us, and said that, since they knew we would not harm the women and children, they wished to surrender their women and sons, because they were using up their water. It was impossible to persuade them to make peace, as they said that the Spaniards would not keep an agreement made with them. So they gave up about a hundred persons, women and boys, who did not want to leave them. Don Lope de Urrea rode up in front of the town without his helmet and received the boys and girls in his arms, and when all of these had been surrendered, Don Lope begged them to make peace, giving them the strongest promises for their safety. They told him to go away, as they did not wish to trust themselves to people who had no regard for friendship or their own word which they had pledged. As he seemed unwilling to go away, one of them put an arrow in his bow ready to shoot, and threatened to shoot him with it unless he went off, and they warned him to put on his helmet, but he was unwilling to do so, saying that they would not hurt him as long as he stayed there. When the Indian saw that he did not want to go away, he shot and planted his arrow between the fore feet of the horse, and then put another arrow in his bow and repeated that if he did not go away he would really shoot him. Don Lope put on his helmet and slowly rode back to where the horsemen were, without receiving any harm from them. When they saw that he was really in safety, they began to shoot arrows in showers, with loud yells and cries. The general did not want to make an assault that day, in order to see if they could be brought in some way to make peace, which they would not consider. Fifteen days later they decided to leave the village one night, and did so, taking the women in their midst. They started about the fourth watch, in the very early morning, on the side where the cavalry was. The alarm was given by those in the camp of Don Rodrigo Maldonado. The enemy attacked them and killed one Spaniard and a horse and wounded others, but they were driven back with great slaughter until they came to the river, where the water flowed swiftly and very cold. They threw themselves into this, and as the men had come quickly from the whole camp to assist the cavalry, there were few who escaped being killed or wounded. Some men from the camp went across the river next day and found many of them who had been overcome by the great cold. They brought these back, cured them, and made servants of them. This ended that siege, and the town was captured, although there were a few who remained in one part of the town and were captured a few days later. {view image of facing page 8} A street in Jemez [photogravure plate] {view image of page 9} THE TIWA 9 Two captains, Don Diego de Guevara and Juan de Saldivar, had captured the other large village after a siege. Having started out very early one morning to make an ambuscade in which to catch some warriors who used to come out every morning to try to frighten our camp, the spies, who had been placed where they could see when they were coming, saw the people come out and proceed toward the country. The soldiers left the ambuscade and went to the village and saw the people fleeing. They pursued and killed large numbers of them. At the same time those in the camp were ordered to go over the town, and they plundered it, making prisoners of all the people who were found in it, amounting to about a hundred women and children. This siege ended the last of March.. The twelve villages of Tiguex, however, were not repopulated at all during the time the army was there, in spite of every promise of security that could possibly be given to them.1 In 1580 three Franciscan friars escorted by Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado, with eight soldiers and seven Mexican Indians, set out from Santa Barbara in Chihuahua and proceeded to the Tiwa country, where the priests remained. They were slain almost before the escort had departed, and in consequence of this tragedy Antonio de Espejo late in 1582 left Chihuahua with fourteen soldiers for the purpose of verifying the report and pacifying the Indians. At Puaray, whose inhabitants at first fled, fearing punishment for the murder of the missionaries, he learned that this was the village where Coronado had lost nine men and forty horses, thus making certain its identity as one of the two besieged pueblos. Castafio de Sosa in I59I visited many of the Rio Grande pueblos, but there seems to be no ground for Bandelier's assertion that his itinerary included the southerly Tiwa. For, returning southward through the Tewa country, he visited four Keres pueblos, then three pueblos, which he called San Marcos, San Lucas, and San Cristobal, southeast of the site of Santa Fe, and finally on the following day set out eastward for his camp on Pecos river. In 1598 the colonizer Juan de Ofiate visited the Tiwa on his way northward to establish in Tewa territory the first Spanish settlement north of Mexico. At Puaray, where he passed a night, he saw on the walls of his quarters a painting, imperfectly covered for the occasion with a gypsum wash, representing the killing of the missionaries whom Chamuscado had escorted eighteen years before. He diplomatically affected not to notice it. In 1629 a Franciscan mission had already been established at Winship in Fourteenth Report Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, I896, pp. 495-501, 503. VOL. XVI-2 {view image of page 10} IO THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Isleta, dating probably from the time of the arrival of Fray Alonso de Benavides in the province in 1622. All the Tiwa except those of Isleta participated in the revolt of the Indians and the slaughter of missionaries and colonists in I680. Numerous settlers who escaped the tragedy congregated at Isleta, thus severing its communication with the headquarters of the rebels at Santa Fe. In November of the following year Governor Antonio de Otermin, with a hundred and forty-six soldiers and a hundred and twelve Indian auxiliaries, took up the march from El Paso (the present Juarez, in Chihuahua) to reconquer the pueblos. A month later he surprised Isleta at night, captured the five hundred and eleven inhabitants, and burned the pueblo and such grain as he could not carry away, "in order that they might not be a watchtower and shelter for the apostates." This was fairly severe treatment for one of the few pueblos that had not stained its hands in Spanish blood. No other village was found inhabited by Otermin. Having already burned the Piro villages Senecfi, Socorro, Alamillo, and Sevilleta, he proceeded up the river and applied the torch to the Tiwa pueblos Alameda, Puaray, and Sandia, and sacked the Keres settlements of San Felipe, Santo Domingo, and Cochiti. Meantime the rebels had been in evidence in the vicinity of Isleta, and a mounted band under the chief Luis Tupatu from a bluff across the river had called out dire threats against the inhabitants for their failure to rise against the Spaniards. On receiving this report from an Isleta messenger, Otermin ordered a retreat. At Isleta he found that a portion of his captives had fled, with practically all the population of Sandia, to the Hopi country. The remaining three hundred and eighty-five he compelled to join his force in its retreat to El Paso, and settled them at Isleta del Sur ("Isleta of the South"), where, a few miles below El Paso, Texas, their descendants, completely Mexicanized, now reside.1 The fugitives returned from the Hopi country and rebuilt Isleta in I718,2 and the Sandians were brought back in I742. No other pueblo of the southern Tiwa was ever rebuilt. Isleta, like all the other pueblos, was harassed by the Navaho. About 1862, at the instigation of Jemez, they sent a force of about On Otermin's attempted reconquest see Hackett in Old Santa Fe, Santa Fe, April 1916, after documents gathered by Bolton and listed in his Guide to Materials for the History of the United States, etc., Washington, I9I3. For the best account of the revolt and the retreat of the Spaniards, see Hackett in Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Association, Oct. I9II, Oct. 1912, Jan. 1913. 2 Bandelier in Papers of the Archceological Institute of America, IV, 1892, p. 234. {view image of facing page 10} An Isleta boy [photogravure plate] {view image of page 11} THE TIWA II twenty men to cooperate with Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Laguna, Sandia, and Zufii in chastising the common enemy. Several isolated individuals were killed, and a half-hearted attack was made on a large camp south of the Hopi villages, but little was accomplished. More thought was given to securing spoil than to making a concerted attack, and the expedition threatened to end in a battle between Zufii and Isleta over the division of captured sheep. After the acquisition of horses Isleta used to make expeditions to the plains of eastern New Mexico and even into Texas to kill buffalo and antelope.1 An informant, Pablo Abeita, participated in the last buffalo hunt in I886, when six of the animals were killed. Pablo himself, a boy of fourteen, lassoed a two-year-old, and after another hunter had his reata on it he severed its spinal cord with a pocketknife. In the days when buffalo were plentiful, large parties, usually accompanied by Mexicans, visited the plains and killed the animals with steel-headed lances about eight feet long. Pablo's father was a noted expert at this sport, and frequently he killed many buffalo out of a single herd. There was a man called "follower" who came along after the lancers and shot with a gun any animals not fatally wounded. Antelope swarmed in the plains and were so easily killed that Pablo and a companion despatched sixty in a single day. The last inter-pueblo antelope hunt took place about I896, when some four hundred men from Isleta, Jemez, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, and Santa Ana went to Estancia valley. Only bows and arrows were used, for guns would have alarmed the animals. The war-chiefs selected one of their number to be the leader, and he sent hunters in equal parties on two sides of a large circle, where they posted themselves at intervals of about a quarter of a mile. Others in equal numbers formed the two sides of a smaller concentric circle, and the remainder under the chief himself went forward along a diameter of the circle. The men in the outer line on one side drove the enclosed animals forward at the best speed of their horses. When the antelope passed between the men in the second line, the latter took up the chase, which continued at top speed until the animals were nearly exhausted and were easily shot down. When a hunter killed an 1 Pecos river in New Mexico was called Rio de las Vacas by Antonio de Espejo in 1583, "for, traveling along its banks for six days, a distance of about thirty leagues, we found a great number of the cows of that country." - Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, I916, page I89. {view image of page 12} I2 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN antelope he immediately started away with it; and if he succeeded in getting about a quarter of a mile from the spot without being accosted by another claimant the entire animal belonged to him. If however another came up where the kill was made, or before the killer had gotten far away, he claimed the right shoulder and right hind-quarter. The second arrival took the left quarters, the third the intestines and internal organs, the killer retaining the hide, the head, and the ribs. In primitive times buffalo were caught in pitfalls. Organization and Government Isleta, twelve miles from the largest town in New Mexico, a station on a transcontinental railway, skirted by an automobile highway, beset by tourists whose vehicles thread their narrow, haphazard streets to the imminent peril of toddling infants and frightened fowls and whirl past the kiva to the undoubtedly intense annoyance of the priests, one expects to find so altered by all these contacts as to hold little of interest to the investigator. And on the surface such is the case. But the native religious system still prevails, though not in full vigor, and not even at recalcitrant Santo Domingo, Jemez, or Taos is there greater difficulty in penetrating the barrier maintained by common understanding against the probings of the outsider. Isleta has the following clans: i. fy-patnfin, Corn White (east) 6. Shiwid&, Eagle (middle) 2. Iyefuninin, Corn Black (north) 7. Kunde, Goose (middle) 3. iyech!orinin, Corn Yellow (west) 8. Pa-chiride, Water Shell (south) 3 4. fy1- huirini", Corn Blue (south) 9. Niride, Aspen (north) 4 5. fye, Corn (middle) 2 Elsie Clews Parsons,5 on the authority of a Laguna man who had lived at Isleta, names Day, Bear, Lizard, and Eagle as Summer clans, and Chaparral-cock, Parrot, Goose, and Corn as Winter clans. She notes also that Bandelier omitted Lizard, Chaparral-cock, Parrot, gave Sun instead of Day, and added four Corn clans and Deer, Antelope, Water-shell, Moon, Duck. Charles F. Lummis recorded a list much the same as that of Bandelier, omitting Bear, Moon, Duck, and adding Parrot, Mountain-lion, Earth, Mole, Turquoise, Wolf. Lummis's list was available to the present writer, but his informant refused to recede from his position that the nine names given above 1 To the clan name add tainin, people; but in the last four omit the objective suffix de. 2 Varicolored corn is said to be implied, but the attributive is not used in naming the clan. 3 Extinct in I893. 4 Extinct about I825. 5 Notes on Isleta, Santa Ana, and Acoma, American Anthropologist, 1920, pages 56-59. {view image of page 13} THE TIWA I3 comprise the entire sum of the clans. It is evident that much remains to be learned about the identity of Isleta clans. The clans are matrilineal but not exogamous, and they are associated with the different world-regions as indicated in the list. The only practical effect of this association thus far noted is in assigning the work of repairing and cleaning the kiva. White Corn, for example, plasters the east wall of the building and cleans the east segment of the floor. The clans associated with the "middle" take care of the roof and the central part of the floor. Isleta clans are more than social divisions, for they function as religious groups at the summer and the winter solstice, when they retire, one after another, and supplicate deities whose names correspond to the clan designations, White Corn, Black Corn, et cetera. Names for children are invented, are not ancestral, and frequently refer to clan affiliations either directly or by implication. Colors play a large part in this identification of name with clan. Typical masculine names are: Shiw-patu'fi ("eagle white"), White Corn clan; Shie-ch!orini ("flint yellow"), Yellow Corn clan; Tur-ihan ("sun rise"), White Corn clan, this being the clan associated with the east; Banqi ("rainbow"), which might belong to any clan; Shiw-t!u ("eagle spotted"), Eagle clan both by reason of the name Eagle and because spotted color belongs to the nadir.' The following are feminine names: fye-patnfin ("corn white"),2 Tue-pahlf ("crook bright"),3 Pa -pahld ("road bright"). The last two are appropriate to any clan. For ceremonial purposes there are two divisions of the people of Isleta: the Shifunin (singular, Shi-funide, "eye black-one") and the Shuren (singular, Shurede, gray-squirrel), which correspond to the Winter people and the Summer people of the Tewa, and Turquoise and Squash of the Keres. Each party controls the ceremonies occurring in its season, although both join in all religious activities. Thus the Black Eyes, before participating in a summer dance, must obtain permission of the head of the other party. The Shuren are commonly called Red Eyes, but the name has no such meaning nor do the natives ever employ an equivalent term. The heads of these parties are called respectively Shifun-kavede (" eye-black leader") and Shure-kavede. 1 White Eagle, however, is regarded as a White Corn rather than an Eagle name; in fact the eagle, held in high ceremonial regard, is a name-object for all clans. 2 Among the Pueblo Indians the corn spirit is universally regarded as a female 3 Tue is a bent stick used in making feathered offerings to the spirits. {view image of page 14} 14 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Clanship has nothing to do with membership in these parties. Every child at birth is "given to" one or the other, and the party selected by the parents may be that of either the father or the mother, if they happen to belong to different parties. Marriage does not change the party affiliation of either spouse. Thus in the Isleta system husband and wife may belong to the same clan or to different clans, and to the same ceremonial moiety or to opposite moieties; while their children, belonging to the mother's clan by birth, may be members of either moiety or of both. If husband and wife are members of opposite parties, it is customary to apportion the children between both.1 The usual dual system of government prevails. An official of the aboriginal system is called kavede ("leader"), and a civil officer in the system introduced by the Spaniards is chachide. The actual head of the pueblo is the chief priest, tai-kavede ("person - that is, native - leader"), or cacique. This office is always filled from the White, Black, Yellow, or Blue Corn clan, and the honor passes from one to another of these four in the ceremonial sequence named. The same rule applies to the cacique's assistant. The specific duty of the cacique is to fast and pray in seclusion for the good of the people. He has no civil duty nor authority; but if the people show a tendency to disregard their governing officers he is called upon to exhort them to good conduct. If the council is in doubt as to the proper course in important matters of public business or policy, he is invited to advise it. He holds his position for life, and annually appoints the governor and the war-chief. Public approval of his choice is sought, not because disapproval, if any were so bold as to voice objection, would have the slightest weight, but because popular acclaim of the new incumbents gives to the unthinking ground for feeling that they have elected their officers and must therefore yield strict obedience to them. Tukide ("watcher") is appointed for life to guard the house of the cacique while the priest is in religious retirement. The other aboriginal officials are the war-chief, hwi-lhawede (" bow chief"), his assistant, hwiRlaw-de-auhtii ("bow-chief next-to"), and their five deputies, hwilhawe-un ("bow-chief little"). The office of war-chief customarily alternates from year to year between the two 1 Dr. Parsons, in the paper previously referred to, definitely assigns the clans to membership in the moieties. Her information was from a Laguna man, who perhaps read Keres practice into that of his adopted pueblo. The writer's informant was unequivocal on the points mentioned in the paragraph above, illustrating them with actual instances in his own family. {view image of facing page 14} An Isleta woman [photogravure plate] {view image of page 15} THE TIWA I5 ceremonial parties, except when an unusually satisfactory incumbent is continued in office beyond the normal term. He appoints three deputies from his own party, and his assistant, who is always of the opposite division, selects two from his own moiety. The war-chiefs have charge of the practical management of native religious affairs, while the governor and his subordinates are concerned with civil and ecclesiastical matters. The governor is particularly charged with the duty of enforcing orders issued by the war-chief and the mayordomos (ditch foremen), and punishing the disobedient. The civil officers are the governor, two lieutenant-governors, two alguaciles, and two mayordomos. Isleta is the only Rio Grande pueblo that has no fiscales, who elsewhere manage the affairs of the church. The alguaciles are local police officers, and the mayordomos have charge of ditch work and the distribution of water for irrigation. When the ditches are to be cleaned and repaired, all the able-bodied men except those who occupy or have occupied the office of cacique, war-chief, or governor, assemble at the appointed place and the work is apportioned and overseen by the mayordomos. A man busy with other affairs may hire a Mexican substitute. No matter how many men there may be in a family, all must do their share; and no matter how much land one man may own, he does only as much work as one who owns none whatever, the logic being that when a landless individual becomes the head of a family and consequently a land-owner he will thus have acquired rights in the irrigation system. Desiring to take up land, a man must ask permission of the governor, who, if he sees no possible objection, sends a deputy to mark off one hundred by fifty paces, a milpa (Spanish), which is the maximum allowable in any one year. Continuous cultivation for five years gives title. Land is sold among the populace, but not to outsiders except by action of the council. Before the United States government ruled against the alienation of Pueblo lands, considerable tracts were obtained, by purchase or occupancy, by Mexicans. Transfer of title among themselves is evidenced only by spoken agreement before witnesses. By purchase and exchange a certain individual has acquired a single plot of about a hundred acres, a most unusual thing: for the limit of one milpa annually has resulted in numerous small scattered holdings. Under these conditions much of an individual's time is wasted in going from one plot to another, and the restricted area of the plots discourages the use of modern implements and methods. This condition prevails at all the pueblos. {view image of page 16} i6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Half of the land of a deceased man is inherited by his widow, half is shared equally by the children. But a widower has no rights in the estate of his deceased wife. The house is always the property of the woman, and she may sell it without consulting her husband; he on the contrary must obtain her consent before disposing of any part of his land. The principales are an advisory council of the governor, and their decision he is not permitted to ignore. This council in recent times usually numbered from twenty to twenty-five, and included the most intelligent of the older men, especially those who had been governor or war-chief. When a meeting is to be held, the governor notifies each principal. In recent years some governors have failed to summon men whom they disliked or feared, and after a time an elective council was organized. These difficulties arose mainly over the question of leasing grazing land and especially of collecting the money: some thought the governor was misappropriating funds and therefore called into the meetings only those who would uphold him because their interest lay in the same direction. At present there are twelve principales, six selected by the governor and six by the School Superintendent. In primitive times the councilors were the advisers of the war-chief. The following description by Pablo Abeita of the procedure of selecting and installing officers concludes with an interesting account of the struggle for popular, representative government, a movement now general among the Pueblos and attended by the same difficulties that have beset all such revolutions. The Isleta insurgents have not yet come to regicide, but a fearless judge has sentenced a governor to imprisonment. During the four days of dancing at the Christmas season old men can be seen in groups, talking earnestly; and at night they get together in three or four houses and talk of old times, of the coming of the new year and of the new officers. They exchange views as to the fitness of various men for the office of governor, each advocating his candidate. In the meantime the governor and his officers also have been holding meetings. On the twenty-ninth or the thirtieth day of the month the governor and the war-chief meet at the governor's house and go to the house of the cacique, who is the head-man for all these secret and ceremonial affairs. They start by asking his pardon for the intrusion, and the cacique offers a prayer to We(yide, the supreme being, that all errors may be forgiven. After a smoke the governor reminds him that the end of the year is approaching, and that they, {view image of facing page 16} An Isleta girl [photogravure plate] {view image of page 17} THE TIWA I7 the governor and the war-chief, having made one mind and thought, have directed their steps toward him; that he, as chief, has given to the governor the symbol of authority and with it the care and control of the people; that as governor he has done his best and tried to lead his people in the right path as of old; that now, at the end of the year, he had come to turn all his people over to the cacique so that the latter may choose another to take the office of governor. The cacique thanks them both and offers another prayer, the three agree that the governor shall call the principales to his house the next night, and after another smoke the visitors depart to their houses. The next day early in the morning the cacique summons his assistants and lays before them all that the governor and war-chief had said the night before, and apprises them of the calling of the principales. They decide to choose a man for governor and one for war-chief. The cacique names one whom he favors, his assistants name another and then another, always looking for good men. After mentioning perhaps four or five men, they settle upon one for governor and one for war-chief. Having made their choice the assistants are allowed to go to their homes, but the first or the second assistant is asked to return that night to accompany the cacique to the governor's house and talk with the principales. In the meantime during the day the governor has sent his lieutenants and deputies to invite the principales to his house that night. Before dark they assemble, and smoke and talk about all things except the selection of officers. When all the principales have come, the governor sends one of his assistants to summon the cacique. Soon the cacique and one or two assistants come in and are seated. After a smoke or two the governor stands up and asks forgiveness of We yide and of all those present, and then repeats to the cacique and to the principales more or less the same things that he told the cacique at his house the night before, concluding by urging all to be of one mind and to think hard. The cacique now tells the principales that what the governor has said is true, that it is time to select new officers, and that all must be of one thought and of good mind and must think hard what is best for their people. The principales thank the cacique, and continue to smoke thoughtfully. Soon one of them rises, asks the pardon of those present, and requests the cacique to name his choice. With another prayer to We yide the cacique mentions his choice, and the others thank him. "Now it is your turn," says the cacique. Again they thank him, and one of them mentions a name. So one by one they propose four, five, or six names. But the cacique reminds them: "All these are good men, but we will have to settle upon two of them. If the one I have mentioned does not suit you, you are at liberty to name another in his place." After talking over the suggested names for several hours, they finally agree upon two. Sometimes the names proposed by the cacique are ignored, but usually his choice is VOL. XVI-3 {view image of page 18} I8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN accepted. Then the cacique prays that tomorrow all may have good thoughts and harmonious minds for the election of the new officers, and the governor dismisses the meeting. The next morning the assistants of the governor and of the warchief circulate through all the streets and alleys, calling the people to the meeting, and by noon two-thirds of the people are present at the council-room. The governor and the war-chief again call at the cacique's house to notify him that all is ready. In a short time the cacique comes with two or more assistants, and all stand up while he offers a prayer that all be given good hearts, good thoughts, and that no unpleasantness occur. Then all sit down and smoke. The governor stands before the cacique, and after asking forgiveness of W-nyide and of those present, he hands his canes to the cacique, telling him that, as the end of the year has come and as he received these symbols of authority for a single year, he now surrenders them. The cacique takes the canes, rises to offer a prayer, and then turns to the people and reminds them that the end of the year is at hand, that it is time to choose a new governor and a new war-chief. "Last night," he continues, "at the governor's house we met and decided to choose. Weyide guiding us, we went all over the pueblo and through all the streets, coming in and going out from all the houses; and on the east [north, west, or south] side of the pueblo our steps were first directed to the home of our retiring governor. From there we went again, our steps always being directed by Wenyide, and on the north [west, south, or east] 1 side of the pueblo our steps were directed to the house of so-and-so, he being pointed out to us as a good man to be governor for this year. And from there again our steps were directed to the house of so-and-so, he also being pointed out as being a good man to be governor for this year. Now I ask blessings and turn these men over to you, so that you may select one out of these three men, whichever Wenyide directs. But be sure that you do not go ahead of your fathers, who have raised you up from childhood, and never fail to show the respect that you owe them. And now in the name of W-nyide you are at liberty to name your choice." The cacique sits down. No sooner is he seated than an old principal stands up and asks forgiveness of all present, and says that all three are good men, but his thought is directed to so-and-so, naming one of the three. Another follows with approval of the same man, and another and another, so that before five or six have spoken the multitude shouts, "We want so-and-so, we like him, we want him!" The cacique, to make sure, demands, " Do you want so-and-so for governor?" And all shout, "Yes, we want him! Yes, yes!" The governor then calls this man before the cacique, who tells 1 The office passes from one clan to another in the ceremonial sequence, north, west, south, east. {view image of facing page 18} An Isleta potter [photogravure plate] {view image of page 19} THE TIWA I9 him, "Now, my son, you have heard the people; your people say that they all want you to be their governor for this year." The man asks forgiveness of all present and says that he is not a fit man to be their governor, that he is not capable. He offers excuses of every kind, but none is accepted. Then he turns to the people and asks them if it is their wish and will that he be their governor, and all shout, "Yes, yes!" "Will you obey me?" "Yes, yes, we will obey!" "Will you respect me?" "Yes, yes!" "Will you support me, stand by me, obey all my orders?" "Yes, yes!" When he finds no more excuses to make, he asks forgiveness of Wneyide and then of the cacique for the trouble he had caused in trying to excuse himself, but now he finds that the people want him to be their governor and he stands ready to act. The cacique thanks him and asks him to kneel; and while the others stand he asks forgiveness and blessing for the people, and for the new governor a good, strong heart so that he may guide the people and keep them in the right path as of old. And after making the sign of the cross with the cane on the forehead and breast of the new governor, he gives him the cane, and the governor kisses it and takes a seat beside the retiring governor. Now the cacique again addresses the people, and tells them that the governor needs assistance. They answer, "Let him select his assistants; let him say who he thinks will help him and obey him and respect him." The governor rises and asks if that is their wish, and all answer that so it is. Then he says, "If that is your wish, I want so-and-so for my first lieutenant-governor and so-and-so for my second lieutenant-governor." These also are brought before the cacique, who in turn repeats the same methods used for the governor, finally giving each lieutenant a smaller cane. Then the constables or alguaciles are named. Next the war-chief is named and installed in similar fashion, and he selects his assistant, and these two name their deputies. His duty is to oversee the Indian dances or ceremonial customs. His assistants are six, and those of the governor are four. The retiring governor now asks forgiveness of all those present for any misdeeds he may have committed during the year, and urges them to obey and respect the new officers; and he submits himself to the authority of the new governor. His successor makes the closing speech, asking the people to respect his orders, which they promise to do, and after a prayer the meeting is dismissed. The retiring governor now comes to his successor and asks him to expect the recent officers on the following day at his home. About the middle of the following morning the former governor and his assistants come in, carrying the archives - land patents and other official papers - together with any letters they may have received during the year. Once seated, they turn these over to the new governor and his assistants in the presence of the principales. One or two young men who can read and write English are called in to {view image of page 20} 20 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN examine the documents. Any funds on hand are surrendered, and a full accounting is made of disbursements and receipts. In 1912 we had as governor one Domingo Lucero. He did not get along well with his assistants. Our attorney called his attention to some important matters pertaining to lands and irrigation, urging him to act. The governor called to the meetings some principales, but others he ignored, though they had long been recognized as councilors. It became so bad that at some meetings there would be only four or five of us. Of course there never was a fixed number of principales, but I had served in this body for over twenty years, so that I knew who they were, and there always were more than fifteen, sometimes more than twenty. Now at this particular time when the pueblo was in urgent need of good heads, the old governor would not call all the principales, because they disliked his methods. Once I made bold to ask the governor why certain men were not present. He answered merely that he had not called them. Nothing could be done with only a few principales, for the few would not act in the absence of the others. They were afraid of the responsibility. And at the next meeting some of those who had been present at previous sessions did not attend, knowing that not all had been called. I began to think very seriously, and I spoke to some of the older members of what I had in mind; which was, to have a fixed number of councilors whom the governor should be compelled to call whether he liked them or not. This idea the older men approved, and at the next community meeting I laid this proposal before the people and explained my reason. They agreed with me and asked me how the selection could be made, who were to be considered as councilors. I had beforehand prepared a list, on which I wrote down the names of practically all the men who had been principales up to that time. They numbered twenty-two, and I added six younger men who had some schooling and intelligence. I even included the name of the cacique. I read the names one by one, and all were approved. At the end, when they observed that my name was missing, they insisted that it be added to the list, which made the number twenty-nine. This was a good start, and we got along well. But soon the cacique discovered that his word was not any stronger than the word of any other member of the council. Then he withdrew, saying that he did not think that with the position he held it was a proper thing for him to be a member of the council. He also found that he could not control the governor as he formerly had done, and from that time he began to sow the seed of discord, especially among the older men, so that in a few years other older members began to drop out. And of course once they were out they began to speak against the principales, so that the path of a councilor was not an easy one. Soon it was observed that the cacique was appointing as officers only those who would oppose any and all progress, wishing to preserve his former authority. Some of his appointees went so far as to intimidate {view image of facing page 20} Felicia - Isleta [photogravure plate] {view image of page 21} THE TIWA 21 the people, saying that if they did this or did not do that, or walked out of the path of the cacique, they would be deprived of all the benefits that would come by following the cacique, and would not be allowed to participate in any ceremonial dances. The majority of the people, ignorant of the new way and intimidated by the others, formed a prejudice against the new way. Finally the cacique in I916 made Juan P. Lente governor, and Lente told Superintendent Lonergan that he, as governor, had no use either for a superintendent or for a council. He named men of his own choice as principales, men who at his command would eject the Superintendent from the pueblo. When the Superintendent was told about this, he instructed the real principales to continue to act until their successors were elected and qualified. The annual feast day came. The principales with the consent of the Superintendent appointed a committee of four to preserve order and to issue licenses to Mexicans for dance pavilions and lunch stands. The governor also had license forms prepared, but the Mexicans would have nothing to do with him when they learned that the Superintendent was supporting the committee. Several times during the fiesta the committee was annoyed by the governor and his followers, at one time coming to blows. But the members had been cautioned by the principales and the Superintendent to avoid conflict, so that nothing serious happened. A week later at another fiesta the governor and his followers planned to assault the Superintendent. The plot was carried out, and but for some of his friends the official would have been seriously injured. Juan Lente, the governor, was arrested by the alguaciles and tried in my court for inciting riot. I found him guilty on the testimony, which was all taken down in shorthand, and sentenced him to forty days in the Isleta jail. He appealed to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, then to the Secretary of the Interior, both of whom sustained me. He tried to apply to the President, but they would not listen to him there. So he served his sentence, and after he was released he became worse and worse. To even things up the cacique reappointed Lente the following year, 1917, and during that term the pueblo lost all the money that the governor collected for grazing permits, some of which were written contracts and some mere oral understandings with the governor. It became so bad that in 1918 Bautista Zufii was elected governor. Zuni, a prominent figure in the pueblo, was much opposed to the Superintendent and the principales, and to having everything down in writing, so that all would know what was being done with the public funds. The first thing he did was to select his own councilors, and he openly said that he had no use for the regular principales. But soon he found that checks could not be drawn against-the public funds without the approval of the regular principales; and after doing business with them he had to go to his own selected councilors, {view image of page 22} 22 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the old reactionaries, for their approval or disapproval. While in Washington on pueblo business Zufii sought a ruling on the extent of the governor's authority; and the reply convinced him of his error. On his return he went to the Superintendent, acknowledged his mistake, and proposed to join hands with that official to work for the best interests of his people. At a meeting of the regular principales and those whom the governor had selected, two-thirds of the former and one-third of the reactionaries were elected, and peace was once more established. The cacique and his few malcontents were ignored. Progress was made, money began to accumulate. There were no more holes in the pockets of the governor. Frank Lucero, a good, reliable, honest Indian, was elected treasurer. He received something like three hundred dollars in money belonging to the pueblo, the result of more than ten years of leasing grazing lands. Today [1921] he has more than eighteen thousand dollars in the bank, accumulated in three and a half years. The year 1919 came and we had a good governor elected, and peace was more firmly established. The cacique opposed him, but could not make headway. But I920 found us again with a governor of old, a reactionary. His first assistant was a good man, his second assistant a reactionary. When the governor found that he could not dip his hands into the funds, he revolted openly and threw his strength with the cacique and his followers. The second lieutenant-governor joined hands with them, and the year 1920 came to an end amid turmoil. The cacique revived the old method of selecting officers; but when he found that his chances of securing approval of a reactionary were slender, then he lied to the principales, proposing for governor the incumbent first lieutenant-governor. To this choice the principales gladly agreed; but when the time came to announce the names of the new selections he presented the name of the second lieutenantgovernor. The principales present protested, but the governor, the cacique, and all their followers were there in force and would not listen to the protest. The second lieutenant was made governor, receiving the cane and the cacique's blessing. The first thing the new governor said after receiving the cane was that he had no use for the principales, as they were the cause of all these troubles; and when the retiring governor delivered the papers and accounts, his successor called men of his own choice, those who would do his bidding and oppose any progress. Summing up the situation as it exists today: the governor and his followers, headed by the cacique, want the methods and customs of thirty years ago, especially as regards the handling of money. They want the governor to be prosecutor, judge, jury, and executioner, with no one empowered to raise his hand or voice in protest. They want a Superintendent, but the Superintendent must do what the cacique tells the governor should be done. They want the Secretary of the Interior to order the Commissioner of Indian Affairs {view image of facing page 22} Isleta kiva [photogravure plate] {view image of page 23} THE TIWA 23 to order the Superintendent to do whatever the governor wants, and no more. [In I924 the public funds amounted to approximately twenty thousand dollars, an increase of about two thousand dollars in three years. Apparently the pockets of the governor are again in need of repair.] Religion The ceremonial system of Isleta is based on the clans and the two religious moieties called Shifunin ("eye blacks"), or Winter people, and Shuren ("gray-squirrels"), or Summer people. All children at birth are dedicated to one or the other of these moieties. An infant is taken to the house of the selected party's chief, who holds it up to the different world-quarters and prays for its health and long life, offers meal to the spirits of the world-quarters, breathes into its mouth, and announces a ceremonial name selected by its ceremonial godfather. Formerly such names were reserved for ceremonial use, but at present either the secular or the religious name may become the one by which the individual is commonly known.1 There is only one kiva, tuhla. The two religious parties meet respectively in the houses of their leaders, and when a party chief dies, the house of his successor becomes the meeting-place of the party. As their own houses are the ceremonial headquarters of the party chiefs, so the kiva is the religious headquarters of the cacique, and his watchman has physical charge of it. Isleta is said to have no esoteric societies of shamans, its medicine-men are actually healers who use curative herbs and massage. In December and in June the head of the appropriate religious party, the cacique, and the heads of the clans, retire to fast and pray. This is at the time when Father Sun starts on his return journey from south or north. Travelling to the south, the sun reaches its resting place about the third of December, at which time the head of the White Corn clan, with his two assistants, retires to pray for four days. After two or three days the Black Corn chief retires, and so it goes in the proper ceremonial sequence. Two or three days after the head of the last clan, Goose, has begun his rites, the leader of the Shifunin retires, and last of all the cacique. The Shuren chief does not participate. During the four-day retirement of the cacique, nobody leaves the village. His vigil is supposed to finish the work of the others. 1 Besides the bestowal of a ceremonial name, there is a form of initiation into the moieties, the details of which the informant would not reveal. {view image of page 24} 24 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Each clan chief prays to the deity of his own world-quarter, a personage bearing the same name as the name of the clan, who "turns the prayers and good deeds over to Shifun-kavede, the spirit to whom the Shifunin chief prays, whom he represents, and whose name he bears as a title. Shifun-kavede delivers the prayers and good deeds to Father Sun through the medium of the cacique, Father Sun gives them to We yide 1 of the south, who in turn gives them to the supreme being, Weayide-piyawide. All these prayers, good thoughts, good deeds are accumulated and given to the supreme one as a reserve fund to counterbalance any misdeeds that may be committed during the coming six months." The same procedure occurs in June, except that the Shuren chief prays to Shuren-kavede and his Shifunin colleague is idle. At this season Father Sun carries the prayers to Wenyide of the north. In the latter part of February occurs a ceremony called Nahlinwan-fuaru ("season Kachina dance"), popularly known by its Mexican name Baile de los Pinos, or Dance of the Pines, which refers to the adornment of the dancers with pino real (royal pine), or Douglas spruce. Its purpose is to bring snow for the replenishment of irrigation water. When the time approaches, the chiefs of the two religious parties confer, and the leader of the Shifunin visits the war-chief to ask permission to perform the ceremony. The war-chief inquires if they wish to dance two days or four days, and is told that they will inform him after the matter has received consideration. The head of the Shuren (Summer people) then visits the war-chief by himself to ask permission to join in the dance; for this is not his season. Each party chief selects from his group certain young men to engage in the dancing, and the parties meet in their respective houses on several successive nights to practise singing. Many new songs are composed, and some old ones are rehearsed. On the last night the chiefs instruct their young men as to their conduct during the next four days: they may go about their ordinary duties, but must sleep in the kiva; they must entertain only good thoughts, must lead exemplary lives, must not kill any creature, nor cohabit. On the third morning of this intervening four-day period, each party chief selects about six of his dancers, and to the leader gives a prayer-plume to be deposited at a spring in the mountains to the Hlinwande of that place. They are to bring in Douglas spruce boughs for the dancing, and the 1 Cf. Wefiima, home of the Keres masked gods. {view image of facing page 24} Tsola - "Chipmunk", Jemez governor [photogravure plate] {view image of page 25} THE TIWA 25 plume is in payment for the damage that will be done to the trees; for the Hlinwande of this place is the spirit of the spruce. They start out early on this same morning, running rapidly in order to reach the mountains sixteen miles distant before sunrise. There are several springs in the locality visited, any one of which may be chosen for the placing of the prayer-plume. After praying to the world-quarters and offering meal, the prayer-plumes are laid on the ground at the foot of a Douglas spruce, and each leader tells his men they are now permitted to break off branches. They scatter to the work with loud shouts, imitating various animals, and after preparing bundles as large as they can carry they gather again at the spring and each leader gives his men permission to breakfast. If the weather is favorable, they start out almost at once, say about ten o'clock, and proceed at such a pace as to arrive at Goat spring, halfway home, at dusk, timing their departure from this point so as to be within a mile of the pueblo at dawn. If the weather is disagreeable, snowy and windy, they camp on the mountain around a fire for a part of the night, and then start out walking slowly, coming in sight of the village at dawn. Just before the sun appears they come to the bank of the river and remove their clothing. On the opposite side the people have assembled to watch them. Word having been sent to the kiva that the Hllwan are coming, the leaders of the two religious parties with a few of their principal dancers come to the river-bank and pray to the rising sun, offering meal. In the meantime the Hllwan are crossing (somet mes having to break through the ice), and when they reach the other side the Shifunin chief leads them away to the kiva, making a trail of meal. The line of Hllnwan is followed by the Shuren chief. At the kiva the assistants of the two chiefs relieve the young men of their burdens. In the kiva the other dancers sprinkle meal on the spruce boughs, and food is brought by the female relatives of the dancers. It is now the fourth preliminary day, and the watchman of the cacique has already been requested to have the kiva in readiness. The dancers must be in their respective party houses by dusk, ready to be painted, and the war-chief comes to give them the word, whereupon they proceed to paint in whatever fashion pleases them, the Shifunin with black pigment and the Shuren with white. Lightninglines and figures of animals are some of the favored devices. The costume consists of moccasins, loin-cloth, a kilt of spruce boughs from waist to knees, a tasselled ceremonial sash over the upper part of the kilt, a spruce ring about each biceps with sprigs thrust down VOL. XVI-4 {view image of page 26} 26 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN under it from aDove in such fashion that the outer side of the upper arm is covered with spruce, a large wreath of the same material about the neck and hanging in front nearly to the waist. No masks are worn in this or in any other Isleta dance.1 When the painting and dressing are completed, they notify the head of the party, who comes with his assistant and leads them to the kiva, where the people have already assembled. The Shifunin come first and dance three songs, returning to their house after the cacique has thanked them for the supplication made for good in their songs and has offered a prayer giving these supplications in one body to Wenyide. The Shuren are notified at once, and their chief leads them in, to perform in the same manner as the Shifunin. Thus alternating, each party dances thrice to three songs, by which time it is past midnight, and the dancers spend the remainder of the night in their respective party houses. About sunrise the Shifunin dance one song on the east and one song on the west side of the plaza, return to their house, and are followed likewise by the Shuren. Each party dances thus three times, after which their female relatives bring food to the party houses. If it is to be a two-day ceremony, there is nothing done this night and the following day; but the night of this second day repeats the dancing of the first night, and on the third morning the dancing in the plaza is repeated. In the afternoon of this third day the alternating dancing in the plaza is resumed and continued without any specified number of appearances until the sun is nearing the horizon. After their last dance the Shifunin are given into the custody of the war-chief, who leads them from the plaza to the cacique's house, outside of which they dance in front of the cacique himself, thus leaving with him their accumulated supplications from the time when the ceremony was first thought of. All these, with their good thoughts, he will offer to Wenyide, asking for good thoughts, good hearts, health, happiness, good crops. From there the dancers are led back to their party house, where they dance before their chief and his assistant, and the head of the party does the same as the cacique did. Next they are taken to the Shuren house, to dance before the party chief and his assistant, and then return to their own house. While these are dancing at their own house, the Shuren are being led to the 1 On the authority of the informant. But his identification of the Hlinwan with the Katsina points to a different conclusion. See pages IO5-IO6 on the probable identity of Hlinwande and Shiwanna. It is quite likely that masked dances are secretly held. {view image of facing page 26} A Jemez fiscal [photogravure plate] {view image of page 27} THE TIWA 27 cacique's house by the assistant war-chief. Thence they are conducted to the Shifunin house, and then to their own, thus passing in the plaza the Shifunin returning from their dance before the Shuren house. After the end of the ceremony there is a general exchange of thanks and felicitations between the dancers and the various officers. Inside their party houses the chiefs instruct the dancers to bury the spruce boughs in their fields with the tips directed toward the pueblo, so that the rain for which they have been asking will be directed to the same place. Evidence of the former existence of snake worship at Isleta is contained in the following quotation from an informant interviewed in I909: A witch was jealous of a man and changed him into a snake. It was always kept at the house of the chief of the Shifunin, because he was considered the highest man on account of the Shifunin emerging first from the underworld at Shipapuna. The snake was kept until it died, a long time ago, because the people knew that it was really a man. It ate cornmeal and was fed by the Shifunin chief.' Taos Character and History THE people of Taos, northernmost of all the pueblos, and those of Picuris, a mountain village about twenty miles southeastward, speak the same tongue, a dialect of the Tiwa branch of the Tanoan stock language. Taos lies about fifty miles north of Santa Fe. A few miles to the east lofty, rugged peaks of the Sangre de Cristo range rise abruptly to a height of thirteen thousand feet above the sea and six thousand feet above the plain. Beyond them eastward-flowing streams debouch into Canadian river and ultimately into the Mississippi. North and south of the pueblo, and west toward the black gorge of the Rio Grande, extends an elevated plain, a typical sagebrush plateau now not inconsiderably cultivated by Mexicans and Indians. Mountains are visible in every direction, and the peaks and crags of the Sangre de Cristo are at once forbidding and sublime. Climbing to the plateau by way of a canon road from Santa Fe, the traveller soon descries two brown pyramidal masses, incredibly diminutive against the huge bulk of the towering mountains, the 1 This refers, of course, to the ceremonial offering of cornmeal. {view image of page 28} 28 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN twin pueblos of Taos, one on each side of a musical brook. A few thin columns of smoke rise high in the quiet atmosphere. A horseman approaches, swathed in a white cotton sheet, only his face visible. The face is that of a Ute, the garb that of a Cheyenne. A pedestrian next, similarly enshrouded. Another plainsman? But his female companion waddles beside him in flapping white deerskin boots such as no woman of the plains ever wore. He must be of Taos, or an alien married into the tribe. But soon the road is dotted with figures similarly garbed, and nearly all, especially the men, have that typical Plains physiognomy. One realizes that this nevertheless is the Taos type, but harbors a feeling that there must be a group of tipis behind yonder clump of willows down by the stream. One enters the first pueblo. The plaza is wellnigh deserted, for the men are in the fields or on the way to the American settlement for a pleasant day of idleness. But on a fourth-story roof loiters a young man. Come when you please, you will see him or another take his negligent position. You will be told, if you succeed in making an acquaintance, that he is keeping a watchful eye on the going and coming of his beloved; but if you know anything of Taos you will suspect that the eye is missing nothing of your own movements. If, a stranger, you contemplate an interview with an inhabitant to whom you have been referred, make your inquiries of any group you see clustered about a dooryard. In all probability they either do not understand you or never heard of the individual you name, or at best have no idea where he might be found. For Taos shares with Santo Domingo and Jemez the distinction of being the most recalcitrant of the pueblos; which, if you know the others, is quite a distinction. And these young people with whom you have tried to converse fear to risk the censure of their elders by imparting any information that might perhaps lead to undesired disclosures of native customs. The name Taos is a Spanish plural, first recorded by Juan de Ofiate in I598, of the Tewa name Ta-wii ("dwell gap"), which alludes to the situation of the village at the mouth of a canion. Their own name for themselves is simply Tainan (" people"), or specifically Ia-tai'na ("osier-willow people").1 According to their mythology they emerged upon the earth from Chi-pa-ffin-ta ("eye water black at," that is, Black spring).2 Their 1 See note 22, page 264, for further information on Taos self-names. 2 This place the Taos informant identified with a lake near Alamosa, Colorado. Chip.afinta is the original form of Sip6fene, Sipapu, Shipapu, Shipapulima, Shipipuni, Shipapuna, of Tewa, Keres, Zufii, and Hopi mythology. (The word in its various forms is an excellent and thought-compelling example of the extent to which religious conceptions and terms spread {view image of facing page 28} A corner of Taos and a kiva entrance [photogravure plate] {view image of page 29} THE TIWA 29 leader was Tai-faiina ("person red-that"), who is now the recipient of supplication. In groups corresponding to the present ceremonial societies they travelled in an easterly direction to the plains, where they turned southward to a large river which the present traditionists believe to have been the Arkansas. They long roamed the plains before recrossing the mountains to become a sedentary tribe in their present habitat. This reference to a long-continued existence on the plains is extremely interesting in view of Harrington's thesis that they are linguistically related to the Kiowa. Taos was discovered in I540 by Hernando de Alvarado, a subordinate of Coronado, and is thus described in one of the SDanish documents relating to the exploits of the expedition: It has eighteen divisions [Spanish, barrios]; each one has a situation as if for two ground plots; the houses are very close together, and have five or six stories, three of them with mud walls and two or three with thin wooden walls, which become smaller as they go up, and each one has its little balcony outside the mud walls, one above the other, all around, of wood. In this village, as it is in the mountains, they do not raise cotton nor breed fowls [turkeys]; they wear the skins of deer and cows [bison] entirely. It is the most populous village of all that country.l Castafieda, the principal chronicler of the expedition, in one passage makes no mention of a visit by Alvarado to Taos, leaving the inference that he proceeded directly from Cicuye (Pecos) to the plains east of the mountains and returned thence to the southern Tiwa villages on the Rio Grande. Later, however, he says: throughout the entire Pueblo area.) For many years the writer has been curious about the etymology of this term, beginning his effort to solve the problem in the Hopi country in 1906, and appropriately finds the solution, at the end of the trail, in Taos, northernmost of the pueblos and nearest to the fabled Black spring. Cushing interpreted Zuni Shipapulima as "mist enveloped city" - Ahipa, mist, smoke, dust; uli,within; ma, ocative. This is erroneous. The Zuiii have added their own locative -ma, but otherwise their term is a very close transliteration of Chipafdnta. Of course all these words, closely similar in sound and referring to the same thing in five languages, can have but one source. The etymology of the Taos name is clear, and the translation is perfectly appropriate. "Eye," or "eye water," is a common Indian expression for a spring or small lake (cf. Spanish ojo, eye, spring). And the body of water here referred to is "black." Hewett (quoted by Harrington in Twenty-ninth Report Bureau of American Ethnology) says: "The trip from last night's camp to Alamosa was by a very little used road across the sand dunes... Soon after noon, to the west of a group of dunes, we passed a small lake of very black, forbidding looking water. It looks much like the small crater lakes south of Antonito, but is not in a volcanic district. I could form no idea of the depth of it, but should think it quite deep. It is probably Ioo yards across. The water is very offensive. Around the shore is a continuous line of dead cattle." 1 Winship in Fourteenth Report Bureau of Ethnology, I896, page 575. {view image of page 30} 30 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN There was a large and powerful... village, which was called Braba, 20 leagues farther up the river [from Yuqueyunque, across the Rio Grande from San Juan], which our men called Valladolid.' The river flowed through the middle of it. The natives crossed it by wooden bridges, made of very long, large, square pines. At this village they saw the largest and finest hot rooms or estufas that there were in the entire country, for they had a dozen pillars, each one of which was twice as large around as one could reach and twice as tall as a man. Hernando de Alvarado visited this village when he discovered Cicuye. The country is very high and very cold. The river is deep and very swift, without any ford. Captain Barrionuevo [another of Coronado's lieutenants] returned from here [in 1541], leaving the province at peace.2 Taos at that time was situated a short distance up-stream from its present location. The next visitor to Taos may have been (though the present writer does not think so) Gaspar Castafio de Sosa,3 lieutenantgovernor of the province of Nuevo Leon, who in July, I590, set out with a band of colonists, a hundred and seventy men, women, and children, to discover mines. The party ascended Rio Salado (Pecos river), and on the thirtieth of December, having left the women and children with the wagon-train at a place called La Urraca, Sosa and about a hundred men approached a large pueblo, probably Pecos. On the following day, after long vainly trying to win the friendship of the natives, they attacked with two small cannon. The soldiers spent the night in some of the vacated houses, and next morning proceeded to explore the pueblo, which the inhabitants seem to have abandoned in the night. It was found to contain five plazas and sixteen kivas, the latter being underground chambers, well-plastered, which Sosa believed to have been made for protection against the cold. The houses, from four to five stories high, were built in the form of cuarteles, the entrances all on the outside, and the houses standing back to back. 1 This is about the distance a horseman would cover in travelling from San Juan to Taos. That the village referred to was Taos is proved, moreover, by the mention of the bridged stream flowing through it and by numerous statements elsewhere in the text that "Braba" was the northernmost of the pueblos. The "thin wooden walls" of the upper stories, mentioned in the preceding quotation, are puzzling, unless we may imagine poles held close together by wattling and plastered with adobe, a form of structure not unknown in ruined pueblos. 2 Winship, ibid., page 511. 3 The material on this expedition is from Dorothy Hull, Castafio de Sosa's Expedition to New Mexico in I590, in Old Santa Fe, October, I916, which is based on the "Memoria del Descubrimiento que Gaspar Castafio de Sosa hizo en el Nuevo Mexico," etc., in Pacheco y Cirdenas, Col. Doc. Ined., XV, 191-26I. {view image of facing page 30} Pecos in ruins [photogravure plate] {view image of page 31} THE TIWA 3I They were all connected by wooden corridors or balconies which ran from house to house throughout the village. Intersecting streets were bridged by wooden beams flung from roof to roof. Access to the houses was had by means of small ladders which could afterward be drawn through trap-doors in the roof... The houses also contained a great deal of pottery, both gaily colored and figured, and black, some of it glazed. As it was winter, the people were warmly clothed - the men in mantas of cotton and buffalo skins, while some wore also gaily figured trousers. The women wore a manta fastened at the shoulder with a wide girdle around the waist, and over this another manta, gaily colored, and either embroidered or decorated with furs and feathers. The pueblo had a large amount of land under cultivation, irrigated by two running streams at the side, while the pool which supplied them with water for drinking lay within a gunshot. A quarter of a league from the pueblo, the Rio Salado flowed. [After several days, in which the Indians still remained unseen, the Spaniards departed.] The route from Cicuye [Pecos] lay through some sierras. The first night out the Spaniards camped in these sierras, in a valley with many pines... About one o'clock that [next] day the party reached a small pueblo, doubtless one of the Tehua group. The inhabitants gladly welcomed them and supplied them with provisions. A lofty cross was erected with sounding of trumpets and firing of volleys. The Indians swore allegiance to the king and Sosa established there a regular government, appointing from among their number governor, alcalde, and alguazil. In all of the inhabited pueblos which Sosa subsequently visited like ceremonies were repeated, and thus were laid the foundations for the future pueblo governments of New Mexico. In this region four other pueblos, all within a league's distance of one another, were visited... Although the "Memoria" contains neither the direction of the march from Cicuye to these pueblos, nor the distance traversed, we are fairly safe in assuming that the course must have been slightly to the northwest, and that these were the Tehua pueblos north of Santa Fe. On the I th of January [I59I] the party, after marching two leagues, reached a large pueblo, occupying a large valley, all under irrigation. This pueblo was probably San Ildefonso.1... The next 1 In a footnote the author says: "Bandelier suggests that this pueblo may have been Cicuy6. This can scarcely be possible... Sosa had been journeying away from the river [Salado] four days when he reached this pueblo." Miss Hull, when she says that Bandelier tentatively identifies the large village visited on January I with Pecos, evidently refers to his earlier statement (Papers Archevological Institute of America, I, 1883, page II6). In his Final Report, however, he identifies the river on which the village was situated as the Rio Grande, and says that the "frozen" river encountered the day after leaving the captured pueblo was Pecos river. He is clearly of the opinion that Sosa never saw Pecos pueblo. He says: "Leaving this [captured] pueblo on the 6th of January, 159I, with a part of his force, Castaio struck out for the west, crossing a wooded mountain. On the evening of the first day {view image of page 32} 32 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN day, the I2th of January, the route lay "along a river, very full of water to the north."... That day the eighth and ninth pueblos were visited and in the latter, which in all probability was San Juan, the party camped for the night. The next day, January I3th, the party reached about an hour before sundown, a very large pueblo located in a valley between the sierras. This was undoubtedly Taos.1 It was very large. The houses were eight or nine stories high, built in cuarteles, and each cuartel appeared a labyrinth from the wooden he reached another river, 'all frozen.' A short distance beyond this river stood a small village; farther on were five pueblos, not far from one another; finally, a large village near the banks of a great river. That river was the Rio Grande, and the Spaniards reached it on the I2th [Miss Hull says the IIth] of January. As it is certain that Castano marched up the Salado [Pecos] to a place where that stream flowed through a broken and wooded country, that place must have been north of the parallel of thirty-five degrees. At some point, therefore, above Anton Chico, he must have turned off to the west, marching across the country to the Rio Grande... There is no stream of any permanence between the Pecos and the Rio Grande and near the former. Consequently, the river which flowed a quarter of a league distant from the pueblo which Castafio had to take by assault cannot have been the Pecos, but some watercourse to the east of it, - either the Gallinas or the Tecolote. The small village next to it, however, was situated on the Pecos. It cannot have been Tshiquite or the 'old Pecos pueblo,' for that was the largest Indian town of New Mexico... Moreover the Indians of Pecos would not have been ignorant of fire-arms, as were those of that [captured] pueblo." (Op. cit., IV, 1892, pages 135-I36.) Referring to Bandelier's objections to the identification of the captured pueblo with Pecos: (i) The absence of a "stream of any permanence between Pecos and the Rio Grande" in his time is no proof that Sosa might not have encountered there a frozen stream three hundred years earlier. (2) Pecos had seen no white men for nearly fifty years. The great majority of the people could have had no personal knowledge of firearms, and what they knew by hearsay would have been known equally to any other pueblo in the vicinity. The author's footnote says: "According to the Pacheco y Cirdenas copy of the 'Memoria' this pueblo was five leagues from the ninth pueblo, where the Spaniards had spent the night of the I2th of January. According to Castafieda it was twenty leagues [about fiftythree miles] from Yuqueyunque, across the river from which was San Juan, to Braba, or Taos." The distance noted by Castafieda is approximately correct. The present writer is far from convinced that this pueblo visited by Sosa was "undoubtedly" Taos. True, the "five leagues" of the "Memoria" may be a copyist's error. But even so, twenty leagues from San Juan to Taos is an incredibly long march, especially for a brief midwinter day; and Sosa arrived "about an hour before sundown." Compare this with Alvarado's twenty-five leagues from "Tiguex" to "Cicuye" in five days. Furthermore, Taos is not "located in a valley between the sierras," but on an open plateau near the base of a mountain range. There is also the negative testimony that the "Memoria" does not mention the striking feature of two communal buildings separated by a stream. In view of all this it seems more likely that Sosa visited Picuris, which was twenty miles nearer and which at that time must have been a very large pueblo, inasmuch as it was said to have a population of three thousand in I68o. At that date Pecos, "largest of all the New Mexico pueblos," sheltered only two thousand souls, according to Vetancurt. Although Picuris did not in I541 occupy its modern site, "a valley between the sierras" is a phrase quite appropriate to the Picuris environment. From San Juan to Picuris, about twenty miles in a straight line, would have been a good winter day's march for Sosa, and this mountain village, the nearest one beyond San Juan, would very likely have been named to him by his San Juan informants. A well-established trail connected the two pueblos, and there was much communication between them. * The walls of this Picuris ruin were constructed by filling wooden forms with adobe mud, raising the forms from tier to tier. This is the method by which Casa Grande and other now ruined structures in southern Arizona were built. {view image of facing page 32} Old house and kiva at Picuris [photogravure plate] {view image of page 33} THE TIWA 33 framework above which all the houses were raised. Wooden corridors ran from one house to the other throughout the entire circuit of the pueblo... The conduct of the inhabitants was so distinctly hostile that the company were obliged to camp for the night outside the pueblo in some ranches provided for people of other tribes who came there to trade. The next day, as the Indians showed even more evident signs of hostility, Sosa wished to attack the village and reduce it to obedience. Being dissuaded from this course by his comrades, he at last agreed to leave it for the present and to return later when the cold and snow should be over and its reduction might prove an easier task. From here the party returned to the pueblos from which they had set out, that is, as is most likely, to the Tewa pueblos on the east bank of the Rio Grande from San Ildefonso to San Juan. On the 15th of January a deep river was crossed and the eleventh and twelfth pueblos, probably Yuqueyunque of Castaneda and Santa Clara, were visited. On the I6th of January the party crossed the river to the east and visited the thirteenth pueblo. On the I7th of the month the party broke camp and on the I8th reached a group of settlements of a different nation which Sosa denominated the Queres... The party must have been near the junction of the Rio Grande and the Galisteo. Here they found four pueblos, all in sight of one another. The party remained in these pueblos two days and on the 2Ist visited another pueblo of the same tribe. The next day Sosa made a side expedition to some mines in the vicinity. On the 23d the nineteenth and twentieth pueblos were visited.1 On the 24th of January... Sosa struck off to the east to search for a route by which the wagon-train and the colonists might be brought to the pueblo region. After four days' travel through a snow-covered country densely forested with pines, he reached La Urraca... On the 30th of the month the whole party set out on the return trip to the pueblos. Shortly after this Castafio de Sosa was arrested on royal warrant at the instigation of the rival authorities of the province of Nueva Bizcaya, and his efforts came to naught. Juan de Ofnate visited Taos in 1598, and in this connection is found the first use of that name. Prior to the year I680 Taos became a city of refuge to Pope,2 a San Juan shaman charged with some crime by the Spanish authorities. From this point he matured his plans for a general revolt of the Pueblos and the slaughter of the missionaries and colonists. 1 Author's footnote: "The eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth pueblos visited were called by Sosa respectively San Marcos, San Lucas, and San Crist6bal." 2 A Tewa name, possibly for P6-fe ("water wood," that is, driftwood). VOL. xvI-5 {view image of page 34} 34 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN When the plot ripened, Taos played a role commensurate with its importance, its warriors killing whom they could and joining in the siege of Santa Fe. The reconquest by Vargas in 1692 was accomplished without actual conflict so far as concerned Taos, although on his second visit to the northern pueblo he felt it necessary to despoil it and carry away as much as possible of its stores of corn, for the reason that the people refused to come out of their temporary refuge in the cafion. Taos participated also in a sporadic uprising in 1696, when two missionaries were killed at San Crist6bal (a Tano pueblo established in the insurrectionary period near Santa Cruz in the Tewa country by people who had formerly occupied the original San Cristobal southeast of Santa Fe), two were burned in the church at San Ildefonso, one lost his life at Jemez, and twenty-one colonists were slain. The Taos priest, accompanied by a few soldiers, fled in the night across the mountains toward Picuris. Aided by a hundred friendly warriors of Pecos, Vargas had the province again pacified with the coming of winter. In 1847 a number of influential Mexicans conspired to overthrow American authority in the territory. They had the cooperation of Taos, and since the resulting massacres and armed conflict occurred near that pueblo the episode is known as the Taos rebellion. Early one January morning at Fernando de Taos (now the MexicanAmerican village of Taos, three miles from the Pueblo de Taos) Indians and Mexicans killed six persons, including Charles Bent, governor of the territory. Bent was murdered by Indians led by one Tomasito. At several other places in the region like atrocities were committed. Colonel Sterling Price with three hundred and fifty-three men, including one mounted troop, marched north from Santa Fe and dislodged fifteen hundred insurrectos from "the heights above La Cafiada" after killing thirty-six and losing only two of his own men. His force strengthened by the addition of a hundred and sixteen men, he sent a detachment of a hundred and eighty to drive the enemy from the slopes of the gorge of the Rio Grande at Embudo (Spanish, a pass), through which lay his line of march. This was accomplished with a loss to the enemy of twenty men. Probably no Indians were concerned in these minor engagements. On February third Price proceeded to the pueblo of Taos. His report 1 says: 1 Executive Documents, No. I, 3oth Congress, First Session, pages 520-538; also Senate Document 442, 56th Congress, First Session, pages II-12. {view image of facing page 34} Jemez houses [photogravure plate] {view image of page 35} THE TIWA 35 I found it a place of great strength, being surrounded by adobe walls and strong pickets. Within the enclosure and near the northern and southern walls, arose two large buildings of irregular pyramidal form to the height of seven or eight stories.' Each of these buildings was capable of sheltering five or six hundred men... The exterior wall and all the enclosed buildings were pierced for rifles. The town was admirably calculated for defense, every point of the exterior walls and pickets being flanked by some projecting building. About two in the afternoon the troops began to bombard the church at two hundred and fifty yards with a six-pounder and several howitzers, and the following morning the bombardment was resumed on the north and the west side. After two hours - finding it impossible to breach the walls of the church with the 6-pounder and howitzers, I determined to storm that building.... As soon as the troops... had established themselves under the western wall... axes were used in the attempt to breach it; and, a temporary ladder having been made, the roof was fired...In the meantime small holes had been cut in the western wall, and shells were thrown in by hand, doing good execution. The 6-pounder was now brought around by Lieutenant Wilson, who, at the distance of two hundred yards, poured a heavy fire of grape into the town. The enemy during all this time kept up a destructive fire upon our troops. About halfpast three o'clock the 6-pounder was run up within sixty yards of the church, and after ten rounds, one of the holes which had been cut with the axes was widened into a practicable breach. The gun was now run up within ten yards of the wall. A shell was thrown in -three rounds of grape were poured into the breach. The storming party... entered and took possession of the church without opposition. The interior was filled with dense smoke, but for which circumstance our storming party would have suffered great loss. A few of the enemy were seen in the gallery, where an open door admitted the air, but they retired without firing a gun.. The enemy abandoned the western part of the town. Many took refuge in the large houses on the east, while others endeavored to escape toward the mountains. These latter were pursued by the mounted men... who killed fifty-one of them, only two or three men escaping. It was now night, and our troops were quietly quartered in the houses which the enemy had abandoned. On the next morning the enemy sued for peace... I granted their supplication, on the condition that they should deliver up to me Tomas - one of their principal men, who had instigated and been actively engaged in the murder of Governor Bent and others. The number of the enemy at the battle of Pueblo de Taos was between six and seven hundred. 1 The greatest height is now five stories. {view image of page 36} 36 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Of these, about one hundred and fifty were killed - wounded not known. Our own loss was seven killed and forty-five wounded. Many of the wounded have since died.1... Tomas was shot by a private while in the guard-room [at Fernando de Taos.] Among the American casualties was Captain John H. K. Burgwin, who died of wounds on February seventh. On the same day fourteen of the insurrectionists were tried for the murder of Governor Bent, convicted, and hanged at Fernando de Taos. From very early times Taos and Picuris were exposed to the attacks and cultural influence of various Plains Indians. Possibly this was merely the continuation of an even earlier contact when they themselves were plainsmen, who, constantly harassed by their enemies, ultimately crossed the mountains to the headwaters of the Rio Grande. There is no historical evidence supporting this conjecture, which is based primarily on the universal Pueblo tradition of a northern origin. There is a record of the temporary migration, about the middle of the seventeenth century, of a considerable body from Taos to "El Quartelejo," a district in what is now Scott county in western Kansas, where the Jicarilla Apache then ranged. In I704 the population of Picuris for some reason fled to the same place, but they were soon persuaded by the governor of the Province of New Mexico to return. In 1695 the captain-general Vargas wrote: "While I was absent from this city [Santa Fe] there arrived a band of Apaches from the east, who are called Chiyenes, and they told in the town at which they arrived, which is of the Picuries tribe, how some men, white and light-haired, had destroyed a very large tribe of the Apaches Conejeros, living much further inland than their own." 2 At the beginning of the eighteenth century the Ute were causing 1 It was officially reported by Captain W. N. Grier on February I5 (Doc. 442, op. cit.) that the loss by the attacking force was twelve killed and fifty-two wounded. 2 Twitchell, The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, I, I914, page 265. The document cited seems to refer to the episode narrated in original reports of the same year, in possession of the present editor, which state that Governor Vargas had received word from Luis Granillo, lieutenant and captain-general, that in September a band of Apache who had entered the little pueblo of Picuris, north of Santa Fe, to trade, had brought word that a large number of men, "white and ruddy like Spaniards," were coming from the buffalo plains and that the Apache were retreating before their attacks. With more or less alarm at the encroachment of the strangers, Vargas immediately dispatched Granillo, together with Roque Madrid, lieutenant-general of cavalry, and Domingo de la Barreda, secretary of government and war, to Picuris to interview the visiting Apache for the purpose of learning the details of the threatened invasion. On October 4th Granillo reported to Vargas that he had seen the {view image of page 37} THE TIWA 37 considerable trouble by running off the horses of Taos, and the Comanche were so persistently attacking Pecos that by I790 its population had decreased from two thousand in I680 to a hundred and fifty-two. Much of this diminution was due to the Apache, who long prior to the year 1700 had periodically raided Pecos and the other pueblos east of the Rio Grande valley. In 1748 the priest at Taos wrote to the captain-general at Santa Fe: This day and date seven Cumanches entered this pueblo; among them the Captain Panfilo. They tell me they have come in quest of tobacco; that their village is composed of a hundred lodges, pitched on the Jicarilla river,2 where they are tanning hides, so as to come in and barter as soon as the snow shall decrease in the mountains... One Cumanche of the seven... has related to me... that thirtythree Frenchmen have come to their village [on Jicarilla river] and sold them plenty of muskets in exchange for mules; that as soon as this trade was made, the Frenchmen departed for their own country, and that only two remain in the village to come in with the Cumanches when they come hither to barter. The "Opinion of the Governor" on this episode was that "it is to be feared that if these Frenchmen insinuate themselves into this kingdom they may cause some uprising - as was attempted by a Frenchman named Luis Maria, who with eight of his own nation entered this kingdom in the former year of I742, coming by the same route of the Jicarilla to the Pueblo of Taos and for it was shot in the public square in this Capital town of Santa Fe... and in the said year, seven of these nine Frenchmen returned to their country by a different route from that by which they came here."3 The Apache at Picuris and had learned that they had been informed by seven hostile tribes beyond the region where they lived that certain white men had come to the bank of the river (evidently the Arkansas) and made war on the people of Quivira (the Wichita Indians of Kansas) and other parts, "and presently they go away, and again return and make war and go away." The account given by the Apache was fully accredited by the Spanish officials, who regarded the "white and ruddy men" as French. It will be noted that no reference to the "Chiyenes" nor to the Apaches Conejeros is made. The name Apache was commonly applied by the Spaniards to designate any warlike, marauding Indians. 1 Translation by Twitchell in Land of Sunshine, February, I898, pages 148-150. 2 The Jicarilla was probably Las Animas river in southeastern Colorado. The identification is based on the facts that this region was the former range of the Jicarilla tribe, that the Governor's "Opinion" quoted below indicates this "Jicarilla" river as the regular route from the plains to Taos, and that Las Animas river is still recognized by Taos as the route generally taken by the Comanche. 3 In 1739 nine Frenchmen, including the Mallet brothers, of Canada, a certain Louis Marie (Luis Maria), and Juan de Alari (or d'Alay), arrived in the province by way of Taos from {view image of page 38} 38 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Governor recommended the establishment of a fort on the Jicarilla, where "were located, in times past, the Indians of the Jicarilla nation, who were numerous and had houses, palisade huts and other shelters. Thence the Gentile [heathen] Cumanches despoiled them, killing most of them; the few that remained of said Jicarillas have sheltered and maintained themselves in peace nearby the pueblos of Taos and Pecos." The Cheyenne ranged on both sides of the Arkansas and in the panhandle of Texas. In making their raids or trading expeditions to Taos, they, as well as the Comanche, followed Las Animas river to the region where Trinidad, Colorado, now is, continued up its headwaters to Collins, New Mexico, and into the canion at Catskill, crossed the Sangre de Cristo mountains, descended a creek to Costilla, which is in open country, and thence on to Taos. Or from Trinidad they passed through open country to a crossing of the Sangre de Cristo range west of Walsenburg, Colorado, thence to Fort Garland and south through open country to Costilla. Coming from the more northerly plains, they passed through what is now Pueblo, Colorado, and south to Fort Garland. The route from Taos to Texas and Oklahoma was through Taos pass to Cimarron, thence to Springer, crossing Red river and leading eastward through open country to the northwest corner of Texas. This trail was used by traders and buffalo-hunters. Taos never pursued the enemy into their own country, except when retaliatory raids were made against Navaho and Apache. War The war-dance was Pfian-taanna (puiananamu", enemies) or Homtaain ("war dance"). Three or four days were spent in preparing weapons and moccasins for a hostile expedition. Arrow-points were dipped in menstrual or puerperal blood, which also was placed under the sinew wrapping. Such blood was dried and kept for this purpose. the French settlements on the Mississippi, and on July 22 reached Santa Fe. On May I, I740, seven of the foreigners departed, leaving Louis Marie and Alari (the latter a barber) to remain. On October I8, 1743, the former, having had some trouble with the officials, was shot in the plaza of the town; but Alari was married, reared a family, and was "comporting himself honorably as a man of substance." The record of what became of the other Frenchmen is somewhat contradictory, but we gather that three of them departed for the Pawnee villages in Nebraska, and three others, including the Mallets, went down the Arkansas and the Mississippi to New Orleans, which had been founded only twenty-two years before. It has also been stated that some of the men settled below Albuquerque at Gracia Real, which was called Canada in their honor; but this doubtless was only a temporary lodgment, for in 1748 it was stated by the Governor that the seven "returned to their country by a different route." {view image of page 39} THE TIWA 39 At the first camp they gathered in a circle about the fire and prayed and sang to Bear, Cougar, Weasel, Moon, asking for strength, courage, cunning, favorable weather, good luck. Returning, they sent one or two ahead with the news, telling how many scalps and how many child captives had been taken. The young men then set out to meet the warriors, and when they were seen approaching, the war-party set up the scalp-pole and the young men, mounted, rushed up to it, shooting at the scalps and striking it with sticks. Together the two parties returned to the village, where all the older men gathered outside the walls and received a detailed report of the battle and what each warrior had accomplished. That night the warriors and the other men of the village assembled to make and practise new songs referring to the fight. The next day the warriors painted their bodies and faces black, loosened their hair, and scattered eagle-down on the head. They were now called talanan (singular, talana). An equal number of men called piulenamuin (singular, piulena) painted the body and face red, loosened the hair, and put eagle-down on the head. The scalps hung at the top of a pole, around which these two parties danced, yelling, shooting, gesticulating, reviling the enemy, menacing the captives huddled about the base of the pole. From various houses came old women, screaming and menacingly shaking their fists. Arriving at the circle, they rushed in and mistreated the captives, pulling their hair, kicking them, spitting on them, reviling their tribesmen. Then all the other women came and participated, all ululating. The women danced outside the circle of warriors, stepping quickly up and down without progressing, and holding the hands at the shoulders with elbows at the sides. Their faces were blackened. The men danced in the fashion characteristic of Plains Indians, making threatening gestures, sometimes firing their guns, holding up their shields on the left arm. Other than the painted dancers with the warriors, men did not participate; but if a man were seen at a distance watching the dance, two or three warriors or their companion dancers captured him and led him to the plaza, where he was compelled to dance until his women ransomed him by bringing a basket of food. This dance continued four days, starting rather early in the morning and lasting until after dark, with intervals of rest and feasting. The warriors spent the night together in any kiva, where they ate only meal in its various forms. Long before dawn they marched through the streets, singing, and after breakfast {view image of page 40} 40 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN resumed the dance. On the fifth morning, very early, they secreted the scalps among the rocks outside the pueblo.1 Relations with alien tribes were by no means of a uniformly hostile character. Annually traders in considerable numbers camped near Taos to exchange buffalo-skins for the products of the country. Though they were compelled to leave the walled village before dark, their relations with the Taos females were of such a friendly nature that today the average Taos physiognomy and figure are those of The Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, New York City, has recently acquired nine shields pertaining to the Taos scalp ceremony. According to information given the collector, the dance, which became obsolete about I855, was conducted on an island formed by the creek that flows through Taos and divides below the pueblo. The dance-ground was beneath two large cottonwood trees, the stumps of which remain today. The island is regarded as sacred ground. The performance of the scalp ceremony is said to have been a function of the Sun clan [Sun House People, a ceremonial group?]. The nine shields were attached to as many poles planted in a large circle. They are of two kinds. (I) Five almost identical examples, to which the scalps of women are believed to have been attached, approximate eleven inches in diameter. Each consists of two discs of yucca matting bound to a hoop forming the rim, each disc being covered on one side with tanned deerskin and the pair set face to face in such manner that, bound with an edging of deerskin stitched with a thong of the same material, they form a pocket with an opening of an inch and three-quarters at the upper margin. Thrust into this opening are two slightly flattened or squared sticks, nine to ten inches in length and notched near the outer end. In the notch of each of two of the pairs are remains of fibre cord, while one of another pair has a short deerskin thong by which it is tied to the shield rim. The purpose of these sticks is not known. A deerskin loop was provided at the small aperture of each shield, evidently for suspension, although the loop has disappeared from three of them. At the rims of three of the five shields are other deerskin thongs or their remnants, to which possibly feathers were once attached. All the shields are painted green, probably with some cupreous product such as the Zufii hold so sacred and which they call aqahli ("medicine-blue"). In the middle of one shield, attached to what we may call the scalp thong, is an Olivella shell, and a similar shell is tied loosely at the small marginal opening. [Olivella shells are the magic missiles of Pueblo war-chiefs in their mythical strife against sorcerers.] This shield is provided with only one of the notched sticks, but, unlike the others, there is attached to its rim, at the opening, a deerskin pouch resembling a fingerstall, in which fits a tube, three and a half inches long, formed of the hollow stem of some plant; while a similar tube is thrust into the pocket between the two faces of another of the shields, as if each of the five had once been provided with one. Possibly another tiny deerskin bag, stained yellow and containing no trace of paint within, may have contained this tube, although the objects were found dissociated. (2) The other four shields, which are said to have been used in connection with the scalps of men, are of the same size as the others, with the exception of one, which is slightly smaller. Unlike the "women's" shields, they consist of a single disc of yucca matting bound to a hoop covered with deerskin, consequently they do not form pockets. Three of the four still retain the central thong, supposedly for the attachment of the scalps. Much of the green paint remains on all, and two still retain their suspension thongs. Accompanying the nine shields, which were contained in a very old bag rudely made of tanned buffalo-skin, are a small deerskin pouch containing fine dark-red sand, and two stuffed rings of tanned deerskin, one red, the other green like the shields. These rings, which respectively measure three and a quarter and three and five-eighths inches in diameter by approximatelv an inch in thickness, are said to have been used in the process of stretching the scalps before drying. - EDITOR. {view image of facing page 40} In the forest - Taos [photogravure plate] {view image of page 41} THE TIWA 4I Plains Indians, a similarity heightened by the white cotton sheet worn by all Taos men and boys. An informant declares that he was one of a party which, returning from a visit to the southern Cheyenne about 1897, introduced this Cheyenne garb at Taos. It was so favorably received, largely because an individual so enshrouded could prowl about in his nocturnal philandering without recognition, that it quickly became a tribal badge; and now pressure is brought to bear on returned schoolboys who are slow to adopt it. General Customs The primitive dress of Taos was a typical Plains costume of deerskin. The combined moccasin and legging of the Plains woman, however, here became a boot with loosely fitting, white upper extending nearly to the knee, the same footwear still seen among the Tewa. This was used at Taos as late as the end of the nineteenth century. In recent years this buskin has become a wide, flapping boot, the upper part of which, long enough to reach well up the thigh, is folded down in two or three places so that it extends only to the knee. Each boot requires two deerskins of ordinary dimensions, for fashion decrees such fullness that the wearer inevitably walks with the feet straddled far apart. All clothing except moccasins is now made of commercial cloth. A Taos man's costume includes a cotton or woollen shirt hanging loosely to mid-thigh, a pair of hip-length, closely fitted leggings with broad, flapping margins at the outer sides, and a loin-cloth hanging low in front and behind from the same belt that supports the leggings. Hats are seldom seen, yet in spite of the resistance of the elders American clothing becomes more and more in evidence. In place of the aboriginal one-piece garment of fringed deerskin, fastened above the right shoulder and leaving the left shoulder and both arms exposed, the modern Taos woman wears a similar garment of cotton print over a white, sleeved undergarment. About the waist is a broad belt of the kind woven at Jemez, Zufii, and the Hopi pueblos. Weaving was never practised at Taos. Men arrange the hair in two queues spirally wrapped with beaverfur, or in modern practice with strips of woollen cloth, and hanging in front of the shoulders. Women cut the hair at the level of the eyes, usually parting it in the middle, and at each side of the head arrange an elongate mass tightly wrapped with yarn about the middle, so that it has approximately the shape of a dumbbell. Taos arrows were plum or dogwood shoots. For small game they VOL. XVI-6 {view image of page 42} 42 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN were self-pointed, for large game and for war they were tipped with flint points set into the split end and wrapped with sinew. The shafts were straightened by the aid of a perforated piece of mountainsheep horn, and smoothed between a pair of flat, grooved stones. Bows were of cherry, or oak, or of bois d'arc (osage orange) obtained in Colorado and later from trees transplanted at Taos. They were neither recurved nor reinforced, and the horn bows found among more northerly mountain tribes were unknown here. Slightly curved rabbit-sticks were used in knocking over rabbits and other small animals. The war-club was a dogwood cudgel with heavily knobbed end. The stone ax had a wooden handle bent and lashed about its grooved middle; the knife was a flint or an obsidian flake. The mealing stones common to all the Pueblos are still used. Fire was made by twirling a flint-pointed spindle in a small pit in a fragment of iron pyrites, the hot dust thus produced running off through a notch upon a bit of tinder. The favorite method however was to employ the flint-pointed spindle with a hearth of wildhop rootstock. The best tinder was the shredded inner bark of sage, lacking which they used dried horse-dung. Baskets for washing wheat are still made with loosely woven strips of the leaves of a yucca, probably Y. baccata, the root-fibres of which are used for soap. Only plain, unornamented pottery is manufactured at Taos, and the utensils are bowl-shape pots, either black or reddish, shallow dishes, and small-mouth, stationary water-jars. Formerly there were cottonwood plates and portable water-jars made of naturally hollow sections of cottonwood on which flat wooden covers were lashed. The ceremonial rattle is a gourd, flattened on both sides by softening in hot water and pressing, and containing a few pebbles. The drum is a hollow section of a cottonwood tree covered at both ends with horse-hide (formerly buffalo-hide). Cotton was not raised at Taos, and even for corn the growing season at this seven-thousand-foot elevation is apt to be precariously brief. Wheat and alfalfa are now the principal crops. The aboriginal hoe was of wood hardened by charring. A primitive (not of course aboriginal) plow was in use as late as about 1878. The oaken plowshare was attached to the beam by a wooden key driven through coinciding holes and by rawhide thongs. A single curved handle passed down through a hole in the other end of the beam. The tongue was fitted into a socket in the beam and was further secured by a wooden pin and lashings. At the forward end of the tongue was {view image of facing page 42} Threshing wheat - Taos [photogravure plate] {view image of page 43} THE TIWA 43 another pin, to which was fastened a rawhide rope extending a few feet to the ox-yoke. A plot intended for a threshing-floor is cleared and puddled, and when dry is tramped down by a herd of goats and beaten thoroughly with stones until it is hard and smooth. Either horses or goats tread out the grain. No provision is made to prevent their droppings from mingling with the wheat. These, with other foreign substances, are eliminated in the process of winnowing and washing. Threshingmachines are now coming into general use both here and at most of the pueblos. At Taos were raised the usual Pueblo crops: corn, beans, squashes, and, after the Spanish advent, melons and wheat. Numerous species of wild fruits, roots, and stalks were eaten. Wild plums are especially abundant in Taos valley. Deer and elk were trapped in narrow pitfalls dug in their trails, and deer were taken also in communal drives, the killer claiming hide, head, and one hind-quarter, the next hunter on the scene the other hind-quarter, the third and the fourth a shoulder each, and others portions of the back and ribs. Turkeys were shot with arrows, or were easily knocked down with rabbit-sticks when the snow was deep, since at such times they were loath to take wing. Expeditions to the plains were made at any time from about May to the beginning of winter for the purpose of hunting buffalo. The animals were killed with arrows or lances, and if the weather was warm the meat was dried, otherwise it was brought home fresh. The war-chief announces the communal rabbit-hunt that precedes each fiesta, on which occasions all the war officers participate like anyone else. The old men remain at the signal-fire, which is the starting point, and after the drive the rabbits are piled up in the field and divided among those who bear the name of the patron saint of the day about to be celebrated. These carry the game home, and their wives cook it and grind meal to feed the dancers. The two caciques receive a portion of the kill. Hunts for the exclusive benefit of the caciques are not held. The Pueblo custom of holding up a newborn child to the view of Father Sun while bestowing a name is said not to obtain at Taos. An infant receives without formality a newly invented name chosen in family council. A male infant is dedicated as a future initiate of one of the societies. Having accepted him, the members choose a ceremonial name for him and send one of their number to his parents {view image of page 44} THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN 44 to "bring the name to them." In religious affairs he will be known by that name, at other times by the name bestowed by his parents. The following names are masculine: Chiw-t.ma nin ("eagle dances"), Tu-t.n ("elk talk"), Pai-hmlawa ("deer chief"), T!um-t.n ("morning talk"). Examples of feminine names are: fa-piyeimaj (cc ("corn appears"), O-pap.-t.ma ia ("for-her flower dances"), O-pahawiata.ma1i"i ("for-her lake dances"), Pap-tenamai ("flower gopluck"). The flower concept in feminine names is here as common as it is with the Tewa, and the same usage has been noted among the Paviotso of Nevada.' At puberty a girl is placed in a separate room in charge of an elderly woman, and other girls of about her age, but not necessarily in her condition, are sent in to help her grind corn on four consecutive days. Her diet is mostly meal, but the flesh of small game is not absolutely prohibited. Salt is taboo, but not water. It is not permitted to touch fire. She wears no special costume, and at the end of the period the old woman bathes her and dresses her in the best of clothing. Marriage is prohibited only between known blood-relatives, no matter how distant. A newly married couple live temporarily with the bride's family, which does not prove matrilineal descent. The levirate appears to be unknown, and the mother-in-law taboo as well, a surprising fact in view of the long intimacy of Taos with Plains culture and their proximity to the Jicarillas. In primitive times the dead were buried in shallow graves or beneath a heap of stones in a cleft of the rocks. The head pointed to the south, for that direction is regarded as the "head" of the earth. Burial rites have long been a function of the church. Four days after the interment of the corpse, the relatives bring to the bereaved home various kinds of food which they break or cut into bits and pile high in a broad, flat basket. Each then takes a few handfuls in the corner of his blanket and all proceed to a spot a short distance outside the village, where they sit down facing the pueblo and scatter the food behind them for the spirits of all the departed. In particular the goodwill of the spirit of the one recently buried is besought. Before any meal, a bit of food is cast aside for the spirits of the dead of the locality, with the prayer: "Eat this food, and help me with good luck. Wherever I go, may I have good fortune, and may no harm come to me." 1 See Volume XV, pages 78-79. {view image of facing page 44} Tapa - "Antelope Water" - Taos [photogravure plate] {view image of page 45} THE TIWA 45 Organization and Government The officers, besides the two caciques, are: the war-chief, homhTlwa-tunena ("war chief leader"); eleven or twelve homn-htwana" (singular, hom-Rhlwa); the governor, tavuna; the lieutenant-governor, tenyente (Spanish, teniente); two alguaciles, s6to;l the fiscal, pikaletunena ("fiscal leader"); and three pikale-tenyente. The head of the Water society, bearing the title PN-taina ("water person"), is the cacique of the South, corresponding to the Summer cacique of the Tewa.2 The head of the Big Seashell society, Fialohla-taina ("seashell big person"), is the cacique of the North. Each of these titles is the term applied to any ordinary member of the society referred to, but the cacique is the "person" par excellence. These two confer on all matters brought before them, but the North cacique is said to be superior to his colleague. That such is actually the case is proved by the fact that if a visitor inquires for the cacique, he is sent to the South, never to the North, cacique. The fact of the very existence of Fialohla cacique is carefully concealed. Moreover, if inquiry were made specifically for "Water Person" or "Big Seashell Person," no information would be received: the natives would profess ignorance of what was meant. The officers are appointed by the two caciques, one naming the governor, the other the lieutenant-governor, and so on. On the last night of the year all the men assemble in Big Seashell kiva, in which North cacique presides, and the South cacique announces the names of the officers and asks approval, which is always given. He then delivers a speech of advice. On the following day the new and the old officers go to the house of an individual called tuhwiina ("writer"), the town clerk, who in I923 was a young woman. There the retiring officers surrender their canes to their successors. The governor receives two canes, one representing the Spanish government, the other the American, and each war-chief has a small baton. The governor and his two lieutenants, and the war-chief and his first two assistants, receive certificates of office from the clerk. The governor is the titular head of the village, but is actually controlled by the caciques. The war-chief has charge of the young men who watch the stock, and is the manager of affairs at ceremonial seasons. He makes public announcements, and formerly was charged 1 Spanish, "under," as used in the sense of under-secretary, hence "under lieutenantgovernor." 2 Cf. Tewa Posn-tunyo, running-water leader. {view image of page 46} 46 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN with the duty of guarding the village. He was not, however, a field general, for his presence with a war-party was not essential. An important duty of the officials is to give effect to the determination of the elders that ancient customs shall not yield to new. Every family must be actively represented in a dance; shoes, hats, and other garments worn at school must be laid aside by homecoming youth; 1 glass windows may not be installed; and above all, no revelations of native practices are to be countenanced. The penalty varies, from a fine of two dollars and fifty cents for failure to dance, up to flogging, forfeiture of land, and execution.2 Not the least effective weapon of discipline is the heavy weight of the disapproval of the elders, the uneasy feeling of the culprit that a sword hangs over his head. A young man was to be punished by the officers for his refusal to renounce the peyote cult, and his punishment was to take the old form of smoking a cane cigarette of strong native tobacco and inhaling all the smoke. This ordeal is very severe. His mother complained to the Mexican justice of the peace, and the court issued a warrant instead of sending a sheriff's deputy to frighten the officers, as the woman desired. The warrant was served, the officers gave bail from the pueblo funds, and the next day they appeared for their hearing. The justice begged the interpreter to have the case settled among the Indians, lest their secret affairs become public, which he said would not be a good thing. He would not like to see his own fraternity affairs aired in public, he said. The interpreter and the other two leaders of his own society interviewed the officers, and it was agreed to withhold punishment. The next night, while the three peacemakers and their fellow members were sitting in their lodge-room, the governor's officers came down the ladder, seized the head-man by the arms, and dragged him up the ladder. Some of his hair was pulled out. One by one they hauled the entire number to the governor's house and tried them, fining them from five hundred to a thousand dollars each. The head-man was also flogged. The interpreter, the last one, was fined eight hundred dollars, which he said he would not pay. They threatened to tie him up and whip him, and he defied them to do so. 1 This rule has been more or less relaxed in the last few years. 2 The writer has no specific information of executions at Taos, such as is recorded in the chapter on Santo Domingo. The fear of "something happening," vaguely expressed by several Taos men approached for information, and so grave that they even refused to specify what they feared, led him to believe that death is sometimes the penalty. It may be that the desire to control the populace by imposing the death sentence when it is deemed necessary is a primary reason for the steadfast refusal of Taos and Santo Domingo to permit a house-to-house census, which no other pueblo has refused although most of them tacitly oppose it. {view image of facing page 46} Walvia - "Medicine Root" - Taos [photogravure plate] {view image of page 47} THE TIWA 47 They took no violent measures, however, but kept him there, and finally he agreed to pay. The next morning he went to Santa Fe and complained to the United States Indian Superintendent, but obtained no relief. He paid the fine by giving up eight small parcels of land and some blankets, feeling sure that he would recover his possessions. The other men paid their fines in land, blankets, horses, and cattle, all of which the officers appropriated to themselves. The Superintendent later visited the pueblo and advised the governor that he had no right to impose a fine of more than twentyfive dollars. Thereupon the governor resigned and relinquished his cane, and the fines were remitted. Because the interpreter had persuaded the two head-men to intervene as peacemakers, he was regarded as the cause of the entire affair; probably also there was feeling against him because he was prominent in the peyote cult. He was told not to resume his place in his society, though he was the head of one of the sub-groups of his kiva. One night, after all the village had retired, there was a knock on his door. He opened, and in rushed a mob of men, mostly officers, but all members of his society. He threw the door shut and locked it after about a dozen of them had crowded in. He had a loaded gun and an automatic revolver, but wishing to avoid bloodshed he seized a club and threatened to use it on the leaders of the society, who headed the mob. They demanded the society paraphernalia of which he was custodian, but he refused, and after a time they departed. This was repeated a number of times, until he yielded to the entreaties of his wife and gave up the objects. Kivas and Societies On the south side of the stream there are four subterranean kivas (tuatana, from tufna, house), three of which are outside the pueblo wall: I. Pa-tai-tfatinA, Water People Kiva 2. Fia-tai-tuatain, Feather People Kiva 3. Kwa-flao-tuatanA, Ax Big Kiva The fourth south-side kiva was unnamed by the present informant, who professed to have forgotten the name. It is kept in repair, he said, as a memorial of ancient times when it was used. Few people know what society used it, and no meetings have been held in it for many generations. None of these statements is credited by the writer. Keeping an unused building in repair for sentimental reasons is something entirely alien to Indian practice, and the informant's efforts to remember the name of the kiva were too elaborate to be {view image of page 48} 48 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN genuine. Undoubtedly this kiva is the scene of rituals so important and so sacred that he did not dare risk being questioned about them. On the north side are three of these ceremonial chambers: 4. Fialo-hla-ti'-tuatina, Seashell Big [that is, abalone] People Kiva 5. Chia-tai-tuatana, Flint People Kiva 6. Tu-tai'-tiatana, Day People Kiva The kivas are named for the ceremonial groups that respectively meet in them. These societies, with their subdivisions or associated orders, are as follow, extinct orders and kiva affiliation by numerals: I. Pa-tainan, Water People Ia. KIn-tainan, Corncob People Ib. Fan-tainan, Snow People IC. Iakan-tainan, Hail People 2. Fia-tfinan, Feather People 2a. Talo-tainan, Parrot People 2b. To-folumun-tainan, Bird Yellow [that is, summer warbler] People 3. Kwa-hmao-tainan, Ax Big People 3a. HIifon-kwahlao-tainan, Sweet-cornmeal Ax-big People 4. FiSlo-Fla-tainan, Seashell Big People 4a. Fin-tai'nan, Snow People 4b. Iakan-tainan, Hail People 4c. Fia-tai-kwahiao-tainan, Feather People Ax-big People 4d. Ia-tainan, Corn People 5. ChiA-tainan, Flint People 5a. P —hlul-tai'nan, Water Drip [that is, dew] People being indicated by the asterisk, 6. Td-tai'nan, Day People 6a. Hinl-tiinan, Shell People 6b. T6o-ti-tii'nan, Sun House People 6c. Tf-tiinan, House People 6d. Pian-patu-tiinan, Mountain White People * Kgki-tainan, Crow People * Tohwa-tfinan, Fox-coyote People * Chiw-tiinan, Eagle People * Kwaia-tiinan, Magpie People * Kal-tainan, Wolf People * Kua-tainan, Bear People * PNch!a-tainan, Ice People * Ia-ftolu-tainan, Corn Yellow People * IA-ch!Aluna-tainan, Corn Blue People * Ia-patuna-tai'nan, Corn White People * Ohilaito-tainan, Green-leaf People * Pachuno-taina, Shell-bead People These groups have been regarded as clans, which appears to be an erroneous conception. (I) A male child at birth is dedicated to any one of these groups, and not necessarily to that of his father. (2) The groups are definitely associated with certain kivas, and nowhere do clans sustain such a relation to the ceremonial chambers. (3) The informant was positive in his declaration that he would have the right to marry any woman not actually related to him, and was frankly puzzled by the investigator's explanation of the clan concept, being plainly quite ignorant of the system. On the other hand it is to be noted that the names of three of the six principal groups, most of the associated groups, and all of the extinct ones, are such as the Pueblo Indians commonly apply to their clans. Moreover, the origin legend relates that they travelled in {view image of page 49} THE TIWA 49 divisions corresponding to these groups. Again, there is the statement of Coronado's chronicler, quoted heretofore: "It has I8 divisions; each one has a situation as if for two ground plots." Just what this means is not clear, but it points to the former existence of clans with separate land holdings. The fact that the extinct groups named above, added to the six existent principal societies, total eighteen, may or may not be coincidence. Inspection of the list of names given above reveals in some instances a logical connection between the principal, or type, group and the subdivisions associated with it. Feather naturally includes Parrot and Summer Warbler. Water suggests Snow and Hail, and conceivably Corncob, since the production of corn depends on water. Shell, a shining object, is logically associated with White Mountain and Sun House, and the addition of House may have been suggested by Sun House. With respect to the others the case is more difficult. Big Ax and Sweet Cornmeal certainly have little in common, and Flint and Dripping Water are equally puzzling. Big Seashell connotes water, hence Snow, Hail, and Corn, almost the same trio found associated with Water, but in addition there is Feather Big-ax, which apparently was originally made up of individuals from the type groups of kivas number two (Feather) and three (Big Ax). Snow and Hail are named as separate groups, yet they are under the leadership of one man. One group bearing these names is associated with Feather kiva on the south side, another with Big Seashell kiva on the north side. Feather Big-Ax and Corn, associated with Big Seashell kiva, are similarly paired under one leader. In this kiva there are from fifteen to twenty men, seven of whom are SnowHail. At birth every male child is dedicated by his parents to one of these groups,1 which is not necessarily that to which his father belongs. Some female children are similarly dedicated, and their duties will be to keep the kiva in repair and in order. They will take no part in the ceremonies. The work of cleaning and repairing the kivas however is not limited to these female lay-members, for the men may summon their wives or female relatives to do it, even if they be not "members." In each kiva the head-man belongs to the name-group, not to one of the subdivisions. The head of Big Seashell is the North cacique, Fialohla-tainat (" big-seashell person"), which is also the title of any 1This custom is not always observed, for the reason that compulsory attendance at school makes it difficult for boys to receive kiva training. VOL. xvI-7 {view image of page 50} 50 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN member of the society; and the head of Water is the South cacique, Pa-taina ("water person"). Each cacique secretly trains a successor, preferably his son. But if his son is not fitted for the position, he selects some other of his own type-group. The general membership knows nothing of this man's identity, which however the cacique reveals to one person, so that in case of his sudden death the man in training may have a witness to the fact that he has been designated for the position. In 1924 two young boys were removed from school for instruction in Big Ax kiva.1 They are commonly said to be under training fourteen months, but as a matter of fact their instruction occupies only the first thirty days, after which they are "thinking of what they have been taught." They spend their days with other boys playing outside the village and roaming through the woods. They may not play inside the pueblo walls. Returning, they go at once to the kiva and spend the night there under the care of a member appointed by the kiva chief. But during the thirty days of instruction all members are present and sleep there. At such times the Snow-Hail division is not permitted to be present, for the reason that its members are men who have not "started from the roots," that is, they have not as boys undergone this instruction and do not belong to the type-group of the kiva. 1 The boys were taken from school about the month of March, professedly for "training by the cacique." In May the governor, who had been threatened with arrest for this contravention of regulations, issued a call to all the Pueblos for a council at San Felipe. A San Felipe member of this council related to a Santo Domingo informant of the writer what there occurred. The Taos delegate, he said, called to their attention that all the Indians knew the Taos custom, and all must stand together in opposition to the authorities and in support of the native rites, and particularly all were to refuse information respecting the Indian religion and customs. The San Felipe man explained to his Santo Domingo friend that in every year a boy and a girl were taken from Taos to the lake from which the Pueblo Indians emerged upon the earth (in southern Colorado), and there were drowned in order to prevent the recurrence of a legendary deluge. The Taos delegate, he said, did not refer to this custom in plain words, but everybody understood what he meant. If all this be true it seems likely that the Taos head-men intend to sacrifice one of the two boys along with a young girl, and later to send the other boy back to school as an evidence of their fidelity to a pledge made to the authorities; the missing one, of course, to be reported dead by natural causes. The writer (and previous volumes of this series would seem to exonerate him of the charge of easy credulity) believes that these quadrennial sacrifices still persist. The sacrifice of a boy and a girl is a not uncommon incident in Pueblo mythology, and mythologic events are largely a reflection of actual practice. History records few instances of adherence to ancient customs in the face of an opposing civilization equal to that displayed by the Pueblo Indians; and while the idea of human sacrifice within the borders of the United States is so unlooked for as to appear ridiculous, it is in fact no more than should be expected in view of the known prevalence of the custom in Mexico a few centuries ago. It is really not much more savage than the self-inflicted tortures of the New Mexican penitentes, a sect which grows more flourishing from year to year. {view image of facing page 50} Picuris harvest dance [photogravure plate] {view image of page 51} THE TIWA 5i Therefore the matters of instruction are kept secret from them. They take part however in the other activities of the society. The leader of Snow-Hail has been overwhelmed with offers of youths for membership, because of the fact that many boys, lacking instruction in the kiva by reason of attendance at school, wish to join his group, in which preliminary training is not required. But he holds to the view that membership shall be limited to a reasonable number. Therefore at the present time there are many young men who have no part in the ceremonial system. They are forced, however, to participate in dances, under pain of the imposition of a small fine and the frowns of the elders. In midsummer Water Person, that is, the South cacique, having carefully observed the rising of the sun with reference to landmarks in the skyline of the mountain range, and aware that it has reached its northern limit, summons his members to Water kiva. He announces the purpose, and four days later they meet in the cafion about half a mile from the pueblo, where they sing for rain and good crops. This is repeated on the fourth day following, and the next six days they spend, at least in part, at a different clearing in the canion, carefully cleaning this dance-ground and building a booth of evergreens adorned with flowers. On the seventh morning they erect their altar in the booth, and in the presence of all the people, including women and children, they sing and pray. The Water society having finished its summer solstice work, its leader visits some other kiva, any one he may happen to choose, to urge its members to do their part; and they do exactly what the Water People have just completed. Thus each ceremonial group performs, the entire cycle being concluded about the end of September. This ceremonial use of the canion is the reason visitors are strictly forbidden to enter the gorge without permission of the governor. About the end of August and in September, some of these meetings in the canon, where the altar is arranged in a booth, are followed in the afternoon by dancing by men and women dressed in their best clothing but not wearing special costumes. This dancing is said to be for pleasure. At the winter solstice, Fan-taina, or Iakan-taina, the head of the Snow-Hail division of Big Seashell kiva, summons his own men and all other members of the kiva, and sets up his altar. This occupies one evening, and he then goes to the leader of the Snow-Hail group of the Water People, who calls his kiva members together and does the same things. {view image of page 52} 52 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The spirits supplicated for rain, snow, and hail are Hlaftina1 (singular, Hlafiina, the Taos equivalent of Kaftina), who dwell in all springs and lakes. They are said not to be represented by masked personators. The head of the Snow-Hail group has possession of certain sacred objects, the nature of which will not be divulged but which are described as the "tools of the Hlaffinan." The Chifunana1 (singular, Chi-funana, "eye black-that") of Taos correspond to the Ku'sari of the Keres Indians. They paint in the same fashion as the Keres clowns: white body with black horizontal stripes, and black ovals about the eyes and mouth. They have the Ku'sari corn-husk ribbons, but instead of arranging the hair in the form of a curving horn they wear deerskin caps of similar shape. They probably compose a society, although as to that nothing is known. The Mexicans, and after them the local Americans, call them "chifonetti," an adaptation of the native term, which itself is equivalent to Isleta Shifunin (singular, Shifunide), the name of one of the two ceremonial moieties of the southern pueblo. There are, it is said, no societies of shamans for the curing of disease. The individual medicine-man is called tuina. He sings, sucks, and brushes the part with eagle-feathers and waves them about, charging them to declare the sorcerer that has caused the trouble. His pay is a sack or two of grain, a blanket or a deerskin, a horse or a cow. He attends on four successive nights, and is assisted by any ordinary men who are good singers and whom he pays. Ceremonies Kfinhliina is a dance taking place on Santa Cruz day, the third of May; on San Antonio day, the thirteenth of June; on San Juan day, the twenty-fourth of June; on San Diego day, the twenty-fifth of July; on Santa Ana day, the twenty-sixth of July, and on Christmas day. This is the so-called Corn dance. The men have Douglas spruce at the back, or in the belt in front, or in the hand along with the rattle. The women hold spruce in the hands in the fiestas of Santa Cruz, San Antonio, and Christmas, but on other occasions they carry flowers. Sometimes in the Christmas fiesta Deer impersonators appear, in which case the Chifunanan clowns also participate. Aha-ta An (aha, a vocable of the songs; ta&na, dance), or Chaluta na (" turquoise dance"), occurs on New Year's day. On the sixth of January, Dia de los Reyes, Kings' day (Twelfth Night; Epiphany), the so-called Corn dance is given in the morning {view image of facing page 52} Iahla - "Willow" - Taos [photogravure plate] {view image of page 53} THE TIWA 53 and the Deer dance in the afternoon; or the morning is free and the afternoon is devoted to a Buffalo dance of the usual Pueblo type. The thirtieth of September, the day of San Ger6nimo, patron saint of Taos, begins with a relay race in the plaza. In the afternoon five or more Chifunanan clowns amuse the spectators. Usually a sheep is hung on the top of a greased pole, a prize for the clown who succeeds in reaching it. At night the people, especially young men and women, dance until near dawn in an open space in the caion. The return of such girls, worn out with dancing all night, is the Taos explanation of the opinion commonly held by Americans and other Indians that the losers in the relay race must yield their females to the winners for a night of promiscuity. As a matter of fact, there is the usual sexual freedom on this occasion, and especially on the second night, when the dancers move up into the mountains to a lake and repeat the dance. Followers of the peyote cult have recently become fairly numerous at Taos. Peyote is a small cactus, native in Texas along the Rio Grande and in Mexico. Among the Southern Plains tribes the upper part, or "button" formed after flowering, and the entire plant among the Indians of north-central Mexico, is sliced and dried, and ceremonially eaten for the purpose of curing disease. It possesses a mildly intoxicating principle, which sometimes induces hallucinations. To a devotee the word peyote means not only the "medicine" but a person, a deity working wonders through this material substance. The cult was introduced at Taos about I9IO by certain young men who had been initiated in Oklahoma by Cheyenne Indians. The drug is ordered by mail from a certain Texas trader, and is shipped by express in the belief that it would be refused by the postal service. A quantity equal to about two quarts and consisting of several hundred "buttons" varying in diameter from threequarters of an inch to an inch and a quarter costs a dollar and fifty cents. Taos priests strongly oppose the cult because it threatens the integrity of the old ceremonial system. The United States Government too at one time seemed likely to ban the drug, but in 1924 it ruled that there were no grounds for restricting its use. A few years ago a certain man, sick with a bilious and feverish condition, sent for one of the peyote leaders and asked if they would accept him. That night five of them came to his house. They stood, and the leader uttered a very long prayer, imploring strength to endure what they were about to do, and asking Peyote to helD the {view image of page 54} 54 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN sick man. Then his companions, one by one, and last the patient, prayed in like strain. These supplications were quite long, for "they use all the good words they can think of." A peyote adherent prays not only for himself and the patient, but for all people, mentioning by name any individual friend among other tribes or even among the white people, and following his name with mention of that individual's people as a whole. The prayers concluded, the patient drank from a vessel containing water in which peyote had been soaking, and the others took a smaller quantity. Then they sat in a row, not leaning against the wall, on rolled blankets with their legs doubled back beneath them, and sang to the accompaniment of rattles and a rapidly beaten drum. From time to time one of the members asked the leader for permission to go out, and the fire-keeper accompanied him. Such occasions offered welcome relief for all concerned from their cramped position. About midnight the one who had charge of the fire and the cigarettes brought a pail of cold water from the creek and all drank and refreshed themselves by slapping water on the head, face, and chest. The singing and the drumming were resumed. At any time in this second part of the night the leader distributed peyote, and from time to time some individual would ask for one or more of the "buttons." At intervals also the fire-custodian rolled corn-husk cigarettes, which he first puffed and then gave to the others. The sick man felt no drowsiness, but a mild exaltation which carried him through the fatigue of the night. During the day they sang and drummed occasionally, feeling no desire to sleep. The following night the sick man slept very soundly. He was now a member of the cult. At irregular intervals the peyote group builds a circular, roofed booth of green boughs, large enough to accommodate, with a little crowding, a circle of thirty to forty men. In front of the small central fire they make a half-moon by heaping dry earth and wetting it so that it will retain its form, and on this symbol the leader places a peyote button. This is in effect their altar. The opening of the booth and that of the half-moon are toward the east. The leader, who sits at the back of the lodge, is provided with a bag filled with dry, circular slices of peyote. He passes four to the man at his left, who lays them on the ground before him. He passes four more, and the man at his left gives them to his left-hand neighbor, and so it goes until each person has his four. The leader then rolls a cigarette and lays it beside his peyote buttons, and hands the {view image of facing page 54} A Taos girl [photogravure plate] {view image of page 55} THE TIWA 55 tobacco and a package of corn-husk wrappers to the man at his left, who rolls his cigarette and passes the materials to his neighbor. When all are ready, the leader issues the word to raise the cigarettes and directs the custodian of the fire, who sits at the north side of the entrance, to bring him a light. The fire-keeper carries an ember from one to another, beginning with the leader and passing in a clockwise direction. They smoke, and all simultaneously pray in subdued voices while smoking. "They use the best words they can think of." The cigarette fags are carefully deposited on the ground, and the fire-keeper collects and drops them on the ground beside his station. The leader bids them clean the peyote. They take up one slice each, remove the "cotton" from the centre,'also the outer skin, and chew the remainder into a soft, potato-like mass, which they roll between the palms into a pellet while praying to Peyote. The pellet is held in the right palm, while the individual gazes steadily at it and prays it to go down easily and not become lodged in the throat. Sometimes, if the button is a very large one, the resultant pellet looks rather formidable. After swallowing the first, each person proceeds to prepare and swallow the other three in the same way. In this prayer to Peyote they ask that they may not feel weary from sitting with legs doubled under them, and may resist to the end the desire to urinate or defecate. The leader repeats the instructions he issued in the beginning, that all are to sit motionless with legs doubled beneath them as long as possible, and when it becomes impossible to remain longer, then to ask his permission to rise. (They usually sit, the informant thinks, about two hours before having to rise for the relief of cramped muscles. When permission has been granted, a man gets up and the fire-keeper goes outside with him. He walks up and down for a few minutes in the path that extends a short distance eastward from the entrance, and if he must urinate or defecate he goes a short distance to one side, but not out of sight of the firekeeper.) The leader now hands a small flat drum and a stick to the man at his left, and to the very rapid beating of the drum sings four rather brief songs while holding before him upright with its base on the ground a short wooden cane. Inside the hand which grasps the cane is a bunch of fresh leaves of a plant used for relieving headache. His right hand shakes a gourd rattle. Having finished his four songs, the leader takes the drum and beats it while the man at his left takes cane, leaves, and rattle, and sings his four songs. These songs are {view image of page 56} 56 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the individual property of the members, and the others assist in the singing to the best of their ability. (Peyote songs usually are wordless, but occasionally a significant phrase occurs. One man has a song containing the English words, "Believe there is only one God." The informant knows no one who received his songs in vision or dream.) The leader now passes the drum to the second man at his left, who gives it either to the one at his own right or to the one at his left (but generally to the former), and while this man beats the drum he himself sings his own four songs, holding the cane and the leaves in one hand, the rattle in the other. This continues until each, including the custodian of the fire, has sung his four songs. When the drum has passed across the entrance, the first man there generally selects the fire-keeper to drum for him. At any time while this is going on, anybody may ask for one, two, three, or four peyote buttons by raising the appropriate number of fingers, whereupon the leader sends the required number in the usual way, and the individual cleans, chews, rolls, and swallows them after making the usual prayers. Almost immediately all feeling of fatigue vanishes. The usual number appears to be two at a time. When each person has sung his four songs, someone, whoever feels the impulse, asks for a smoke. The leader sends the tobacco and corn-husk wrappers, and this person rolls a cigarette, smokes, and prays aloud while the others listen. The singing and drumming are resumed, and so it goes with almost constant singing and drumming, while individuals as they feel the inclination ask for more peyote or tobacco. While the drum was going round the first time, I asked for two peyote buttons. On the next round I asked for three, the next time four. It seemed that I wanted to sing all the time. I was happy. When the drum came to me, I sang either five or six songs, which was passing beyond the rule. The other boys were laughing at me. The next time I asked for five. The leader looked at me and laughed, and after considering a moment he took five from the bag and passed them to me. He thought he had played a trick on me by giving me three green and two dry ones; for the green are stronger and will not roll into a ball. I chewed up a green one and swallowed it, then the other two, and made the dry ones into balls and swallowed them. Then I asked for tobacco, and smoked and prayed. Everybody was listening to me. I was happy. Words came to me. While I prayed, I heard someone behind me singing. It sounded like an old man. But it is contrary to the rules to turn about. We must sit upright without touching the wall or turning the head. {view image of facing page 56} Pavia - Taos [photogravure plate] {view image of page 57} THE TIWA 57 Then I happened to look at the peyote on the half-moon. I had a vision. The world stretched before me, a broad, flat expanse, white and covered with flowers. Here and there were deer, elk, buffalo. Several men on horses appeared. They rode toward me, then turned and disappeared. A single man then appeared, walking toward me and looking at me as if he intended to speak. I glanced away for an instant at the people around me, and when I looked back he was gone. I had lost it. That singing behind me was something sent by Peyote. If I had kept my eyes on the man who was coming to me, I think he would have given me new songs or a message of some sort. It was nearly midnight, the time for bringing water from the creek. All this time, from the beginning, I had not stood up. Suddenly I felt that my knees were stiff, that I must stand up. I asked the leader for permission. He said: "Wait a little. The water will soon be here." But some force made me stand up. He said, "What are you doing?" "I must go out. Please let me." "Well, go, but come back quickly." So I went out. The fire-keeper went along and asked, "What is it, brother?" "Somebody is calling me," I said. I felt that someone or something in the air was calling me. So we went out, and I walked about for a few minutes, but saw nobody. We came back, and I sat down again. The fire-keeper then brought a pail of cold water, drank, and gave it to the leader, who drank and passed it around. I took a large quantity, and immediately felt as if we were just starting. There was no stiffness or weariness in my body. The leader now gives general permission to stretch the limbs, and they extend the legs straight before them without getting up. After a few minutes he bids them resume the regular posture. It is now about one in the morning, and the leader sings his Morning Star songs,1 holding a bunch of eagle-feathers as well as the green leaves in the hand that grasps the cane. These things and the drum and rattle are passed around as before; but when they reach anyone who has his own rattle and feathers, he uses these instead of the leader's, in order to "wake them up and give them health." Having finished, he passes the cane and the leaves to the left along with the leader's rattle and feathers. This continues until gray dawn, with individuals asking for peyote and tobacco at will. While the leader was singing his Morning Star songs, I thought I would like to see if I could eat two more peyotes. That would 1 Mooney says that the Plains Indians sing the Morning Star song at dawn. He also mentions "a peculiar baptism ceremony at midnight." The Taos priests apparently have not been instructed in this rite, for they profess to know nothing of it. VOL. xvI-8 {view image of page 58} 58 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN make twenty.' I called for two. I chewed one, rolled it into a ball, prayed to Peyote, and tried to swallow it. It would not go down. I tried again. The leader asked, "What is the matter, brother?" "It seems that it will not go down." "That means that you have had enough. Do not try it. It does not want to go down." Peyote did not wish to go down, so I gave up and took these two home for use at some later time.2 At the first sign of dawn the fire-keeper fetches another pail of water, and all drink deeply. They sing again until dawn, when food is brought by a woman - bowls of boiled meat, of chopped meat sweetened with sugar, of parched corn in sweetened water. The woman receives a cigarette, smokes a puff or two, and prays to Peyote for health and strength for these people. Then the bowls are passed around and each takes a single small handful. "It is miraculous that we had been singing all night and ate only two bites." Each man now takes his rattle in the right hand and a bunch of eagle-feathers in the left, and shakes them aloft, while the leader sings his "finishing" song. At the end of the song they pass the gourds and feathers to the leader, who removes the cover of the drum and sets the handles of the rattles and the quill-ends of the feathers in the "box," so that they stand there like a cluster of flowers. He dismisses the devotees and they pass out, the fire-keeper first, then the man at his right, and so on. Last is the leader himself, bearing the drum-box. They emerge just as the sun appears and form in two lines facing eastward. The leader sets down the drum at the end of the path. They stretch their limbs, and for the first time speak to one another, shaking hands, congratulating and embracing one another. They stroll about, and in small groups lie here and there in the shade or in the lodge. Now and then a few sing quietly. Promptly at noon the women of their families spread an enormous quantity of food on large sheets, and they feast heartily. In the afternoon they continue to loll about, occasionally singing, and after an evening meal in the open they go to their homes. A ceremony of this kind was held in the spring of 1924, but for 1 Mooney says: "The number of'buttons' eaten by one individual varies from 10 to 40, and even more, the drug producing a sort of spiritual exaltation differing entirely from that produced by any other known drug, and apparently without any reaction." 2 The narrator keeps a small supply of peyote in his house. When he has before him a hard day's work or a night of irrigating, he swallows a button after begging Peyote to "excuse" him; for the day when peyote is eaten is supposed to be kept holy. He can then, he says, work hard all day or all night without exhaustion. {view image of facing page 58} A Taos maid [photogravure plate] {view image of page 59} THE TIWA 59 a time thereafter they refrained from the public ceremony because of the hostility of the majority, meeting only by twos and threes to sing quietly. About the first of August, after Congress had declined to prohibit the use of peyote, they built a booth in the canion and held a ceremony, and the village officers went up with the avowed intention of tearing down the lodge. Following their rule of passive resistance, the devotees simply sat motionless and sang on, and the officers withdrew without taking action. The peyote adherents are instructed not to retaliate if anyone uses force, no matter how great the provocation. Taos Mythology Kua-hlohli, Bear Old-man The people were living in a village. Old-man Bear lived in the mountains at Burnt Timber Hillside. He decided to come down near the village for medicine-roots. Early in the morning he came down toward the village. He began to sing, shaking his digging-stick: Hinanninai a, hinanninai a, yaheaahe a a ai, Hinanninai i, hinanninai i, yaheaah ai, Hinanninai ia, hinanninai a, yaheaahe naa. He put medicine into his mouth and spat in the four directions. He sang again. He said, "The people must surely be looking at me." He danced vigorously. He raised his voice and sang loudly the same song. He came to a place called Hlatata and began to dig while singing, and at the end of the song he dug up a root and chewed it and spat it on his hands and rubbed it over his body. Again he sang, and as before with the end of his stick he kept making circular motions around a root and at the end of the song dug it up. He put his pack on his back and went homeward, singing contentedly. From the village the people watched him. They said, "Old-man Bear came for his medicine-roots." Then he sang more vigorously the same song. He stopped at the mouth of a cafion to rest, and then went on, still singing until he arrived at Hla-t6va ["timber den"]. He said: "I am Oldman Bear. Here since the beginning was to be my home. Now it is my home. I am Old-man Bear, living here, and here I will always live." Piwena, Rabbit Rabbit was living in a fine canon near the river with his kinsmen. Many [animal] people were being killed. The people discovered that from time to time some of their number were missing. They thought of making a search, to discover them dead or alive. They found the places where Cougar had killed them. They saw his tracks. They assembled to discuss what they should do, and decided to take turns in caring for Cougar. Each in turn would kill of his children and feed their enemy, one child daily for a week. But before all the families had taken their turn, it was discovered that the people were diminishing too rapidly, and they decided to hunt for game, such as birds and jack-rabbits, which they brought in for Cougar. The second time they went to hunt, they found Rabbit. As they were about to kill him, he said: "ntndm, papawaena, maiwah6pu. Nanmupiitaman taipiasi iwAmun hamenan mahanaaho. MahAla.!" ["Now, brothers, do not kill me. I will help you, what to do. Let me go! "] So they released him. Early in the morning Rabbit went out of the brush and into an open place near the trail. He was leaping about in play. Cougar pounced upon him. Said Rabbit, "ftn-tnaena, maiwah6pu!" [" My father, do not kill me!"] He went on: "I will help you to fight a great {view image of page 60} 60 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN giant, Tai-hlina ["person wood-one"], who is now about to kill us all. I will show you where he is. Perhaps you can kill him. You are powerful. Come, I will show you. Let us go." They went together to a pond. Rabbit peeped over the edge and saw his own reflection. He was pleased that his plan was going to succeed. He drew back to where Cougar was waiting and said, "My father, come and see." Cougar went with him. "Come near. Look down into that water, you will see him. That is his home." Cougar stretched his neck over the edge and saw his reflection. He leaped, and sank to the bottom of the deep hole and never came up. Rabbit shouted for joy that he had killed this powerful enemy. He went back to his friends in the canion, called them together, and told them how he had killed Cougar. "I have called you together, my kinsmen. Now and hereafter you will live without fear or danger of being killed. You may go without fear." They thanked him: "You are such a small man, but you have courage to kill so big a person." The Race between Deer Boys and the Witches Witches were making the people sick, and killing them. The people could not increase. They were thinking in what way to rid themselves of the sorcerers, who lived in the surrounding country but were invisible. They decided to consult Deer Woman, who lived in the mountains. They thought they would arrange a race between her two sons and the witches. She agreed: "They will run, and we will rid you of these bad people by winning the race." So the contest was arranged, a race around the world. Early in the morning they met, the people with the two Deer, and the witch people with their two runners. The witch boys looked like skeletons. Their bones were simply covered with skin. The older men thought they would have to do everything in their power to help their runners by prayer. At the start the Deer took the lead, and in a short time the racers disappeared in the distance. As soon as they were out of sight the witch boys became falcons, and flew swiftly past the Deer, laughing as they passed. But the Deer had been instructed by their mother, who knew what would happen. They took out little bags of medicine, opened them, and placed a bit of each of the five kinds of medicine in their mouths and spat in the four directions, praying for heavy rain. Soon the sky was hidden behind black clouds, and rain fell. The falcons' feathers became wet, and they took refuge under a tree; but the shelter was insufficient, and they crept beneath a rock. The rain continued until the Deer were far ahead, nearly halfway around the world. When their feathers dried, the falcons flew again, and coming in view of the people they again became witches. When the Deer appeared in the distance the assembled people cried, "Our boys are coming first!" The witches said: "No, our boys are first. We will beat you; we will kill all of you!" They had their clubs ready. "No, it is our boys who are coming first. We will kill all of you bad people!" The people also had their weapons ready. Everybody was shouting encouragement to the runners. The Deer came in just ahead of the witch boys, and the people immediately clubbed the witches to death, all except one who begged: "My brothers, do not kill me! I will do my part and will live at peace with you. Do not kill me! Let me keep my breath and my life. So we will live peaceably. I will not harm you." "Do not let him have his life! Let us kill him!" cried some. But it was decided not to kill him, and from him come all the sorcerers who now exist. Kawiya-hwa-uwyu, Magpie Long-tail Boy 1 Long-tail Magpie Boy lived at To-h-fia-ta [" cottonwood tree at "]. He had two lovers, Yellow-corn Girl and Blue-corn Girl. Always hunting food for them, he was in the house only at night. The girls ground corn, and their dresses were always dusty with meal. When they were tired they would go on the housetop, and the witch men and boys would gaze at them. They all wanted these girls. When the girls went to the creek for water, the young witch men would be waiting for them. But they were unwilling to talk. They would get their water and 1 Owyu for d'yuuna. {view image of page 61} THE TIWA go home. When the young witch men saw that the girls would have nothing to do with them, they became jealous of Long-tail Magpie Boy. They arranged a dance and invited the girls to come in their best garments. When Longtail Magpie Boy came that night, he brought nothing. He was weary, and lay down and pretended to fall asleep; for he knew that the girls had been invited by the witches, and he wished to see what they would do. They put on their best clothing. One said: "I think he is asleep. Do not make a noise." They tiptoed about the house, took up their baskets of meal in a cloth on the back, and went out to the house on the other side of the stream. The witches had been awaiting them a long time. "What makes you so late?" they asked. "Our man was not asleep. We waited for him to sleep." The witches had a hoop, which they would roll along, and when one of them passed through it he became some kind of bird or beast, and spoke its language. Long-tail Magpie Boy, following the girls, looked in and saw what the witches were doing. They found that things were not going right. They said: "Somebody must be looking. Let us search for him." They lighted pine torches and looked carefully in all corners of the room. They tried their work again, but still were unsuccessful with the hoop. Then they searched outside, and discovered Long-tail Magpie Boy hiding under a pile of weeds. They seized him and took him inside, saying: "Poor brother, why do you stay out there? We are doing this for you and for everybody." They resumed their work, but still something was wrong. His presence hindered them, and they used their magic to make him sleep. Then they carried him out and laid him on a ledge near the top of a precipice, and proceeded with good results. After all the witches had become animals they made the girls stand up in the midst of them and dance. They danced all night. When Morning Star rose and heard Long-tail Magpie Boy crying, he said: "My father, I can do nothing for you, but I will send you Yellow Squirrel. He will help you." He went on his way, and soon Yellow Squirrel came to the foot of the cliff. On the ledge he could see Long-tail Magpie Boy just about to fall over the brink. The ground below was covered with the bones of those whom the witches had slain. Yellow Squirrel buried a pine-seed, and it quickly sprouted and grew upward. "Father," he cried, "be strong! Hold fast! This tree will soon be there!" In a short time the tree extended to the level of the ledge. "Now be careful! Reach to this branch and hold it." So Long-tail Magpie Boy grasped the limb and climbed down. He went to find his wives. They were still with the witches, who thought they had disposed of their rival and intended to keep his wives. As soon as the girls saw him, they ran and embraced him. But he was angry. He shook them off and went home, but they followed. He took them to a lake and cast them in, and two ears of corn, a yellow and a blue, rose to the surface. These he put under his blanket and carried home. He sang: "I am Long-tail Magpie Boy. I live at Tohlata, people used to say. Here I live, here I will remain." Coyote's Scalp-dance Coyote lived at Tohwa-tana [" coyote home"]. Going to visit Prairie-dog he found a dead hawk, which he tied to a stick. He called to the different directions for every person to come to his dance at Prairie-dog's home, for he had found one of the enemies that for many years past had been killing the people. Immediately all creatures closed their houses and went to the dance. Coyote sang, holding the dead hawk aloft like a scalp. Then he started to whip everybody with it, and they tried to dodge while they danced. They ate their dinner, and again Coyote sang and whipped them. By this time they were very tired. Coyote said: "In years past this was the worst enemy we had, the one who killed all our people. That is why we had this dance. Now we will live without fear in peace among ourselves, and I will live at my home, at Coyote Home. I will live there alone." Then he went home. {view image of page 62} I {view image of page 63} The Keres {view image of page 64} I {view image of page 65} THE KERES Cochiti Relations and History THE Keres Indians, a distinct linguistic stock, are found in seven pueblos, five of which are on the Rio Grande and its affluent Rio Jemez, and two nearly a hundred miles southwestward. The eastern group are Cochiti, Santo Domingo, and San Felipe on the Rio Grande, and Santa Ana and Sia on Rio Jemez. The western pueblos are Acoma and Laguna. The classification of the Keres as eastern and western is geographically correct, but linguistically it is inexact; for the Santa Ana dialect resembles that of Acoma and Laguna far more closely than it does the speech of the other eastern pueblos of the family. Keres is the Anglicized form of Quirix (Queres), the name the Spaniards applied to this group. Its origin, undoubtedly native, is unknown. Cochiti, at the northern limit of the Keres area, is in contact with the Tewa, ancient enemies of the stock. Sia adjoins Jemez territory to the west, Santa Ana and San Felipe are north of the southerly Tiwa (Sandia and Isleta). Acoma and Laguna have no near neighbors, but in the days of tribal warfare they had the roving Navaho, Apache, and Ute to fear. Like the other Pueblos, the Keres believe that they came upon the earth at the lake Shipapu, whence they moved slowly southward. One of their villages was Kagh-kaiiute. ("white houses"), the situation of which is not remembered. Their first traditional (as distinguished from legendary) residence was in the canion of Rito de los Frijoles, Ty6'o'fii,1 about fifteen miles 1 The significance of the name of this well-known site was given by Bandelier as follows: "Tyuo-nyi... a word having a signification akin to that of treaty or contract." Hewett follows this suggestion. Harrington rejects it, and abandons the quest with the words, "It probably has nothing to do with... [tyofie] 'immediately' 'right now."' The clue to the real meaning is contained in Harrington's translation of the Tewa name, "where the bottoms of VOL. XVI -9 65 {view image of page 66} 66 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN north of present Cochiti, where they occupied numerous caves excavated in the cliffs, as well as stone houses. Bandelier presents an excellent picture of this canon home: 1 From the southern edge of.... Mesa del Pajarito, we look down into the Rito as into a narrow valley several miles long and closed in the west by rocky ledges, over which the stream descends to the bottom lands of the Rito. Through these it flows for several miles as a gushing brook, enlivened by trout, bordered by thickets of various kinds of shrubbery, and shaded at intervals by groves of pine, and tall, isolated trees of stately appearance. In the east, not far from the Rio Grande, a narrow, frowning gateway is formed by lofty rocks of black basalt, leaving space for the bed of the stream, the waters of which reach the river only during freshets, while in the valley they are permanent. The slope of the mesa lining the Rito on the south is gradual, though steep; ledges and crags of pumice protrude from the shrubs and grass growing over it. Tall pines crown it above. The average depth of the Rito below both mesas is several hundred feet; in places, perhaps as much as five hundred or more. It is not properly a valley, since its greatest width hardly attains half a mile, but a gorge or "canon " with a fertile bottom and a brook running through it. Descent into the Rito from the north is possible in several places, though tedious on account of the steepness and of the vegetation covering the slopes. If we cross the bottom, ascend the southern mesa, and from its brink look down again into the gorge, the northern wall presents a striking appearance. With few intervals, it is a long line of light-colored cliffs of very friable volcanic tufa, in places vertical and smooth, but mostly worn into angles and crags, running in sharp zigzag lines, like the "coulisses" of a stage. A talus of varying height, steep and covered with rocky debris, extends from the bottom of the gorge to the foot of these cliffs. As seen from the brink of the southern mesa, the view of the Rito is as surprising as it is picturesque. The effect is heightened by the appearance of a great number of little doorways along the foot of the cliffs, irregularly alternating with larger cavities indicating caves, the fronts of which have partially or completely crumbled away. The base of the cliffs rises and falls, so that the line of caves appears to be at different elevations, and not continuous. There are spaces where the rock has not been burrowed into; in some places two, in others three, tiers of caves are visible. the pottery vessels were wiped or smoothed thin." Western Keres ty6oni is water-jar. In Eastern Keres (at least Cochiti and Santo Domingo) water-jar is wach!eni, the last two syllables of which are probably the equivalent of tyon~i. Ty6'o'iii, the cliff-village at Rito de los Frijoles, was the place of the water-jars, and the concept, as usual, was adopted by the Tewa when they translated the name into their own language. Eastern Keres since those days has undergone such changes that the meaning of the old name has been lost. 1 Papers Archaological Institute of America, IV, I892, pages 139-I43. {view image of facing page 66} Santa Ana and Jemez River [photogravure plate] {view image of page 67} THE KERES 67 The whole length of this village of troglodytes is about two miles, rather more than less. Upon the assumption that all the grottos were occupied simultaneously, the population of the Rito would have been much larger than that of the Pu-ye, and might have equalled that of the Pu-ye and Shu-finne combined, amounting to nearly twenty-five hundred souls; but it is more likely that fifteen hundred represents the number of the inhabitants. Here was a little world of its own. The bottom afforded a sufficient extent of very fertile soil; there was enough permanent water to permit irrigation, and there are even traces of acequias on both sides of the brook. Trees stood in front of their homes, and the mesas above are well wooded. Game of all kinds, deer, elk, mountain sheep, bears, and turkeys, roamed about the region in numbers, and the brook afforded fish. The Rito is cool in summer and not very cold in winter, compared with the surrounding table-lands and the Rio Grande valley. It was a choice spot, admirably fitted for the wants of a primitive people. It was also excellently situated for protection against a savage enemy. The inhabitants of the Rito could neither be starved out nor cut off from their water supply. Prowling Navajos might render hunting on the mesas very unsafe for months, but only a direct attack in great force could imperil the cave dwellers at home. It was easy for the latter to guard against surprise, since the foot of the cliffs affords lookouts over the whole bottom, up and down.... Against such of the cliffs as rise vertically, and the surface of which is almost smooth, terraced houses were built, using the rock for a rear wall. Not only are the holes visible in which the ends of the beams rested that supported roofs and ceilings, but in one or two places portions of the beams still protrude.... Along the base of these cliffs extends an apron, which was once approximately levelled, and on this apron the foundations of walls appear in places. It would seem that a row of houses, one, two, and even three stories high, leaned against the cliff; and sometimes the upper story consisted of a cave, the lower of a building. At Ty6'o'nii, according to tradition, lived the entire Keres family. This doubtless is to be taken as referring only to the eastern branch; for the Acoma lay no claim to a former residence at the Rito, and it may be assumed that they had already migrated southward and westward in advance of the others, while Laguna was established in historic times. Probably Sia and Santa Ana also were already separated from the rear-guard, since, as has been said, the latter is linguistically closer to Acoma than to the eastern group; and the position of Sia west of Santa Ana, in the same locality occupied at the dawn of the historic period, suggests, though of course it does not prove, that the Sia group was in advance of Santa Ana in the migratory movement. {view image of page 68} 68 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Because of dissension a faction departed from Ty6'o'fii. The malcontents included the ancestors of San Felipe; but these subsequently rejoined the main group when the latter established the second known village of this branch of the Keres, the one now called Muika /a-kowenigh-haastita ("mountain-lion couchant village"), on a tongue-like mesa called Potrero de las Vacas. The native name of this ruin refers to a remarkable shrine, a circle of stones enclosing two crouching mountain-lions sculptured out of the bed-rock that forms the surface of the mesa. Here, as usual, "trouble came; their hearts were not one." Those who later were to found Santo Domingo went a short distance eastward to fpafii ("chandelier-cactus ").1 The others, ancestors of Cochiti, moved about three miles southwestward and founded on Potrero San Miguel a pueblo whose ruin is now called Kukaii-haastita ("red village").2 At the same time the San Felipe branch went to Asaiikawe-lkamatesuima ("pasturage [grass] -- ruin"), in Peralta canon about three miles west of present Cochiti.3 Red Pueblo on Potrero San Miguel was poorly situated for defense, and while the subject of removal was being debated there was a quarrel, a result of which was that most of the Corn clan departed northward, fell in with a band of wandering Ute, and never returned. The others established in Cafiada de Cochiti, about six miles north of present Cochiti, a pueblo the ruin of which is called Kotyitikuiapa-haastita ("Cochiti cafiada village"). On the potrero to the north of this ruin is another shrine to the mountain-lion gods. Still beset by the Tewa, they abandoned this village and built another on Potrero Viejo, west of the cafiada and overlooking the deserted pueblo five hundred feet below. Here the Tewa continued to attack, but were easily repulsed by rolling bowlders down the almost inaccessible cliffs. The ruin is called Hanat-kat iutya ("high-above house"), or Hanat-liktyfti ("high-above Cochiti"), and colloquially Old Cochiti, whence Potrero Viejo (Spanish, old potrero). 1 Santiago Quintana, the informant, was unable to identify this name with any known ruin. 2 This is the ruin that Bandelier called Haatze. Neither of the writer's informants, two of the best-informed men at Cochiti, would confirm this name. Haaf2! is earth. Haastifi", village, is invariably uttered in such a slurring manner that it is unusually difficult to fix the actual pronunciation. It is probable that Bandelier, who was not a good transcriber of Indian words, understood his informant to be saying hiafA!, when in fact he was saying haastitfa. Harrington follows Bandelier, but admits that he obtained no confirmation from the natives. He thinks it likely that the pueblo was named from the Earth clan, its putative inhabitants. But naming villages from clans was not a Keres practice. 3 No ruin in this locality has been mapped. Bandelier says that the San Felipe branch diverged from the main body at Kuapa. {view image of facing page 68} Old Cochiti [photogravure plate] {view image of page 69} THE KERES 69 At this point Cochiti tradition, as known to raconteurs of the present, goes astray, relating that the people were attacked by the Spaniards while occupying Hanat and forced to establish modern Cochiti. In fact the assault of Potrero Viejo occurred at a later period, when the potrero had been reoccupied and a new pueblo built, as will be described presently. Juan de Ofiate in 1598 found the Cochiti on the Rio Grande. Having repulsed the Tewa from Hanat and driven them with great loss across the Rio Grande, they had found themselves undisturbed by their enemies and had abandoned the inconvenient site on Potrero Viejo. Cochiti participated in the general uprising of the Pueblos in I680. Near the close of the following year Governor Otermin, in his abortive attempt to reconquer the country, found San Felipe, Santo Domingo, and Cochiti deserted. He sacked them, and, as he reported, "a great quantity of grain, abes, and other things were consumed... In particular were the estufas, which are houses of idolatry, burned." 1 The population of these three towns, together with some southern Tewa from San Marcos and some northern Tiwa from Picuris and Taos, had taken refuge on Potrero Viejo, or the Cieneguilla, as the Spaniards called it. Santa Ana and Sia also were deserted, and their population, together with the Tiwa of Alameda, Puaray, and Sandia, was assembled on "the sierra de los Jemez." But in 1683 a Picuris Indian reported that all the Keres and the northern Tiwa villages had been reoccupied. In 1689 Governor Domingo Jironza Petriz de Cruzate led an expedition against the rebels and completely destroyed Sia and slaughtered a large number of its inhabitants. It was doubtless in consequence of this bloody affair that Cochiti, San Felipe, and the San Marcos Tewa again fled to the potrero and erected there a commodious pueblo near the ruin of Hanat. In 1692 Diego de Vargas, the new governor, marching from friendly Pecos, found all the Keres pueblos once more deserted. He visited the stronghold on the "Cieneguilla" and was told by the Indians that they had abandoned their villages "on account of their fear of the ambuscades of their enemies the teguas, tanos and Picuries, whom the Spaniards by their coming would succeed in putting down." 2 They promised to return to the lowlands, and Vargas 1 Hackett, Otermin's Attempt to Reconquer New Mexico, I68I-I682, in Old Santa Fe, April, 1916. 2 Ralph Emerson Twitchell, Extracts from the Journal of General Don Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan Ponce de Leon, ibid., April, I9I4. {view image of page 70} 70 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN turned off into the valley of Rio Jemez, where he received similar pledges from Sia and from the Jemez and their Santo Domingo allies. After visiting Acoma, Zufii, and the Hopi country, Vargas withdrew to his headquarters. When he returned in the following year, it was to find that only Santa Ana, Sia, and San Felipe had carried out their promise. During the year hostilities became general, and the friendly Keres grew insistent in their plea for protection against the Santo Domingos and the Jemez, entrenched on the Jemez heights, and against Cochiti and San Marcos on Potrero Viejo. He accordingly left Santa Fe on the I2th of April [I694] with seventy soldiers and twenty armed colonists, to march against the Potrero Viejo, and took the road to San Felipe, where he was reinforced by about one hundred warriors from that village, Santa Ana, and Cia. Leaving San Felipe on the I6th of April in the afternoon, he reached the Cafiada de Cochiti about midnight. A council of war was held at once, and in it the war-captain of Cia, Bartolome de Ojeda, gave a description of the cliff and of the three trails leading to the summit. The enemy were on their guard; and fires burned along the upper edge of the mesa, showing that pickets were watching the approaches. The Spanish camp had been located where it could not be descried from the Potrero. Vargas divided his force into four bodies. Captains Juan Holguin and Eusebio de Vargas, with forty men and one hundred Indians under Bartolome de Ojeda, took the long but easier trail that reaches the mesa from the southwest. That trail was used by the enemy for bringing their sheep and horses to the summit. Captain Roque Madrid with another detachment was to storm the Potrero from the front. Adjutant Barela with ten soldiers guarded the third trail, which descends to the brook in the Cafiada on the northern foot of the cliff, and Vargas himself took his post between the last two sections, with a small number of men. Madrid had the most difficult task, as the ascent from the east is very steep and over bare rocks. It was moonlight, and the enemy could inflict heavy loss by merely throwing stones upon the assailants. About two o'clock in the morning of the 17th of April the advance began from the east, while the body guided by Ojeda had already begun to creep up in silence, and unnoticed by the enemy. They, however, soon discovered the detachment under Roque Madrid, and made a fierce resistance; but the Spaniards toiled on, replying with the slow musketry firing of the period to the showers of stones and arrows from above. The handful of men on the north side of the Potrero also made demonstrations of attack, and so diverted some of the enemy to that side, when suddenly the forty soldiers and the Indian allies appeared on top of the mesa in the rear. The news of their arrival before the pueblo itself caused the defenders on the {view image of facing page 70} Partially excavated kivi, old Cochiti [photogravure plate] {view image of page 71} THE KERES 7 I parapets to scatter at once; some sped to the rescue of their homes and families, but the majority fled through the forest. Some resistance was still offered at the pueblo, but it was fruitless, and by sunrise all was over. Twenty-one Indians perished in this engagement. On the side of the Spaniards four men were wounded, but none killed.1 Three hundred and forty-two women and children fell into the hands of the victors, together with seventy horses and more than nine hundred sheep. A portion of the spoil was given to the Indian auxiliaries. A considerable quantity of Indian corn in ears was found in the pueblo... Vargas ordered the prisoners to shell it on the spot... By the 20th of April the corn was ready, and the bulk of the Spanish force was sent off to get beasts of burden, and to reinforce Santa Fe, which in the meantime the Tehuas had attempted to surprise. The captives were retained on the Potrero under guard, confined every night in the estufa. Not more than thirty-six men were with the Governor, for the Indian allies had departed on the very day of the assault to protect their own homes. On the 2ISt, at two o'clock in the afternoon, when the Spaniards thought themselves perfectly secure, the enemy suddenly made a furious attack upon the pueblo, having crept up from the west through a narrow pass where the cliffs behind the Potrero and the woods had concealed their approach. The Spaniards flew to arms, and succeeded in beating off the enemy with the loss of only one man on their side, and of four of the Indians. But during the confusion caused by the surprise more than one half of the captive girls and boys escaped... On the 24th, Vargas at last evacuated the Potrero, with his booty in corn and with the remnant of the captives. Before leaving, however, he set fire to the pueblo, together with all the grain that could not be taken along, " in order that the aforesaid rebellious enemy might not find any sustenance in it, nor be able to take up his abode without being compelled to rebuild."... The Potrero Viejo was never occupied again.2 After several futile attempts to dislodge the San Ildefonso Tewa from their mesa stronghold, Vargas proceeded against the Jemez. Vargas, as soon as he reached the friendly Pueblos of Santa Ana and Cia, held a council with the leading men of both villages, and then marched with his force, said to have numbered I20 Spaniards and some auxiliary natives, for the mesas above the San Diego Canon. He left Cia at eight o'clock at night, on the 23d of July [I694], and at a distance of four leagues, near the junction of the two streams, 1 This slight loss proves that the Spaniards wisely refrained from actually attempting to storm the mesa from the front, but only made pretense in order to cover the advance of the main party. Native tradition says that they left all the fighting to their allies! 2 Bandelier in Papers Archceological Institute of America, IV, I892, pages I73-I77. Charred beams and small heaps of charred corn and cobs are still to be seen in the rooms of this large pueblo, and vitreous masses of some mineralized earth from the roof-covering testify to the intensity of the fire that destroyed the village. {view image of page 72} 72 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN divided his men into two bodies. One of these, consisting of 25 Spanish soldiers under command of Eusebio de Vargas and the Indian allies, was to enter the gorge of San Diego and climb the mesa on a dizzy trail, so as to reach the rear of the highest plateau, while the main body, led by Vargas himself, ascended from the southwest. The Spanish commander had ascertained that the Jemez had evacuated their village on the mesa, and retired to a still higher location north of it. The operations were completely successful, and the Indians were taken between two fires; but they offered a desperate resistance. The total number killed on this occasion amounted to 84, five of whom perished in the flames, and seven threw themselves down the cliffs rather than surrender.' Vargas remained on the mesas until the 8th of August, removing gradually the considerable stores found in the villages, and the prisoners, who numbered 36I. Then, setting fire to both villages, he withdrew to San Diego [de Jemez], and thence to Santa Fe. During his stay on the mesas he discovered a third pueblo, recently built there by the people of Santo Domingo, who had joined the Jemez tribe upon the approach of the Spaniards. San Diego de Jemez was reoccupied after I694, and inhabited until June, I696. Again a priest took up his residence at the pueblo, Fray Francisco de Casaus, otherwise known as Fray Francisco de Jesus. He soon noticed the evil designs of his Indian parishioners, and gave repeated warning to his superiors... On the 4th of June of that year the last important insurrection of the Pueblos broke out. The priest of Jemez was murdered, and the tribe again fled to the mountains. They had not time, however, to construct a new village on the mesas, but only to rear temporary shelter. Their first step was to secure assistance from the Navajos, from Acoma, and from Zuni, and to make hostile demonstrations against Cia, Santa Ana, and San Felipe. There was a small Spanish detachment, commanded by the Captain Miguel de Lara, stationed at Cia, and that officer. took the field against the superior numbers of the insurgents on the 29th of June. A fierce conflict took place, partly in the San Diego Caion, partly at the ruins of the pueblo of San Juan [de Jemez], in which the Jemez and their allies were routed with the loss of thirty men. This defeat broke up the confederacy with Acoma and Zufii, and caused the Jemez to flee to the Navajo country. When Lara reconnoitred the mesas in August following, they were deserted. For several years the Jemez remained among the Navajos, until they finally returned to their old range, establishing themselves at or near the site of their present village.2 * Gyusiwa, an ancient pueblo of the Jemez Indians at what is now Jemez Springs in San Diego canion, was the seat of the mission San Diego de Jemez. It was temporarily abandoned in 1622 under pressure from the Navaho, and was definitely forsaken shortly after the uprising of i680. This was the occasion when San Diego saved the Indians from death at the foot of the cliff, as told by Indian traditionists. See page 251. 2 Bandelier, op. cit., pages 2I.3-216. {view image of facing page 72} Ruins of the church at Gyusiwa [photogravure plate] {view image of page 73} THE KERES 73 The native account of Cochiti participation in this minor revolt of 1696 follows. After Cochiti was reoccupied [in 1694] a priest was sent from Mexico. He gave no trouble, and died at the pueblo. But his successor [Fray Alonzo Ximenez de Cisneros] had a different woman servant each week. This was the usual custom. A certain man thought that his wife was intimate with the priest, and he asked that the council either order him killed or send him away. His relatives were saying that if the council did not act, they would themselves do what they thought best. The Indian sacristan attended the meetings of the council, and when it was decided to kill the priest he quickly carried a warning to him; for he had been well treated. He provided a woman's dress, and in the middle of the night appointed for the murder he put the dress on his friend, conducted him to the river and urged him to keep travelling southward. A short distance below San Felipe the priest hid at daylight among the cottonwoods on a small island. Some San Felipe rabbit-hunters found him, took him to their pueblo, and promised to protect him. Later in the day the Cochiti followed the priest's trail, and when San Felipe refused to deliver him up to them they laid siege, camping at the river so that the women were prevented from getting water. On the fourth day the water stored in cisterns on the mesa [San Felipe at that time occupied a mesa site] was nearly exhausted. The priest was told that he would have to be given up unless he could bring rain by prayer. He asked for a tanned rabbitskin, and on it he wrote with blood from his own veins. He told his friends to hang it on the church tower, which they did. A heavy rain soon filled the cisterns, and the besiegers withdrew. Most of the people then fled to the mountains, after breaking up the furnishings of the Cochiti church. Some of the statues were made of "sweet stuff," which they ate. They made moccasins of the parchment paintings. In the same year they returned to Cochiti.1 General Customs Cochiti traders travelled as far west as the country of the Hopi, and in company with them to the Grand Cafion of the Colorado, where they bought deerskins of the Havasupai. Northward they went beyond Taos to trade, eastward to Indian Territory (Oklahoma) to exchange bread and cornmeal for the horses and buffalo-hides of 1 Bandelier, op. cit., page 192, says: "The San Felipe pueblo was never directly threatened in I696, and consequently the story of the blockade, and of the suffering from lack of water resulting from it, and the miraculous intervention of the rescued missionary, is without foundation... Father Cisneros was one of the priests who entered upon his mission among the Pueblos in 1695, but soon discovered that they were bent upon another outbreak. He gave warning of it by letter to the Custodian in the beginning of 1696... and joined in the petition of the latter to Diego de Vargas... Vargas disregarded these well grounded cries of alarm, VOL. XVI-IO {view image of page 74} 74 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the Comanche, and southward to the plains in central New Mexico to hunt antelope. The father of an informant travelled to Sonora to buy horses, and three men once went to the City of Mexico to inquire about their land grant. About the year 1875 Santiago Quintana and two others went on foot to California by way of Prescott and Gila river. They visited San Luis Obispo, Bakersfield, and Los Angeles, and returned with horses three years later. Such journeys were of course exceptional. Hunting was usually a communal undertaking, and the rabbitdrive may still be observed. In ordering a hunt the war-chiefs name the fourth day following, counting the day of the announcement as the first, and say, "All the game shall be given to hochani [the cacique]." The hunt-chief, Muika/a-hahtfe ("cougar man"), is the head of the Shayaka,I a society having ceremonial control of game and hunting. Arriving at the place from which the hunt is to start, the Cougar Man builds a small fire in such a way that a thin column of smoke rises. This he keeps burning during the hunt, and from time to time he smokes cigarettes and prays for good luck to the hunters. He is attended by a youth who carries his quiver, his tobacco, and a cedarbark fire-rope. When all the men have assembled at the appointed place, two young men selected by the war-chiefs are sent by Cougar Man in opposite directions to encircle a large area and pass each other at a given point. Behind each of these two follow half of the hunters, each party in charge of several young men 2 appointed by the war-chiefs and armed with bunches of willow switches. At regular intervals of perhaps a hundred yards these deputies designate a man to stop and stand guard, until the entire area is enclosed. Each hunter carries two rabbit-sticks, usually of oak, with a heavy knobbed end, one in the right hand, the other in the belt. In the left hand are the bow and half a dozen arrows. Some have quivers on the back. and Father Cisneros fled to San Felipe and was well received there. The Indians of Cochiti left their village at once, and returned thither only in the late fall of 1696." Bandelier apparently relies on the want of documentary evidence in denying so authoritatively the "siege" of San Felipe. At least he assigns no positive reason. Lack of documentary confirmation of events in that time and circumstance seems insufficient ground for denying a definite tradition current at both Cochiti and San Felipe, the two pueblos concerned. 1 Cf. kawa, hunter. This society is now extinct at Cochiti, and a Shi'kam6 shaman plays the part of Cougar Man. It still flourishes at Santo Domingo. Cougar and Eagle are described as hayaka, because they can kill almost any other animal. 2 These young men are always Kwi'ranna (see page 87). * H6p6 is a nickname based on the supposed resemblance of the subject to the Hopi Indians. {view image of facing page 74} Hope - Jemez [photogravure plate] {view image of page 75} THE KERES 75 When the leaders pass each other at the opposite side of the circle, they shout: "Hau.....!l S ksuni k6choku ['is-closed circle']!" This is repeated in turn by each man in the circle until the signal is received at the starting point, when all begin to converge slowly. If a rabbit escapes between two men, then when the hunt is ended they are denounced by their companions, and standing with arms outstretched, while a Kwi'ranna man with a bunch of willow whips in each hand takes his place behind and between them, they both are whipped at the same time. When the hunters meet at the centre of the circle, they proceed to enclose another tract, and so continue through the day. They return to the village at sunset, but before they enter the war-chief calls, "All you who have killed game, bring it here!" They pile their rabbits, hares, gophers, and birds before him, and he says, "All this is for shtehyamoni [a ceremonial appellation of the cacique, who is also called ska-naya, all-our mother]." He orders his deputies to carry the game to the cacique and dismisses the hunters. In the morning young men come to skin the game and hang it up to dry. It is given to the cacique, not for use in public feasts but for the subsistence of his household; for he is too important a personage and too busy with religious duties to hunt and farm. Whenever he needs meat a hunt of this kind is ordered. To supply themselves with meat the others hunt in smaller parties or by themselves. On occasions the cacique used to summon the war-chief and say: "Ska-nastyuseh ['all our father'], I have called you here because you are the one. I want you to announce that skanaya hte'hyamoni wishes you to go to hunt large game." "What day?" the war-chief would ask. "Whenever you wish. I only propose that you go to hunt large game for your mother." The two war-chiefs would then call a meeting of the principal men, to decide what day they would hunt. They always chose the "fourth" day, that is, the third day following, and the war-chief would conclude: "All the men, even old men and young boys, whoever can walk, will go on that day, because our mother fhtehyamoni desires us to hunt large game. We will go to the mountains." On such expeditions each man carried food, usually wafer bread, tortillas, or tamales. In winter they found game in the valley or on the slopes, but in summer it was necessary to seek the mountain heights. In the same way as in the rabbit-drive they formed a circle. 1 The coyote-howl. {view image of page 76} 76 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Each man had bow and arrows, and any who had guns carried them. The two men to lead the circle were selected for their strength and their knowledge of the country. The one who went to the right always received his directions first, and they were quite minute. If one of the two should not be familiar with the places indicated, another was substituted, so that there should be no doubt of the circle being properly completed. The war-chief and three of his young men took half of the hunters and went to the right, while the second war-chief and the remainder went to the left. When the circle was complete and the hunters, including the war-chiefs and their orderlies, were stationed about a quarter of a mile apart, the two leaders (that is, the scouts), having passed each other and taken their stations, gave the usual shout, which was repeated until it reached the Cougar Man, who remained in the "camp" with the youthful bearer of his quiver, tobacco, and fire-rope. A few active young men were now sent into the circle to start up any game that might be there and drive it toward the hunters. If an animal seemed likely to pass out of range, it was the duty of the nearest hunter to head it back into the circle. Dogs were used in hunting of this kind. As soon as a deer was killed, it was opened and the intestines were buried. The heart, the liver, and the kidneys were retained, and the first stomach was emptied and filled with blood for the use of women in painting the face. Only an animal too large for a single man to carry was cut up in the field. The game was brought to Cougar Man, and the entire party returned before nightfall to the village, sending a messenger ahead to notify the cacique that they were on the way. He received all the meat, but each hunter kept the hide and the head of his kill. During the next two days the women were busily making wafer bread and sweet pudding and cooking the heads. On the third day all this food was taken to the cacique's house for a public feast. In summer about a dozen men under the war-chief or his assistant, with three or four of his young men, used to make an expedition to the plains of Guadalupe county west of the upper course of Rio Pecos, camping in the vicinity of Caion Pintado. It required four days to make the journey of about a hundred miles. Pack-burros 1 Meal for sweet pudding is made by covering moistened corn in a warm place until it sprouts and slightly ferments, then drying and grinding it. The Hopi and Zunii custom is to chew the dry meal and allow it to ferment by action of the saliva. The meal is boiled and then baked in a Mexican oven. {view image of facing page 76} Santana Quintana - Cochiti [photogravure plate] {view image of page 77} THE KERES 77 were taken. The hunters concealed themselves at the edge of a salt lake in small pits masked with a fringe of brush. A herd of antelope would return again and again to the lick after being shot at. The flesh was cut up and dried on pole frames, and after a fortnight of hunting the party usually returned with a large quantity of meat, all for the cacique. Sometimes the hunters encountered the Mescalero Apache. An informant's brother accompanied a party of antelopehunters about the year I868. While they were hunting, a band of mounted Mescaleros came up and attacked. A few Cochiti men were killed, but the others drove off the enemy, who being mounted escaped into the hills. The hunters returned home without delay. Buffalo were found on the plains at Estancia, some sixty miles directly south of Santa Fe. There were no buffalo west of Pecos river in the sixteenth century, according to the Spanish explorers, but the animals moved westward when the Plains hunters became numerous and gave them no respite from pursuit. A Cochiti child is named at sunrise on the fourth day after its birth. While the parents and others of the family, as well as attendant friends, remain in the house, the godparents step outside the door just as the sun appears. The godmother holds the infant up in full view of the rising orb, and the godfather, standing beside her, says: "Our father Sun, we present to you this boy [or girl]. His name will be [for example] Wapoiiitiwa Hapaiii-hanof2a [Waponitiwa (of the) Oak People]. Our father Sun, whenever in the future you, Sun, behold this boy, you will know him as Wapofiitiwa Hapafii-hanofat." When they turn to enter the house, the godfather says: "Here is going in one whose name will be Wapoiiitiwa Hapaii-hanota. Our father Sun will know him by this name. All the Kopightaia [cloudgods] and all the people will know him by this name." Cochiti names are not usually ancestral. As at Zufii and the Hopi pueblos, masculine names frequently end with tiwa. Cochiti children, like those of other pueblos, are not formally instructed. They learn by observation, and in the family they are taught by precept and example how to perform the customary acts of religion and what constitutes good conduct. In order to induce children to cohabit and reproduce at an early age, boys and girls, as soon as they reach puberty, are (or formerly were) placed in a room together, many at a time, and an old man and an old woman remain with them to lead them through an inevitable period of embarrassment. The children remain there all night, and many girls become pregnant in this manner. This is still the {view image of page 78} 78 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN custom at some places, notably at Santo Domingo. In many localities there is a progressive element that opposes the practice, but usually they are powerless against the force of custom. Soon after a boy attains puberty, his father says: "Now, my boy, you will be getting married. It is time for you to look around for some girl whom you would like." If the boy does not soon report that he has found a girl, his father selects one for him, and discusses with her parents the question of having their children assume sexual relations. The price having been agreed upon - a pretty shell, a pair of moccasins, or something of similar value, - the boy is conducted that night to her house. If the girl is reluctant, as usually is the case, her parents persuade her until she consents. If to them the boy appears likely to be a good husband, they make no objection to his returning as often as he likes. Of course he is expected to make frequent gifts. He is thus in the relation of a suitor, or rather of a husband on trial. The girl may have, in fact is likely to have, more than one suitor of this sort, and some of them may be elderly men. Sometimes when two of them have the definite intention of really marrying the girl, dissension arises. A certain man had a nephew for whom he made an arrangement. After a time the uncle and the aunt of the girl, an orphan, were approached by an old man, whom they accommodated. It was not long before the aged suitor signified his desire to marry her; and the youth expressed a similar wish. Her guardians favored the old man, because he could pay more; but the girl of course was ruled by her heart. She fled to the house of her young lover's uncle, the old man came to fetch her, and there followed a quarrel which nearly came to blows. The old man finally started up the ladder to the upper story, but when he was near the top somebody grasped his foot and pulled him down Foiled of his purpose to carry the girl bodily away, he induced her guardians to insist that she be delivered up to them, which was done. However, the boy's guardian evolved a plan. A day was set for the wedding at the church. The trembling girl and the eager old man stood before the altar, and at the proper time, while the priest was reading the ritual, the boy, unobserved, slipped out of the crowd, stood close behind the old man, and slyly clasped the hand of his lover, while the priest, unaware, pronounced the final benediction on them as man and wife. The ridicule heaped upon the old man prevented any serious trouble from coming out of this deception, and the two young people were left in peace. The following illustrates the determination of the reactionary {view image of facing page 78} Ti'mu - Cochiti [photogravure plate] {view image of page 79} THE KERES 79 party to retain the old customs by severely punishing those who neglect tribal affairs and disobey the officers: About the year 1914 Diego, a young man of Santo Domingo, was -working for a Mexican three or four miles from his pueblo. The governor sent for him, but he disregarded the summons. The next morning the governor and three or four young men confronted him. Said the governor: "Diego, why did you not come yesterday? I sent two boys to bring you. You did not come. You disobeyed my order, so I have had to come myself with these officers. I am going to take you." Diego made no reply. The governor ordered his young men to take him, and they bound his hands behind his back, fastened a rope about his neck, and tied it to the wagon. Then they drove off so rapidly that he had to run if he would keep his feet. In the village they confined him in a room, and that evening the governor called his council to try Diego. They decided that he was guilty of working for a Mexican (they feared encroachment on pueblo lands), and especially of disobedience. The governor then ordered him to remove his shirt and cotton trousers. Two men were called in, and they bound his forearms together, each hand on the opposite elbow, and thus suspended him from a roof-beam. They proceeded to flog him with a quirt, and left him hanging there unconscious. The rope finally broke, and he fell to the floor, and was carried, still unconscious, to his house and deposited roughly on the floor in front of his astonished wife. After a time he recovered consciousness. His arms were badly swollen, and he lay in bed a week. On the eighth day, feeling able to walk, he went outside. As soon as the governor heard that he was about, the war-chief sent a deputy with a message. About midafternoon Diego's wife called him into the house. There he was confronted by his own nephew. The youth said: "Well, uncle, I am sent here to you by my father [the war-chief] to tell you that you must wait for tonight. The war-chief is going to call you to trial again tonight. But, my dear uncle, you know that I am your nephew, and you are my uncle. Of course I must have some pity on you. I am going to tell you what they talked about in the council this morning. The council decided that they will try you tonight. They said, that if the other time the governor did not kill you, this time they will surely kill you. Now, my uncle, if I were you I would try to run away. See if you can do that. As soon as it is dark you must run away. For they will surely kill you." Diego was just able to walk. His body was still bruised and sore. He sat and thought. He said: "Now, my dear wife, you hear what I have been told. My nephew tells me that the war-chief is going to try me and punish me, and if I was not killed the other time, tonight I shall not escape. So I must try to run away. As soon {view image of page 80} 80 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN as it is dark, and before somebody comes to call me, I would like to go. You had better prepare supper and I will go." So he ate and departed, picking his way carefully until he got into the hills. He arrived at Pefablanca, a Mexican village, when the inhabitants were going to bed, and proceeded to the house of the father of his former employer, where a light was still burning. The old Mexican was sitting in the kitchen. Diego rapped. "Who is it?" "I, compadre." "Who is 'I'?" "I, Diego." "Oh, mi compadre Diego!" " Si, sefior!" The old man opened the door, and Diego entered and sat down. "What is the matter, compadre?" "Well, compadre, you will see why I am here at this time of night. I am running away from home." And Diego told his story and showed his swollen arms, back, and legs. "What is your advice? What am I to do? Early in the morning the governor will have his men looking for me." "Well, Diego, I am going to tell you what to do. You will sleep here tonight. Early in the morning, before daylight, when you wake up, boil some coffee and eat some bread. Then go into the hills back from the river and on the plain at the top turn northward to the bridge and go to Cochiti. As soon as you see anyone, find out who is the governor and who is the war-chief of Cochiti. If you can find either of these two officers, then at once tell them why you have come. Tell them you wish to become a Cochiti man. If the governor or the war-chief and the council accept you, then you will be under their protection and you will escape death. They are not so bad as your own people; they will protect you." This plan Diego followed. Before crossing the bridge he saw smoke rising from a house on a hill. He approached and saw an old woman building a fire. "K6oafina [a salutation]!" "Rawa-a 1 ['good']!" she responded. "Who is the man that lives in this house?" "My husband." "What is his name?" She told him. "Who is the war-chief of this village?" "My husband." "Oh, your husband! That is the one I am looking for." After a time the old man came in from his field, and Diego greeted him, "Koafiina, omo ['greeting, father']!" * Tsi'yone is one of the two best potters at Sia, a pueblo noted for the excellence of its earthenware. A vessel of the size shown in the plate brings her the modest sum of ten dollars. 1 Rawa, good; rat'afs!a, good is. {view image of facing page 80} Tsi'yone - "Flying" - Sia [photogravure plate] {view image of page 81} THE KERES "Rawa!" 1 "Well, onoo, I am running away from Santo Domingo. I have been advised to come to you, because you are the war-chief. I was lucky to find you here. I am going to tell you what happened to me. I am here to see if you will defend me. I ask you, the war-chief, to call into the meeting those your principales, and I would like to have the governor also there." He told the war-chief what had occurred. So they crossed the bridge to the governor, and the three went on to the village. It was still early morning. They summoned the council to the governor's house. I [the informant] was one of them. After hearing Diego's story we agreed to accept him as a member of the pueblo. Two or three days later Diego came to my house with a Mexican, an old man, who asked me to give Diego a letter for the Indian School Superintendent. I gave him the letter, and that night he started for Santa Fe. He could not travel by day, because the Santo Domingo men were looking for him. We had been keeping him in hiding, and when he reached Santa Fe the Superintendent kept him out of sight. Several Santo Domingo men were there looking for him, because they thought he would go to his son, who was in the school. A few days later the Superintendent brought Diego to Domingo Station [about two miles from Santo Domingo pueblo], put him into a back room of the store, and sent a message for the governor and his principal men. They came to the store. The Superintendent had told Diego to stand behind the door and listen to what the men would say. The governor and his councilors shook hands with the Superintendent and sat down near the door behind which Diego was concealed. The Superintendent asked, "Where is Diego?" They began to talk to one another, making up a story about some grave offenses he had committed. "Did you punish him?" "No." "Somebody told me you nearly killed him." "All big lies," said the governor. "He wants to tell lies about us. We just called him home and he would not come, so we sent someone and brought him." They did not tell that they had led him behind the wagon and had flogged him. "Well, where is Diego now?" "We do not know. He ran away." "Would you like to have him come back?" "Of course, we would like to have him at home." "Have you looked for him?" "Yes, but we cannot find him." 1 Not rawa-aa, the phrase used when the salutation is from one who comes to the house. Diego is now in the house, and does not inquire about the wellbeing of its occupants, but merely says, in effect, "How do you yourself do?" And the old man answers, "Good," not "All is well." VOL. XVI-II {view image of page 82} 82 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN "So Diego is the one that has done something to injure your people?" They could not answer, because they had no story prepared. Finally they said: "Well, Diego was working for a Mexican, and we do not like to have anyone working for Mexicans or white people. The governor and the officers have prohibited it. This Mexican he was working for is trying to get into our land." [As a matter of fact the Mexican's land was outside the reservation.] "So you cannot find Diego. Well, I think I shall have to help you." He called, and Diego stepped out. They looked foolish. "Diego," said the Superintendent, "did they tell me the truth?" "No, all these are great liars." And he denounced them, recalling what they had done to him. They could not answer. The Superintendent said: 'Now, governor, you would like to have Diego back home. Diego, would you like to go back and live with these people?" "No, I would not like to go back and be killed some day." "Where are you going to live?" "I am going back to Cochiti. I am now under the Cochiti governor and the Cochiti war-chief. I am one of their men. Therefore I cannot go back to Santo Domingo, and never will I go back." "Governor, you understand what Diego says?" The governor could not answer. "Governor, I believe you cannot take Diego back. He is now a man of Cochiti, and if you want to do anything with Diego, you must go to Cochiti and see the governor, the war-chief, and the principales." So Diego returned to Cochiti. Two days later came the governor, the war-chief, and other principal men of Santo Domingo. The officers of Cochiti assembled and invited the visitors to the meeting. Diego was asked to tell his story. The Santo Domingo governor did not deny it, and they went away. But the next day they returned, trying to persuade him to come home. They asked his forgiveness, even going to him on their knees. We advised him to return to his people on their promise that they would not punish him. So he went with them. A deceased person is clothed in his best garments and ornaments, and is laid on the floor and covered with a blanket. A woman of the family sets a small dish of meal and another of corn-pollen beside the head of the corpse, and everybody present, as well as any who come in at any time, takes a pinch of each and tosses it on the body. Burial occurs either the same day or the following morning. They summon a shaman, who takes out of his pouch a stone figurine of a mountain-lion and a dried paw of the same animal, holds them to the dead person's breast, then sets them beside the two dishes. * The pendants of the necklace of this Cochiti young woman consist of turquoise bits inlaid with gum on near-jet obtained from the Navaho, who still, as in ancient times, secure it from the coal measures near Gallup. {view image of facing page 82} Tsaiyatsa - Cochiti [photogravure plate] {view image of page 83} THE KERES 83 This is said to mean that the spirit is to remain there four days, but the association of ideas seems obscure. A more reasonable explanation would be that the shaman thus gives the spirit strength and good luck for its journey. A woman covers the stone figurine and the dishes with a cloth. The grave is dug in the campo santo at the mission church, and the body, sewed in a blanket, is carried out on a ladder and buried by a fiscal with the assistance of one, two, or three others, all of whom serve without pay. On the second day thereafter the women of the family prepare food, and the fourth day is "the day when the dead person is sent away." Three shamans arrange an altar in the house of the bereaved family, make a trail of meal to the door, and sit down. They sing, and at the fourth song one of the three rises, lifts the stone cougar and the dried paw, and swings them while walking slowly about and singing with the other two. "This is the fourth day I have been dead, and this is the day I am going to depart." Then he goes out, carrying on his back the bundle containing the dead person's possessions, particularly the dance-costume, which he buries among the rocks well outside the pueblo. While the principal one of the three shamans remains seated, the third now goes about and with his eagle-feathers brushes the bodies of the people, and from time to time sweeps the palm of one hand across the other, as if casting away the bad luck or malign influence of death. When the shaman returns from burying the bundle of clothing, the principal shaman takes up the h6nnawat 1 that compose the altar, and says: "Now all is done. I believe the departed one has gone, and if he has been good in this world he will go to Weniimafti.2 We must not cry, because he will be enjoying his life there." The women then bring in all the food they have prepared and set the dishes and bundles of wafer bread in rows extending to the door. The principal shaman asperges it with medicine-water by means of his feathers, and addresses the spirit of the dead person: "Now you have all this food, which we give you. We hope you will eat some of it and take some with you." This last phrase is a polite intimation of the desire that the ghost depart. After the ensuing feast the shamans depart with the remaining food.3 1 A supernatural helper of the shamans, also the object representing it and the shaman whom it aids. 2 Wnfiima, fabled home of the cloud-gods; fti, room. 3 Although the mortuary customs are described in the present tense, burial at the present time is from the church. Nevertheless the rites of the "day when the dead person is sent away" are still usually observed. {view image of page 84} 84 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Widows and bereaved parents used to neglect their personal appearance, neither washing their faces nor combing their hair, and names of the dead were not spoken for about a year. Those who handled the corpse bathed afterward, but not ritualistically. Organization, Societies, and Ceremonies The officers of native origin are the cacique and the two war-chiefs. The head of the Flint society of medicine-men is the cacique, hochani ("chief"), a life position. The head of the Shkoyu society and the head of the Shi'kame are his assistants, and as such they are called faikafte. The cacique is constantly concerned with prayer and thought for the general welfare, living a frugal life and fasting at frequent intervals. He is the high-priest, yet he has political significance in that he appoints the war-chiefs annually. In spite of this, if, as it has happened, he should neglect his religious duties, the war-chief may reprimand, punish, and even depose him. On such an occasion the war-chief visits the cacique and says, gently but firmly, "My mother, you have given to me the right to punish even you." "Yes, it is so, father." "Well, you have done wrong. Now stand here." He then makes the cacique stand or squat, and with the tip of his bow or his baton he draws a small circle about the feet of his superior, and says: "Stand there until I release you, or until you know that you have done wrong, or until you die in this place." He stations a deputy on either side of the cacique, each armed with a flint-pointed arrow with which he is to prod the prisoner if he moves from the spot or shifts his body from the position in which he has been placed. Within the last generation a cacique was thus punished and then removed from office for having forced a Ki'sari woman. The cacique is ceremonially addressed and referred to as shtehyamoni, or ska-naya ("all-our mother") Ahtehyamoni, or simply as "mother." The two war-chiefs, ftatyo-h6chani ("country chief") or fiyatyuyo 1 ("go in advance"), formerly were life officers but now are appointed annually by the cacique. They represent respectively Masewa and Oyoyewa, the legendary war-leaders, and in ceremonies they are referred to by these names, being addressed as "father." The insignia of a war-chief are a quiver full of arrows and a short stick curved at the end and carried in the quiver. This recalls the curved staffs carried by some Plains military societies. This is apparently what Bandelier means by "Tzia-u-u-kiu." Cf. Tewa tuyo, leader. {view image of page 85} THE KERES 85 The war-chiefs are charged with the duty of maintaining order, inaugurating and directing communal hunts, announcing ceremonies, and guarding the esoteric participants in the rites. Formerly they decided when it was necessary to choose a new location for the village, and repelled enemies. The war-chief punishes an offender by flogging, or the culprit stands with feet together, the chief draws a line about him with the point of his bow and orders him not to move from the spot until he has asked for pardon. Sometimes a stubborn man holds out all day, until he collapses. Deputies of the war-chiefs stand guard to see that the offender does not move nor squat. The second war-chief is less an assistant than a colleague, as the two war-chiefs usually act in concert. The principal civil officers are the governor, tapopu, the lieutenantgovernor, tenyet (Spanish, teniente), and two pifhkales (Spanish, fiscales). The governor is the secular head of the village, and the fiscales manage the affairs of the church, conducting the fiestas, summoning the populace to service, burying the dead. On the night of the twenty-ninth of December the war-chief summons all the men to the council room, where he makes known the names of the officers for the coming year. The two war-chiefs are appointed by the cacique, the governor and his lieutenant by the head of the Shk6yu society, the fiscales by the head of the Shi'kame society. The audience has only to voice its approval. The officers are installed on the first day of January. The council is made up of principales (Spanish), all of whom have filled the office of governor or war-chief, and principales grandes, who are the heads of the three societies of shamans (that is, the cacique and his two assistants) and the heads of the Ki'sari, the Kwi'ranna, and the Siuisti.1 The following clans are still represented at Cochiti:2 Osafta, Sun Yaka, Ear-corn 3 S6ofona, Coyote Sy6ho6me, Turquoise Tyame, Eagle Hitaaiii, Cottonwood Ts!iif, Water Hapafii, Scrub-oak Thiii, Squash Shipew6, a plant Wispa, Sage4 ifs, Mustard 5 1 See page 86. 2 To the name of the clan add hanofa, people. 3 The Ear-corn clan was nearly extinct, when a Nambe man of the Fire clan married and brought to Cochiti a half-Mexican woman with no clan affiliation at all, she having been a peripatetic prostitute. Their daughter, having no clan relationship, was claimed by the Earcorn people, and the clan now has two members. 4 The Handbook of American Indians has "Washpa (Dance-kilt)." The kilt is called 6ofeni. Over it is worn a wide, white cotton belt, kaspa, for which word waspa, sage, has evidently been mistaken. 5 Isf, mustard, was mistaken by Bandelier for itsY, poison-ivy. Cf. Hopi asa, tansy mustard. {view image of page 86} 86 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The following were extinct in I924: 1 Hakaiii, Fire Kufl, Antelope Kisa, Elk Mukat3a, Cougar Ts!inna, Turkey Cochiti clans are exogamous and matrilineal. The rule of exogamy is in abeyance. There are two religio-social parties, the Tahfiiti/fa, Squashes, meeting in Pona'ni'-chitya ("west-inside kiva"), and the Syohoeminatifa, Turquoises, meeting in Hanani'-chitya ("east-inside kiva"). These two parties are said to have been endogamous, but with a greatly diminishing population this law of course was impossible of enforcement. Each party included the entire membership of certain clans, according to traditionists, and even today most of the clans are numerically strong in one or the other of these divisions. Members of Sun, Turquoise, Water, and Shipewe are mostly Turquoise; Earcorn, Eagle, Mustard, Sage, Cottonwood, and Squash are mostly Squash. Coyote is about evenly apportioned. Marrying outside of her party, a woman accompanies her husband in attendance at the kiva; but if she becomes a widow she returns to the kiva of her birth. A man who becomes dissatisfied with his kiva associations may apply to the war-chief for permission to join the other party; whereupon the official summons the leaders of that party, and if they assent the permission is given. Such changes are made to prevent discord. The kivas play no part in masked dances, but in other dances either one kiva party has charge or both divisions participate as such. Practically all boys at the age of thirteen or fourteen are initiated by flogging in a quadrennial rite into the order of Shiwanna, the masked personators of the cloud-gods. Many of them, including some who at birth were dedicated by their parents, will later join one or the other of the two societies of clowns, the Ki'sari and the Kwi'ranna. Those who join neither form a group called Siuisti, or Suiti ("raw, uncooked," referring to their backward state of ceremonial advancement).2 From the ranks of these three groups are recruited the members of the three shamanistic societies: Hiuisteafii1 The Handbook of American Indians names also Bear (kohayu) and Rattlesnake (sihwi). Two well-posted informants of the present investigator were positive that these were never clans at Cochiti. This of course is only negative testimony. Since Bear and Rattlesnake are represented at Santo Domingo, they probably existed also at Cochiti. 2 This group is designated by both names, but Siusti seems to be recognized as the proper term. Sdlfi means "raw," and siusti is explained as meaning the same thing, but this looks like a case of folk-etymology. {view image of page 87} THE KERES 87 ch!aiaiii ("flint shaman") from the Ku'sari, Shi'kame-ch!aiaii ("rattle-shaker shaman") from the Kwi'ranna, Shkoyu-ch!aiani ("giant shaman") from the Siusti. The Ki'sari are Turquoise people and meet in Turquoise, or East, kiva; the Kwi'ranna are Squash people and meet in Squash, or West, kiva. The Cochiti ceremonial system may be graphically presented as follows: Hiusteaiii-ch!aianfi Shi'kame-ch!aiaiii Shk6yu-ch!aiafii Ku'sari (Turquoise moiety) Kwi'ranna (Squash moiety) Siusti1 I I Shiwanna The Shayaka, a specialized group having ceremonial control of game, are no longer active. The Pokeyu society, which at Santo Domingo is concerned with growing crops, is apparently not a Cochiti institution. In 1924 there were four Shi'kame and four Shkoyu, and only one member of Hiiisteaiii, the cacique himself, remained. In recent years the young men have been reluctant to join the societies, some because they are convinced that their practices are chicanery, others because they are merely indifferent or engrossed in other affairs. There are, then, six Cochiti societies, not counting Shiwanna and Siuisti, the membership of these last two being so broad that the term society does not seem justified in their case. I. Shiyaka are (were) a hunters' society. 2. Ku'sari are a society of clowns pertaining to the Turquoise party. 3. Kwi'ranna are a society of clowns pertaining to the Squash party. 4. Hiisteaiii-ch!aiafii, Flint Shamans, are a society of healers. (a) Sdhwi-ch!aiafii, Rattlesnake Shamans, an order of the Flint society, treat snakebites, and in the Flint healing ceremony they handle snakes. (b) Hakafii-ch!aiaii, Fire Shamans, an order of the Flint society, extinguish fire in the mouth. (c) P6ohaiaiii-ch!aiafii, Whipper Shamans, the highest degree of Flint, are assistants and understudies of the head of the society. One of this order formerly dressed the warriors for the scalp-dance. 5. Shi'kam6-ch!aiaiii, Rattle-shaker Shamans, are a society of healers. 6. Shk6yU-ch!aiaiii, Giant Shamans, are a healers' society. The head of Flint is by that fact the cacique. He must have passed through the following grades: Shiwanna, Kui'sari, Hiuisteanich!aiafii (ordinary member), Suihwi-ch!aiaii, Hakafii-ch!aiaii, P6 -1 All women are automatically Siusti, though none is admitted to Shiwanna. To this extent the diagram is faulty. {view image of page 88} 88 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ghaiafii-ch!aiaii. The best of his fellow P6ohaiafii-ch!aianii succeeds him when he dies. No one of these grades can be omitted, even though a member has no ambition to attain the highest office. Having entered a new order, one does not sever his connection with those already passed. Thus, a Po6haiaii still on occasion performs as a masked Shiwanna, as a Ki'sari clown, and as a Flint shaman in the ceremony of healing. The degrees of the Flint society are perhaps to be regarded as remnants of former societies, which, reduced in number, secured the ceremonial assistance of a more vigorous group and in time were absorbed by it. Thus, Shi'kame is said to include a degree called Mfikafta ("cougar"); but this is simply because the hunters' society, Shayaka, is extinct and a Shi'kame shaman has been filling the position of Cougar Man in the communal rabbit-hunts. The principal man of any society, as well as of the Siuisti, is called nawaya ("protector"). Siuisti-nawaya, or Suifi-nawaya, has charge of the Shiwanna masks, and particularly of the painting and decorating of them in preparation for a dance; and no one has a right to touch them except himself and young men working under his direction. Each nawaya possesses a stone image about fourteen inches high, which he calls yaya ("mother!"), or Aht'hyamoni (the ceremonial appellation of the cacique). Associated with Kui'sari, Kwi'ranna, and Siiisti, are certain female lay members who in the course of ceremonies perform household duties in the ceremonial quarters as follows: Ki'sari women for Ku'sari and Flint; Kwi'ranna women for Kwi'ranna and Shi'kame; Siisti women for Siuisti and Shkoyu. Only in the case of a limited number of the Ki'sari women do these females play the part of actual members. All women not affiliated with one of the two clown societies remain Suisti. Females are never initiated into the Shiwanna, the personators of the cloud-gods. There is a pseudo-society of women called Koyahw6, which corresponds to the Santo Domingo Merinako. These women, selected by the cacique, have charge of the-ceremonial grinding of sacred meal for him. At indefinite intervals the war-chief summons them, and they invite women known to be skilful with the mealing-stones to bring baskets of corn. Two or three men called Kaift!-paiatyama ("maple youth") 1 beat the drum and sing, the Koyahwe women sing, and the others in turn grind rhythmically, using either one set 1 Cf. Zuii Paiatama, in Volume XVII, page 148. {view image of facing page 88} A Santa Ana man [photogravure plate] {view image of page 89} THE KERES 89 or two sets of stones. The allusion in the name Maple Youth is unknown. Initiation into a Shaman Society Desiring to join one of the societies, a young man informs his parents: "Well, my father and my mother, I am going to tell you that I am wishing to become [for example] a Flint shaman. And as you are my father and my mother, I want you to ask for it." "Very well, my son, if that is your wish; but we must call in all our people." So that night there is a council of the relatives. There occurs a semblance of discussion, but the usual thing is to say, "Well, if it is your wish, it will be well." However, his father always demands four times, 'Is it really your wish, out of your own heart, to become a Flint shaman, or is it that someone has tried to persuade you to do this?" "No, it is my own will and I am wishing to serve my people." The father then notifies the war-chief, who agrees that if it is the young man's own wish, it must be done. Either that same night or the next the relatives reassemble, call in the Flint chief, who is also cacique, and lay before him a package of meal and a package of tobacco, both wrapped in corn-husk. "Now, skanaya fhtehyamoni, we have called on you because our son is wishing to become a member of your Flint society." "I am glad that he is willing to become one of my men, so I will accept him." He takes up the presents. "Tomorrow night I am going to call my shamans together." The following night the Flint men and the war-chief meet. The Flint chief opens the packages and gives each man a portion of the meal and of the tobacco. The meal they throw in small bits to the six directions, and of the tobacco they make cigarettes from which they blow smoke in the six directions and finally in a complete circle, all the time praying audibly to their spirit helpers, particularly cougar, bear, wolf, badger, eagle, and mole, desiring that the young man have strength and long life and come safely through to the time of his initiation. The war-chief has no part in this, but he now proceeds to name the time when the initiation will occur. This is always four years later and in the month of November. Then the Flint chief speaks: "Now, you boy, hear what I am going to say. These four years you will have to be careful. You will not use bad language, you will not kill any creature, nor fight, nor quarrel. But if you break these rules you will not become a Flint shaman." If VOL. XVI-12 {view image of page 90} 90 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the young man should kill even a rabbit, or should whip his wife, he could not be initiated. The initiation takes place at night in the regular lodge-room of the society, which is simply a commodious family apartment cleared out for the occasion. Outside the house on guard are the war-chiefs and six of their deputies. The shamans remain in their inner room, seated in a row behind their ceremonial paraphernalia, while the populace assemble in the outer room. When all is ready, they chant a number of songs, and at a certain song a man appointed by the Flint chief opens the door. There the initiate is seated, surrounded by his relatives. The shaman holds in his left hand two eagle-feathers, and in his right a gourd rattle. Opening the door, he extends the feathers and the young man touches them. He turns his back to the door, and taking a feather in each hand extends it back above his shoulder, and the young man, taking hold of the tips, follows him to the Flint chief and the other shamans, dancing behind his leader, who also dances. As soon as they start from the door, followed by the novice's father and mother, the shamans begin to sing a certain song, which mentions by name the one "who wishes to become a member." When the song is finished, the initiate stands there, and the people crowd into the room. Shamans and novice wear only loin-cloths. Then the Flint chief begins to speak: "Well, my sons and my daughters, we are here tonight at the request of our fathers Masewa and Oyoyewa [the war-chiefs], and of this boy, of his father, his mother, his relatives. You have asked that I and all my members of this society initiate him into our society. Now, everybody is invited tonight. So you people are here We are glad that you have attended to see him come through his initiation. Especially are we glad that you old people came, willing to aid us in this work. If he has a good heart and good will, he will succeed in becoming one of our beloved sons and a member of this society. So I wish you people to have the same good will toward this young man." Then Masewa addresses the Flint chief: "Now, skanayaAhe, our nawaya has sat down tonight in this house to initiate this young man who is wishing to become one of this society. So I, Masewa, and Oyoyewa, both of us, wish that you, skanayaAhe, may have good success. I believe that all these people have come to see and are wishing that you have good success. So I hope that you will do your best, and that ska-naya-tyame ['all-our mother of-each-one'] may help you." After this speech the two war-chiefs go out to resume their guard 1 The guardian spirits of the shamans, as well as the shamans themselves, are called mother. {view image of facing page 90} Sia footgear [photogravure plate] {view image of page 91} THE KERES 9I duty. The shamans sing many songs, mentioning cougar, bear, wolf, badger, eagle, mole, and others, asking them to come by their power to initiate the young man, to put into his heart the power they have in their hearts, so that he may do what they do. Then the shamans leap up, all except their chief, who remains seated, shaking his rattle and singing. The others have, each one, the skin and claws of a bear's foreleg, which they put on their left forearms. At a certain word in the song they raise the young man to his feet and roughly slap him with the bear-paws, striking him with some force and sometimes scratching him a little. They set him down at the end of the song, and one of them sits beside the chief, who rises and slaps the initiate. Then the young man is left sitting there, and the Flint chief resumes his place. A new series of songs is begun, while tobacco is placed in the end of an eight-inch section of cane. Two of the shamans rise and stand beside the kneeling initiate, a third lights the tobacco and puts the pipe between the young man's lips, and the other two hold it there. He must smoke all the tobacco in long inhalations, drawing the smoke into his lungs. Sometimes he falls to the floor, overcome by nausea. He exhales the smoke toward the six directions, and then receives four sips of water containing certain pulverized herbs and spews it in the six directions. Another series of songs is begun, while the two shamans still stand beside the youth, grasping his arms as if to support him. The two lead him about and say, "Now we are going to test you, to see if you have taken into your heart all that we have been giving you, and to let your father and your mother see if you have become a shaman." One of them extends his hand to the north and demands, "What can you see in the north?" The youth looks, and is silent. The other shaman extends his hand to the west and repeats a similar question, but the youth makes no answer. So they go through the six directions. They then stand him before his parents, and one asks: "What can you see on your father's body? Can you not see that something is wrong? Try to take it out." The young man usually looks surprised and uncertain, but finally places his mouth against some part of his father's body and sucks. He straightens up and spits into the shaman's hand a small object, as a pebble or a stick. The shaman shows it to the father and says, "I believe your son is a shaman." Thus it is ostentatiously exhibited to all the other spectators. In the same way the initiate ostensibly removes something from his mother's body. {view image of page 92} 92 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Finally the Flint chief says: "Now, people, you have seen this young man, how he has become a shaman. So I hope that in the future he will be a good shaman to you people and to all the village in every way." The people express their satisfaction. The initiation now is finished, and the women bring in numerous dishes and piles of food, especially wafer bread, tortillas, and tamales, which they deposit in long rows extending from the altar to the door. The war-chiefsand their men are called in, and the Flint chief says: "Now, our father Masewa, our mother has finished and has done the wish of this young man. He has been initiated into this society. We all have a good wish, and hope for him that he will be useful for Masewa and his people. We wish that Masewa and his people will receive back this young man with our good will, so that, being a member of this society, he will be a good help and give good service to the old people in the village. We hope that Mas.wa and all his people will be glad to help the young man." The war-chief replies: "Rawa-fi!a ['good is']! I am glad. The young man has received what he was wishing, therefore I and all my people are very contented, seeing him satisfied. We hope that in the future I, Masewa, and all my people will have some use of this young man. So we thank the yayatifa ['mothers'] who have finished initiating this young man." The Flint chief again thanks the people and dismisses them, hoping that they will have help from "our yayatifa." The war-chief then gives each person some food, either wafer bread or other cooked forms of meal, and meat, but not the uncooked meal, and the spectators depart. The shamans, having eaten, divide the remainder of the food among themselves and take it home. The young man is now a shaman, subject to a summons to heal. Such a summons of course does not come to an utter novice. Gradually he will learn the secrets of the society, and if he is ambitious will rise to other degrees and even to the position of nawaya. Individual Healing Ceremony When the services of a shaman are required, a relative, usually the mother, of the sick person holds a bit of meal before the patient, who breathes on it. She at once takes it to a shaman and says: "Because you are a shaman I have brought you this meal. On it my boy [or girl] has put his breath. He is the one to be cured by you, in the first place by your yayatifka,2 then by you. So I come to 1 Or he might say skanayatyame. 2 "Mothers," referring to the spirit helpers of the shaman. {view image of page 93} THE KERES 93 call you." The shaman accepts the meal and replies: "Good! In a short time I will be there." He goes to the room where in a corner he keeps his secret things hanging in a bundle. He breathes on the meal and throws it by small bits on the bundle, thus offering it to the spirits represented by the objects therein, saying: "Here is the meal on which such and such a one [naming the sick person] has put his breath. He asks that you cure him of his sickness. So I come to you. You have received the meal, and in return you will give me the power to cure this person by your power." He then goes out, usually in the early morning, carrying a small bag containing pulverized herbs, but not the bundle of secret objects. Formerly he wore only a loin-cloth, but at the present time he removes only his shoes. The sick man, however, strips to his loin-cloth. The shaman opens his bag and approaches the patient, who sits on the floor. He places a bit of the medicine on the sick man's tongue, offering it first to the six directions, and then in the same way himself takes a bit, all the while muttering in an undertone. He spits into his hands, rubs them together, and sings, "Now, my yayatitf, I ask that you come and by your power cure this sick person." He passes his hands lightly over the patient's body, and turning to the north he strikes the palm of the right hand across that of the left, as if driving away the sickness. This he repeats in the other directions Then he begins to feel the various parts of the patient's body, trying to localize the sickness, and having found it, he sucks the place, kneels on the floor, and retches violently, until he discharges into his hand a pebble, a bit of wood, or a cactus thorn, usually with the accompaniment of blood. He lays this object on a potsherd to be seen by all. A woman brings a cup of water, and he rinses his mouth and expectorates on the sherd. Four times this sucking is done, and again he passes his hands lightly over the body from head to feet and brushes his hands toward the six directions. Once more also he opens the bag and gives a bit of medicine to the sick man and takes a bit himself. This done, he blows his breath over the patient and says: "Well, my son, I think it is finished, and I hope you will be cured, that yayatifS will cure you. Only, you must have faith in our mothers. Your sickness is the result of somebody's ill will." He refers to the kanatyaia (sorcerers). The woman then sweeps the floor where the shaman has been working, and wraps the sweepings in a cloth. She fills a fine basket with meal, holds it before the sick man, who breathes on it, and then {view image of page 94} 94 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN gives it to the shaman. That is his fee. The sweepings he takes beyond the confines of the village and buries. This ends his efforts unless in the first place he was asked to give four treatments. There is no incantation and no smoking. If the patient does not recover, another shaman is tried. Usually the first man summoned is a Flint shaman, and if he fails they try a Giant, then a Shi'kame. The Flint shamans are regarded as the most powerful. If a patient dies, some lose confidence in the shamans, others maintain that a mistake was made in the selection of a healer. No feuds ever result from the failure to cure. Society Healing Ceremony In case of very serious illness, either before or after an individual shaman has tried to effect a cure, there is a consultation among the relatives, in which the parents express their desire for help. Of course all agree with good will. Someone will say, "We had better act at once." "Yes, if we are going to do it, we should start immediately," affirms another. They select a female relative, perhaps the sick person's mother, to call a shaman of whatever society the patient prefers. The shaman comes at night. Either the father or some old man makes a corn-husk cigarette, approaches the shaman, and says, "You will please take off your shoes." When the shaman has removed his shoes, the other squats before him and says, "You will please smoke this." He lights the cigarette and hands it to the shaman, who blows the smoke to the six directions and to the entire circle of the world, while muttering to himself. While he continues to smoke, the father (or the old man) addresses the mother or some other woman, "Bring the things." She produces a small basket of meal, another of tobacco, and some broad corn-husks. The man prepares a package of meal, another of tobacco, and when the cigarette is finished he stands before the patient, who breathes on the packets. He then extends them toward the people, who breathe toward them, and finally sits down close to the shaman, saying, "Here is cornmeal, here is tobacco." The shaman takes hold of the packets, while the other continues to hold them and proceeds: "This sick person has put his breath on this, and we, all his relatives, have put our breath on this. In the first place we called to your powerful skanayatyame, and at the last on you, because you are the one who represents skanayatyame. We ask that our beloved son be {view image of facing page 94} Ka'yati - Sia [photogravure plate] {view image of page 95} THE KERES 95 cured, in the first place by skanayatyame, and then by you, man, who represent skanayatyame. I will set the time. It will be on the fourth day, in the night. Hand this to your ch!aianii and tell them we desire them to cure our son on that night. This is all we have to ask of you." He then releases his hold of the packets. The shaman rises and speaks to himself: "This meal and this tobacco have been given to me in the name of skanayatyame. So I wish you, if you are the powerful skanayatyame who have the power to give life and health, to take away all the sickness of this person. Here are the meal and the tobacco which have been given to me, because I am representing you, and we hope that on the fourth night all the powerful skanayatyame will be here to cure this poor sick person." He sits down and addresses the people: "I have accepted your prayers and I have taken them with my whole heart. Each of my ch!aiani will do his best, and I believe it will be done, whatever you wish. And I hope that each of you will aim toward that night, to be present and help the wish of this sick person. We will try our best to cure him." He puts on his shoes and goes out with the two packets, saying: "I go. Let everyone have good hope that we will have success with this sick man." The people remain a short time and then disperse after a verbose speech by the representative of the family, enjoining good thoughts and their presence on the appointed night, and reminding the women of their duty to prepare food for a feast. Before departing, each head of a family takes the sick person's hand and bids him think only of being cured, to put all else out of his mind and be confident that skanayatyame will cure him. The next day the men gather firewood and the women grind meal. The second day great stacks of wafer bread are baked, and on the third day sheep and beeves are killed and the meat is boiled. The healing ceremony takes place, not in the home of the patient, but in a house selected because it has a very large front room for the spectators and a small inner room for the shamans. The entire third day the shamans spend in preparation in their fraternity room, and in the evening they bring to the place of the ceremony quivers of buffalo-hide containing their sacred paraphernalia. Then the people begin to assemble, the women bringing the food they have prepared- wafer bread, dishes of meat and of beans, large baskets of meal. Two of these baskets heaped with meal are set aside for the shaman originally called, who is the "father" of the sick person. Of smaller baskets of meal there is one for each of the other shamans, {view image of page 96} 96 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN with two or three extra in case some shaman not a member of this society might join in the proceedings. Such a man is always a relative of the patient and is invited out of the crowd by the officiating shamans, one of whom extends a pair of eagle-feathers, which the invited shaman takes hold of and so is led out of the crowd and forward to the officiating group. In the inner room the medicine-men arrange their sacred objects within a rectangular space enclosed by lines of meal, and behind this altar they sit in a row. These objects include such things as small stone cougars, bears, wolves, badgers, and a pair of eagle-talons, one of these last being at each side of the altar. All these things, as well as the beings they represent, and also the shamans' "powers," are h6nnawat.l In a row in front of the medicine-men are the ialiku, which are perfect ears of white corn enclosed in cotton weaving and decorated with a nicely arranged coat of eagle- and parrotfeathers. Each shaman has one of these fetishes, which he calls his yaya, mother. The chief's "mother" stands in the middle of the row. One is placed in advance of the others, and from this one a line of meal representing a trail extends to the door. Each man has a rattle in the right hand and a pair of eagle-feathers in the left, and around the neck is a string of bear-claws and shell ornaments. The altar having been arranged, they start singing and one goes to the door of the outer room and leads in the sick person in the manner of an initiate. The two stand in front of the altar, the sick man behind the shaman, until the song is finished, when the patient sits down at the side of the room, in front of the medicine-men and to their left. His relatives, and as many others as can crowd in, then enter and sit at the sides of the room, leaving the meal trail open. The two war-chiefs and their deputies, on guard outside, are summoned and stand in front of the altar. Their leader, Masewa, feeds the cougar and the other animals from a dish of meal, which sits beside the altar, and the chief shaman addresses him: "Now, our father, we have called on you because our mothers tonight will be busy. You are invited with your country-chiefs to guard our mothers; and our mothers ask you to attend faithfully to your duty, so that no evil, either witches or strangers, come and trouble our mothers. So now, father, you will stay outside and be on guard." Masewa replies: "Now, our mother, the only thing I have to say is, do your duty so that this sick person who has asked you to heal 1 This is what Mrs. Stevenson in her work on Sia calls ho'naaite. She mistakenly uses the term as the title of the head-man of a society, the nawaya. {view image of facing page 96} A Sia man [photogravure plate] {view image of page 97} THE KERES 97 him will be cured. Try to do your best for this poor man, to cure him by the help of our mothers and by your power, you who are representing our mothers. I wish you success." One of the shamans takes up a bowl of medicine-water and gives a sip to each guard, sets it down, and with eagle-feathers asperges them. Then they go out. The guards are armed with bows and arrows. No white person ever has been permitted to see these ceremonies at Cochiti. The chief of the society now addresses the people: "Now, you people have come to this place. We are going to try our mothers tonight, to see if this person can be cured by our mothers. I believe you people have come to help this person. So I desire each one of you to have a good wish to see the sick person recover by the power of our mothers. So let us begin." They begin to chant, sitting in a row behind the altar, while the father, husband, or other male relative holds the sick person, whether male or female, in his lap. After three songs the medicine-men begin to jump up and move about promiscuously, leaving the chief to sing while they pass their hands over the bodies of whatever spectators they happen to approach, and brushing one palm across the other toward the six directions. At the beginning of the fourth song they crowd about the sick person, some brushing their hands over him, others sucking at his body and pretending to bring out the usual foreign substances. Whatever they remove they expel into a dish at the end of the meal trail, which by this time has been obliterated by the trampling of their feet. Sometimes a shaman, after sucking, falls as if overcome by the strength of the witch whose magic missile he has removed, but he recovers and staggers to the dish. Some remove from their mouths pieces of yucca-root, joint-bones so large that they are extricated with some difficulty, rather long pieces of young, green chandelier cactus (of course with the thorns removed). Others draw out long ribbons of the inner bark of cottonwood, or very long cords of yucca-fibre, which they pile in their hands. All this continues for ten to fifteen minutes, and at the end of this series of songs, if the case is very difficult, one of the shamans is delegated to perform an act not always seen. He shows, or pretends, the greatest reluctance, and the others gather around and reprove him: "What then is the matter with you? Why can you not suck out that thing that is in this poor sick man's body?" Still he resists their efforts to urge him forward. They take hold of him and drag him to the sick man. He puts his mouth to the body, and after some minutes he rolls over on his side VOL. XVI-13 {view image of page 98} 98 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN as if dead, and two of the others drag him about on the floor, still scolding him: "What is the matter? Can you not stand up and bring out that thing you have sucked out of him?" At last they support him on his feet and walk him up and down. He recovers, and after going up and down the room, something begins to issue from his mouth. Gradually it is seen to be the head of a snake, with gaping jaws and vibrating tongue. More and more of the body appears, and the shaman runs up and down the room trying to expel it. Little by little the snake's body comes out, until about a foot is visible and the head is writhing about the man's neck and face. Then suddenly it shoots out, falls to the floor, and wriggles away toward the spectators. After it has gone six or eight feet another shaman picks it up, takes it to the altar, and lays the skin and claws of a bear's forepaw across it. The snake continues to writhe, but cannot escape.' At a signal from the chief all the magicians resume their seats behind the altar. One of them with a single eagle-feather sweeps the floor, deposits the sweepings in the dish, and renews the meal trail. The singing begins again, and a shaman brings the contents of the dish in a cloth and stands before the others, swaying it from side to side. He turns to the sick person and swings it four times from side to side, turns then to the left, and carries it out. One of the deputy war-chiefs accompanies him as guard to the river, where he sprinkles it with meal and casts it into the water. When he returns the song ends, and the food from the outer room is brought in during an appropriate song. The chief says: "Now-, my dear son, it is finished. We hope that you will be cured by our mothers, and after that by us who represent our mothers. There is only one thing: if you have faith in our mothers you will be cured and will be well, in good health. So for tonight it is finished, and we wish that you be well." To the people he says: "All you people who have come to assist in this curing for the benefit of this person, we are glad and thank you for your good assistance tonight. Our 1 This episode is the description of a performance seen by an informant about the year I890. It was the function of the Rattlesnake order of the Flint society. The magician was Chavecito, a Cochiti Flint shaman, and the reptile was a gopher-snake about two feet long and thicker than a man's finger. On another occasion the same informant saw the same man disgorge a water-snake. The disgorging of a live snake of such size is to be explained only by the supposition that the magician actually swallows the serpent, tail first, leaving the head in his mouth. This theory explains the slow, difficult ejection of the fore part of the snake and the sudden expulsion after about half its length was free. When the other shaman picked up the snake he undoubtedly snapped its spine, so that when he laid the bear-paw skin across it the reptile still writhed but could not crawl. {view image of facing page 98} Tsipiai - Sia [photogravure plate] {view image of page 99} University Library THE KERES 99 mothers have tried very hard for their beloved son, and we wish that the young man may be cured. All you people have come to see and assist, so we thank you for it. It is finished. You are dismissed. In the future may you have good health from our mothers." The people depart, leaving the food, but the relatives of the sick man remain. The father says to the chief: "Now, our mother, here is all the food in payment for the work that you have done to cure our boy. All this food is for our mothers. Eat it, and whatever is left is for you, who represent our mothers. It is yours. Take it and keep it." The chief directs one of his men to distribute the food. The two largest baskets of meal are set aside for the "godfather" shaman, and each of the others receives a single basket besides his proportionate number of rolls of wafer bread and dishes of meat and beans. A share is presented to the war-chief, who gives each of his men either a roll of bread or a dish of cooked food. The chief thanks the war-chief for his assistance and wishes again that the sick man may recover. Before the patient is taken home the shamans give him a stone cougar and the dried skin and claws of a cougar's paw, both wrapped in a strip of cloth, which he is to wear about his waist. Before eating he is always to set them on the floor and place a bit of food before them. After his complete recovery his mother or his wife returns them, with a basket of meal, to his shaman "father." If the patient desires it, the healing ceremony of the Flint society is concluded by whipping him, stripped, with osier switches in the hands of two unmasked men representing Tsamahiya and Yumahiya, two legendary war-heroes. The stone effigies of these two personages are kept in the Flint society house. Tsamahiya is about three feet high, Yfimahiya about two feet. The arms are represented as held with elbows at the side, the right hand slightly raised, the left level with the elbow, which is the position assumed by the floggers with their switches. Sorcery Shamans, as well as others, are credited with powers of sorcery. The following narrative is typical of very numerous witch-stories heard in the course of this investigation of Pueblo customs. There were two brothers, relatives of my father. The elder died, and the husband of their sister was thought to have bewitched him. The younger brother, Jose Baca, was very sad. He began to watch his brother-in-law, Syohoemetiwa ["turquoise man"]. {view image of page 100} IO0 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN An old man in a house across the street was very ill. Late in the night the bereaved brother's wife happened to look across the area, and in the bright moonlight she saw someone crouching on the roof. The person rose a little, and she saw that he was naked, that his hair was tied back tightly with strips of corn-husk, that his body and face were painted like a Ki'sari. She was frightened, and ran into the house, and whispered: "Look here! There is somebody on the roof!" Her husband was ready for bed, but he ran to the door. They saw the man creep across the roof to the coping and bend over, trying to look through a window. Jose whispered: "That is somebody that is kanatyaia. The old man is sick. That is a wizard. I am going to catch him!" "Do not try it!" she begged. "I am afraid that he will surely hurt you." "I am going to kill him," repeated Jose. He put on his shirt and moccasins quickly. He crept in a roundabout way, keeping in the shadow of the walls, and in a corner of an abandoned house he stood and watched. The wizard lowered himself from the beam-ends and tried to look into the window; but there was a cloth hanging over it. He dropped to the ground and tried to peer through the window. Inside, the old man was in pain; the watcher could hear him groaning. He was quite close, peering around a corner. Suddenly he jumped out and, leaping upon the wizard from behind, caught him by the arms. The wizard turned and grappled with him. He was a strong man, but older than my cousin. Jose recognized him as his brother-in-law. They struggled. The wizard slipped from his grasp and ran, but the other followed as he dodged among the houses. The wizard jumped down a fairly steep place, and Jose followed. At the foot of the declivity was a ditch about six feet wide. The wizard leaped across, and as he alighted his pursuer landed on his heel, and both fell. As they struggled to their feet, Jose felt under his hand a heavy stone. It just fitted his hand. He raised it and struck the wizard on the head. He struck again, and the wizard lay quiet. By the foot he dragged the body to a large rock, placed the head on it, and crushed it with his stone. He went home and told his wife: "Now, I have killed this Sy6hoemetiwa, whom we were watching. But since I have told you the name of this man whom I have killed, I will have to die." He meant that he would die by witchcraft. The following morning I was walking through the village and saw the medicine-man sitting sunning himself in front of his house. That day he complained to his daughter that his head ached, and that night he died.1 Within a month also my cousin died. 1 A Pueblo witch-story never becomes public until after the death of the sorcerer. It is certain that shamans and others sometimes try to exert occult powers in order to accomplish the death of their enemies. It must remain a mystery how these circumstantial accounts of the killing of sorcerers come into being. {view image of facing page 100} A Cochiti woman [photogravure plate] {view image of page 101} THE KERES IOI Retirement of the Societies at the Summer Solstice About the first of June, at a meeting of the principal men, the war-chief reminds them that the time is at hand for the cacique to pray for the general welfare; and after ceremonious discussion all agree that it will be well for him to do this, since it is his duty to work for the good of the people and of the world. The next morning the war-chief announces a communal rabbithunt. The game killed on this occasion is brought to the house of the cacique, and the chiefs of the other two shaman societies, as well as all other principales, are summoned to the place. The game is divided into three portions, which, together with as many small baskets of meal and packets of tobacco, are allotted to the three societies. The war-chief reminds the three ncwaya that it is their duty to work for the wellbeing of the people. Then occurs a rite of "sweeping out the bad and calling in the good life." The war-chief orders the people to clean their houses and the village streets, and the three shaman societies hold meetings in which numerous prayer-sticks are made. To each lodge-room the war-chief and the governor are summoned to receive equal numbers of these offerings, and each officer despatches a deputy in each of the cardinal directions to plant them in springs, streams, shrines, and at old village-sites, including the ruins at Potrero de las Vacas and Rito de los Frijoles. Other deputies bury two prayer-sticks in the centre of the village and place two others on the mound as offerings to the deities of the nadir and the zenith. A new fire is kindled in each house, and the old ashes are swept out. On the first or the second Monday night in June 1 the Flint society 2 retires to its lodge-room and remains there four nights and four days, praying for rain and partially fasting, while the war-chief and one of his young men stand guard, either on the housetop or in the immediate vicinity. The guards remain on duty as long as the shamans are actually engaged in their rites, that is, until about midnight, after which they sleep in the front room of the house. During the day they move about the vicinity of the house, the purpose of their activity being to ward off sorcerers, white men, and Mexicans. The Flint shamans finish their rites on Friday evening, and on the third night thereafter (the fourth as the Indians reckon), that is, on 1 The selection of a particular day of the week is of course a modern custom. 2 At the present time, the Flint society being reduced to a single representative, the cacique, he takes with him in his retirement two or three prominent KC'sari, the group from which the Flint members formerly were recruited. {view image of page 102} 102 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Monday, the Shkoyu retire to their lodge-room for a quadriduum of prayer and fasting, while the second war-chief and a deputy stand guard. At noon the women of the shamans' families bring food to the door. On the next Monday night the Shi'kame retire, and two trusted deputies of the war-chiefs mount guard. In the fourth week the Flint shamans again retire, and so the cycle continues until the first frosts, about the beginning of September. On these occasions the shamans of these groups pray to all the Shiwanna (cloud-gods), and to sun, moon, stars, cougar, wolf, bear, eagle, rivers, lakes, springs, clouds. Each day during the period of retirement the women carry food to the society quarters as an offering to the deities and the sustenance of the priests. It is said that when the sun reaches the point farthest north or south, which time is determined by the cacique, he stops at noon for a short rest, and anyone who wishes to pray to him offers him food at that time. During the month of June the three societies meet in their respective quarters on a day when none is in retirement, that is, on Saturday, Sunday, or Monday, and sing to bring the sun back from the north. One or two female lay members accompany the shamans in their retirement, their principal duties being the care of the house and the serving of food. Before sunrise on the second day of a period of retirement one of the shamans of each society, accompanied by a woman and a deputy of the war-chiefs, visits some spring in the hills, returning after sunset with a large netted gourd filled with water. About a mile from the village the guard hurries on ahead to warn of their approach, and as soon as the shaman and his companion step inside the door the shamans begin to sing. The woman delivers the gourd to the chief, who during the singing pours water into a dish and prepares medicine. This is the sacred water used during the rites to asperge toward the six world-regions, while calling on the Shiwanna to bring clouds and rain. If it should happen to rain while water is being brought from the spring, it is regarded as a wonderful omen and thought to be the result of the visit to the spring. The several societies visit different springs, which are not necessarily the same ones from year to year. If the efforts of the three shaman societies are not successful in bringing rain, the war-chief calls upon Siistinawaya, head of the group of individuals whose ceremonial activities are limited to impersonation of the Shiwanna, and he retires with some of his fellows to pray. His help is held to be particularly {view image of page 103} THE KERES I03 beneficent because of his connection with the cloud-gods as custodian of the masks. Winter Solstice Rites About the middle of December the cacique sends for the warchief, who comes to his house and finds there the heads of the other two societies (the cacique himself representing the Flint society). They instruct him to announce to the people that four days later they will pray to bring the sun back from the south. On the night of the fourth day the Flint society, and the Ki'sari and their women members, meet in the house of the cacique, and at the same time the Shkoyu and the Siiisti men and women meet together, and also the Shl'kame and the Kwi'ranna men and women. They sing until about midnight, and at the conclusion the head-man of each group says: "Now we have finished, and we are glad we have helped our father Sun to start north on his journey. We hope he will give us good life in this world." Clown Societies The two societies of clowns, or fun-makers, Kui'sari1 and Kwi'ranna, belong respectively to the Turquoise and the Squash moieties, and furnish recruits respectively to the Flint and the Shi'kame shamanistic societies. As to the origin of the clown cult: (I) Pawnee men wore scalplocks so arranged by stiffening the hair with tallow and paint that it stood erect and curved like a horn. So distinctive was this custom Three possible etymologies of the word may be suggested: (I) A Laguna informant volunteered the following: sarini, rags; Kasiri (the Laguna and Acoma equivalent of Eastern Keres Ku'sari), his rags; the allusion being to the ragged costume affected by the clowns. (2) Ku'sari, KIosri (as the word is frequently heard at Cochiti), and Kasari (Western Keres) may be contractions of Tewa K6sa-hyar6 (" K6sa dance"). On this point see Volume XVII. (3) Cochiti sa-wahi, we fight; k-waiii, they fight; nawani-kosa, they are going to fight. This last form was used of warriors ready to take the war-path. Originally the Ku'sari were connected only with the scalpers' society. (See the description of the Acoma society, pages 2I4 -224, and note the horrific manner of arranging the hair and painting the body. "It is easy for one who has seen the so-called Ko-sha-re [to] recognize these obscene and disgusting personages in the graphic description furnished by Villagran of the manner in which the Acomas received the Spaniards when Vicente de Zaldivar approached their inexpugnable rock, in January, 1599." - Bandelier, Papers Archeological Institute of America, III, 1890, page I52.) At Cochiti the Ku'sari were not in recent times connected with the scalp-dance; but note that they are intimately associated with the Flint society, which formerly had close relations with the warriors. From all this it is possible that the future-tense verb form, nawanikosa, used as a verbal noun to describe the men painted ready for their participation in the victory-dance, became abbreviated into K6sa, the form now used by the Tewa. The suffix ri is obscure in any case. It apparently does not occur in any other Keres word, and may be from ii, signifying actor. {view image of page 104} IO4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN that the tribal name is derived from it (pariki, a horn). (2) The Acoma Kasari were concerned exclusively with the scalp-dance. (3) All the Pueblos unite in declaring that the cult originated at "the rising sun." (4) Through Taos and Pecos the Pueblos had constant intercourse with the Plains tribes. It was a Pawnee slave at Pecos that led Coronado on his futile march in 154I to the Wichita province of Quivira on the plains of Kansas, where the Spaniards met warriors from Harahey (identified as the Pawnee country), with "some sort of things on their heads."' The peculiar head-dress of the slave induced the Spaniards to call him El Turco (The Turk). Furthermore, "the white settlers of New Mexico became familiar with the Pawnee early in the I7th century through the latters' raids for procuring horses," according to Alice C. Fletcher.2 In view of all this it seems probable that the Ki'sari, characterized by their peculiar manner of arranging the hair and painting the body, and by their former association with the scalpers' society, were a western imitation of Pawnee warriors. The Kwi'ranna are simply a variant of the Kd'sari. The clowns of both moieties paint and dress in the same manner as their Santo Domingo confreres.3 Their initiations take place in November, at which time the members perform in the plaza. The Kui'sari dance also in September after the wheat harvest, and the Kwi'ranna a week later. On such occasions the Kd'sari perpetrate what to Americans are obscenities, and their songs and actions constantly refer to cohabitation and the genitalia. The Kd'sari represent supernatural beings, and as such they instruct the people in the mysteries of propagation. The ladders of Cochiti kivas have the tips running through holes in a slab of wood carved into three connected rhombi, a symbol of the vulva.4 Sometimes the fKd'sari climb to the top of such a ladder and hang from the strip by the hands. Besides their initiation dance, the Ku'sari perform in the same way in September after the wheat harvest; and about a week later the Kwi'ranna dance, dressed in their best garments and behaving circumspectly. When the war-chief calls upon the KI'sari or the Kwi'ranna to 1 Winship, Coronado Expedition, Fourteenth Report Bureau of Ethnology, page 590, Washington, I896. 2 See Handbook of American Indians, pt. 2, page 214. 3 See pages I39-140. 4 Cf. the watermelon rinds cut in this shape by the Hopi Wdwufiimf fraternity, Volume XII, page 123. {view image of page 105} THE KERES I05 give a dance, only the men take part and they dance in an orderly row. On such occasions the Kfi'sari wear the usual dance-costume of the Pueblos and do not strive for the grotesque. They are followed by a Kwi'ranna guardian, and two fun-making Kf'sari perform their antics for the amusement of the spectators. Hehyatyu-feitetyohy ("turtle carries") is the "father of the Kd'sari," and his personator presides at initiations, wearing a very large turtle-shell at the back and smaller ones strung on a belt. He walks in a jerky manner so as to shake these rattles. His home is at the rising sun. Wikoli and his brother Kaif!a'mei are the "fathers of the Kwi'ranna," and their personators preside at Kwi'ranna initiations. Their home is in the northeast. The two societies are regarded as "neighbors," because one comes from the east and the other from the northeast. At harvest time any man may invite either the Kwi'ranna, the Ku'sari, the Siuisti, or even the entire Turquoise or the Squash moiety, to cut his wheat or harvest his corn, and the invitation cannot be ignored. In return the harvesters receive such a bountiful feast that the host pays well for their labor. If on such an occasion the Kwi'ranna are invited, two or three of them wear face-masks of white deerskin with round, red eyes and mouth, and a bunch of hawk-feathers, symbol of their society, hanging at the side. They are called Iwakaia ("comber") in allusion to the straw brushes with which they give a few strokes to the hair of whomsoever they meet. The Shiwanna Kaftina, Shiwanna, and Kopishtaia are nearly synonymous terms for the cloud-gods. Ka'fina is commonly supposed to be a Hopi word, but the present writer believes it to be Tanoan, as witness Taos Hlftina. Since na is the regular objective affix in the Taos language, the assumption of a Tanoan origin for the term Kaftina seems justified. It is significant also that the Hopi Kachina clans were immigrants from the Rio Grande, whence there was considerable movement to the Hopi country in prehistoric as well as in historic times. Shiwanna at first blush seems to be Zuii Shiwanni, the deities of the six world-regions; but the Zufii do not apply this word to their masked deities. The Isleta equivalent of Shiwanna is Hliwa de (plural, Hli wan), which has the ring of a true Tiwa word. Its VOL. XVII14 {view image of page 106} Io6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Taos equivalent (which has not been noted as a term in actual use) would be Hli'wania, and the transition from this form to Shiwanna in an alien language would be easy. The possible derivation of Shiwanna from Taos Chifunanan (singular, Chi-funana, eye blackthat), or Isleta Shifunin (singular, Shifunide) must not be overlooked. These two terms designate a ceremonial group corresponding to the Keres Ku'sari, the society of clowns. In this connection note that the Shiwanna (or Kafiina) masks usually, if not always, have the eyes outlined in black. It would be no unusual linguistic phenomenon if Shiwanna were a Keres form adapted from Tiwa Chifunanan (Shifunin), to reappear later as Tiwa (Isleta) Hlinwan. In any case the original form is probably Tiwa, whether Shifunin or Hlinwan. Kopightaia has not been encountered in any language other than Keres, and is therefore regarded as a Keres word; although the similarity of the first syllable to the Zufii word for god tempts one to look to that language for the origin of the term. However, the eastern branch of the Keres commonly call the cloud-gods Shiwanna (perhaps, originally, for the very reason that this foreign term would be more readily understood by alien participants in their ceremonies), while employing the native term Kopishtaia in a broader sense to include all their deities, even the spirit-animals of the shamans and the stone figurines that represent them. The western Keres prefer Kafiina to Shiwanna, and designate as Kopightaia a certain class of the cloud-gods. It is believed that in the great subterranean lake of which springs are mere openings live numerous beings, the Shiwanna. Their home is in the west at Wefiima. Clouds forming over the mountains are the Shiwanna rising from the water. The Shiwanna women carry water in jars on their heads, and above the valleys they tip the jars and make rain. Following are the names of the most important masked characters appearing in Cochiti Shiwanna dances. The first five, known as S6yana ("run-around") Shiwanna, appear in every masked dance and move about freely, watching the dancers to see that no errors are committed, that the costumes are in order, and, if anything amiss is discovered, striking the offender with a bunch of yucca-leaves. In the second group are names of characters represented by the masked performers who stand in line, shoulder to shoulder, shaking their rattles and stamping the ground. The masks worn by these latter are all alike on any given occasion. {view image of page 107} THE KERES 107 j. Heruta wears a mask that is black around the eyes, red around the mouth, and has buffalohair on the top and a ruff of wildcat-fur about the neck. He has a shirt and hip-length leggings of deerskin. This is plainly the Buffalo costume of the Plains Indians. An entire fawn-skin in the left hand contains seeds of all kinds, which at the end of the dance he scatters among the people, who pick them up and mix them with the seeds they plant in the spring. Heruta is the messenger of the Shiwanna. 2. eniika is the chief of this group of "whippers." His mask is black or green-blue (the paint is made of pulverized stone, probably soft turquoise) and has a projecting vizor. The eyes are circled with red or white. 3. Aika is the assistant of Nnieka. His mask is black and sprinkled with manganite particles, and has red circles about the eyes. 4. K6chmns'y6 has a blue-green mask. On the top is wahpani, a pointed stick with eagledown around the base and two long parrot-feathers at the middle. The base of the stick points to the front, the two long feathers point to the rear. Formerly a wahpani was part of the ceremonial costume of a man who had killed an enemy. 5. kaiyustikaa wears a black mask with a feather on the top and a fox-fur ruff about the neck, and carries a small bag to which his name refers. An entire deerskin is worn belted at the waist. The legs are bare, the feet encased in moccasins. I. Ts!aiyatyuweft!a has a mask with turkey-feathers transversely on the top. The painting of masks of this personage varies in color, but all have the turkey-feathers which are their distinguishing mark. Participating with maskers of this kind are Ty6'o'fii Shiwanna, the ancestral deities associated with the ancient Keres cliff-dwellings at Ty6'o'nii (Rito de los Frijoles). This mask differs only slightly from Ts!aiyatyuweft!a. 2. Su'nii Shiwanna ("Zuii cloud-god") wears a mask that covers only the face, but has long hair in the back. A band of perpendicular turkey-feathers points downward from the chin in front of a beard. 3. Ahaiy6 is represented by a mask with a vizor of yucca-fibre painted yellow on the under side, with a red stripe across the yellow. Two eagle-feathers project forward from the vizor, which is called the " basket." The crown is covered with tufts of cotton, which represent clouds. The name of this personage refers to the syllables used in the dancesongs, ahaa....ihye.e! 4. Hf'ni'kaiwetya mask has above the face an upright piece of thin wood, terraced on the upper edge to represent clouds and having zigzag lightning-lines at the sides. The name refers to the gesture used in the dance, a swinging of the closed hands across the body and downward, first to one side then to the other. This is done while they sing, and is symbolic of the falling of rain. Kanatanii, "father of the Shiwanna," is not represented by a mask. A cave high in the mountains twenty miles northwest of Cochiti, from which a stream issues, is said to be his home. He it is who sends the Shiwanna to initiate the children, to dance and distribute fruits. Siisti-nawaya paints himself to represent this personage when initiates are to be flogged. All boys at the age of about thirteen to fifteen are initiated into the order of the masked dancers in a quadrennial rite occurring about the month of August or September. The war-chief and Siiisti-nawaya, who is the head of the order, decide which boys shall be accepted. At a time when a masked dance is planned, those who are to take {view image of page 108} Io8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN part are called together and the subject of new initiates is discussed. Various boys are considered. Siuisti-nawaya inquires, "What boys do you want?" A man will say: "Well, I will name such and such a one. He is a good boy. I think he will do because he is quiet and well-behaved." So one by one others are named. The war-chief visits the homes of these boys, and notifies the parents that their sons have been chosen. In each case the father answers: "Good, if you think my boy will keep the secrets. That is your business, father." The boys are taken at night to a room where only mature men are gathered. Boys and men are naked. While the boys wait in the outer room, a godfather is appointed for each one. The godfather leads his child in by the hand. The men sit about the walls of the inner room, and six Soyana Shiwanna are standing here and there: Heruta, Nefineka, Aika, two K6chlns'ye, Kaiyustikaa. Each of these carries a bunch of osiers or yucca-leaves. As the initiate is led in by his sponsor, these whipping Shiwanna are hopping about nervously, as if impatient to begin their punishment. The godfather stands in the middle of the room, holding his child by the right hand, and Siiisti-nawaya says: "Now, you Heruta, you have this young man and you must initiate him. I command you, Heruta, to set on this boy your whips." Heruta makes with his feet some nervous movements designed to frighten the boy, and then advances and gives him two blows on the bare back. Then the boy, obeying previous instructions, leaps behind his godfather, who stands there and receives the blows until Siuisti-nawaya says, "It is enough." Then Nefeika steps forward, and Siiisti-nawaya orders him to lay on his whips. He strikes the initiate several times, and the godfather moves in front and receives the remainder of the punishment. Aika has his whip in a belt at his back. After the usual nervous movements and uttering of his own individual threatening cries, he draws his whip and lays on. So the others do in their turn. The boy is then led away and the other initiates are brought in one by one to be flogged in the same manner. The Shiwanna then withdraw. The songs and the dance-step are learned by practice with the older members before a dance. New songs are composed on these occasions, hence practice by old and young is necessary. On the fourth day after the initiation the Shiwanna dance and the initiates participate. In these masked dances two Kf'sari act as clowns to amuse the people, and a third one, properly garbed and of circumspect demeanor, leads the line of dancers into and out of the plaza. The {view image of facing page 108} Tyo'oni Shiwanna mask - Cochita [photogravure plate] {view image of page 109} THE KERES IO9 procession is closed by a Kwi'ranna dressed in his best clothing but not in a dance-costume. This (faya6tkaiya ("watcher") is so unbelievably solemn that usually his face is an utter blank. His duty is to see that no part of the dancers' costumes is missing or in disarray. Besides his mask a dancer wears a ceremonial kilt and white cotton belt, a fox-skin hanging behind from the waist, skunk-fur anklets, moccasins, a tortoise-shell rattle behind one knee, bead necklaces, and arm-bands in which are thrust sprigs of Douglas spruce. A gourd rattle is in the right hand. Shiwanna dances occur from August to November, ceasing with the first severe frost. Formerly they took place, at the suggestion of the war-chief after consultation with other head-men, at any time between the last frost of winter and the first frost of autumn; but since Mexicans have encroached it is customary to hold unmasked dances, the so-called "corn dance" or "rain dance," in the plaza, and two or three times between August and November to leave the village and celebrate the masked dance in the hills with sentinels posted at various elevated points. The modernized Shiwanna dance without masks is called Aya'htyukofsi a name said to refer to the manner in which the women hold their hands at the level of the shoulders, and to their wearing of tablitas, or symbolically painted head-dresses made of thin wooden boards. It is regularly held on Easter Sunday and on the day of Santisima Cruz, the third of May. In midwinter and again just before spring the Kokome ("winter") Shiwanna dance in the Turquoise (west) kiva, the spectators being grouped in the centre. Summer Shiwanna are characterized by bluegreen and white paint, and their songs refer more often to game and rain than to crops. Winter Shiwanna have brown paint, and their songs refer to crops, clouds, and rain. Formerly seeds were planted in jars and kept in the kivas to sprout, as the Hopi still do. At the conclusion of the midwinter Shiwanna dance, the principal masker announces: "Now we are going. All you men and women must do k!a'a. Do not take your own wives. You husbands, do not be angry that other men have your wives, for thus will you have many children." After the Shiwanna depart, the people climb out of the kiva and pair off. A man may propose to a comrade that they exchange wives, or he may simply seek out the woman he desires and leave his own wife to follow her inclination. In groups in the houses, or here and there outside, they cohabit. They return then to the kiva, and the war-chief makes a speech and dismisses them. {view image of page 110} IIO THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The men who have been dancing as Shiwanna take no part in this, but await their turn the next year. This night is called k!a'a, a word said to indicate sexual privilege. On account of the Mexicans living in and near Cochiti, the summer masked dances are held secretly in the hills.1 On the day announced by the war-chief those who choose to attend proceed to a place about a mile northwest of the pueblo, whither the dancers have gone with their bundles the preceding night. The spectators assemble under a ramada on the south side of the dance-ground, but children and youths not long returned from school are placed behind a leafy windbreak, lest they see too distinctly and become aware of the human character of the supposed gods. The elders fear that a too rapid acquirement of this knowledge might result in revelation to the authorities of the objectionable features of the cult.2 About the middle of the forenoon Heruta enters, led by the warchief. Then two Ki'sari appear and begin their antics. The Shiwanna never speak, and the clowns are the interpreters of their sign-language. So now Heruta approaches the Kf'sari and attracts their attention by slapping one of them on the arm. Ku'sari turns and demands, "Well, what is the matter with you?" Heruta, who is represented to be left-handed, makes inept gestures, and the other says, "This man is crazy!" The Shiwanna continues to make signs, and the two Ku'sari regard him attentively and ask of each other, "Do you know what he is saying, what he is trying to do?" Then to Heruta one of them says: "Oh, you are too much a liar! I cannot understand you." But finally by signs Heruta says: "I live far in the west. My chief sent me up. These people I tell today, Shiwanna 3 are coming today. They have many things to bring. They will bring clouds." Ki'sari says to his companion: "Do you think this man is telling the truth? I fear he is lying." "I am not lying," protests Heruta. "I talk straight." "Well, we will ask the people if they wish to see these Shiwanna 1 This unquestionably is a survival of a custom established in early mission times when the Franciscans endeavored to put the native dances under the ban. 2 An informant in his youth observed the following incident: A young boy behind the screen recognized one of the masked dancers and said to his companions, "Oh, see my uncle, he is a good dancer!" A woman heard and reported it. The "whipping" Shiwanna at once seized the child roughly, dragged him from his place into the plaza, tore off his clothing, and whipped him severely with yucca-leaves until blood appeared. 3 The sign for Shiwanna is made by stamping with the foot while holding the hand as if grasping a rattle. Excepting a few such idioms, all his signs would be readily understood by one conversant with the Plains sign-language. {view image of page 111} THE KERES III you are going to bring." And Kfi'sari transmits the message to the people, concluding, "If you wish to see these Shiwanna, let everybody say yes." The spectators shout their approval, and he goes to Heruta and says, "Did you hear what they say?" Heruta shakes his head, making a sign that he is deaf, and Ki'sari turns to the people: "You did not speak loud enough. He is deaf." Then all shout aloud, and he asks, "Did you hear what they say?" Heruta raises two fingers, indicating that he heard only two responses. "Why, he must be very deaf. Shout your loudest this time." Then they repeat their shouts, and Heruta signifies that he heard. "Are you surely going to bring your dancers today?" inquires the clown. "I am sure. I am a man. I tell no lies. I will go running, westward, and soon I will return running with my dancers. All the people can look at them. Now I go." "Let us see how you can run, how quickly you will come back." Heruta makes a few mincing steps. "Oh, you cannot run. You will never get back if you go that way," declares Ki'sari. The people laugh gleefully. Then Heruta departs running, and in a few minutes returns followed by the maskers, who walk slowly in single file while Heruta runs ahead, gesticulating and dancing here and there, making signs. The warchief comes ahead like a scout, and his deputies are scattered here and there. The line of dancers is led by a Ki'sari not grotesquely made up like the fun-makers, but with a single bunch of corn-husk in his hair to indicate his character. The line is closed by a Kwi'ranna guardian. The "whipping" Shiwanna walk about, constantly observing everything as if they were the keepers of the dancers. Should one of the performers drop a piece of his costume, they would immediately strike him with their whips. The Shiwanna dance one song, then retire. This occurs four times before noon, when food is carried to them by 1Ki'sari women and also to the Ku'sari performers in their separate place of retirement. In the intervals between dances the clowns keep the people amused by their usual buffoonery and obscenities. In the afternoon the four dances are repeated, ending about sunset. In the last two dances the Shiwanna carry melons, squashes, beans, corn, which during the last song they throw among the spectators. In conclusion the principal dancer, who always stands in the middle of the line, beckons to a KCi'sari interpreter, and by signs {view image of page 112} II2 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN says: "Four days ago I, the master of these people, received word from your people by the war-chief and his principal men, asking us to come and give them a dance today, which we have done. I, the master with all my dancers, say that we are very glad to come and see you people here. You were very eager to see us. So we came to give you this dance, to bring you all kinds of fruits, to give you rain in order that all your fields, north, west, south, east, may have rain to give good crops for the life of your families. So I wish you would take whatever we have brought. Now we will go home very content. We are glad that you people have given us good treatment today. We wish you long life." 1 While this speech is being delivered through the interpreter, the others keep throwing out their gifts. The whippers remain for a time and go about presenting their gifts to whomsoever they may choose, sometimes calling certain persons out of the crowd to receive these bounties. After they too have departed, the war-chief still holds the attention of the spectators for a short time, talking about what they have seen and exhorting them to live without strife, to keep secret what they have seen. This is to give the dancers time to undress and return to the village without being observed. Finally he says, "I hope that our Shiwanna will give you long life. Now you are dismissed." At one of these secret dances in the hills the following episode was observed by an informant: Soon after the Shiwanna appeared, Heruta made signs that three of their number had disappeared, and demanded that the Ku'sari find them. The latter professed inability to do so, but Heruta insisted that they use their power of divination, and at length the "whipping" Shiwanna used their whips on the Ki'sari, who at last yielded. They soon announced that they could see over the entire world, and scratching the ground they uncovered what appeared to be the mouth of a small animal's burrow, which they exposed for a distance of about six feet. From time to time they came upon seeds of various kinds, which convinced them that they were on the right trail. The tunnel gradually grew larger, and at last opened into a cell. They threw 1 The signs expressing the thought of the last sentence are: an encircling movement of both hands toward the people addressed and drawing the hands in and clasping them on the breast; then a long, slow movement of the right hand with fingers extended, starting under the chin and ending in front of the face with arm partially extended, while the breath is exhaled. The first gesture means, "All you I take to my breast," that is, "I love you as a mother"; the second means "long life"; therefore, in toto, "You I love, long life," that is, "I wish you long life." {view image of page 113} THE KERES 113 aside a number of small branches that supported the roof, and suddenly a spruce sapling sprang up and stood about six feet above the level of the ground. One after another, three Shiwanna emerged from the underworld. The base of the sapling had been bound firmly to a stake embedded in the soil, and the three held the top bent over. As soon as the brush roof was removed, they released the tip and the resiliency of the sapling erected it. Warriors Those who had taken scalps formerly composed a society, or perhaps an order of the Flint society, called Ompe. The following description of a victory-dance that occurred about 1870, when the narrator was a young boy, refers to this group. A war-party, returning from a punitive raid into the Navaho country, arrived about noon and camped at the river, where they set up a tall pole on the top of which all the scalps were tied in a bunch. Some of the scalps had ears. The next morning the people went to the camp and took their place in the rear of the line of warriors. One who had killed a Navaho in the raid carried the pole in advance, and in this formation all started for the village. Two Navaho boys and two girls who had been taken prisoner by some San Juan members of the expedition were riding behind their captors. The warriors sang, and everybody who had a gun fired into the air. At intervals in the songs they stopped briefly, and the shooting and shouting were redoubled. At a certain place near the village they stopped, still singing, and all the old women from the pueblo brought food and set the pots and packages in a row. Each old woman then took from under her arm a stirring-stick, ran to the scalp-pole, grasped at the dangling hair, and belabored the scalps with the sticks while ululating by clapping the hand over the mouth. They whipped the captives severely. A woman among the last of the group took a stone muller from her dress, jerked the bunch of scalps, still attached to the pole, to the ground, and kneeled there beating them with the stone. She rose and ululated, and then beat them again. Four times in all she did this. Then the man raised the pole, and the women embraced the warriors and clasped their hands. The warriors took a bit of food from each dish or packet and threw it to the scalps, then laid them in a row beside the line of dishes and sat down in the trail to eat, and again tossed food to the scalps. The march was resumed, and VOL. XVI-15 {view image of page 114} II4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the party halted in front of the church and then proceeded through the village to the house of the cacique, always singing. The shamans of the Rattlesnake, Fire, and Po6haiafii orders of the Flint society were the ones who had the right to handle scalps. When the last song was finished, these men came out and took the trophies into the Flint society-house, and led with them those who had taken the scalps. Such warriors were not permitted to go home, but remained in the front room of the Flint house with the warchiefs 1 and the principal old men. They made their plans for the scalp-washing ceremony, which always occurred on the fourth day. During the intervening days the Flint shamans remained constantly in the secret room with the scalps, and the scalpers in the front room. The old principales, however, returned to their homes, and the warchiefs stood on guard outside. On the fourth day the people attended in the inner room, and one of the shamans, dressed like a woman and known as ko6k,2 prepared a large bowl of soap-plant suds. The scalps were separated, and one by one he dipped them in the bowl, washed them, and handed them to the other shamans, who proceeded to scrape off the flesh and blood. When they were thoroughly clean, the scrapings were thrown into the bowl, and the scalp-washer lifted it and drank, and each of the other shamans did likewise, until the bowl was empty.3 The scalps were dried in the secret room and kept there. After the washing the warriors remained still in confinement until the war-dance on the fourth day following, just a week from their return.4 In preparation the women cooked quantities of food, and each night the men, Turquoise and Squash together, practised war-songs and dancing. With them were several young women, filmatatani, 5 one for each man who had killed a Navaho in the 1 The war-chiefs had not accompanied the raiding party. 2 Tradition says that in ancient times the scalp-washer was a woman. The word is an adaptation ofZuii kulkku, paternal aunt. In the Zufii ceremony the scalp-taker's kukku played a leading part, kicking the trophy in the plaza, dancing, bathing the scalp-taker and the scalpwashers, but not participating directly in the washing of the scalp. 3 The narrator did not see this done, but his father, who took a scalp in this raid and in many others and hence saw the scalp-washing many times, firmly believed that the Flint shamans actually drank the water and scrapings -an act comparable with the eating of the heart of an exceptionally brave enemy by some tribes. 4 The "fourth" day is really the third. Indians generally count the day from which the reckoning starts as the first. 5 The Mexicans call these female victory-dancers Malinche, the same as a character in their own Matachin dance. In this Matachin (primarily from Arabic motauachihin, "masked [ones]") twelve men kneeling on one knee are faced by twelve on the other side of the room. Raised in each left hand is a palmetta, a thin piece of board cut to resemble a palm-leaf, and in the right a gourd rattle. Music is furnished by a violin. At one end between the two rows {view image of facing page 114} Sia war-dancer [photogravure plate] {view image of page 115} THE KERES I"5 recent raid. These were selected by the war-chief, who named the man for whom each one would dance. After three nights of practice singing and dancing, the next morning at sunrise all warriors who had scalped an enemy, whether in this raid or long previously, were dressed and painted. The body was black, with a red or yellow spot at the umbilicus. White eagledown was tufted on this circular spot, and bands of feathers were similarly applied above the elbows and the knees. The face was black, with glistening particles of manganite dusted over the paint. The hair was loose, eagle-down was scattered on the top of the head, and a wahpani 1 stick was worn across the crown. A fringed deerskin kilt with tin rattlers on the ends of the strands was the only garment. In the right hand was a stone ax, with wooden handle bent around the groove and bound with sinew; in the left hand were a bow and four arrows. At the left side on a baldric of twisted thongs was a flat, leathern, bag-like device, fringed along the lower edge. The strands of the fringe terminated in conical tin rattlers. This was the special ensign of the scalpers. Shortly after sunrise four men who had been practising the songs appeared in front of the Flint house (the cacique's residence), where the warriors were waiting, and stood there singing and drumming until the cacique opened the door. All the warriors were standing in the outer room in a row. The cacique stood beside the open door and tossed pinches of meal and pollen outside, saying: "Now, you scalpers [6mpe], your mother [the cacique] permits you to go out, and our father Sun will see you again. You will be seen in the first place by the Sun and then by the people, and you will dance today the joyful dance for killing a Navaho. So, go out." Then one of the Flint shamans led the warriors very slowly into the East kiva, and the four men followed, singing. Seated motionless against the of men sits the monarca, and beside him a woman, Malinche. He rises and dances, and the woman dances beside him. After a time the others leap up and perform. This dance the Indians recognize as an importation from Mexico. It represents Montezuma and his favorite Malinche, and appears to be a hodge-podge of Mexican Indian war-dance and a Christian miracle play depicting the conflict between good and evil. Early Mexican Indian immigrants into New Mexico probably were responsible for the fusion. It occurs also among the Yaqui Indians of Sonora. The etymology of matachin offered by the Mexican-Spanish is mata, kill, chino, a Mexican Indian nickname for white man, whether American or Mexican, and signifying "curly hair." In Cuba chino designates the offspring of a mulatto and a negro, or of an Indian and a zambo, whence the implication of "curly hair." A Spanish dictionary explains matachin as a merry andrew, a dance performed by grotesque figures, a slaughterer, a butcher. American dictionaries record the term without etymological comment. 1 See page 107. {view image of page 116} Ii6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN kiva wall on rolled blankets, they were guarded by Oyoyewa and a deputy or two, while Mase'wa, outside, went about constantly to see that everything proceeded properly. Meanwhile the men of the pueblo had assembled again in the house where they had been practising the songs, and thence they now proceeded to the kiva, outside of which they stood in two rows facing each other, the Squash people on the east side and the Turquoise on the west. The Flint man in charge of the warriors then led them out of the kiva, the first warrior carrying the scalp-pole, and all passed between the two rows of men and stopped there in single file. Then, singing, all proceeded to the plaza, circled about it, and returned to the kiva, the singers shuffling slowly sidewise and the warriors dancing forward. The latter reentered the kiva, the Turquoise singers retired to one house and the Squash to another. After an interval the Turquoise men returned to the kiva and a single warrior was brought out by the shaman in charge. They proceeded to the plaza in a scattered group with the warrior in their midst, and one of the young women, tfimatatani, danced among them, weaving in and out between them. In the plaza, when the entrance song was finished, they divided, half standing on the north and half on the south, the warrior among those on the north because he must always face the sun. The men sang another song, while the warrior stood there dancing in his place and the woman danced facing him, but moving about and making movements of the arms suggestive of the departure of the warriors westward, the killing of the enemy, and the victorious return. While she danced, the people, especially the relatives and friends of the warrior, piled up near her blankets, deerskins, baskets, clothing, bread, beef, money, all of which gifts were taken by the war-chief's deputies to the woman's home. The party then went singing, but not dancing, to the kiva, where the warrior retired while the Turquoise singers withdrew to their quarters. Next the Squash men came and danced in the same way with another warrior and another young woman: and so it continued until each warrior had performed, Turquoise and Squash alternating. This war-dance was the occasion for the gathering of people from all the region, including many Mexicans. The last celebration of the victory-dance occurred about 1874, when two Navaho were killed while trying to steal cattle. A man went out before daylight to hunt, snow having fallen in the night, {view image of page 117} THE KERES II7 and came upon the tracks of four Navaho driving off cattle. He knew they were Navaho by the imprint of their moccasins. After following them until he was certain, he ran back to the village four miles distant, and while yet a long way off he began to give the warning cry, "Aaa..... ai!" When this was heard, it was known that an enemy was about. Arriving at the village he found the men assembled in the plaza and told what he had seen. Almost immediately a party of about fifteen, mostly young men of no great experience, set out, and soon they were followed by others. The trail led up into a gorge, where the Navaho had killed a calf and abandoned the other animals. Stopping to take counsel, the pursuers caught sight of a Navaho high above them on the edge of a cliff, evidently looking back to see if pursuit had started. Sheltered beneath the trees, they were not detected. The eldest warrior present now assumed command. He sent half of his men to the right, where a small cafion gradually mounted nearly to the level on which were the Navaho, and himself took the others to the left to climb to the mesa. Each band was to wait on the top until it was certain that the other had arrived. The leader's party arrived first, and crept up quite close to the four Navaho, who were roasting meat. After a long wait the others arrived. There was only one gun in the party. A good marksman was detailed to account for the largest of the marauders. He fired, and the Navaho fell into the fire. The others leaped up. One seized bow and arrows and jumped over the side of the cliff and managed to escape. Another ran straight ahead through the attacking party and escaped. The fourth leaped over the edge on the other side of the mesa and landed on a ledge. He crept into a small cave, but could go no farther. Unarmed, he could not resist if the others came after him, so ultimately he surrendered. As he could not climb back, they extended a bow to him and thus drew him up. Some of the Cochiti men then set upon him; he resisted, and they shot him full of arrows. This occurred near the ruin of old Cochiti on Potrero Viejo. Ridding the Village of Evil In January, soon after the new officers have taken their places, occurs a purification rite, which like the ceremony over a sick individual is called Weka5haiii. The officers meet, and when they have agreed on the time the war-chief goes to the cacique in the usual manner to apprise him of their desire and ask his permission to proceed. On this occasion the cacique is attended by his two col {view image of page 118} II8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN leagues, the chief of the Shkoyu society and the chief of the Shi'kame. In preparation for the ceremony all members of the three shaman societies vomit each morning before breakfast, using herbs known only to themselves, and the war-chief announces to the whole pueblo that if anyone, man or woman, chooses to do likewise it will be a help to the shamans. The three societies meet together during the three days following the announcement, practising their songs and preparing their ceremonial equipment. All women grind corn, heaping the meal high in shallow baskets, and those who possess eagle-feathers thrust them into the meal for the use of the shamans in making prayer-sticks and in asperging to the Shiwanna of the six world-regions. Some, lacking feathers, send their men to hunt on the fourth day and give rabbits to the shamans. On the night of the fourth day the three societies meet in their respective quarters. If any room ordinarily used by them is not large enough for this occasion, the war-chief obtains for them the temporary use of a more commodious one. All the people then assemble, dividing themselves among the three houses. The warchief stands guard for the Flint society, the second war-chief for the Shkoyu, and a trusted deputy for the Shi'kame. On the civil side, the governor stands guard for the Flint, the lieutenant-governor for the Shk6yu, and a fiscal for the Shi'kame. Along with these are numerous youths, who as deputies and orderlies mount guard with the officers. Each officer carries his insignia. The war-chief has a cane and his bow and arrows, and the governor a cane; deputies of the war-chief carry bows and arrows, those of the governor have batons. When the people have assembled, the shamans being in the inner room with their altar, one of the shamans goes to the door and summons the officers who are on guard at that house. These station themselves in front of the altar, behind which sit the shamans, and each takes from his small pouch a bit of meal and tosses it toward the altar as an offering to the beings there represented, while praying for success in the ceremony. The chief of the society then addresses them: "You are the ones, the men who must look after the welfare of this village and of all the people, and you have asked our mothers [the spirit helpers of the shamans] that we, the ch!aiani, with all our secret things should try to search out any kind of evil thing [sorcerer] that is not good for our people, or any kind of sickness that may be in the village, and try whether we can chase it out of the village or {view image of page 119} THE KERES II9 out of our people's hearts. So we are here, ready to do the best we can for the people of our father Masewa and our father TapupU [governor]. So, as you are the ones to ask for it, we are glad to do whatever we can for the benefit of the whole village, of all the people, and the whole world. So you are the ones, you officers, and having asked for it you are the ones to be on guard for the night, to guard our mother ch!aiani, to show her that she will come through well, without trouble from the outside [without intrusion of Mexicans or Americans]." Each officer then drinks a sip from the medicine-bowl, the chief shaman gives to the principal officer present a stone figurine of a cougar, or a flint knife or arrow-point, for protection from sorcerers, and the officers withdraw. The people are now summoned from the outer room, and all crowd in, each one eager to find a favorable seat. The principal shaman makes a characteristic speech, calling attention to the purpose of the ceremony and instructing all present to be with good will, "for that will be a great help to our mother [the cacique or other principal shaman]. So we will have good success in driving from the village the evil things and there will be no more sickness or evil. That is the wish of our mother and all the mothers [ch!aanii]. So we will begin." Then the shamans begin to sing, and while the chief remains seated behind the altar the others circulate among the people, brushing their hands over the bodies of the spectators and sucking at some part of the body. This continues through three songs, in which they call upon cougar of the north, bear of the west, wolf of the south, badger of the east, eagle of the zenith, mole of the nadir, to come and be shamans with them and help drive away sickness and sorcery. The fourth song declares: "There is the wizard, there is the wizard. See him!" While singing this they point here and there, peering about the room as if they see things invisible to the people. Then they go into the outer room in the darkness and make noises as if they are having violent conflict with sorcerers, and sometimes one comes to the door and makes a particularly loud noise as if he had caught a wizard about to enter the inner room. At the same time some of the shamans go running about the village in pursuit of the sorcerers. An informant was once a war-chief's deputy on such an occasion and was detailed to follow a group of three shamans, one old and two young. They ran hither and thither about the streets, all the time exhaling with loud grunts like a bear. After this follow two or three "finishing songs," in which the {view image of page 120} I20 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN shamans thank the animal spirits for their assistance. During all this time, and it is now long after midnight, spectators are not permitted to go out for any reason whatever. At the conclusion of the songs of thanksgiving the war-chief on guard kindles a fire in the outer room, and the spectators are at liberty to depart. Finally during the last song women bring food to the inner room and set it down, a gift from the officers to the shamans for their services in ridding the village of evil; for it is the duty of these officers to guard the people and it is at their instance that the ceremony is performed. Therefore when the food is brought the war-chief makes a speech, offering it to the shamans and expressing the hope that cougar, bear, wolf, badger, eagle, and mole will eat a portion of it, the rest being for the shamans. The chief shaman then apportions the food among his fellows, thanks them for their assistance, and dismisses the people: "Now, my people, we thank you for assisting us in our work; for our father Masewa asked us to do this in order to cure the whole village of sickness. The only thing is that you have come of your own will. This is the principal thing. If you have had belief in our mothers, surely you will be cured of your sickness and all evil things will be driven away, all sickness will be blown out. So we wish that everybody be well and prosperous. We thank you for your assistance and may our mothers help you and give you long life. So you are dismissed. Go home and have a good sleep." All these things occur simultaneously in the three society houses. Owe, a February Dance for Good Crops In February occurs Owe ("pray"), an occasion for praying for good throughout the coming year. The ceremony is inaugurated in the usual way by a visit of the war-chief to the cacique, by his public announcement, by vomiting on the part of the people each morning for four days, and by four nights of practice singing and composing of new songs. The fourth day the singers spend in almost constant practice. At noon the war-chief's deputies are sent to collect in baskets a quantity of coarse meal from each family. Squash people supply food for the West kiva, Turquoise for the East kiva. In the afternoon the Squash singers emerge from a house and go singing through the streets and down into their kiva, while the Turquoise singers retire to their own kiva. This is a notification to the people that Owe will occur that night. They return from the {view image of page 121} THE KERES 121 kivas to their respective houses, having been dismissed for an hour or two by the master of the kiva. When each party has assembled that night in its own kiva, the Turquoise people, men and women, march to the Squash kiva, dance, and return dancing to their own kiva. Immediately thereafter the Squash people come and dance in the Turquoise kiva. This is an occasion of much merriment, and in I923 visitors, both Mexican and American, were permitted to be present in the kivas. Each party dances four times in the other kiva. The spectators sit in the centre and the dancers are in two rows about the walls, women in front of men. In the kiva one must always move counter-clockwise. The entrance and the departing song are always the same, and the middle song is the one to which they dance. Here is a typical song: Yonder in the east our turquoise grinding-stones are singing. K6chi-nako ["yellow maid"] and Meri-nako 1 are grinding, singing the 6w6 songs. Then follows the grinding song of Yellow Maid and Merinako, a song within a song. The men sing, and suddenly the women kneel, make the motions of grinding, and sing a short song, dramatizing the act of Yellow Maid and Merinako grinding on their turquoise stones and singing as they work. The dance lasts until nearly morning. The prayer is for good crops during the entire year, and products of all kinds are mentioned. In leaving the kiva each man as he places his foot on the top rung of the ladder calls back to those below, " Melone [or any other product] epaifti ['may melons grow']!" From below they call up, "Hama, hama!" in approval. Fiesta of Dia de los Reyes On the sixth of January there is a fiesta called Dia de los Reyes.2 This is the day on which the Church commemorates the pilgrimage of the three magi to Bethlehem; but the Cochiti celebration is simply a dance in honor of the new officers. On the second night of the year the officers meet to make plans for the fiesta, and the war-chief as usual goes to the cacique to ask his permission and help; while Squash and Turquoise people congregate in their respective kivas to select their dancers. The chosen 1 See pages I27-128 (note) for mention of a Santo Domingo group of women bearing this appellation, who grind corn for the cacique. 2 Twelfth Night; Epiphany. VOL. xvI-I6 {view image of page 122} I22 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN performers must, on the following four mornings before breakfast, drink a pine-leaf emetic. The two parties dance alternately in the plaza, both morning and afternoon, wearing the usual costumes without masks, some of them dressing in the manner of alien tribes. At night they alternate in dancing successively at the houses of the two war-chiefs, the governor, and the lieutenant-governor. It is probable that in aboriginal times a masked dance was held at this time of the year, and as a concession to the Church they consented to celebrate the day in their own fashion, leaving out the sacred masks. Shrines Numerous shrines in the vicinity of the pueblo consist essentially of rude circles of stones open at one side and enclosing one or more small bowlders, which usually are of uncommon material or of peculiar outline. Here individuals deposit bits of meal and feathered sticks. Most of them, if not all, are visited by hunters, particularly by participants in the game-drives, and it is probable that they are all of the variety described by Santo Domingo informants as Sun shrines.1 Besides these local shrines there are several sacred enclosures on the summits of various high mountains, notably Pelado and Sierra de la Bola, both northwest of Cochiti. Santo Domingo History and Organization QUEMADA MESA, about twenty miles northwest of the present pueblo, is named as one of the traditional homes of the Santo Domingo people. The next site mentioned was on Galisteo arroyo about a mile east of Santo Domingo station (formerly Wallace, later Thornton). This village having been washed away by a freshet, the surviving population moved westward down the arroyo, where, near the modern settlement, Castaiio de Sosa found them in I59I. He called the pueblo Santo Domingo, and noted that three other villages were visible from this point. One of these no doubt was Cochiti. This Santo Domingo was the pueblo visited in 1598 by Ofiate, who recorded its name as Guipui, a name (IKyipwi) which traditionists See page I33. {view image of page 123} THE KERES 123 apply also to its predecessor. Again a sudden torrent destroyed the village, and the people rebuilt a short distance westward, down the arroyo, on the bank of the Rio Grande.1 A third calamity of the same nature forced them back nearly to the present site. In 1886 the church and most of the houses were engulfed by an unusual rise of the Rio Grande, and the present buildings were erected slightly to the east on a low terrace above the bottom lands. The modern pueblo and its predecessor are called Kyiwa. Tyti-hanitfigatya (" slope other-side") _LI D L l EI P!isu (name of an ancient village?) I I I I I I I Tyiti-tyatyapo ("slope middle") * " I I -I W C K 0 C i (.< ___ g -- <? ~ ~, HdI'mi ("Jemez") i I I I I I I I Suna ("centre") I I I I I I i I 1i I Squash PLAZA kiva ftifiatyakakaf ("other-side-level plaza") Ka'ftyame ("San Felipes") [ I I I I I I I Ts!i'ya'mg ("Sias") ITamaam ("Santa nas I TamaiyamP ("Santa Anas") I I I I I I I ] Church IDEALIZED SKETCH OF SANTO DOMINGO At least one building of old Kyiwa remains, the structure called Qifiatya ("on-elevation"), which houses a secret ceremonial chamber known as Wefiima. Prior to the beginning of this century Galisteo arroyo was quite deep, and the land between it and the river was much below the level of the site occupied by this old building. The bottom is now nearly filled in with alluvial soil, so that the former appropriateness of the name "on-elevation" is no longer apparent. 1 Bandelier calls this village Huashpatzena, which is for waspa, sage, china, river. Modern Santo Domingans appear not to know the name. {view image of page 124} I24 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Most of the heavy growth of great cottonwoods has been cut, and the land is devoted to farming. The population of Santo Domingo is about one thousand. As at Taos, the men in authority resist the taking of an accurate census. Santo Domingo clans are matrilineal and exogamous, but the rule of exogamy has in many cases within the last decade been disregarded, in spite of the disapproval and ridicule of the elders. No trace of totemism or of pairing of the clans has been discovered. There are two ceremonial parties, called Squash and Turquoise, corresponding to the Summer and Winter groups of the Tewa pueblos. These parties were formerly endogamous, and disregard of this rule is still strenuously opposed, for the reason that a woman marrying a man of the opposite party is lost, as a dancer, to her former associates. It is said that formerly the entire membership of a clan belonged to one or the other of these moieties, but on this point there is so much uncertainty that one suspects the statement as being the expression of what it is felt the system ought to have been. Each party is associated with one of the two circular kivas. The following are named as Santo Domingo clans:1 I. S6fona, Fox Ii. Ha'mi, Tobacco 2. Kawetya, Skunk 12. ise, Mustard 3. M6kaf/a, Cougar 13. Waspa, Sage 4. K6haiyu, Bear 14. Hitlaaiii, Cottonwood 5. Kfi, Antelope 15. Hapaiii, Scrub-oak 6. Kisa, Elk I6. Osaia, Sun 7. Tsi'na, Turkey I7. Tahwata, Moon 8. S6w6, Rattlesnake I8. Shikyata, Star 9. Yka', Corn I9. Hakaiii, Fire io. Tahnii, Squash 20. Yashtya, Coral In I924 Bear, Elk, Fire, and Coral were extinct, Antelope, Turkey, Rattlesnake nearly so. The officers of native origin are the two war-chiefs, fiyatyai, and their six or eight subordinates, k6chani. The war-chiefs are in charge of pueblo affairs outside the ceremonial chambers during the progress of religious rites, and at such times they are referred to as Masewi and Oyoyewi, names of the two legendary war-heroes who are their prototypes. The k6chani are the underlings of the war-chiefs. They stand guard around the pueblo during religious activities, and fetch wands and make prayer-sticks with them for their superiors. 1 To the name of the clan add hana, person, hanat2a, people. {view image of page 125} THE KERES 125 A k6chai 1 also has charge of the horse-herders, who, twelve to fifteen in number, go about twenty miles from the pueblo to guard and water the horses. There were in I924 perhaps two hundred to three hundred horses belonging to the pueblo, but a few years earlier they were much more numerous. The herders camp in a convenient place, rise before daylight, and are detailed in pairs by the k6chani to round up the animals. They return with the horses, and a few of the men station themselves on slight elevations overlooking the herd and carefully inspect it for possible missing animals. They breakfast, saddle their mounts, and drive the stock ten miles or more to the river and back, after which the animals are turned loose to be rounded up again the following morning. The herders remain on duty one week, sending to the village two or three times for food. After their tour of duty is ended another kochani with a new detail of herders takes his turn. The same system of caring for horses obtains at San Felipe, but not elsewhere. They think this is the only way to have success with horses, and to avoid loss by theft or straying, for they have had more or less trouble with Mexicans driving off their animals. The cacique and his two associates, and men who have been governor or war-chief, are exempt from such duty, as well as from repairing irrigation ditches; but all others, even shamans, must do their part, whether or not they own horses. The war-chiefs and the kochani also manage the communal rabbit-hunt, in which capacity they are called fiatyo-hochani ("country chief"). When the ditches are to be repaired or cleaned, it is the duty of a k6chani to see that the kochak" ("divider"), or kokach ("watcher"), fairly apportions the work among the laborers by scraping a line across the ditch with his shovel and thus laying off about six feet for each two workmen. The civil officers are the governor, ttapupu; the lieutenantgovernor, tapupu-tinyet (Spanish, teniente); the mayoro (Spanish, mayordomo) and the mayoro-tinyet; the pishkare (Spanish, fiscal) and his assistant the capitian; the piShkare-tinyet and his assistant the capitan-tinyet. The may6ro is an understudy and general manager for the governor, either carrying out his orders or transmitting them to the fiscal or the capitan. He is normally in line for the governorship the following year. The mayoro-tinyet occupies a similar position with respect to the lieutenant-governor. 1 The name appears to be a fusion of Mexican Spanish cavallo, horse, and Keres hochaii, chief. {view image of page 126} 126 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The fiscales and their assistants are in-charge of affairs of church and of community work, such as the construction and maintenance of ditches and apportioning of water. Two of these officers always act as foremen in charge of the ditch laborers. The chief fiscal usually makes the public announcements of the governor. At the end of December the cacique calls the principal men to the Turquoise kiva and announces whom he has chosen to be the new officers. They have nothing to do but murmur approval. The officers are inaugurated on the first day of January in the councilhouse, whence they go to the church, where prayers to the native deities are offered, asking for good luck, and the people are exhorted to obedience. The priest is present, and blesses the new officers. In even-numbered years the first war-chief and the governor are of the Squash party, in the odd-numbered years, of the Turquoise. The second war-chief and the lieutenant-governor are always of the party opposite to that of their principals. A similar rule prevails in the appointment of other officers. A few days after the inauguration the Turquoise people and the Squash people assemble in two large rooms, not necessarily always the same ones. The Kwi'ranna shamans preside for the Squash people, and either the Flint, or Pokeyu, or Shk6yu society for the Turquoise. Masefwi (the first war-chief) and the governor attend in the house where their own party has assembled, and Oyoyewi and the lieutenant-governor in the house occupied by their party, and so with the other officers. The shamans prepare their altar in the regular way to the accompaniment of singing, make their medicine, asperge the officers, and give them medicine-water to drink. Any spectator may now come forward and receive the same treatment. The shaman in charge exhorts the officers to attend to their duties for the good of the people, and enjoins the latter to obedience. Religion and Ceremonies Planting of the Cacique's Field In May about fifty to sixty men are selected by the war-captain and taken to a seven-acre field belonging to hochani, the cacique, where they work in groups of five - four as plowmen (one following another so that four furrows are turned simultaneously) and the fifth following with a bag of seed corn which he plants in the fourth furrow. The first plowman in his next course turns the soil over on the planted seed. Sometimes the ground is afterward leveled by {view image of facing page 126} A Santo Domingo man [photogravure plate] {view image of page 127} THE KERES I27 dragging a plank across it, but usually the soil is simply drawn up with hoes into ridges. The entire plot is quickly plowed and planted. On the morning of this day and before the workmen have gone to the field, the cacique is in his ceremonial chamber, hochani-fa ("chief room"), with about thirty men called kaifi! ("maple"). They dance and sing, holding a rabbit-club (not a curved missile, but a knobbed cudgel) in the right hand and an ear of corn in the left. After a time two of them dress in shirts made of blue-black Hopi cloth, Hopi sashes, and fringed cotton leggings, and with nicely wrapped bundles of corn on their backs they proceed through the streets. The women run up behind them, drench them and their bundles with water, thus symbolically watering the corn that is to be planted, and crash the empty vessels on the ground as if to remove all obstacles that might withhold the rains. Sometimes these men, who are called saiani ("buyer"), run after a woman, and, perhaps with the help of a war-chief's deputy, carry her, struggling and laughing, to the ditch and tumble her into the water. Every family gives the saiani an ear or two of corn for the cacique's field, and the deputies who accompany them collect the corn in bags and give it to a pair of their mounted fellows, who ride with it to the field that is to be planted. The saiani at the same time run from the pueblo across the river and on to the field, where they remove their clothing and dry it. Another man cuts open the bags of seed corn, others pile the ears and divide them among the planters, who by this time are ready to begin work. Meantime every household has been preparing wafer bread, mush, and stew, and at noon long lines of women wind their way to hochanifia. After the cacique and his singers have eaten, they send two or three wagon-loads of wafer bread, stew, and sweet-corn meal 1 to 1 This sweet-corn meal, hati, has been ground for the cacique by young girls in their own homes several months prior to the occasion. It may be eaten without cooking by simply stirring it in water. In winter at various times a number of unmarried girls from fourteen to sixteen years of age grind corn, not for ceremonial purposes, until about midnight. If there are more than two or three, they work in relays. A large number of men attend, and while some sing others play their six-hole flutes. These instruments are about thirty-six inches long and are made of two sections of pine joined laterally, or of a piece of cane. Some have a bell-shape piece attached at the lower end, like a blunderbuss. This formal grinding is for the purpose of making the girls industrious and to encourage them in adhering to the ancient method of preparing meal. From time to time they are exhorted by the old men to cling to the ancient custom and to avoid the purchase of flour. This custom obtains also at Zuii, and probably was general Pueblo practice. There is a pseudo-society of some twenty females, appointed in youth by the cacique, who grind the corn used by the Flint society in making offerings. They are called Merinako (nako, maid). All must be present for the work, and while one set grinds, the others sit and sing, {view image of page 128} 128 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN be distributed among the laborers. The men remain in the field all day, though the work is soon done. The cacique's corn is cultivated and irrigated by the k6chani, who sometimes, but not usually, call on others for assistance. In August and September the men hunt three times for the benefit of the cacique, who will use the dried meat to feed the harvesters of his corn about the first of October. Every animal secured is taken by the killer from his home to hochaniifa, where several of the kochani receive the game and pile it in separate heaps according to the species: quails, rabbits, hares, rats. Women of the pueblo now come crowding in to receive some of the game, which they take home and disembowel,' and they bring the bodies, unskinned, back to hochanitia. The kochani skin the animals and hang them, tied in pairs by the legs, across poles in the street to dry. At harvest time the k6chani pass from house to house ordering men to "go tomorrow and gather corn for our hochani-nawaya (" chief guardian"-the cacique). About sixty are selected. Most of the corn they husk in the field and bring in wagons to h6chaniiia, but two or three loads are left unhusked and taken to Wefiima, the secret kiva, to be used in the course of the year by the Shiwanna (cloud-gods), who bring gifts to the people. The fodder also is brought to hochanitia for the cacique's stock, and the harvesters come and receive food, of which rabbit-stew is the principal item. The cacique thanks them for the work, and at great length urges obedience to his commands and adherence to the old customs. The Scalpers Those who have taken a scalp are called Ope. The tribal trophies are still kept by Iwas-ska-nastyughe (" children their father") in seven large flour-sacks in a cell below his living quarters. The room has no outer entrance. Every Sunday the scalps are washed and laid on blankets in the house to dry. On the twenty-fourth of June, San Juan day, they are washed again, and several hours before dawn all the men of the pueblo must bathe in the river. After the scalps have been washed, the water is strained through cloths and medicine is awaiting their turn. Two members of the Flint society are present, observing the women but not singing. The Merinako take no part in the activities of the society. Mythic characters of this name are mentioned in a Cochiti dance-song, page I2I. 1 The entire mass of intestines and organs of small game, with chyme and chyle included and only the actual excrement in the rectum squeezed out, is placed in a bowl, mashed, salted, and cooked, and eaten steaming hot. When a goat or a sheep is killed, the gall is regarded as a great delicacy. The head is thrown back, the gall is bitten open, and the liquid greedily drunk. {view image of facing page 128} Sotsona - "Fox" - Santo Domingo [photogravure plate] {view image of page 129} THE KERES I29 added to it, and all the men go to the scalp-house and receive a drink of the liquid. In the scalp-dance, Ahena, the Ope are called Ahenatani. On the abdomen and on the small of the back they have a circular spot of red with black border, and white eagle-down is applied to the paint. Here and there on the body and limbs are black crosses, a symbol peculiar to warriors, and on the outside of the arms and legs are lightning-lines terminating in arrow-points, in red, yellow, blue, white, all these colors appearing in each such symbol. A white band of paint crosses the crown of the head, and eagle-down adheres to the paint. At the back of the head is a wahpanii.1 Over the left shoulder is a bandolier, the upper part of deerskin wrapped closely with sinew and the lower part of many strands of twisted sinew like bowstrings, on which are strung here and there large shell beads. At the lower ends of the wrapped deerskin are numerous tiny deerskin packets containing medicine. The Ope and Masewi, Oyoyewi, two kochani, and a Flint shaman dress in Turquoise kiva. They come out in the following order: a k6chani representing a scout, Masewi representing the leader of the war-party, the Flint shaman, all the Ope, the second kochani, and Oyoyewi. Single-file they proceed without a sound, as if marching into hostile country, to the north street and pass down between two lines of men armed with guns, bows, clubs, rabbit-sticks, and shields. At the head of these lines, the west end, are various shamans, next the principales, then other men and youths according to their importance. At the left of the head of the lines are a drummer and a flutist, and at the middle a man with a larger, deep-toned drum and a man carrying a pole with scalps tied from top to bottom. Arriving at the head of these lines, the Ope begin to utter war-cries, and at the sound of the cry indicating the killing of an enemy 2 the men shout and fire their guns into the air, sometimes directing them toward the scalps. The warriors harangue the crowd, describing various exploits with vigorous gestures, and begin to dance in characteristic fashion, imitating the act of fighting. After twenty to thirty minutes of this the entire party moves through each street of the village and on to the plaza, the 6pe continuing their threatening gestures and the others shuffling sidewise. A good many women join the procession, standing outside the lines and near the rear, and shuffling forward with arms rigidly extended upward. 1 See page I50. 2 The Op6 are now all deceased, and the dance was last celebrated about the year I900. VOL. XVI-17 {view image of page 130} 130 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN In the plaza the drummer stands just outside the kiva and the men form a large circle, with the warriors in a smaller concentric circle, and the women now in large numbers crowd outside. The scalp-pole is in the centre of the Ope. The dance continues to the singing of the men in the large circle until late in the afternoon without intermission for food or rest. When a song ends and before another is begun, the dancers continue without pause. Various evolutions are performed, but always in a circle. Many of the songs relate actual occurrences, and when the climax is reached, telling of the killing of a Navaho, the men fire their guns and shout. At the end of the afternoon women bring large quantities of food for the dancers.' Societies There are seven secret societies at Santo Domingo. I. Shaiyaka control a hunters' cult, and have now (I924) some twelve members, including two women. 2. Shk6yu-ch!aiaiii, Giant Shamans, include all persons who have recovered from lightningstroke. Only the men perform as shamans, and they alone treat such cases. There are approximately twelve male Giant Shamans. 3. Pokeyu-ch!aiafii are concerned with the health of crops, and have about twenty members. 4. Ki'sari, forty to fifty males and about as many females, perform as clowns in various ceremonies. They are exclusively of the Turquoise party. (a) KI'sari-ch!aiafii, now numbering about twenty-five men, are a group of shamans, an order or degree of the Ki'sari. 5. Kwi'ranna, thirty to forty persons of both sexes, are the clown society of the Squash party. They participate as fun-makers in unmasked dances only. (a) Kwi'ranna-ch!aiani, now numbering thirteen men, are the shaman order of the Kwi'ranna. (I) Pakana-ch!aianii are a degree of the Kwi'ranna shamans. 6. Hitisteafii-ch!aiaiii, Flint Shamans, now numbering about fifteen men, are principally concerned with curing the sickness caused by witchcraft, and with fasting and praying for the general good at the summer and winter solstice. (a) Hakaiii-ch!aiafii, Fire Shamans, a degree of the Flint society, perform the feat of extinguishing a blazing packet of splinters by thrusting them into the mouth. (b) S6wi-ch!aiafii, Rattlesnake Shamans, another degree of the Flint society, have charge of all cases of snake bite. 7. Shi'kame-ch!aianii, Rattle-shaker Shamans, numbering twelve to fifteen, are in the same category with the Flint society. Ku'sari shamans may join Hluisteafii, and Kwi'ranna shamans, after attaining the degree of Pakana, may join Shi'kame. After becoming a Hiuisteaii shaman, a man remains subject to service as a Ki'sari clown (but not as a Ki'sari shaman). On the other hand, a 1 When an attack was made, the war-cry was a long-drawn, high-pitched 6... 8! ending on the same note. After killing an enemy the same cry was given with -the addition of three close-clipped exclamations, 666, on the same note. The cry of warning to the pueblo was..., "like a train whistle." All these cries were in imitation of the coyote's howl. {view image of page 131} THE KERES I3I Kwi'ranna shaman who joins the Shi'kame severs all connection with the Kwi'ranna. A Hiiisteafii shaman may join the Shi'kame (in which case he no longer associates with the Ki'sari), but the converse does not hold. This last statement, coupled with the fact that the Hiuisteafii chief, Hiuisteaii-nawaya ("flint protector"), is also Shi'kame-nawaya, seems to point to the conclusion that Shi'kame is perhaps to be regarded as a degree, and the highest, of Hiuisteafii. It is to be noted also that both societies meet in the same lodgeroom. The principal reason for calling Shi'kame a society and not a degree of Hiuisteafii is that shamans other than Hiuisteafii may join Shi'kame. The man who is the joint head of Hiuisteaii and Shi'kame is ipso facto the cacique, hochani, the highest religious officer of the pueblo, a veritable Pontifex Maximus. The interrelation of these four esoteric groups may be shown graphically: Hidsteafii-nawaya = H6chafii (cacique) = Shi'kamn-niwaya I I Hiausteafii-ch!aiai --- Shi'kamn-ch!aianii T T K'sari-ch!aiaiii (Turquoise) Kwi'ranna-ch!aiafi (Squash) No such relationship concerns Shaiyaka, Shkoyu, and Pokeyu, which recruit their initiates from those who belong to none of the other societies. But a shaman of the Shk6yu or the Pokeyu group may join the Shi'kame. Usually only the most experienced men in the lower societies, either nawaya himself or one of his most capable assistants, enter this group, which is really a society of graduates. New members of any society except the two highest, Flint and Shi'kame, are generally either the children or other relatives of older members, or individuals who, by reason of trespassing on the society during the progress of its ritual, or making a vow during sickness, are compelled to join. All females and all males who have not joined a society are called Siisti, and Siiisti-nawaya is the title of a man who has charge of painting masks and dancers of whatever kind. He never joins a society. All the societies except Shaiyaka treat sickness, or at least have in their membership a group that treats sickness, especially cases of obscure, violent, or supposedly nefarious origin: The Flint or the Shi'kame shamans are called in desperate cases, for they are regarded as the most powerful societies. For some years the Flint men have been taking charge of all cases of childbirth {view image of page 132} I32 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN without the assistance of a midwife. Formerly there was a Ki'sari woman who acted in this capacity, not only for her Turquoise people but for the Squash as well. When the ch!aiani encounter a sickness they cannot cure, such as measles, smallpox, or any skin eruption (all of which are supposed to be caused by the ravages of ants and worms eating the flesh), they advise the family to consult nitfayakaia-nawaya, a shaman who acts alone. He comes, and brushes down over the patient's body with a bunch of fibres of a mountain plant, yape, mingled with human hair. After a time there appears on the floor a quantity of red ants and winged ants, which he brushes together with eaglefeathers. The Santo Domingo nifiayakaia-nawaya is summoned to Cochiti in such cases. Participants in any ceremony observe a partial fast on the four days preceding the rites, and each morning before a frugal breakfast they vomit after drinking a large quantity of water in which any of various kinds of herbs or leaves, such as Douglas spruce, Yucca baccata, or greasewood, have been soaked. Some insert three fingers into the gullet, others can produce the desired result by pressing on the abdomen. An informant declares that he can drink fully two gallons of water. In preparing an altar, shamans constantly sing, mentioning each object by name as it is placed in the "house," as they call the rectangular space enclosed by meal lines, and making appropriate gestures. The ialiku, perfect ears of corn nicely covered with bright feathers, are the first objects to be placed, one for each shaman. The k6haiyu ("bear"), that is, the skins and claws of a bear's forepaws, come next, then the stone images of cougar and other animal helpers of the shamans, and the kopishtaia, which are small stone figurines with a human face rudely outlined. Some of these k6pishtaia represent the two war-gods. The following account illustrates the native belief regarding the animal-helpers of the shamans. A long time ago the Jemez shamans were summoned to Santo Domingo to treat a sick woman. They set up their altar, and after feeding with ceremonial meal the k6haiyu and the k6pifhtaia, they proceeded to the work of curing the woman. But they overlooked one of the k6haiyu. When they had finished, they replaced the stone {view image of facing page 132} Pishkuty - "Cornstalk" - Santo Domingo [photogravure plate] {view image of page 133} THE KERE S I33 figures and the bear-paws in the bag in which they were kept; but the spirit of the neglected bear did not remain in the bag. [When a bear is killed for the sake of its claws and paw-skin, the spirit is "brought back with the skin."] He was angry, and departed. His children were waiting at their home in a cave in the north, eager for the return of their father with food. A Santo Domingo shaman travelling in the mountains happened upon them, and they told him how they were waiting for food. Soon the old bear came in, very sad. The man gave him meal. Then the bears began to sing, and slapped him with their hands in the manner of shamans. When they had finished, he gave them a small quantity of wafer bread and parched corn, which immediately became a large heap. They promised that they would always be present when he called them. A few days later the sick woman died. The work of the shamans was not successful without the help of all the kohaiy". Shaiyak, the Society of Hunters The Shaiyaka society has charge of all hunts and prays for the perpetuation of game of all kinds. When a hunt is to be held, the war-chief asks permission of the head of the society, who appoints the day, and his society holds its secret rites to make game plentiful and tame. On the morning set for the hunt all the Shaiyaka go to a spot about half a mile from one of the several sun shrines which lie near the village, and build a small fire of greasewood, the bush under which rabbits are most frequently found. These sun shrines consist of two large concentric circles of stones, in the centre of which is a large stone called OsaOa-paiyatyama ("sun youth"). Between the circles is a running-track used before sunrise by boys and youths desirous of being good runners and hunters. Such devotees offer meal to the rising orb and to the stone symbol, and return home. As soon as the smoke of the Shaiyaka fire is seen, men, boys, women, and girls troop out of the pueblo and gather around the shrine. If anyone is late, two of the Shaiyaka who are watching at the shrine order him to "shoot," and he must remove his loin-cloth, direct his member toward the waiting people, and pretend to discharge. Women must act in similar manner. Nobody is permitted to approach the Shaiyaka who remain beside their fire. About a mile from the fire others of the society have already outlined with black manganite1 a circle open at one side, with two arrow-pointed lightning1 Manganite, a manganese ore, is obtained in the Cerrillos mountains, in the region of the turquoise mine, by scraping it out of small pockets and veins, not by actual tunnelling. It is found also in certain places in the Rio Grande bottom, where eddies have collected the finely divided material and receding water has left it exposed. {view image of page 134} 134 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN lines directed inward through the opening toward two small green discs, from each of which three black lines radiate to the edge of the circle opposite the opening. The significance of the figure is not known, but an informant thinks the two discs represent the sun, the radiating lines its rays. The same discs and radiating lines appear on the walls of Shaiyaka houses and also in the church. When the Shaiyaka have finished their rites, the two war-captains proceed to make the circle,1 and all follow and take their stations, a woman beside each man. Meeting at the opposite side of the circle, the war-chiefs sit and smoke. When all the hunters have taken their places, the Shaiyaka start forward in a straight line, and the hunters, men and women, begin to close in. All assemble at the place where the war-chiefs wait, and from there another circle is made, and again and again this is repeated until they have made as many as a dozen drives, the last ones proceeding in the direction of the village. The women take all the game and repay the men with meal. Generally, however, the men hunt alone.2 In midwinter, if they have initiated a member, the Shaiyaka hold two dances. They perform eight times alternately in the two kivas, where the two parties are respectively assembled, and while they dance in one kiva the Ku'sari make fun in the other. The Shaiyaka wear deerskin shirts, leggings, and moccasins, have the face concealed behind a mask called Rohona, carry bow and arrows, and drape a cougar-skin on the back. The lower half of the mask is black, the upper half white on one side and green on the other. An eaglefeather rises at the top, and the mouth is a long, tubular, toothed beak. In winter the Shaiyaka are supposed to be abstemious as to food, to spend much time praying to Eagle, Cougar, and Wolf for game. They have no part in the summer ceremonies, not even in the important rites of the summer solstice. About the year I9IO first one woman, then a second, being sick, expressed the desire to become Shaiyaka. This caused much excitement, especially among the ch!aiaii, who protested: "How can women be ch!aiani? They would have to pretend to be men when 1 See page 74. 2 The Acoma custom involving sexual freedom after a communal hunt (page 174, note) is not observed at Santo Domingo, according to this informant. {view image of page 135} THE KERES 135 they go to Sipapu and when they use the eagle-feather whips." The entire community was in tears, but the women persisted and finally had their way. They performed just like men, wearing only a loin-cloth and using the eagle-feather whips and the bear-paws like any ch!aiahi. One of the two recently died. Besides performing as a shaman and acting as Shaiyaka in the communal hunts and wearing the R6hona mask, she wished also to "bring the Shiwanna" like the male ch!aiani; that is, when the Shiwanna came she wished to "make the road for them" by strewing meal. The others would not permit it, and "she died of shame." 1 In the month of December, January, or February the Shaiyaka perform a ceremonial purification of those who desire luck in hunting. In a ground-floor chamber without entrance except through the second story, an altar is arranged, the principal feature being a small stone cougar. A short distance in front of the altar are piled the stuffed heads and the horns of deer, antelope, and mountain-sheep, sacred possessions of the society. The shamans take their seats in a row behind the altar, and the people enter. The men wear only loin-cloths and blankets, and carry bows and arrows, which they deposit in a pile in front of the altar as they enter. The women wear the native dress, and carry curved sticks that are used as staffs when they go rabbit-hunting. These too are piled at the altar. All the weapons are sprinkled with medicine-water by the head of the society, after which the two ch!aiani 2 sitting at opposite ends of the row rise, take the head-man's assistant by the arms, lead him around the altar, and seat him in front of the small stone cougar, which is the principal sacred object on the altar. He faces the image, his back to the people, and while the other ch!aiani sing, these two proceed to dress the assistant in the usual dance-costume of moccasins, skunk-skin anklets, turtle-shell rattle, yarn leg- and arm-bands, and Hopi sash ornamented with rattlesnake designs. Yucca-fibre strips, with radiating bunches of the same material at short intervals, are tied about the legs and arms and like a baldric over one shoulder. They place a yucca whip in each of his hands. While this is being done, he sits with knees drawn up and lowered head, and makes no movement. When they raise a foot or an arm in dressing him and release it, the member falls as if the man were lifeless. He now sits with the whips in hand pointing back over his shoulders. The Shaiyaka are not healers, and the word ch!aiani as used above indicates a seer rather than a shaman. 2 Seers, not healers. {view image of page 136} I36 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The ch!aiani start another song, and slowly he begins to look to one side, then to the other. Gradually he becomes more lively, looking up and down and all around. Suddenly he leaps to his feet and begins a quick shuffling, a sort of stuttering with the feet, raising and lowering the whips. While the whipper is coming to life, the two dressers sit on opposite sides of the stone cougar. When he becomes active, one of them moves over, and on hands and knees with head bowed over the cougar and hands grasping it, waits for the whip to strike him. The whipper now begins to step vigorously about, and finally he strikes the bare back of the kneeling man twice with each whip. The other man then takes his place in the same position and is whipped, and so it goes until each ch!aiani, including the head of the society, has been whipped. While this is going on, the people, who occupy both sides of the room, men in front and women behind, have risen to their feet, and now stand as close to the shamans as they can crowd. The men come forward one by one, drop their blankets, receive four blows of the whips, and recover their weapons. The women follow without removing their dresses. When all have been whipped, they stand in their places and dance, holding their weapons and staffs, while the ch!aiani sing another song. In the midst of the song a ch!aiani calls out the name of one of the men, who promptly steps forward, lifts one, two, or three of the animal heads, goes to the rear of the room, and at once returns as if he had just come down the ladder after a hunting expedition. He approaches the altar, bending beneath his supposed burden of game, and the women cry out approval of his success, some running after him. He deposits the heads on the heap, and the people in little groups crowd forward, extending their hands to the pile of heads and drawing them back to the mouth, inhaling the breath. This is a gesture of thanks to the object so treated, and at the same time it signifies taking into one's self the good luck of the animal or image. The ceremony continues until each man has brought in a load of game, after which the leader delivers a speech of exhortation and dismissal. Sometimes the Shaiyaka remain in the room to sleep the remainder of the night. Buffalo were hunted on the plains of Estancia valley, also in Colorado and in Oklahoma. A wary eye was kept for the Comanche, who were so constantly in mind on such occasions that the chief of the hunt was commonly called Komanchi-hochafii. On these expe {view image of page 137} THE KERES I37 ditions the hunters transported their heavy equipment and meat on travoix. Before leaving the pueblo they held a Buffalo dance in much the same fashion as various pueblos now perform, personators of game animals being called in from the surrounding hills to dance in the plaza. It is still observed, but never before the first snowfall. On the first of the four nights of practice singing in the outer room of the Shaiyaka house (participation not being limited to any one group), Shaiyaka-nawaya directs Siiisti-nawaya to select the dancers, two Deer, two Elk, two Buffalo Boys, a Buffalo Girl, two Antelope. All these must be Turquoise people, because this is a winter ceremony. They retire with the Shaiyaka into the inner room, where they remain fasting partially during the next three days and nights. Shortly after midnight of the fourth day the animal personators run swiftly to various points as much as twenty miles distant, each party, deer, elk, buffalo, antelope, followed by a war-chief's deputy with bow and arrows. The Buffalo Girl, unable to make this long journey so quickly, is left at the sun shrine near the pueblo. At their destinations they pray to the animals they represent, and then return running to a place near the village,1 where they wait in concealment until they are called into the pueblo by a Shaiyaka, who, accompanied by a woman, goes to an elevated position near by, all the while uttering a long cry. The Shaiyaka society and Siuisti-nawaya are in the Shaiyaka room, where the altar has been laid out, and in the outer room are the singers. When the animals come into the plaza in answer to the call of the Shaiyaka they dance there, and in the intermissions they go into the ceremonial room. The Shaiyaka have charge of another winter-time animal dance, in which, strangely, only Squash (Summer) people take part. The performers are two Deer, two Antelope, two Elk, two Buffalo, two Mountain-sheep, and two girls associated with the Buffalo but wearing the Hopi costume without buffalo head-dresses. It is said that the Squash people desired to have such a dance, asked the Shaiyaka to help them, and added the Mountain-sheep to the Turquoise people's animal dance. 1 About I9I4 the Deer dancers were crossing the road near Domingo Station just about dawn, and two Mexicans, mistaking them in the half-light for actual deer, shot at them. VOL. XVI-I8 {view image of page 138} I38 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Shkoy-ch!aiani, the Giant Shamans Prior to I898 the Giant Shamans were a small society. In that year at the feast of Guadalupe in June (at which time the China Shiwanna, "River Cloud-gods," used to appear, but do so no longer because of the presence of white spectators), the men and women were performing in the plaza the so-called "corn dance." A black cloud appeared in the north and approached the village. The people congratulated one another and sang and danced with renewed vigor. The cloud came overhead, and suddenly a green and red bolt of lightning extended vertically from the cloud to the ground at the feet of the dancers. It stood there an appreciable length of time. Many fell to the ground. At the same time another bolt struck a chimney in the row of houses at the north side of the plaza, tore a circular hole in the wall, and flashed along the outer wall itself. A large number of females sitting under the portico were thrown to the ground. Nearly all the dancers soon got up and so escaped the necessity of joining the Shkoyu, but many of the females were so badly shocked that they could not rise. The plaza was filled with acrid smoke, "as if someone had been shooting a twelve-gauge gun." The dancers fled from the place, some going to the kiva, but most of them, especially the women, to their homes, where they quickly removed their costumes. Everybody was crying over this manifestation of anger on the part of the Shiwanna. Almost at once the Shkoyu-ch!aiani went from house to house, directing those who had been shocked to come to an upper room of the house that had been struck. There were twenty-four females and three men, all of whom were initiated into the society. Two of the girls died within a day or two, supposedly because a man came into the room and touched them, which was contrary to rule. Since that occasion lightning-stroke has been rather frequent, until now there are about fifty members, male and female.1 Certain members of the Shk6yu are ch!aiani, others are of the ordinary class. The latter, including all females, are called ShkoyuShiwanna. They take no part in a healing ceremony, but participate in the society's fasting and follow out the orders of the nawaya in fetching wood for prayer-sticks and in making and depositing these offerings. If an ordinary member desires to become ch!aiani, he About a month after this event numerous horses were killed by wild animals, supposedly wolves but possibly cougars, in the mountains near Canada de Cochiti. Since then the pueblo has possessed comparatively few horses. This disaster was attributed to the same angry deities that sent the lightning-bolts into the plaza. {view image of page 139} THE KERES I39 makes known his wish to the nawaya, and the usual initiation rites are held. The Shk6yu wear masks in a dance which they hold by themselves and to which no others are admitted. This society possesses an effigy of heavy blue stone, probably serpentine, with a nicely carved face. Arms and legs are indicated in shallow relief. It is called Shonutewa ("corn-tassel"), and is kept in a concealed niche high in the wall of a certain house, which formerly was occupied by Shkoyu-hochanii (or Shk6yu-niwaya). After his death the effigy remained necessarily in that house, although at the present time no member of the household belongs to the society. Whenever the Giants meet, a member is sent for the image, and after the ceremony it is returned to its niche. Before dismantling their altar the Shk6yu place before the effigy a large quantity of meat and chile and piles of bread. This also is taken to the house where the fetish is kept for the use of the family living there, and they in turn offer bits of the food to the image before replacing it in its niche. Ku'sari From forty to fifty men and boys belong to the Kr'sari, and about as many females. Approximately half of the males belong to the order of shamans, Ki''sari-ch!aiaii, a group from which women are excluded. A generation ago the society met in a large room in a dwelling, but it has become so popular that no room large enough can be found, consequently it now meets in Turquoise (Winter) kiva. All members are recruited from the Turquoise party.1 The society performs a public dance in the plaza on the fourth day of its annual initiation rite in January or February, when all new members, including females, are inducted together. The initiation includes partial fasting for three days, vomiting each morning, whipping, and instruction in the songs. All this time, three days and four nights, novices and members remain in the kiva. In their public appearances the Kf'sari wear nothing but loincloths and moccasins. The entire body is covered with a wash of white paint (gypsum), and limbs and torso are encircled with numerous horizontal black stripes. There is a flattened ellipse around the mouth, a circle around each eye, and a crescent moon on the forehead, all in black. On thorax and abdomen is outlined in black a 1 But in I924 a Squash woman, ill, vowed to join Ki'sari, and though there was much opposition it was decided that such a vow could not be disregarded. It may be said with assurance that no generalized rule of conduct among Indians is not subject to exception. {view image of page 140} I40 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Kf'sari, which probably represents Sun Youth, patron and prototype of the society. A bandolier of rabbit-fur rope crosses each shoulder, intersecting on the chest, and there are wristlets of the same material. About the neck is a string of hard, yellow seeds, probably viburnum, and from the lobe of each ear hangs a small cone of corn-husk. The hair, stiffened with the gypsum wash, stands in two bunches tied at the base with strips of husk. The right hand holds a gourd rattle, and two turtle-shell rattles are worn, one behind the right knee, the other at the back of the belt that supports the loin-cloth. Ki'sari women are painted in the same way wherever the body is exposed. Their hair is whitened, drawn back tightly, and tied compactly with strips of husk at the base of the skull. Like the men they have seed-necklaces and husk pendants. Their one-piece garments are as ragged and dirty as possible. The novices are painted and costumed the same as the fullfledged members, but in her initiatory dance a female Kui'sari wears a special head-dress. This is a thin, flat piece of wood, hollowed out at the lower edge so as to fit across the crown of the head, and with the outer edge following a similar curve. The surface is painted with horizontally curving bands, green, red, and white, and on the white band is a black crescent. At the base, on either side, project a pair of eagle wing-feathers and a parrot tail-feather, with small parrot-feathers and tips of Douglas spruce fastened at their point of attachment. This tablita (as such head-dresses are commonly called in the Pueblo country) apparently represents the rainbow and ultimately refers to the patron Sun Youth. About the middle of the fourth morning the Ku'sari appear suddenly on the roof of the kiva, standing in a circle with the females inside, and singing. The song is followed by loud yelling, and they rush down the steps and over to the north street, where they stand in six or seven rows, the men in front, the women behind. In front of all are two of the best performers, and behind walk the war-chiefs and their deputies, guarding the Ku'sari. Between the guards and the dancers is a drummer. In this formation they march with a dance-step through every street, and then to the middle of the plaza, where they perform briefly and then return to the kiva. The people remain in their houses or crowd about the doors, watching as they pass, throwing meal to them and drawing in good luck from them with the usual inhalation of breath from the hand. When the Ku'sari next emerge from the kiva, they at once form in two lines facing each other, men in one line, women in the other. {view image of page 141} THE KERES I4I Between them are the first two "newborn," that is, the first boy and the first girl who made known their determination to join the society. The boy, carrying a bow and an arrow with a rabbit-skin hanging from the shaft just below the point and another at the opposite end, is preceded by his ceremonial father, and the girl, immediately behind the boy, is followed closely by her ceremonial mother. These elders show the new members how to act. The girl has in each hand a pair of eagle-feathers and sprigs of Douglas spruce and greasewood tied together with corn-husk, which she holds at the level of the shoulders while her elbows are pressed to her body. She wears the head-dress already described. The two rows of dancers shuffle sidewise to the middle of the plaza, the two initiates and their ceremonial sponsors dance forward between the lines. The drummer accompanies them at the side of the procession. Arriving at the middle of the plaza, they break up and dance in a promiscuous throng and the girl weaves in and out among them, while the boy stands slightly to one side and near the drummer. Next the dancers kneel in two rows, men facing women, and the novices with their sponsors dance between them. At the end of two songs all stand up and crowd about the initiates, hugging them, thanking them, and drawing in their breath. They return dancing to the kiva in the same formation as when they left it. This procedure takes place with each pair of novices, and in each case the pair who danced in the preceding appearance take their places in the line, just like the other finished members, the girl having relinquished her special head-dress to her successor. A variation occurs after the last pair has performed between the kneeling lines. The dancers do not then return to the kiva in two lines facing each other, but form in two curving rows facing the kiva, eastward, the women behind the men. In front of all, in the concavity of the rows, are the last two initiates and near one end of the line is the drummer. In this formation they return to the kiva. At the conclusion of the dance preceding the noon intermission the men alone retire to the kiva, leaving the women standing in the plaza in a row, with only two men to attend them as masters of ceremonies. To the accompaniment of lively songs these two call out the women in groups of two, three, or four, to dance in front of the line. At this time the women openly perform various acts designed to arouse sexual excitement in the men and thus having the practical purpose of promoting fecundity. When all the women have thus {view image of page 142} I42 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN danced they return to the kiva, and the men emerge and do likewise. These things are necessarily done at this time for the complete instruction of the novices. On the first or the second night following a Kfi'sari initiation the populace assemble in their respective kivas. In Turquoise kiva two of the best Kd'sari clowns have charge of two initiates, andin Squash kiva two others have charge of three initiates. After the spectators have assembled, the Ku'sari joke, and badger the initiates, reminding them of their ignorance and comparing them with green watermelons. Then appear forty to fifty masked figures representing Shiwanna of various kinds. In Turquoise kiva the arrangement is as follows: The spectators huddle together around the central fireplace, facing the walls, with women and children in the less favorable places in the centre. Outside this group, facing the northern wall, sit the principales. Near the eastern segment of wall, facing the centre, sit a Kf'sari-ch!aiafii and Masewi (first war-chief) with an initiate between them, and at the western segment in similar position are the other K6'sari-ch!aiafii, Oyoyewi (second war-chief), and the second initiate. The Shiwanna take their places, shoulder to shoulder and facing the spectators, in the southern segment, and with a shuffling dance-step move around to the opposite side, where they dance in front of the principales. After a time one of the Ki'sari approaches a Shiwanna and says: "Well, can you show me how to do your way? I would like to be Shiwanna. Can you show me how to use that knife [or bow and arrow]?" The Shiwanna indicates that it can be done, and the clown takes the knife or other weapon and says: "Well, come! Let us go and see. Maybe I can be Shiwanna." All then depart and proceed to the other kiva, where similar action has been going forward, so that as they prepare to enter Squash kiva the other party is leaving for Turquoise kiva. In the new kiva they dance as before. After a time the Shiwanna begin to look about as if they have just discovered themselves in a strange place. By signs they ask where they are. After a time they seem to become used to the new surroundings, and dance without distraction. Each party dances twice in each kiva. If there are more than five initiates, the others are "finished" a few nights later. The Santo Domingo Ku'sari have no connection with the scalpdance, as at Acoma, though they are said to represent Osafapaiyatyama ("sun youth"), in which they follow the Acoma myth. Nevertheless, the carrying of bow and arrows by male initiates, and {view image of page 143} THE KERES I43 the weaving in and out among the performers by female initiates, are reminiscent of Cochiti scalp-dance practice. On August fourth, at the fiesta of Santo Domingo, which the natives call Kyiwa-pasku (Santo Domingo fiesta) and Americans "corn dance," the Ki'sari perform in alternate years and young men chosen from the Siiisti in other years. At this time the governor and his officers turn over all authority to the Ki'sari, who become responsible for the welfare of the people. At the same time they are permitted the greatest freedom with the females. On account of the number of white spectators they are circumspect in public, but in the kiva while preparing for the dance and practising their antics they are very familiar in their behavior. The Kui'sari enact another dance in midsummer, men in a row facing the women, and a man and a woman dancing between the lines. They make four appearances, performing their usual obscenities and casting fruits and other food among the spectators, all for the purpose of influencing crops. Kwi'ranna The Kwi'ranna are the fun-makers of the Squash party. Unlike the Ki'sari, they do not participate in Shiwanna dances as clowns, but as different kinds of Shiwanna, such as Wikoru, Kwiftaiyaku, Kanaskfiuri. Members include both sexes. Initiation takes place in a firststory room over the secret, subterranean kiva called Weniiina. On the fourth day they dance in the plaza in much the same fashion as the Kuf'sari in their initiation dance. They dress in their best clothing of the ordinary kind, paint the cheeks red, attach a hawk-feather (distinctive symbol of the society) at the left side of the head, and have tufts of white eagle-down on the crown. The women carry turkey-feathers, but the men are empty-handed. In the noon intermission a few perform some of the obscene acts characteristic of the Ki'sari, but in a less abandoned manner. At the pueblo fiesta in August, but at no other time, some of the Kwi'ranna men meet in Squash kiva and issue forth alternately with the Ki'sari, who meet in Turquoise kiva, and act as clowns while the dancers perform. In this capacity they are called Kwi'ranna Ku'sari. They wear only loin-cloth and moccasins. The symmetrical halves of the body are painted in two colors in any combination of white, red, yellow, and blue, according to individual 1 See page 15I. {view image of page 144} I44 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN fancy. Scattered here and there, as well as on each eye and the mouth, are black daubs made by pressing on the skin a wad of paint-soaked cloth. The excess of paint, trickling down, forms irregular lines suggestive of rain. The whitened hair, mingled with strips of corn-husk, stands upright in a single radiating bunch, at the base of which a few hawk-feathers project at one side and eagle tail-coverts at the other. Necklace and wristlets are flowing strips of rags, and a bandolier of sprigs of Douglas spruce crosses each shoulder. Rattlesnake Shamans of the Flint Society 1 The Rattlesnake shamans, S6wi-ch!aiaiii, are a small, specialized group of the Flint society, Hiiisteafii-ch!aiaiii. When a person is bitten by a rattlesnake, his companion, if he is accompanied, runs to the pueblo with the news, and two or three Rattlesnake shamans hurry to the place where the accident occurred. While one cuts the wound and sucks out the venom, the other digs out the snake, catches it with a forked stick or a noose on the end of a pole, and removes the fangs.2 He grasps it firmly by the neck, and on foot carries it to the pueblo, while the other rides in with the injured person mounted before. They go to any house where there are several connecting rooms of sufficient size. The other Rattlesnake shamans immediately assemble, and as soon as possible they go into the fields, returning after dark with a large number of rattlesnakes. The injured person is kept in the house during the next four days, and the shamans remain with him, singing and praying. Their altar 3 is in a small interior room, and consists of a bed of meal with various sacred objects on and about it. This figure, which represents the world, may be described as a conventionalized heart with the base rectangular instead of acute; in other words, as an oblong indented at the forward end. At each corner of the base are two small medicine-bowls. A larger medicine-bowl is in front of the right cusp of the figure, and a bowl of sacred meal in front of the left. From the deepest point of the indentation between the 1 The activities of the Flint and the Shi'kame shamans of Santo Domingo are herein practically ignored, for the reason that they have been treated in some detail in the chapter on Cochiti. 2 A few years ago a boy inserted his hand into a rabbit-burrow and was bitten on the thumb. The shamans came, and while one was sucking the wound another went after the snake. He too was bitten on the hand. He said nothing, ostensibly because one shaman is powerless to cure another, but really of course because he dared not let the boy know that a shaman was not proof against rattlesnake venom. He died, and the explanation was given that the bov's condition had been hopeless, therefore the shaman "took short life for himself and gave his life to the boy." 3 As described to the writer's informant by a native observer. {view image of page 145} THE KERE S I45 two cusps a trail of meal extends through whatever rooms it must traverse to reach the outer door. A bunch of greasewood shoots stands just inside each basal corner of the figure, and midway between them lie two eagle wing-feathers, the "snake whips." Between each bunch of greasewood and the feathers are two ammonite casts. The shamans sit in a row between the wall and the base of the altar, and the patient is at the right side of the altar. The captive snakes are permitted to crawl about on the "world," but if they try to cross its bounds they are "whipped back." From time to time the patient's wound is sucked. On the fourth night, when the proceedings are public, a similar altar is constructed in the large outer room. In front of it is erected an arch of Douglas spruce with small sprigs of the same tree hanging from it at short intervals and with a Hopi sash pendent at each side next to the wall- This forms an entrance to a secluded nook in which the altar reposes. In front of the "world" and just inside the arch sit the patient and, at his right, a new godmother and a new godfather behind her. The shamans at frequent intervals sing, asperge the snakes, and sprinkle meal on them. This continues until near morning, when the spectators depart, and later the shamans secretly carry the snakes back to the open country. The person thus cured becomes a Rattlesnake shaman, the healing ceremony being in fact also an initiation rite. The killing of rattlesnakes is not prohibited, in fact some men hunt them for their oil, which they rub on their bodies. A certain young man is a noted rider of wild horses, and his ability is attributed to his use of rattlesnake oil. The rattles of a snake are held against the teeth to cure toothache or headache. A very long, thin, red snake is described by trustworthy natives as being at least occasionally arboreal. It is sometimes seen in the top of a tree coiled about a rising branch with head extended rigidly upright. It is thought to take this position when rain is approaching, and thus check the clouds. An informant has several times seen one of these snakes in such a position. He is positive that Santo Domingo never kept captive snakes, and since he voluntarily revealed many carefully guarded secrets of the pueblo his statement on this point deserves credence for sincerity, if not for finality. Retirement of the Societies at the Summer Solstice Near the end of June the cacique, that is, Hiisteaii-nawaya, who is also Shi'kame-nawaya, finishes his observation of the sun for VOL. XVI-19 {view image of page 146} I46 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN determining the arrival of the time when it reaches its northernmost point. These observations he makes from the roof of his one-story house, looking eastward through an opening in the coping. He announces to the Flint society that they will meet in their ceremonial quarters on the fourth night thereafter to fast and pray. This room, which also is used by the Shi'kame society, is a ground-floor chamber reached only through the upper story of an apartment midway between the two kivas in the first row of buildings south of the plaza. On the fourth night the Flint shamans retire, and spend four days and nights in prayer and song and partial fasting. They do not leave the room during this time except for necessary reasons. Food is brought to them, but their diet is limited to a small quantity of wafer bread and water. A war-chief or a deputy is constantly on guard outside. On the third day they send word to the Kwi'rannach!aiaii, and on the second day following, that is, the day after the Flint society has finished, the Kwi'ranna meet in their own lodgeroom. Similarly, on the day following their four days of prayer, the Shkoyu meet, and then Pokeyu. Finally, each of these four societies assemble again in their respective quarters and fast four days more.1 In spite of the fact that the Shi'kame appear to be the highest of all the societies, they usually have nothing to do with the solstice ceremony, although sometimes they retire to fast during the last four days. On the first day of the fasting by all the societies in unison, the Pokeyu send one of their number early in the morning to a spring near Hagan, a hamlet about twelve miles south of the pueblo. This man wears a Shiwanna mask and dance-costume, and completely wraps himself in a blanket so that the people will not see his mask. He is accompanied by the war-chief himself, who, similarly enveloped, wears his shoulder-belt and bag, and carries bow and arrows wrapped in deerskin and his small official baton. These two run rapidly and return in a few hours with a jar of water, which the Pokeyu man carries in a belt on his back. He bears it to the room of his society, and the women (lay members) take it to the Flint society, where the cacique pours the water into a vessel of his own. He carefully holds the liquid to a small trickle, which signifies that steady showers, not destructive downpours, are desired. Any sediment that remains he collects in his hand and apportions among the members, who On another occasion the order of retirement by the societies was given as Flint, Ku'sari, Pokeyu, Shk6yu, Kwi'ranna, all. {view image of page 147} THE KERES I47 rub it on the chest over the heart. The cacique then mixes medicine, and sends some of his men with a bowl of it to each of the other fasting groups, whose members drink it and rub it on their bodies. On the last night the men and boys of the pueblo repair to Weniima, a very large ceremonial room excavated beneath a two-story house a short distance west of the village beyond the corrals and about half a mile from the Rio Grande. The building is said to be a relic of the old pueblo which the river washed away in I886. The entrance to the chamber is through a trapdoor within the building. From the fireplace a chimney, invisible from the outside, extends to the roof. The existence of this room is a closely guarded secret. It is said to be unknown to white people up to this time, and even to the children and many of the women of the pueblo. Here are kept all the Shiwanna masks and costumes, which are the special care of Siiisti-nawaya, and here the masked dancers dress to issue forth like the real Shiwanna from their mythic home, Wienima. When the men of the village enter this secret chamber on the last night of the summer solstice fast, they find about two hundred masked figures standing in four rows along the south side of the room and curving around on the west side. The two front rows include the tallest figures, all of nearly the same height and all wearing masks of the same kind, representing a personage called Makachani Shiwanna.1 The last two rows are the shorter figures, and all wear masks of Lukachafii Shiwanna.2 Both masks completely cover the head. Big Rainer has a long, black beard, three turkey-feathers pendent from a rectangular mouth with fearsome teeth, triangular eye-openings, green face, and a turkey-feather on the crown of the head. Little Rainer is exactly the same with the addition of a red, wooden, wing-like projection at each side, terminating in an arrowpoint at the upper corner and with the outer edge forming the broken line that is the symbol of clouds. The nawaya of the various societies are standing along the east side of the room. The cacique, that is, the nawaya of the Flint and the Shi'kame, delivers a speech, recalling to the assembly the arduous fasting and praying which the ch!aiani have been enduring for the sake of the people, in order to bring the friendly Shiwanna with rain for good health; and here is the answer to their prayers. One after 1 Mfilfch, large; kaach, rain; ni, agent-affix; Shiwanna, cloud-god: "Big Rainer Cloudgod." 2 La'sklfh, small: "Little Rainer Cloud-god." {view image of page 148} I48 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN another the nawaya pass in front of the first row of Shiwanna, each carrying an abalone-shell of sacred meal, of which he throws a pinch on the mouth and beard of each mask, passing then along each succeeding row. This is done in the midst of profound silence. The ch!aanhi then resume their places at the east side of the room, and the cacique asks the Shiwanna when they are going to visit the pueblo. By signs they give him to understand that they will come the next day. He then addresses the war-chiefs to the effect that the Shiwanna will come on the morrow, and they must be prepared and have the pueblo and the people ready. The ch!ajani then climb the ladder and the people follow, leaving the Shiwanna there to remove their costumes. Winter Solstice Rites At the winter solstice the cacique notifies Shaiyaka-nawaya, head of the hunters' cult, when it will be time for him and his society to retire and pray and fast four nights and four days for good winter rains and for abundance of game. This society is followed by Pokeyu and the latter by Shkoyu. During this time the cacique does not retire with any society, but remains in his own ceremonial chamber fasting and praying. At this season the shamans give place to a group of young men of the Siuisti group (those who have not become affiliated with any society), who perform in shamanistic fashion in the kivas. They are called SufCi-ch!aiafii. Contrary to Cochiti custom, this form Sutii ("uncooked") is limited in application to this particular group of pseudo-shamans. They wear white pigeon-feathers instead of eagle-feathers, and do not use the stone images of the shamans. The Cacique's Chamber With the nine members of his family the cacique in I924 occupied a one-story apartment in the third row south of the plaza. Referring to the diagram, rooms I, II, III are kept locked. They are filled with ceremonial paraphernalia, such as rattles, drums, feathers, and costumes. A doorway connecting III and IV has recently been walled up. Room IV contains the cacique's altar, A, and a fireplace, F, and its walls are festooned with ceremonial costumes. Here the cacique spends most of his time, even sleeping there, according to his wife. Room V is the living and reception room, VI a bedroom, VII a bedroom where most of the household sleep and the family activities are carried on, VIII the kitchen. {view image of page 149} THE KERES I49 The cacique's altar is made up of a bowl of sacred meal, a bowl of sacred water reposing on the end of a meal trail, a stone cougar, a stone eagle, four stone figures rudely carved in human form and representing Kopishtaia, a bunch of eagle-feathers, eagle-claws, N bear-paws, his ialiku (a perfect ear of corn enclosed in cotton webbing and feathers), and ma- VI VI terials for making prayer-sticks, that is, turkey-feathers, sticks, and cotton cord. V VI In this room a number of young women known as Kochi- nako ("yellow maid") at irreg- ular intervals grind the sacred - meal that fills the bowl at the IV altar, meal for the use of visi- tors in making offerings to the sacred objects. A young man, absent from the pueblo for some years and returning with a recently married wife of another group of Indians, was at once summoned I II 111l by the cacique through a warchief. He attended with his wife and his mother. The mother was kept in the outer room, and the young people were admitted to the presence of the cacique, / 4' /4 /8 who said in effect that he was SKETCH OF THE CACIQUE'S HOUSE glad to see the young man return, that these KopiShtaia had been watching over him, no matter where he had been, that the ways of his father and his mother would always call him back to the pueblo, that these were the true ways and must be clung to by the Indians. The Shiwanna Shiwanna, K6pi~htaia, and Kafiina are nearly synonymous terms for the cloud-gods; but Kopishtaia is also used in a restricted sense to describe the gods represented by stone figurines in the altars of {view image of page 150} I50 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN various cults. The principal gods represented by masked dancers are named below. The first group (1-21) are known as Soyanafiekuyata ("run-around walk"). They move about at random while the other maskers are dancing decorously in line, and they carry fruits, meat, and bread, which they throw among the spectators. Any number of them may be represented in any Shiwanna dance.' When a boy is initiated into the order of the cloud-gods, he may be destined to personate one of these "run-around" Shiwanna, in which case he will never perform as any other kind. If however he is to represent one of those who dance in line, he may wear the mask of any Shiwanna of the latter class. I. Saiataiha (Zufii, "horn long," referring to the mask). 2. K6maiyawasha wears a large mask with great teeth and eyes, and a wildcat-skin about the neck. The mask in no way resembles that of the Acoma Komaiyawaghi and the Zuni K6yema'hi. 3. Hi/ilika ("knife carry") bears a wooden knife about twelve inches long, with lightninglines on its surface. His function is to preserve order among the spectators.2 Across the top of the mask extends a wahpahi, a wooden arrow, from the base of which project two eagle-feathers and a parrot-feather. Another eagle-feather rises from the crown of the mask. A pendulous red tongue droops from the mouth below a row of fierce teeth, and the lower part of the face is covered with bear-fur. A fox-skin is attached at the base of the mask so that it surrounds the wearer's neck like a ruff. 4. Kaifina acts as an observer and whips those who make errors in dancing. 5. Tsanawan ("mean one") goes about dragging spectators from the roofs. 6. Tsiyafs!ena (" from there to here ") is another observer who whips dancers guilty of mistakes. 7. Heruta is the advance messenger of the Shiwanna, the one who converses with the Ki'sari interpreters by signs. 8. Nefieka is the companion of Heruta. 9. Kfi'sari Shiwanna. Io. KaiThpara walks very slowly, taking a long time to arrive at the plaza, and carries a small pail of water and two eagle-feathers, with which he asperges any Shiwanna who happens to be inflicting punishment. But he is so slow that usually the punishment is accomplished before he arrives to intervene. I I. Hyuto'ma (" racer") goes about challenging men among the spectators to race, and promising them all the game, the rain, and the clouds in the world if anyone can defeat him.3 1 See also page I30 for the names of seven other Shiwanna who perform in similar fashion. 2 About the year I883 a young woman told her friends that the Shiwanna were really men; for she had heard her father go out at night with his bells and other costume material, and concluded that he was one of the masked figures which she had always been told were gods. One day she informed her friends that the Shiwanna would be coming to dance, because she had heard her father go out the night before. That day at the dance Hi/filika seized her in the plaza, disembowelled her, and festooned the entrails on the kiva ladder. 3 About 1911 two young men were heard saying to each other that they could beat Hyfto'ma and deriding his fleetness. Late one afternoon when all the people, men and women, were completing their ditch work for the day, Hyuto'ma, Hiiya, and Kanaslkiur appeared among them. Hyuto'ma repeated his customary challenge, and the principales tried to prevent the threatened contest. The two young men seemed to be willing to run, but the old men did not permit it, for if they lost there would never be any more rain. The stake was too great, they declared. As a matter of fact, they knew that any good runner could defeat a man encumbered with a mask. Finally Hyuto'ma declared he was going away and would never {view image of page 151} THE KERES I5I 12. Y6'siru carries bow and arrows and a yucca whip, as if to protect the dancers. 13. Wikoru has a long yucca whip in each hand. He is always Kwi'ranna, and whenever there is a Kwi'ranna initiation dance he makes his appearance, coming from the east. 14. K6koshiri (Zufi Ka-kakshi, god good) dances in front of the Shiwanna, holding a prayerstick in both hands. I5. Kwitwaiyaku, always Kwi'ranna, has a Hopi sash about his neck, and makes a downward jerky motion with his closed hand, apparently symbolic of planting corn with a dibble. The second part of the name refers to this gesture. His eyes and mouth are like those of K6maiyawagha. I6. Yeruta has a deerskin ball full of seeds. Near the end of the dance he goes back and forth along the row of sitting principales, holding the ball out to each one but quickly jerking it back. They try to seize it, and at last one of them does so and gives it to the cacique, who cuts the string, opens the ball, and gives a few seeds to each person among the spectators, who hasten to him for this lucky gift. 17. Hiiya, as his name indicates, makes the people laugh, runs after them, and if he catches one "tickles him to death." He has round eyes and mouth like Komaiyawasha, and is always Kwi'ranna. I8. tistipeyu ("desirous of copulating"), always Kdi'sari, wears the painting of that society and has corn-husk at the sides and top of the mask and a mere fringe of it hanging from a thong about the waist in lieu of a loin-cloth. He calls out any woman and goes through the motions of copulation, and sometimes the woman responds. This is believed to be good luck for having children. A long time ago he once actually did the deed, but this was afterward prohibited because the Shiwanna are not supposed to cohabit, nor, indeed, to associate at all with women. 19. kanaskfiur, always Kwi'ranna, acts much like fIstipeyu, paints like the Kwi'ranna, and has hawk-feathers on the mask. 20. Osatfa ("sun") carries a Douglas spruce sapling in the left hand, a yucca whip in the right, and another whip in the belt. 2I. Ni'wish has four incurving turkey-feathers at the top of the head. Following are the names of the principal gods represented by the maskers who dance in line. On any occasion only one kind of Shiwanna is represented, and usually there are fifty to sixty dancers, all wearing masks of the same kind. I. Tsi'yana ("straight"). 2. Lukachanii ("little rainer"). 3. Makachaiii ("big rainer"), or Madstch ("big"). 4. Kaghtyefs6 ("rainbow") has on the head a broad tablita representing the rainbow. 5. Ope paints black like the warrior Opt, and wears a black mask sprinkled with sparkling manganite. The eyes are red, and the hair hangs loose. 6. TsaiAtyuw6fsa has perpendicular, undulating white stripes on the back, to which the name refers. When this mask is used, Na'wTsh dances about in front of the row while at the same time all the other " run around " Shiwanna are performing as usual. Four masked young women called K6chi-nako ("yellow maid") stand at one side, each holding a very large gourd with a hole in one side and the flesh removed from the interior. After a time a blanket is spread on the ground and the women kneel in a row, set down their return. With that he started off, running swiftly, the eagle-feathers attached to his arms standing out like a bird's wings. Some of the men, with the intention of placating him, pursued him for nearly ten miles until on the bank of the river just as he was about to jump in and disappear, they caught him about the waist and brought him back. All this of course was a prearranged affair designed to impress the young people with the folly of deriding the Shiwanna. {view image of page 152} 152 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN gourd-shells, place the end of a notched stick on them, and rub a deer-scapula rhythmically across the notches. The K6chinako are females who as girls have been initiated by whipping in the same way as all boys are initiated. There are about ten such in the pueblo, and they are initiated at a special time by themselves. They really form a pseudo-society, and their leader bears the customary title of nawaya. It is they that grind the sacred meal for the cacique. 7. Cha'qena 1 carries bow and arrows and dances for protection from enemies. In the manner of the warrior Ope, he wears transversely in the back of the hair a wahpanii, a large wooden arrow with eagle-down massed about the shaft end. 8. Hahapu dances particularly for fruit crops, such as watermelons. 9. R6hona dances for game in the fall and winter. The mask is used by the Shaiyaka society. In June of every fourth year, which happens to coincide with our leap-year, all boys from about twelve to sixteen are initiated into the order of the Shiwanna. All the men assemble in Weniima, the secret chamber devoted to the activities of these masked personators of the cloud-gods. After a time two Saiatagha with yucca whips appear, having made their preparations in a secret place outside the pueblo somewhere in the hills. Each boy, kneeling in turn before a stone cougar and holding his hands toward it as if "taking in its life," receives two lashes from each hand of each Saiatasha, who then departs to unmask while the others go home. On the following morning the initiates are taken to this secret place and are instructed that the Shiwanna are really masked figures representing the gods. They are then equipped with masks of various kinds, and with other performers, including their ceremonial sponsors, they come back to the village and into the plaza. Each initiate closely follows on the heels of his sponsor, who represents the same kind of Shiwanna as the initiate himself. After thus proceeding about the plaza, they dance in close proximity to their sponsors, but on subsequent appearances later in the day they comport themselves just like the older members. In a Shiwanna dance the line of maskers stand on the south side of the plaza near the row of houses on that side, and the principales, with the cacique, or his representative in the person of some other nawaya, in their midst, and the spectators grouped behind them, sit on the opposite side. Nobody is permitted to watch from the roofs. In the space between the dancers and the principales the "run-around" Shiwanna perform. The cacique himself often remains in Weniima. * The native drawings of Santo Domingo masks reproduced in the accompanying plate represent: a, Makachafi; b, K6koshiri; c, Hil/lika; d, Hyuto'ma. 1 See the Zuni origin myth, Volume XVII, pages 13-I23. {view image of facing page 152} Native drawings of Santo Domingo masks [photogravure plate] {view image of page 153} THE KERES i53 In these dances there are always two or three Kf'sari, not masked, who play pranks obviously designed to arouse sexual excitement, and call on others to act according to their sensual demands, which nobody is permitted to ignore. While these things are going on the people are convulsed with merriment. All these acts are said to make for fruitfulness. The masked Shiwanna are led into the plaza by a Ki'sari followed by Masewi (the first war-chief) and a principal ch!aiani, such as a leading man of the Flint society, or perhaps Pokeyu-nawaya. The line is closed by Oyoyewi (the second war-chief) and another Ki'sari. They make four appearances, returning to Wefiima after each performance. The "run-around" Shiwanna throw fruits and seeds and bread among the people, and the other Shiwanna themselves do the singing to the accompaniment of their own gourd rattles. There are no drums and no special singers. At the noon interval all the spectators retire and lock their doors. A few women slip out secretly and hand dishes and bundles of food to the war-chiefs and their deputies, or to the Ku'sari, who turn them over to the war-chiefs, and these carry the food to Weniima, where the Kochinako women receive it. While this is going on the "runaround" Shiwanna are running through the streets, up one and down the next, yelling in characteristic fashion and striking one hand upward against the other as if driving away bad luck. In the kiva the dancers remove their masks and the Yellow Maids serve the food. At the west side of the plaza, when the dance begins, seven other maskers take their place in a row. At the right end of this group is Maskari, a character always played by a Kwi'ranna. His mask has a large nose, a moustache, and a knot of blond hair. He represents the may6ro, and with his cowhide whip he is present at the opening of ditch work to see that everybody labors. He is also the one who calls the people out for all community work. The character evidently had its origin in some Spanish taskmaster, and the name is probably a corruption of maestro. Next to him in the row stands Kaiskiraw" ("scratcher"), wearing a black mask covered with coarse hair. He is supposed to be infested with fleas, and a Ki'sari clown is constantly tormenting him by tweaking his ears and pretending to catch fleas in his hair and to kill them. Next is Ch!aiaii Shiwanna ("shaman cloud-god"), who has a long snout like a bear, and bear-skin on his forearms. He constantly makes the gestures characteristic of the shamans in their healing ceremony. VOL. XVI-20 {view image of page 154} I54 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN He represents Bear, one of the patrons of the shamans, in fact their principal helper, the one whom they try to simulate in their ceremony. Fourth is Kaiyach, who is painted red from head to foot, wears a red mask, and has a large artificial phallus. This character has not been personated for some years. Fifth is Liko's ("dandy"), who dresses in the finest possible costume, with strings of turquoise and other beads, representing "the richest man in the world." Sixth is Maho, who is supposed to live about six miles north of Santo Domingo at a place called Perakana, a tunnel-like cave in the side of a rocky hill with a spring inside it a considerable distance from the entrance. This water, ice-cold, flows underground and comes to light about a mile distant, where it forms a small oasis but flows no farther on the surface. Water from the oasis is brought to the pueblo for certain ceremonial purposes. Maho represents the Shiwanna who lives in this spring in the cave. Last in the row is Hyfistaka, who roams up and down closely observing the spectators. If he sees one nodding, he hurls an egg-like object filled with liquid paint of various colors. He tries to strike the wall near the delinquent, and the paint spatters out, red, yellow, green. Then he runs rapidly to Wefiima and does not reappear for perhaps half an hour, and this time without his paint-filled missile. All these seven move about in the open space, circulating among the "run-around" Shiwanna. Leading the Shiwanna to the plaza, Mase'wi, the first war-chief, wears deerskin shirt, leggings, and moccasins. A streak of yellow paint, on which manganite is sprinkled, crosses each cheekbone, and on the crown of the head is a band of white paint, to which white eagle-down adheres. In the left hand he carries his baton of office, a rod about three feet long, but bow and arrows are lacking. A bag of sacred meal hangs at his left side. Oyoyewi, the second warchief, is dressed and painted in the same manner except that his crown has a circular spot of white paint instead of a band. The ch!aiani guardian of the maskers has his face black and sprinkled with manganite particles, and across the top of the head a band of white paint and eagle-down. He wears only a loin-cloth, not even moccasins nor bear-skin gauntlets; and he carries an abalone-shell full of corn-pollen. The Shiwanna dance shoulder to shoulder, slightly raising the feet alternately, and striking the ground with the right foot simultaneously with each ictus of the chant, while rhythmically shaking their gourd rattles. Pueblo dances of this character are quite impressive, though they tend to monotony. The songs are mainly series {view image of facing page 154} Wall-painting for the summer Shiwanna ceremony - Santo Domingo [photogravure plate] {view image of page 155} THE KERES I55 of vocables with detached phrases that suggest mythical incidents in which the Shiwanna and other characters were concerned, or that describe the approach of the rain-clouds. When such phrases occur, 10 101 40 ~0.10....._____________________________________ 0 "'2o' 0 ' 0: 0 o Qo o ' 1 o0 Z_ ^JI./17 / 17 6 ~ 6' 8 8' 7 X < I' 10shaman. 3, 3', Meal crosses, symbols of the Op 4 4 Six medicine-packets on a meal trail.0 15l, ',Four tubular meal designs representing flowers. 6 6 Eagle-claws Twelve KphD 04 C: C:i 1 16 119 SKETCH OF THE FLOOR-ALTAR IN WENIMA AT THE SANTO DOMINGO SUMMER SHiWANNA CEREMONY IO, The caciue, 1anked by the K'ari-ch!aiaigi. 2, 2', Corn-ear fetishes, one in front of each shaman. 3, 3', Meal crosses, symbols of the 6pe. 4, 4', Six medicine-packets on a meal trail. 5, 5', Four tubular meal designs representing flowers. 6, 6', Eagle-claws.Y 7, 7', Twelve Kopishtaiai figurines about three inches tall. 8, 8', Stone cougar at the head of a meal trail. 9, 9', Four hemispherical quartz crystals, about four inches in diameter, used by shaman seers. 10, io', Bear-paws. ii, ii', Six Kopishtaia figurines about eight inches tall. 12, 12', Lightning-sticks. 13, 13', Meal designs representing lightning. 14, 14', Flints about five inches long. 15, I5/, Stone wolf. i6, i6', Bowl containing sacred meal. 17, 17', Meal design representing the house of the K6pishtaia. 18, Medicine-jar, capacity about five gallons, with lightning design. I9, Meal trail for the use of the gods. some of the "run-around" Shiwanna, and especially the KId'sari clowns, make appropriate and sometimes exaggerated gestures. The Shiwanna dance in the plaza four times during the months of September, October, and November. In the first autumn dance they usually represent Rainbow Shiwanna. These always sing very melancholy songs, lamenting that the people have forgotten them, {view image of page 156} 156 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN because the women have been buying commercial flour and hence the young men cannot give the gods sacred meal at sunrise. They ultimately cause general weeping among the auditors. About once a week during June, July, and August, regardless of the exigencies of agricultural work and of the fact that in midsummer R/~15 o 0 0i / o~o 0 00 0000 013 a0 ~ 0 0 o0 0 a 8 ~oo00 ~ 0o 0 0 0 0 I o0 0 16 0 ~O O o 0 SKETCH SHOWING THE ARRANGEMENT OF A SANTO DOMINGO SHiWANNA DANCE ON THE RIVER-BANK I, Shamans guarding the dressing dancers. 2, Personators of Shiwanna, dressing and practising at Wienima, which for this occasion is simply a cleared space in the trail. 3, Meal trail over which the Shiwanna travel to the "plaza." 4, Fiscal on watchman's duty in a treetop. 5, Governor and other officers, guarding the trail to Wienima. 6, Horses for the use of the guards. 7, Spectators, mostly women and children. 8, The cacique, or his representative, with the principales sitting on either hand. 9, Three Flint shamans, known for this occasion as Wistyaka-niwaya ("bow protector"); they have diminutive bows, and sit silently smoking. 10, A Kd'sari, who leads the Shiwanna in, then roams about making fun. II, Principal warchief, personating the hero-god Maiswi. 12, A head-man of any society, who from time to time walks along the row of dancers and inspects their costumes, to see that everything is in order. 13, The Shiwanna dancers. 14, Second war-chief, personating the younger hero-god Oyoyewi. 15, A Ku'sari, who follows the Shiwanna, then goes about making fun. 16, Nine or ten "run-around" Shiwanna. some society is sure to be in retirement for the solstice ceremony, the Shiwanna dance under the trees at the river. That locality is chosen for the reason that white visitors at this season are so numerous and constant that it would be difficult to keep them out of the pueblo. When such a dance is to be held, the announcement is made that all the people are going rabbit-hunting. Leaving the village ostensibly for that purpose, they go by an indirect route to the dance-ground at {view image of page 157} THE KERES I57 the river, and soon the Shiwanna come from Wenima, their ceremonial chamber. Guards are stationed about the place at various points of vantage two or three miles distant and on both sides of the river. At the edge of the dance-ground, which has been carefully cleared so that it is surrounded by a wall of trees and brush, a fiscal takes his place in the top of a great cottonwood. His duty is to observe the guards constantly. If an outsider is seen approaching, the sentinel in that direction waves a blanket, the watchman informs the officers who sit below in a group, and a subordinate quickly mounts one of the horses kept ready for this purpose and dashes off in the direction indicated, to warn the intruder away. The dance under the trees proceeds the same as if it were in the plaza. The relative positions of the participants are indicated in the accompanying sketch. Immediately after the corn harvest, about October the first, begins a series of Shiwanna dances in the two kivas. The maskers as usual issue from Weniima, and dance first in Turquoise, then in Squash kiva, usually three times in each place. This occurs three or four times a month during the four winter months, that is, until it is time to begin work on the ditches and in the fields. Each party meets in its own kiva, and while the Shiwanna dance in one the Ku'sari make fun in the other. Sexual freedom is said not to follow these dances, as it does at Cochiti and some other Keres pueblos. In March the people assemble in their respective kivas and thirty to forty Kwi'ranna dress as Hiiya Shiwanna and dance alternately in the two kivas. They are accompanied by Ifistipeyu (a particularly obscene individual), Kanaslkiri, and Maskari. Fiesta of Santiago Cavallo In January, a short time after the new officers have been installed, occurs a fiesta called Santiago Cavallo (Spanish, Saint James Horse). After ten days of preparation spent in an outlying ranch-house there appear one evening near the pueblo a man wearing a costume of old, black, native blankets, representing a black bull, two others astride a pair of dummy horses, one white and one black, a fourth with a dummy burro, and thirty-six men in ordinary dress. The horsemen and the bull are always Kwi'ranna, the burro and the thirty-six bull-fighters are of the Squash party. They camp outside the pueblo. Early in the morning all the people assemble in the church, and the bull, the horsemen on their effigies, and the bull-fighters enter. {view image of page 158} I58 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The bull lies down and the others stand quietly. Then follow singing and praying to the native deities, after which all repair to the corrals, where all the stock has been herded together, and prayers for increase are uttered and prayer-feathers are tied to the posts. They go then to the plaza, and the visitors "camp." In the afternoon the thirtysix bull-fighters, one pair after another, stage a mock contest, tormenting the bull in various ways and declaring to the people, always in Spanish and with exaggerated intonation, that now they will have some meat. The affair is simply an imitation of a bull-fight, with more or less of native religious practice interpolated, as in the case of all pseudo-Christian ceremonies among the Pueblos. After this has continued for a time, the two horsemen mount their dummy steeds and gallop across the plaza, while the bull runs in the opposite direction and passes between them. They turn and repass each other. At the third passage the horsemen strike the bull on the neck with their wooden swords, and he falls; his red flannel tongue hangs out and a large quantity of blood pours from his mouth. The people now rush up and dip their hands in the blood, wishing for increase of stock and plenty of meat. On the great beam above the entrance of the church is a painted horse, representing Santiago Cavallo. Fiesta of San Juan Another secular fiesta occurs on San Juan day, the twenty-fourth of June. After the men of the pueblo have drunk the water from the scalp-washing they mount horses, which have been brought up the previous night, and ride to the governor's house, where the warchiefs and their assistants are assembled. Together they ride through the streets, shouting, "Juan, Juan!" And all individuals named Juan or Juana run out and give them various kinds of food, which they finally take to the church and pile up under the portico. The horsemen then form a large circle enclosing two poles firmly planted and connected at the top by a rope, from which dangles a live cock. At one side stand a flutist and a drummer, and beside each pole are two attendants. To the beating of the drum and the piping of the flute the horsemen ride the circle, gradually increasing speed until they are galloping madly. Then the leader swings out of the circle and dashes for the cock. He grasps at it, but the men standing beside the resilient poles suddenly draw them apart so that the bird is jerked upward away from his hand. The other horsemen follow close on his heels, and when at last one of them succeeds he {view image of page 159} THE KERES I59 gallops away, pursued by the others, who try to deprive him of his prize. He, or whoever gets it, dashes for home and throws the bird down at the door, and a woman runs out to retrieve it. Next the riders form a circle in front of the church. Two strong men leave the circle, and a fiscal brings from the portico another fowl with its feet bound. He strikes one of the men a severe blow or two on the back with the fowl, which he then gives to the victim, who proceeds to belabor the other horseman with it. The latter tries to take it away, but in so doing he is not permitted to drop his reins from either hand. If he does not succeed before he has had sufficient punishment, he retires and another man rides forward to take his place. If the new contestant or his predecessor takes the bird away from the first man, he must remain to defend his prize, and, if he wins from his first opponent, he must fight another. Having vanquished two opponents a man wins the bird and takes it home, and the fiscal brings out another fowl. If a bird is torn apart the fight ends, and two new contestants come forth. The horsemen in the circle and the spectators shout encouragement. This is followed by foot-races, the rewards being arrows, and by races for women with water-jars for prizes. While these contests are in progress the principales sit under the portico and at the conclusion the food piled there is divided among them. Three, four, or five wagon-loads of food and clothing are thus distributed. All this is to make the men strong and to bring rain and good crops. Other Practices Mortuary Customs The Flint society performs a ceremony for the purpose of laying the ghost. On the floor where the corpse reposed they pile the blankets and clothing of the dead person, a black or a white ear of corn, and a long flint, all of which, covered with a blanket, remain there during four days. On the fourth day the Flint shamans assemble in the house, and behind closed doors arrange their altar, as indicated in the sketch. The altar completed, the people are admitted, and after the shamans have chanted a number of songs, one of them gathers up the blankets and clothing, the ear of corn and the flint, and departing buries them outside the pueblo. At harvest-time small melons and other fruits and small ears of corn are suspended on yucca-fibre cords from the beams of every {view image of page 160} i6o THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN oo0000 0000000 00 00000 000000 0 0 03 5 007 9 S1I 03'0 4 ~3' 000 O0 ~ 7ill-I 11 I 11n 1 1A 15 o 0 16 17 o0 0 18 19 20 20 00 0 0 0 0 00000 000000 000000 0000000000 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0M0 0 0 0 RIT 0 0 ALTAR FOR THE MEMORIAL RITE I, Flint shamans. 2, faliku fetishes, one for each shaman. 3, Stone figurines of cougar, bear, and other animals. 4, HaAh-kaiyg ("spirit room"), a space enclosed by lines of meal. 5, Tall stone figure, Tsamahiya. 6, Tall stone figure, Yimahiya. 7, Long flints. 8, Quartz crystal, through which the world is viewed and distant events are seen. 9, Meal designs representing clouds and 0) rain. 10, Clothing, blankets, ear of corn, and flint. II, Meal designs representing gates of the world. 12, Medicine-bowl. 13, Meal trail for the ghost. 14, Meal circle. I5, Meal crosses, the symbol of warriors. 16, Father, grandfather, or other close male relative of the deceased, sitting with his feet on the crosses. I7, Mother, grandmother, or other close female relative, in the same position. 18, Godfather of the deceased. I9, Godmother of the deceased. 20, Spectators. home in anticipation of the memorial ceremony. The harvest completed, there are three public dances in the morning and three in the afternoon by the Big Rainer Shiwanna with the assistance of the usual "run-around" Shiwanna and two or three clowns. On the following day all the people leave their houses after the midday meal, each person except very young children concealing under a blanket or the dress a small clay bowl containing a small tortilla, another tortilla with a hole in the centre, a piece of bread doubled over like a bun, a tiny empty water-jar, and a pair of small digging-sticks. A man of each family group has also a pair of diminutive moccasins, skunk-skin anklets, turtle-shell rattle, and gourd rattle, sometimes also a dance-sash. In groups they go westward, and on the edge of Galisteo wash each individual selects a spot, stoops, and with the hands behind the back digs a small hole about {view image of page 161} THE KERES 161 six inches deep, in which he places the food and other objects and covers them while softly murmuring prayers to the dead. Immediately they return to the village. Many weep. All day long the outer doors remain open so that the spirits may have free access to the fruits hanging from the beams. These rites are called tiponi ("return"), in reference to the return of the spirits of the dead. With a dead body are deposited small bread wafers bearing symbols of the vulva and the phallus. Child Fetishes For every girl a wooden doll, 6aka, is made by one of her male relatives. The material is either cottonwood or Douglas spruce, and the doll, about twelve inches long, may be either cylindrical or flat. Having rudely carved a face, the man goes to the head of any shaman society and asks that his doll be painted and decorated in the manner of some certain kind of Shiwanna, if a male baby is desired for the girl, or in the manner of Kochi-nako ("yellow maid"), a mythic character, if a female child is desired. Consent is given, and he is directed to take the doll to Siiisti-nawaya, who has charge of the Shiwanna order, to be painted and decorated. Having finished his work, Siiisti-nawaya delivers the doll, if it represents a male, to a personator of the Shiwanna represented, or, if a female, to the personator of any Shiwanna. The bringing of such a fetish to the girl for whom it is designated is an incident of a Shiwanna dance. A single file of masked figures approaches the pueblo, led by Heruta and the man who carries the doll, who is regarded as its father. The Ki'sari clowns as usual interpret for Heruta. After entering the village the Shiwanna crowd about the "father" of the doll, caressing it, calling it by endearing terms, and urging it to remain in this pueblo with a good heart, promising to come frequently to see if it is treated well and to bring it gifts. The "father" gives the fetish to the girl for whom it is intended, whose relatives crowd about her, each holding out a pinch of meal, upon which she breathes and which they then offer to the Shiwanna. The fruits and corn brought by the gods are piled up on two or three baskets, in which they are borne by the Ku'sari to the girl's house. Immediately her relatives lead her home, and a few women hasten ahead to prepare a bed for the childbirth. If the girl is very young, her mother now takes her place. The girl (or her mother) at once goes to bed, and the women proceed to boil a large quantity of water with crushed juniper-leaves and -berries. VOL. XVI-21 {view image of page 162} 162 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN In childbirth Santo Domingo women take a position on hands and knees, with a pad under the abdomen. In this position the child is expelled. A Flint shaman stands beside the woman, advising her how to exert her strength whenever the labor pains occur. If the infant cannot be expelled, he gives manual assistance. In any case he does what he can by pressing on the abdomen. The umbilical cord is cut with a flint knife, the placenta is wrapped in an old blanket and thrown into the Rio Grande. The navel-cord, when it sloughs off, is buried beneath the floor. After delivering her child, the mother is heavily wrapped about the loins with blankets and other cloths, and all openings in the house are closed, to induce perspiration. She drinks a large quantity of warm water containing crushed juniper-berries and -leaves. Parents hoping for a male child hang a bow and an arrow outside the house, and for a female child a besom, a bundle of sticks used in stirring parching corn, and a parchingvessel. The girl having taken the position assumed by a woman in parturition, the wooden doll is placed under her body, and after a period of groaning and physical exertion, which results in profuse sweating, the shaman inserts his hand under her, draws out the doll, and shows a small quantity of blood. He lays the doll in the bed with its "mother," and it is attended just as if it were an infant of flesh and blood. On the fourth day it is taken out "to let the sun see it," and it receives a name, and it is then laid in a small swinging cradle suspended from a roof-beam. Every day it is "fed" with meal. Some informants say they have seen women nursing their dolls, others deny that this is done. A certain woman, mother of four adult children, recently received a doll from the Shiwanna at the age of about sixty years. The dolls are attended daily, and when the "mother" dies her dolls are given to some younger female of the house, who thenceforth takes care of them. They are never buried or otherwise disposed of, and they are a permanent fixture in the household. Some houses have as many as fifteen. Such dolls are sometimes seen at Cochiti, and the custom was doubtless general among the Keres. Boys and girls at the age of puberty are placed together in a room at night and urged to cohabit. Practically every Santo Domingo girl has from one to three children before marriage. Cohabitation begins as early in life as twelve or thirteen years, and usually with the consent or knowledge of the parents. {view image of page 163} THE KERES I63 Witchcraft If a man catches a sorcerer, he gives him, or her, short life, that is, he declares that the sorcerer will never see the sun rise. He then sits and watches the witch, who under such circumstances is without power to move. Just before sunrise the captor departs and the witch begins to stir. But that morning some individual in the pueblo will be found dead, and thus is known to have been the witch. Every shaman has the power of witchcraft, though not all make use of it. But witchcraft is not limited to the shamans. Many old women are believed to possess and exercise the power. When one of these falls sick, the shamans are bound to attempt to cure her, though they know what she is. There is no possible doubt that there are many individuals who believe they possess this power and attempt to employ it; and when once accused they seem to believe it useless to attempt denial. There is considerable jealousy and even hostility between shamanistic societies. When a Flint shaman tried to seduce a certain young man's wife by telling her she must remove her clothing before he could apply his medicine, and the husband complained to the cacique, head of the Flint society, the latter strongly urged him not to inform his cousin, who belonged to another society, because "they have ways different from ours, and perhaps he would kill our man." When the shamans "pursue the witches" at the conclusion of their healing rites, they frequently represent that the witch caught is a member of some other society of shamans. Punishment for Heresy About 1913 Juan Rey Martinez, a Tewa of San Ildefonso, had been giving information to Matilda Coxe Stevenson, an ethnological investigator, which she caused to be published locally. In particular she revealed something of the existence of the snake cult. An interpueblo council met at Santo Domingo, a favorite place for these not infrequent occasions, and strict orders were issued against the revelation of religious customs. One day half a dozen mounted men from that pueblo suddenly appeared at San Ildefonso. In a short time they reappeared with Martinez, mounted, in their midst. As the group rapidly passed a neighboring ranch, the prisoner waved his hand to a white woman and called in Spanish, "Adios!" He seemed to desire to leave some message, but the others crowded about him and forced him along rapidly. He was never seen again. When {view image of page 164} I64 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN inquiry was made a few days later, the San Ildefonso men said that he had died of typhoid. The fact that this execution was carried out by Santo Domingo officers is well known to the present informant. A few years ago a young man was paying attentions to a Santo Domingo girl. This aroused the jealousy of four young men who had been among her lovers. One night when he was at a farmhouse about fifteen miles from the pueblo, these four appeared, wearing the masks and painting of Shiwanna. They had forced the door of the secret kiva and stolen the masks. They pretended to be real Shiwanna, and said that they had come to kill him. A shaman happened to be in the neighborhood, and he interpreted for the Shiwanna. He insisted that they were genuine gods, thinking that they had been sent by the governor and the council to frighten the young man. But the intended victim declared they were only men, and wanted to tear off their masks. After some argument he consented to be taken back to the village and there to submit the quarrel to the cacique. They started back, but at the river the four left him, doubtless not caring to reveal their identity to the officers. They "gave him short life," that is, they declared that unless he reached his own door within a certain unspecified time he would never reach it alive. So he made haste to the door. The cacique was called, and he told the young man that the others did not wish him to have the girl in dispute. There the matter rested. A few days later the officers caught one of these young men wearing a mask without authority. They called the council together and were going to try him, but considering the fact that a secret mask was involved, they dropped the matter, fearing that it might get into court and "take the cover off," that is, reveal to the public the nature of their masks, "like Zuii."1 The persecuted youth's aged uncle placed prayer-sticks in the trail of the four masked men, in order to cause their death and send them to the abode of sorcerers in the northwest. In I923 an American enthusiast took various Pueblo Indian "delegates" to Washington, ostensibly to plead for religious freedom. 1 All the Pueblos of the Rio Grande are greatly incensed that Zuii has revealed to investigators so much about its religion and still permits the public to view some of its masked dances, like Shalako. Nevertheless, while the Zuiii will often converse openly on their esoteric affairs, and have no objection to strangers (except Mexicans) witnessing their outdoor masked ceremonies, woe to him who should have the temerity to dispose of a sacred object, such as a mask, for dire vengeance would be visited on the malefactor. Several years ago two Zunii boys were employed to guide a visiting American to Corn mountain and to show him a wargod shrine below its summit. Some of the wooden images forming the shrine were missed soon after, whereupon the boys, held culpable for the sacrilege, disappeared. {view image of page 165} THE KERES I65 Three men were taken from Santo Domingo. A principal feature of the program was exhibition dancing. Soon after their return two of the Santo Domingo men, Agustin Aguilar and Santiago Pefia, were executed, because they had participated in the dancing, "showing their secret feathers." The body of one was placed at the base of a wall, a portion of which was thrown down, to demonstrate that he had met death by accident. The method of execution is explained as an application of supernatural power. The actual means employed is not known, but probably is either garrotting or poisoning. A few years ago a Santa Clara girl married to a Santo Domingo man refused to participate in a ceremony, and ran away to Santa Fe to work in an American household. Soon some Santo Domingo men followed and forced her to return, and she was taken at once to the council-room for trial. Several times she attempted to escape from the room, but was dragged back. They pronounced judgment, stripped her, and whipped her until her back and legs were raw. She reported the affair to the Government's representative, and the sheriff with eight men came from Albuquerque, arrested the officers, and lodged them in jail. The case however never came to trial. The girl now takes part in the ceremonies, and employs native healers. She finds it necessary to do her washing in the dead of night, for Santo Domingo frowns on aping the silly cleanliness of Americans. A man or a woman who comes late to the kiva to dress for a dance is forced to strip and stand on exhibition before all the others. About the year I9II a youth, returned from school, took communion in the church. This was the first time the officers had seen the rite, and two or three days later at a meeting of the principales they inquired into its significance. It was decided that if such a practice were permitted, the young people would soon even be going to the confessional, where they would inevitably reveal the secrets of the masks and the religious customs. Communion was therefore prohibited. It is never taken in Santo Domingo church, but occasionally some young people go secretly to Penablanca, a Mexican hamlet and residence of the priest, for the purpose. It is to guard against the possibility of communion and confession that two warchiefs or their deputies attend every movement of the priest when he visits the pueblo. He cannot enter the church without them. They watch while he dons his vestments and follow when he makes his rounds of the village. Ordinarily only children attend mass. On the feast day of the pueblo the church is crowded, but not with Santo Domingo people. On rare special occasions some of the older {view image of page 166} I66 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN people, especially the officers, attend mass; as, for instance, when the false news was circulated that the Government had extended the reservation boundaries, the principal men went to the church, laid the large crucifix on the floor,1 and offered meal and wafer bread in thanksgiving. Within the church the Indians keep various fetishes of their own. In front of the altar are several bowls filled with medicine-water, and just inside the door are small stone figures of bear and other animals. In a small room at the side are leathercovered trunks containing a large quantity of old church archives, and to this room the priest is never admitted.2 The dead are buried in the churchyard, males on one side, females on the other. Food is always deposited with the corpse, and calico is dropped into the deep grave. A native never enters the church without a small quantity of meal in the left hand to placate the spirits of the dead. About 1916 some fifteen men, all members of Shaiyaka (the hunters' cult) and of the council, proposed to the principales that all the ceremonial paraphernalia and costumes be burned. They were angry because they had wished, and actually had attempted, to perform as healing shamans, and the shamans themselves opposed it. The proposal of course created an uproar, and the council remained in session all day, all night, and part of the following day. The informant recalls that his mother's brother, an old man whom he called grandfather, came storming into the house, seized the bundle of Shaiyaka paraphernalia, and declared that he was going to burn it. His sister wept and pleaded. After this affair the fifteen men were never called into the council, and in a few years nearly all of them died from the chagrin of ostracism. A Pueblo Indian outlawed from his seat in the council is an object of pity. The following incident occurred about 1916. A certain man, having become involved in argument in the council, was dropped from its membership. As not infrequently has happened, this ostracism and the attendant disgrace so preyed on his mind that he died a short time later. His particular friend, also a principal, was so angered that he told a friend he was going to renounce participation in ceremonial affairs. He said that the Shiwanna were only men after all. This heresy eventually reached the ears of the principales. Not long thereafter, without previous notification to the public, a band of "run-around" Shiwanna sudThe significance of this act is not apparent. 2 Many church and civil archives were swept away when the church was destroyed by the flood of I886. {view image of page 167} THE KERES I67 denly appeared in the plaza, having dressed some miles from the pueblo on the other side of the river. They did not come from the secret kiva, as is the rule. As they approached the village running, the news was hurriedly circulated, and two or three Ki'sari quickly threw off their clothing and without stopping to paint ran into the plaza for their customary duty of interpreting for the Shiwanna. They announced that the visitors had come looking for a certain man, whom they did not name. The Shiwanna simulated great anger, brandishing their whips and knives. The Ki'sari dipped their hands in ashes and rubbed them down over the weapons, and begged the Shiwanna to be quiet. This somewhat mollified them. However, they quickly began to run about the streets as if looking for someone, but they did not enter a house. Then the war-chiefs and other officers and principal shamans came and succeeded in leading them to Weiiima. Soon, however, a number of Rainbow Shiwanna entered the plaza to dance and to chant their usual songs reproving the people for their neglect of the ancient customs. They too retired to the secret kiva. Meantime the man for whom they were looking suspected that he was the intended victim, and hid in a corral with an infant on his back. Soon the Shiwanna returned from the kiva, and before long they found him. They whipped him, struck him with their hands, pulled his hair. Some of the principales and the shamans then led him home, and the Shiwanna departed. The next day the man was dead, his abdomen enormously swollen. The informant saw the dead man. The swollen abdomen indicates the use of a drug; but the informant never heard of similar swelling in the case of an executed person. In I924 a San Felipe woman left her Santo Domingo husband, who thereupon went to her pueblo to persuade her to return; but he was not permitted to see her. A second visit was equally futile, and he went a third time at dusk, when without provocation he was arrested, suspended by the arms for three days, and whipped. The School Superintendent sent his Government farmer to take the man to Isleta, probably for safekeeping. After his release from the Isleta jail the victim appealed to his people, but the Santo Domingo governor ruled that the San Felipe governor was within his rights. Some years ago a merchant at Domingo Station, near the pueblo, made nude photographs of two women and hung enlargements in his rooms. The Indians were greatly angered, and a short time thereafter the store burned to the ground. {view image of page 168} I68 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Drums and Songs The drums are held in very reverent regard. They were maae by the principal men of the scalpers' order, and since these have all died no new ones can be made. The Squash moiety, which has only ten drums, recently purchased a Cochiti instrument for two hundred dollars. The Turquoise party has fifteen drums. Each drum is the property of a man who inherited it and keeps it very carefully. Each has its personal name, such as Paiyatyama ("youth"), Shiote ("wren"), Shonutewa (" corn-tassel"), Kea-ihonutewa, Tsiyaf!eena ("from here to there," a phrase frequently used in dance-songs, accompanied by the gesture of extending the right hand and drawing it in toward the face, a movement suggesting the approach of rain-clouds). The drums are in fact regarded as persons. A certain old man of each party trains younger men to be drummers, koyapamposita. In this capacity he bears the honorary title nawaya ("protector"), the same as the head of a society. When a dance is to be held, each nawaya calls his drummers and again instructs them. He directs them to bring the drums, in each case naming the one which the individual is to bring. Each of these men goes to the house where the drum indicated is kept, and says, "I have come [for example] for Paiyatyama." The owner leads him to the place where the instrument hangs, they offer meal and prayers, the drummer thrusts into his belt the drum-sticks, which in some cases are as many as a dozen, and slings the drum on his back. The Turquoise drummers assemble in a certain house on the south side of the plaza, the Squash men in a house at the west end. Again meal is offered to the instruments, they are supplicated in prayer, and are set in a row in front of the fire. When the dance begins, nawaya leads one of the drummers and the company of singers into the plaza, himself conducting the singing, while the others remain in the house, taking care of the drums, keeping them warm, and solemnly smoking cigarettes. No levity is permitted. At each appearance of a given party, Turquoise or Squash, the drummer, usually the same man throughout the dance, brings out a different drum, first having carefully warmed it at the fire and tested it with a few gentle blows. If it should be desired to employ a different drummer, the other party is so informed and it too changes its drummer; for there is constant rivalry between the two parties, each {view image of facing page 168} Cliff-perched Acoma [photogravure plate] {view image of page 169} THE KERES I69 endeavoring to surpass the other in the excellence of its drumming, which is considered a very essential feature in bringing rain. Inside each drum there is a curved wooden device arranged in such manner that when the instrument is reversed it will lie against one of the heads and so produce a different tone from that given out by the other head. The exact manner in which this device operates could not be learned. In the midst of a song the drummer carefully but quickly up-ends it, and makes use of the other head with a deeper tone. The art of the drummer is a difficult one. He must know every song perfectly, for the rhythm is everything and by no means simple. The mere physical effort required to beat the drum for several hours with only brief intermissions is not inconsiderable. A song is the exclusive property of an individual or a group, and appropriation of it by another is regarded as theft no less than if an article of clothing were taken. In I923, at a public exhibition in Gallup, the Navaho performed their fire-dance, in which medicinemen lighted large bunches of juniper boughs smeared heavily with pitch, and thrust them against one another's bodies until they were extinguished. A Navaho woman stood with outstretched hands and received in them showers of sparks and dripping pitch, and "washed" her hands in them. At the same affair a Cochiti man was announced to sing a love-song. It proved to be a Navaho song, and the theft excited so great resentment among the Navaho that in I924 they refused to repeat the fire-dance and indeed took little part in the show except as spectators. The people of Cochiti, reduced in number, have been accustomed to ask Santo Domingo singers to assist them in their ceremonies; but recently it has been decided that Santo Domingo songs must not be given away in this fashion. Acoma History THE Keres village of Acoma is the oldest continuously occupied settlement in the United States.1 Perched on the top of a mesa some three hundred and fifty feet above the surrounding valley, accessible by difficult trails partly cut in the solid rock of its precipices, it is no less picturesquely placed than Walpi. 1 Sia is believed to occupy a prehistoric site, but the original village was abandoned and destroyed in the period of revolt, I680-I692. No other pueblo in the Rio Grande country stands just where it stood at the opening of the historical period. Zuii is situated on a portion of the site of Halona, but was built after I692. Laguna was established in I699, and the Hopi villages were not, in the seventeenth century, exactly where thev are now. VOL. XVI-22 {view image of page 170} I70 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Under the name Acus it was first mentioned by Friar Marcos de Niza, discoverer of the Zufii towns. He did not visit the place, but in the following year, I540, Coronado sent one of his officers from Cibola to explore the country eastward. Captain Alvarado started on this journey and in five days reached a village which was on a rock called Acuco 1 having a population of about 200 men. These people were robbers, feared by the whole country round about. The village was very strong, because it was up on a rock out of reach, having steep sides in every direction, and so high that it was a very good musket that could throw a ball as high. There was only one entrance by a stairway built by hand, which began at the top of a slope which is around the foot of the rock. There was a broad stairway for about 200 steps, then a stretch of about Ioo narrower steps, and at the top they had to go up about three times as high as a man by means of holes in the rock, in which they put the points of their feet, holding on at the same time by their hands. There was a wall of large and small stones at the top, which they could roll down without showing themselves, so that no army could possibly be strong enough to capture the village. On the top they had room to sow and store a large amount of corn, and cisterns to collect snow and water. These people came down to the plain ready to fight, and would not listen to any arguments. They drew lines on the ground and determined to prevent our men from crossing these, but when they saw that they would have to fight they offered to make peace before any harm had been done. They went through their forms of making peace, which is to touch the horses and take their sweat and rub themselves with it,2 and to make crosses with the fingers of the hands. But to make the most secure peace they put their hands across each other, and they keep this peace inviolably.3 In 1598 Juan de Zaldivar, one of Oniate's captains, was attacked by the warriors of Acoma, and about half of his force of thirty men, including the leader himself, were killed. A month later, in January, I599, Vicente de Zaldivar with seventy men attacked the stronghold and in a three-day siege and assault avenged his brother by slaying, it is said, half of its three thousand inhabitants. Although Fray Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron, who reached New Mexico about 1617, served as missionary to Acoma, the first fraile to become permanently established there was Fray Juan Ramirez, one of the band of Franciscans who accompanied Fray Estevan Perea in I629. His reception was not of the most hospitable nature, for he 'This is the Zuii name, Hakukya, which is Acoma Ako plus Zufii locative kya. 2 The natives thought the horses preternatural, comparable with the animal deities of their shamans, and were taking unto themselves the "life" of these wonderful creatures. 3 Winship, The Coronado Expedition, Fourteenth Report Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 490-491. {view image of facing page 170} Crumbling walls of the old church - Acoma [photogravure plate] {view image of page 171} THE KERES I7I was greeted with a shower of arrows. It chanced however that a little girl fell from the cliff, landing unhurt near the Father, who bore her to the summit and restored her to her people, who believed that she had been killed. After this apparent miracle Fray Juan was favorably received. He remained in Acoma many years, erecting a church and building a trail which horses could ascend. This church was doubtless destroyed in the revolt of I680, when the Acoma murdered their priest, for which they went unpunished. Says Vargas in his journal, date November 3, 1692: Having passed a bad bit of road and a hill and journeyed about a League, I discovered and they pointed out to me the hill which is called the Pefiol de acoma and in a short time we descried the smoke made by those traitors, enemies, treacherous rebels and apostates of the queres tribe, and, in order to go there and see the enemies, I drew rein and ordered the military heads and officers of the two Companies to bring up five squadrons, for which purpose I halted in view of the other great rock on the right side of the said Road and slope which appears to be higher, and... before arriving at the said rock at about the distance of a musket-shot I ordered them to follow me in file and as I cried "Hail," they should do the same, and, having reached the said rock, peopled with the said unfriendly people, they said in loud Voices "Hail," and, at the same moment, the said men accompanying me said it and repeated it, and we heard the said enemies say "forever." 1 But the natives were suspicious of the general's designs, and not until the following day did he succeed in convincing them of his peaceful intention. They permitted him with fifteen men, mostly Indians from the Rio Grande pueblos, to come up and plant the usual cross and absolve the rebels. They fared little worse after the minor outbreak of 1696, in which year Vargas destroyed some of their growing corn and captured five men. There was no way to take the village from the rear, as he had done with the Cochiti at Potrero Viejo and with the Jemez on their heights, and he was too prudent to attempt a direct assault of the position. Besides, there was wanting the personal element that inspired Vicente de Zaldivar. As if in bitter memory of the experience with the two Zaldivars, Acoma has always been one of the least tractable pueblos. Visitors used to be tolerated if they made their stay brief, but it was impossible to learn much about their practices. Severe corporal punishment was 1 Ralph Emerson Twitchell, Extracts from the Journal of General Don Diego de Vargas, etc., in Old Santa Fe, April, I9I4. {view image of page 172} I72 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN inflicted upon such of the younger generation as tried to avoid or slight their religious duties, which included bowing to the absolute will of the cacique and his fellows, and contributing to the support of that priest and the shamans. And of course it was well understood that revelations of any sort would call for measures even more drastic. One of the young men who felt the weight of the cacique's authority and the numbing effect of social ostracism was Edward Hunt. Returning from school resolved to break with the old order (his father, one of the shamans, having confessed on his death-bed that their supposed magic was only pretense), he found himself so persecuted, physically and mentally, that he yielded, and for some twenty years joined in the activities of the community. Ultimately he gave up his membership in the tribe, was admitted to Santa Ana, and moved thither with his family. He is responsible for the following account of Acoma customs. In consultation with his three adult sons, he decided to assume whatever personal risk might result, in order to have his name recorded as that of the first individual to shed light, to the best of his ability, on the religious practices of Acoma. Excepting Zufii and Hopi, he is the only Pueblo informant with whom it was not necessary to work in seclusion and under a pledge of secrecy. Origin and Migration The earth existed in its present form, and people lived beneath it in darkness. No6fityi, the elder sister, was iatiku, the mothercreator, and her younger sister was Uf ftityi. There were two brothers, Maseewi and Uyiuyewi, twins, very brave, and good warriors. They became the leaders and instructors of the people. Badger burrowed upward until he beheld light, and after making the hole large enough he called the people, and they came up the rainbow ladder and emerged. Maseewi stood beside the hole, and as each woman came forth he gave her a name and thus established the clans. When the first woman emerged, the sun was the most conspicuous object, since their eyes were used to darkness; therefore he named her for the sun. This was at Shipapu in the north. Day by day the people became stronger, until at last they were able to journey, and they moved southward and settled at Kashkafiftya ["white house"]. But the Kafiina, because they were so pure that they could not endure the earthliness of humans, went westward to Weniimafti, a lake beneath the earth. {view image of page 173} THE KERES I73 latiku directed the people to begin to purify themselves by drinking each morning a decoction of herbs, and vomiting. After four days of this preparation she called the people to one place and ordered them to the mountains to procure the best wood for prayer-sticks, haifamoii, which were to be offered to the Kafiina; for it was her plan to bring them back and have a dance. While making the prayer-sticks they sat facing westward and prayed to the KaJfina to come and dance for the good luck of the people, and to bring rain; for the earth was becoming dry. After four days of making prayer-sticks they buried them in the ground in all directions, and the Kaftina soon appeared. They brought fruit of all kinds, which they miraculously produced on the spot. They could cause growing things and game to spring up instantly, and could bring rain. After a day of dancing for the people they disappeared. latiku then made the chief ch!aiani [shamans] for curing sickness, and showed them everything for their use, especially how to have the help of Cougar, Bear, Wolf, Wildcat, Badger, Porcupine, Eagle. All these animals have powerful hands, which, placed on the body of a sick person, can cure him. They are the real ch!aidni. The human ch!aiani are simply those who call upon them for their power, using the hands of these strong ones in their healing ceremony. The different ch!aiani separated and lived apart. latiku gave them the songs to be used in their ceremonies for calling the powerful ones, and also their altar. She told them that whenever a man became a ch!aiani they should make for him an latiku, a perfect ear of corn with cotton webbing about the base and with the upper part covered with choice feathers. Her spirit, she said, would reside in this. Among the objects to be used in the altar were flints for fighting sorcerers. She told them how to pray to her, their mother, and to the powerful ones. She showed them four different ways of healing, since there were four kinds of ch!aiani, all of whom, however, were united in one society. These four kinds were Histiaii ["flint"], Hakanii ["fire"], Shii'kami, and Sk6'yu ["giant"]. At first they were all together and had only one altar, but afterward when the mother had disappeared under the earth, those next to the leader wished to be the leader, and so after a time they separated and became four societies. The mother instructed the ch!aiani that four days before the sun reached his journey's end in the north and in the south they should pray and vomit each morning, and then on the fourth morning they {view image of page 174} I74 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN should take out and deposit in a secret place cotton, prayer-sticks, and miniature pots filled with meal, beads, and pollen. This was called "clothing the sun." The raw cotton was spread out in a round mat, in which they wrapped the little pots of meal, pollen, and beads, and also a pair of moccasins made of the skin from the back of a deer's neck, dance-kilt, belt and arm-bands, all in miniature. These were all prepared during the four days preceding the time they were to be used, at which time they were taken out secretly and buried at the shrine. Four days before the sun was to be clothed, the war-chiefs ordered a hunt for deer, antelope, rabbits, hares, and rats, and iatiku appointed a Shaiaika to sing for game. The night before the hunt the men, not ch!aiani but the common men who were to hunt, assembled, and the Shaiaika led them in singing the songs for game. They sat in a circle and sang. She gave Shaiaika small stone effigies of animals, which he set out in the form of an altar along with the iatiku [corn-ears covered with feathers]. In front of the altar lay yucca whips, and after singing the Shaiaika struck each man with the whips, to make him strong and give him good luck in pursuing game. Before dawn they finished singing, and each man took a bit of meal from the bowl in front of the altar, to be used as an offering to the sun before starting on the hunt. He also took a drink from the medicine-bowl. The mother gave the Shaiaika a ft!imaityi, a cotton blanket with a design woven into it, which was to impart to him knowledge of the whereabouts of game.1 Four things of a ceremonial nature were taught by the mother: the ceremony for calling the KaIfina to bring fruits and game and rain; the healing ceremony of the ch!aiani; the clothing of the sun 1 On the night before a communal hunt two or three Shaiaika and others who wish to do so assemble and sing, and the Shaiaika strike each one with a bunch of yucca-leaves. After the others have departed, about three o'clock in the morning, the Shaiaika remain and make figurines of corn-husks and cast them one by one into a bowl, saying, "You will be a rabbit, you will be a hare, you will be a quail, you will be a rat!" Early in the morning they take the figurines to the plain and toss them here and there and pray to the mother of the animals, that they become alive and feed the people. They pick up the droppings of rabbits and other game, choosing such as lie directly in the footprints of the animals, and place a small quantity in a bunch of shredded cedar-bark, which they burn. This is intended to render the animals powerless to flee by causing their feet to burn and blister. By this time the hunters are assembling at the fire. Each one brings meal, which he and the women with him throw on the fire while praying for good luck. The war-chief announces loudly that each man is to take some woman other than his own wife, and unmarried girls and boys also are to pair off for this day and night, and nobody is to be angry. This custom obtained in a communal hunt at least once annually up to about the year I900, and perhaps later. The actual progress of the hunt is described on pages 74-75. {view image of page 175} THE KERES I75 when he reached the point farthest north and again farthest south; and the singing by Shaiaika and the ceremonial hunt. After teaching these things she disappeared. One day the people had a Kafiina dance, and that night the men were in the kiva playing the game aiawakutyeyi, which is played only in the spring and in the kivas. Unknown to them a Kaftina had returned and was sitting invisible in the corner. He heard all the talk that was going on, how they were ridiculing the Kaftina and the way they had danced, that one was bow-legged, another held one arm crooked, another was bent over to one side. The Kafiina who was listening was Mastiuikftatiatyi. He had a crescent horn rising at the right side of his head.1 He revealed himself to the men and told them he was going to report their conduct to Ts!if!unufi!, father of the Kaf'ina.2 To placate him, they offered him a smoke, but he refused it and went back to Weiiimafti with his report. The Kafitina were very angry, and decided to kill the people. The Komaiyawashi, scouts of the Ka'fina, were sent to KafShkfiiitya to inform the people that there would be a war between them and the Kafiina. The scouts summoned the war-chiefs to the plaza and told them that on a certain day the KaIfina would come and kill the people, because they had not observed the rules made by the mother. The war-chiefs begged that the Komaiyawashi return to Weniiinafi and seek pardon for them, and all the people were called to the plaza to make prayer-sticks to be sent to the Kaftina. But the scouts dashed the offerings to the ground and broke them in pieces, pulled the feathers off and hurled the pieces at the war-chiefs. The people then talked among themselves and tried to capture the scouts and kill them, but they simply disappeared. On a certain day the KaSfina came flying to Kaihkafiutya. The chief of the Antelope clan, the head-man of the pueblo, assembled his clansmen and advanced with them to meet the Kaftina. They prayed and begged and offered prayer-sticks, but the Kaftina pressed forward, killing men, women, and children. When the day ended, the pueblo was filled with dead, many of whom were disemboweled, ladders had been pulled down, many houses destroyed. The warchiefs and the Antelope chief with whatever people were left alive came once more with prayer-sticks and were forgiven. The Kaftina 1 This is reminiscent of Zuii Saiatasha ("horn long"). 2 This personage is represented by the masked man who whips children as a part of their initiation into the Kaftina order. See page 179. {view image of page 176} I76 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN said they would never come back in person, but would be present in spirit if the people would make masks and pray.1 The Kaftina then disappeared and were never seen again. Some blamed others for having caused this catastrophe.2 They tried in many ways to call the Kaftina back, but after a year of failure they decided to do as the Kafiina had told them to do. They made masks representing the gods, and painted their bodies the same colors as the bodies of the Kafitina. The ch!aia'i made the masks and warned the people to treat the dancers like real spirits, for when these masks were put on, the men became like real gods. Each dancer was to eat no meat for four days, and to avoid women. From midnight of the fourth day they ate and drank nothing at all until noon of the next day, the day of dancing. On the four nights preceding the dance the men all met and practised songs and made new ones. Each man who had a mask was regarded as its owner, and would bequeath it to his son; but all masks were kept carefully wrapped in a rear room of the kiva, in the custody of Kafiina-ch!aiafii, who represented the Kafiina Ts!if!ufinfi!. When the dance was over the spirits of the Kafiina went back to Wefiimaffi, but the masks remained for future use. Dissension arose, and the people left Kashkafi utya in various groups. The mother gave them different languages at this time. Those who understood one another went apart from the others, and thus the different pueblos were established. From Kakhkafiutya one group came to Waspa-ihaka ["sage pond"]. Thence they moved successively to Yoni-ko6fotisa [" rock window"], to Ts!iyama ["wide," "gap"], to Tyapi-f!iyama [near Acoma], to KIafima.4 The rock Kaftima had once been much lower. Some wished to stop there, and others wanted to go on. There were spirits living beneath the rock, hence human beings were not capable of living on the mesa. Therefore those who settled there became KopiShtaia. Those who did not remain at Kaftima went on and stopped at the eastern base of Acoma mesa. Their leader, the chief shaman, gazed 1 This incident may be an ancient myth-maker's explanation of the ravages of a tornado. Many touches in the narrative suggest this: the Kaifina come flying through the air, ladders are thrown to the ground, houses destroyed. 2 That is, in the fashion still prevalent, some were accused of having neglected the ceremonial observances and so having brought this natural catastrophe to pass. 3 Tyapi is a small mountain tree with very hard wood sometimes used for war-clubs when knots occur underground, and by the Navaho for loom-battens. 4 The Enchanted Mesa. The word appears to be connected with Kaifina, a supposition borne out by the tradition that some of the people from the north settled on the rock and after a few years became K6pishtaia and as spirits departed eastward, which legend is probably responsible for the name "Enchanted" Mesa. {view image of facing page 176} The enchanted mesa [photogravure plate] {view image of page 177} THE KERES I77 up at the cliff and called in a loud voice, "Ako!" A voice [the echo] answered, and the shaman asked the people what they had heard. Some thought the voice said Ako, others y6ko ["go away"], and their disputation could not be silenced. Thereupon the shaman and the war-chief laid on the ground a blue and a gray egg, and told their followers to choose which was a parrot's egg and which a crow's. Many chose the blue egg as that of a parrot, thinking so brilliant a bird could not lay a dull-colored egg. The shaman thereupon tested it by hurling it against the cliff, and crows flew from the crevices. Then those who had so chosen went on southward with the gray egg, which is the reason parrots are found in the south. The others remained, moving to the point of Acoma mesa, which they realized to be the centre of the earth. Still they felt insecure. They wished to live on the elevation. The next morning the war-chief and the shaman arose early and searched for a way to climb up. On the top they found numerous snakes, much timber, and crevices so wide that they could not cross. They reported that it was rather a bad place and required a great amount of work before it would be fit for habitation. The people at once began making a stairway by cutting steps in the rock. The Rattlesnake shaman called the snakes, carried them to the valley, and released them, and the Ant shaman removed the ants in baskets. Then the people cleared away the timber and filled the crevices, and when all was ready they moved their possessions up from the valley. They had a priest whose duty was to observe the sun, and to pray when it reached the southern and the northern end of its journey.1 The only officers were the war-chief and his two assistants. They had a lodge-room, and they chose two men to be their cooks. The war-chief was fiatyo-h6chani ["country chief"], and represented Maseewi. His assistants were shuuti-muty ["wren boy"], who represented Uyiuyewi, and 6safa-paiyatyama ["sun youth"].2 These held office for life, except that when one of the first two died, the officer or officers below him moved up one grade and the Shii'kamich!aiani appointed a new Sun Youth, whose name was publicly announced by the head-man of the Antelope clan. The Kivas and the Katsina The five kivas of Acoma are primarily the ceremonial chambers of as many male groups who personate the Kafiina, the deified 1 The last sun priest died before the informant was born, that is, prior to about I870. 2 The Sun Youth is now known as spatyi-mity, mockingbird boy. VOL. XVI-23 {view image of page 178} i78 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ancestors who appear on various occasions in the guise of rain-gods. Normally a boy joins the kiva of his father, or, if the father is dead, of some other male relative, who takes him in charge and instructs him. A kiva group, whenever its turn comes to perform the July dance, always personates the same kind of Kafsina. The five kivas, all of which are merely rooms in the communal houses and not, as in most pueblos, isolated, circular, and partially subterranean, bear the following names, and the five ceremonial groups personate the indicated deities: I. Shityini-fsi ("squash-seed room"), Hamigh ("Jemez") Kafiina. 2. Haimata-fsi, Mo'ft ("Hopi") Kafsina. 3. Shoski-fsi ("dust room"), Hoipichaiii Kaifina, a personage with one side of the face yellow, the other side red. 4. K6ohkasi-fsi ("cold [Navaho language] room"), Koaihighot? Kafiina. The name of this personage refers to the two upright eagle-feathers, one at each side of the head. Mo'tf Kaifina differs from him only in having, in addition to the two eagle-feathers, a parrotfeather at one side, and at the other a wand surmounted by a carved bird (in recent years a flower). 5. T6takori-fsi ("turkey-call room"), Wayosa ("duck") Kaifina. This kiva received its name from the discovery of a flock of turkeys roosting in the rafters during its construction. Besides the kivas there are the ceremonial chambers of the two surviving shaman societies: M6haro-kaiya ("- inside") for the Flint shamans and for the occasional ceremony of the Kapinach!aianii, a society of warriors, and Hakani-ch!aianfii-k6ati ("fire shaman kiva") for the Fire shamans.!!l ibi 1l I 111 I! l! I1 I l il al Il N HOUSE GROUPS OF ACOMA SHOWING RELATIVE POSITION OF CEREMONIAL CHAMBERS a, Haimatafsi; b, M6haro; c s;, Shokai; d, Kohkasifsi; e, Shftyunifsi; f, Kifs-hano's residence; g, T6takorifti; h, Hakafi. {view image of facing page 178} The Acoma and the enchanted mesa [photogravure plate] {view image of page 179} THE KERES I79 M6haro is used also by Kufi-hano ("antelope person"), the cacique, who, as Kafiina Kanaistyiagh (" Kafina their-father"), erects there the Kaftina altar preceding a ceremony of these deities. The cacique, head of the Antelope clan, is called "father of the Kaffina" because of the intervention of the Antelope and the Deer clan at the time of the mythic battle of the people with the Kafiina. Every boy joins one of the kiva groups. Before doing so, however, he must be initiated as a Kaffina by the ordeal of whipping. Girls also receive this treatment, but at that point their progress in the ceremonial organization usually ceases. The initiation occurs approximately quinquennially in February, and the initiates are from about five to eight or nine years of age. This ordeal enrolls them in the religious order known as Maina-ch!ainii, or Kafiina-ch!aiiaii, the nominal head of which is the cacique, but the active, life-head is an individual who personates Ts!if!ufnufi!, the mythic custodian of the Kafiina masks. Eight days in advance of the ceremony the war-chief makes his usual public announcement, and in due time the men of the Antelope clan erect an altar in M6haro. On the evening of the eighth day each child to be initiated is led to the ceremonial room by a man selected by its parents to be its ceremonial godfather. The entire population of the pueblo attends. In front of the altar is a ball of oak ashes mixed with cornmeal. The Antelope men sing, and at the end of the song the Antelope chief, that is, the cacique, throws the ball upward and strikes the bear-skin that covers the hatch. As soon as this sound is heard, men on the roof throw aside the skin and Ts!it!finfit! quickly descends the ladder. He wears cotton leggings, a spruce kilt partially covered by a cotton sash, and spruce arm-bands. He is masked. Uttering grunting sounds, Hu! hu! he dances on a hewn plank resting flush with the floor on two other planks set on edge, stamping forcibly on it and producing a thumping sound. Then one by one each godfather brings his child forward and Ts!it!fnufi! strikes it four times with a bundle of yucca-leaves, across the shoulders, the back, the hips, and the legs. The godfather is similarly whipped, and the masker gives each one, both child and godfather, a bit of medicine to rub on the body. As each child is led away, a male relative of the godfather opens a corn-husk containing a small eagle-feather and some meal, and ties the feather to a lock of the child's hair, where it remains four days. If in that time it comes off, the same man is called upon to replace it. At the end of four days he leads the child {view image of page 180} I80 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN to the edge of the cliff and prays to the rising sun, removes the feather, and throws it into a crevice. After this initiation a male child is competent to participate in Kaftina dancing and is eligible to instruction in the origin of the people and their customs. He is enjoined not to discuss these matters with others. He is to believe that the dancers are actually Kaftina, though wearing masks. He is particularly warned never to utter a word as to the human character of the persons wearing the masks. Of course this last revelation is not made to very young children, even though they have been initiated. After the feather has been removed from the child's hair, he is brought to the godfather's house, where his head is washed by the women of the family and he receives new clothing. A feast is held, and the child is told that the dry fruits, prickly-pears, corn, and even commercial products, are gifts of the Kaifina. All children who have been whipped in the February ceremony are Kwiraina-ch!aifnii, or Sfit-ch!aiiani, in distinction to those who have made further progress in the ceremonial system and also to those who have not yet started. After wearing a Kafina or a Komaiyawashi mask a male person becomes Maina-ch!aiani, and if he wears Komaiyawaghi first he avoids a ceremonial whipping when he first performs as Kafiina in July. Except in case of initiation of young boys by trespass a man must be Maina-ch!aiinii before joining one of the shaman societies. Women may join these last societies (though they take part only as food-providers, cooks, and housekeepers), but not Maina-ch!aifnii (that is, females have nothing to do with the Kaftina). Summer Katsina Dance For the purpose of determining the arrival of the time for the July KaIfina dances, or any other ceremony, the cacique, Krit-hano ("antelope person"), head of the Antelope society, standing or sitting at a certain rock on the eastern side of the mesa, observes the rising sun, and when it reaches a certain place on the horizon he informs the war-chief that the time is at hand. The war-chiefs then meet and discuss the question, whether to announce the ceremony immediately or a little later, the decision depending on whether or not the present time is occupied in other ceremonial activities. The warchief notifies the head-men of the kiva whose turn it is to furnish Komaiyawashi actors, and these call a meeting of their members for that night, at which time it is decided who shall perform as Komaiyawa~hi. The service is voluntary. {view image of page 181} THE KERES I8i The Komaiyawaghi are the messengers of the Kafiina, and hence are to be regarded as a kind of Kaftina. Four days before any masked dance they appear and inform the people that the Kafiina are coming. They all wear masks of the same kind, completely covering the head, with round openings for mouth and eyes, and on the top four round balls, each with a feather attached to it. They paint the entire body white, and wear blue loin-cloths, moccasins, and deerskin robes. They are the equivalent of the Zuiii Koyemauhi. Preceding a Kaftina dance a shaman from each participating kiva goes about until he finds a number of young men in a room, and drawing a line of ashes across the door to prevent escape, he touches a bit of paint on the top of the head of one or more, and informs him, or them, that he must be Kasari for his kiva. Such young men, numbering from two to a dozen or more, dress like Kasari and act as guards to see that the people do not come too close to the masked dancers. They make jokes and perform generally as clowns. They are not really Kasari, that is, they are not members of the society. On the second day following the selection of the Komaiyawaghi, the volunteers, usually five or six, take their bundles containing the masks and proceed to a mesa south of the pueblo, where at a certain place on the western slope they paint themselves and put on the masks, without however pulling them down over the face. They go up on the mesa, and standing on the west side pray to the real K6maiyawashi, asking their help, and each throws down into the crevice a wapani, that is, a long turkey-feather to which are attached other small feathers, one each of an eagle, a redtail hawk, a duck, a bluebird, and a wren.l Then at once they begin to speak with the highpitched voice peculiar to the Komaiyawafhi. On the way to the pueblo they offer meal and prayers at two shrines known as Tyami-kowafesuma ("eagle alighted-there") and S6wi-kama ("rattlesnake home"). On the east side of the mesa they pray to the sun for rain and help in personating the Komaiyawashi, and proceed thence toward the pueblo. When they arrive on Acoma mesa, they pull the masks down, being careful that no strand of hair remains in sight. The principal war-chief, representing Maseewi, is in M6haro, and the other two war-chiefs are waiting in the plaza. These latter greet the Komaiyawaghi and embrace them, expressing their pleasure that their visitors, whom for so long they have not seen, have come again. They sit on a low wall along the side of the houses on the west side 1 See pages Io7, I50, for the Eastern Keres wahpani. {view image of page 182} 182 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of the plaza and smoke. The visitors inform the war-chiefs that they wish to see "our father Antelope Person" and Maseewi. The war-chiefs answer, "They are awaiting you in a place with four ladders." "Oh, a place with four ladders? How is that?" "A place with four ladders. And on the top is the rainbow and at each end of the rainbow is a parrot." The place referred to is M6haro, which represents Wefiimafti, the underground home of the Kaftina in the west; and the "four ladders" are the four ladder poles with two sets of rungs, which formerly led into this ceremonial chamber. At the top was a carved piece of wood painted to represent the rainbow, and at each end of the rainbow was a painted parrot. This fell into decay a long time ago, but is said to have been recently renewed. The spokesman of the K6maiyawaihi replies, "Very well, we will look for such a place." He despatches two scouts to find the place with four ladders, and carefully repeats the directions to them. They depart, holding up four fingers; but after going about the streets for a time, they fall into an argument as to the number of ladders, and return to their leader for a repetition of his instructions. At last after much wandering and many arguments they find the place and go up to the roof of M6haro. "Chima [' within']?" "Hai [' yes ']" "Are Kfif-hano and Maseewi there?" "Kaa-cho ['they-two here']. Come in." They go down the ladder and find the cacique and the war-chief sitting there. The two hosts grasp the hands of the visitors and taking a pinch of meal from their small bags cast it upward toward the hatch, making a trail. Then one Komaiyawaghi climbs the ladder, the war-chief, Antelope Person, and the other Komaiyawashi follow. When they stand on the ground, each Komaiyawafhi stoops and takes on his back one of the two priests, and bending forward starts slowly toward the plaza. They chant: " Amasiya, siya, amasiya, siya, katapina ['I have a load, load, I have a load, load, here we go down']!" The syllable pi is strongly accented, and simultaneously the KomaiyawaShi suddenly bend forward, so that the men on their backs are almost precipitated over their heads. This causes great amusement. They proceed toward the plaza, repeating the song. In the plaza meantime the Komaiyawaghi chief has been singing while his men dance. As soon as the two scouts appear, the others {view image of page 183} THE KERES I83 remove their deerskin robes and spread them on the ground. They now wear only moccasins and blue loin-cloths. Antelope Person and the war-chief are deposited sitting on the deerskins. The Komaiyawafhi chief says: "I am the head-man of the K6 -maiyawashi at Weniimafi. I have been ordered by the father of the Kaftina to bring a message to this pueblo. The KafSina will be here eight days from tomorrow. They want the people of this village to be ready for that day when the KaLtina will arrive. They want me to tell you that your village must be clean and the plaza swept. There must be no rubbish, no bad smells. You must rise early in the morning and pray for good luck and cleanse yourselves in your hearts with herbs. You must be kind to one another and be waiting for the Kafina with great pleasure. Keep yourselves clean, take a good bath, wash yourselves in the morning. All your clothing must be clean, so that there will be no bad smell, for the Kaifina are pure. If you do this they will bring many presents. Whoever has good luck will receive more presents than the others. They will bring deer, antelope, hares, rabbits, and all other game; bows and arrows, pottery, rabbit-sticks, dolls, baskets, all kinds of fruits. Last of all, they will bring rain to make your crops increase. Let us all join together and make a strong prayer to the Kaftina and to the clouds, that there may be rain. Let us all join in thinking of this, our powerful prayer to the Kafiina. Let everyone be here at home, waiting for them, so that they will be satisfied. This is my order. You may go and tell all the people." Maseewi stands up and calls out: "All the people on the north building, on the west building, on the south building, on the east building, you must listen to me, to the order I have received from the head-man of the Komaiyawaghi!" Then he repeats the message; the Komaiyawafhi thank him and depart. That night the war-chief goes to the head-men of two kivas (neither of which is the one from which the Komaiyawashi messengers were selected) and bids them choose their dancers. That same night the members of these two kivas assemble in obedience to the orders of the three assistants of the head-man of each kiva, who go about the village to notify their members individually. The head-man informs the assemblage: "It is our turn to be the dancers for the Kaftina. We must do our part. For we are poor people who do not know how to make rain. But I hope our fathers Kafiina will help us bring rain. Let us all join in and get ready. Tomorrow is the first day. We have only eight days in which to make all our prepa {view image of page 184} I84 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN rations." He then asks each one directly, "Now, my son, are you going to dance?" In spite of all objections each man must participate. Each night the men of the chosen kivas practise songs, some of which are newly composed, until about midnight. They sleep in the kiva, for they are not permitted to touch a woman. However, they eat at home. During the day they are busy in the kiva, for the ceremonial costumes must be carefully cleaned, and there must be new moccasins and numerous articles to be given to the people by the dancers, such as bows, arrows, baskets,1 rabbit-sticks, dolls. The women of the dancers prepare food and make pottery, or, if they are not potters, must buy some vessels. On the fourth day strong, brave young men are selected to procure in the mountains wood for making prayer-sticks: Douglas spruce, maple, willow, and pine. Most of the material for these offerings is willow and maple. These youths start early in the morning and return at evening. They go about ten miles westward, that is, toward Weniimafi, home of the Kaifina, and when they return they find their fellows assembled in the two kivas, singing, that the wands secured may bring power and good luck. The wands, wrapped in deerskins, are placed in front of the head-man, who lays the bundle aside. The next morning, the fifth day, immediately after breakfast, each man brings feathers wrapped in a piece of deerskin. Eagle, hawk, duck, turkey, and smaller birds of many kinds, furnish the feathers used in making prayer-sticks. They seat themselves and proceed with the work. Each man wraps his sticks in corn-husk bundles of four - a different color for each direction - and lays the packets in a common basket. Each individual has his own method of tying the packet, so that he can identify it. No prescribed number of sticks is made. Having finished, they return to the making of gift articles. That night they bring out the masks from the rear room of the kiva. In the kiva to which the informant formerly belonged there were about forty-eight masks, including those of the Komaiyawaghi. All, including even the Komaiyawaghi masks, though these are not going to be used, are brought out. As a rule each man is regarded as the owner of a certain mask that was used by his father or by an earlier ancestor. The informant, on coming of responsible age, found that most of his relatives were in a kiva different from that to which his recently deceased father had belonged, therefore he changed his 1 Acoma baskets are woven by the men. {view image of page 185} THE KERES 185 membership, and asked permission to take his father's mask with him, but it was not permitted. He had then to take his choice of various masks that no longer had any owner.1 The masks are made of deer rawhide and are quite stiff. They completely enclose the head. The back, as far forward as the ears, and the top down to the forehead are painted red-brown. The lower edge is decorated with fringe, which is used for the attachment of Douglas spruce tips. By the peculiarities of this fringe the masks are identified by the individual owners; and the arrangement of various feathers and other accessories, and the painting on the face of the mask, determine the kind of Kaftina it represents. The basis of all Kafiina masks is the same, a rawhide cylinder with openings for eyes and mouth. Each man, having claimed his mask (or, if he should own none, having selected from the unclaimed masks one that fits his head), proceeds to clean it, brushing and dusting it off with a rag and scraping off the old paint. This work is begun on the fifth night and resumed the following morning. On the sixth day, while the masks are being cleaned, the four head-men are preparing the paint. A blue-green stone, which the informant thinks is copper ore, is crushed in a mortar and ground very fine on a metate. A quantity of pinon-gum, obtained by cutting a notch near the base of a leaning tree and hewing off the upper side so that the pitch will run down into it, is heated, the powder is stirred into it, and the mass is poured out on a flat stone. It quickly hardens, but while it is still somewhat viscous they make it into twists, like tobacco, and pile them in a basket. The mixture is then pulverized on the metate. Having finished the cleaning of his mask, each man prepares a protective mask cut out of cloth so as to cover the sides of the Katfina mask but leave the face exposed. Then the headmen paint the faces by spraying them with the powder, which they blow out of their mouths. The ordinary members meantime have been chewing up the meats of squash-seeds and spitting the mass into a dish. This is strained through a cloth into another dish, and the liquid is then blown by the four head-men on the painted masks. This is to make the surface bright and fresh. The masks are laid where the sun coming through the hatch will quickly dry them, and 1 It has been stated heretofore that each kiva group personates only one kind of deity. The informant would have found no difficulty on this score, had he been permitted to take his father's mask to his new kiva, for all masks except the Komaiyawaghi are basically alike, differing only in painting and ornamentation. VOL. XVI-24 {view image of page 186} I86 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN when this has been accomplished some of the ordinary members mix soot with the albumen of eggs and a little water and paint black around the eye-openings. On the seventh morning they begin to attach the feathers and other ornaments which give the mask its distinctive appearance and name. A wreath of Douglas spruce is attached to the fringe at the edge of the opening, so that when the mask is worn the green sprigs will encircle the neck of the wearer. Final preparations of the dance-costumes and careful checking to see that nothing is missing occupy the seventh night. The costume includes moccasins, yarn bands below the knee, a turtle-shell with sheep-hoof rattlers 1 behind one knee, a white kilt with colored strings hanging at the side, a white cotton sash, an entire fox-skin hanging behind, tail downward, and yarn arm-bands. About two o'clock on the eighth morning they take their bundles and proceed about a mile to the mesa south of the pueblo, halting at the place where the Komaiyawashi dress, a spot called Koiyaputyutyitya and regarded as the "gate of Wenimafsi." They wear no clothing, and carry their costumes in blankets. Three of the kiva head-men accompany the performers, but either the kiva chief or his first assistant remains at home. Usually it is the chief himself who remains behind, because, being an old man, he is exhausted by the burden of preparation. The other aged men of the kiva also remain behind, because they have not the strength to dance, and in the practice songs they sit apart in the kiva and encourage the younger men. From midnight of the seventh night until noon of the following day, when an intermission in the dancing occurs, the participants neither eat nor drink. Under the direction of the head-men the dancers assist one another to paint their bodies. The method of painting varies with the kind of Kaftina to be represented. Like the Komaiyawafhi they go up to the mesa and stand on the west side and pray to the KaJtina to be with them and bring good luck and rain and a cloudy day so that they may not suffer with heat in the dancing. They throw out meal and the feather offerings called wapani. The feeling in this prayer is that the dancers, after donning their masks and costumes, will actually become Kaifina. They raise the masks then from the ground, hold them to the west, and put them on. At once they begin to utter the characteristic cry of the Katfina, a thin, high-pitched 1 No doubt these rattlers were originally deer dew-claws. {view image of page 187} THE KERES I87 "Hu, hu, hu!" and set out for the village. After proceeding a short distance they raise the masks so that the face is exposed, in order to breath better. In the village the children and young people gather at the highest points to watch. To be the first one to catch sight of the Kaftina is a sign of good luck. The Kafiina stop like the Komaiyawaghi and pray at the two shrines and on the east side of the mesa. At the foot of Acoma mesa they pull the masks down and look one another over finally to see that everything is in order, that nothing will be exposed to show that they are only men. Behind a high wall before entering the pueblo they stop, remove the masks, and practise the dance and the song on a long flat expanse of rock. They then replace the masks and march into the village, where they dance, shoulder to shoulder, stamping the right foot, first outside Antelope Person's house, then at seven other places. They return to the space behind the protecting wall, rest, and practise the second song, which they repeat as before at eight different places. Thus they use four songs before stopping for the noon meal, dancing thirty-two times in all. The performance is very fatiguing, because little air can enter through the tiny openings representing eyes and mouth. After the fourth withdrawal they remove not only the masks but the rest of their costumes, and a woman from each family in the village brings food. Young girls of twelve or thirteen bring water, but children younger than that are not supposed to know that the dancers are really men. Many shamans, especially the head-man of the societies, and the heads of the other kivas, assist the dancers by fasting from the preceding midnight, and from place to place they follow the dancers and sit facing them on the opposite side of whatever space or street they are dancing in, smoking, thinking good thoughts, and talking in a way calculated to have good effect in bringing rain. They are dressed carefully, but not ceremonially. This service is entirely voluntary. At the noon meal they join the dancers in breaking their fast. Before beginning the meal the dancers drink, and induce vomiting by inserting the finger in the throat. The quantity of food prepared is enormous, and the dancers do justice to it. In the afternoon they dance two songs at the eight places, and a third song in the plaza only. Then the leader makes signs with his rattle, and they pass through a narrow passage into another open space, where all the people are sitting in a crowd. One by one women come to them and give them the food which they have pre {view image of page 188} i88 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN pared, and designate the persons for whom the dishes and bundles are intended. The Kafsina go about, find the proper persons, and give them the food, which consists only of products of the field. All these things were placed in the inner plaza early in the morning, along with the pottery, baskets, and other articles that have been made by the dancers, each family setting its own objects separate from the others. The deputies of the war-chiefs and some old women keep guard to protect these things from pigs and dogs. Bows and arrows are given to boys so that these gifts from the Kaftina will bring them good luck in hunting. Girls receive dolls, which represent KaItina, so that they will have children. All this keeps the dancers busy until nearly sunset. After this individual distribution the people crowd together and the maskers toss out various things, such as pottery, green corn, and various fruits. Then they gather up what is left and proceed eastward and dance in another place, and after that in three other places, distributing presents on each occasion. The last dance is in front of M6haro, where they throw out all the articles that remain. Antelope Person leads them into Moharo, where they remove their costumes. The war-chief invites the people to bring food. Water has previously been provided in the kiva, and when the food is brought they feast. By this time it is dark, and they come out and dance again without masks and wrapped in blankets, in order to remind the people that the Kaftina are still present, that they must remain indoors and not come near M6haro. The dancers sleep in Moharo, and about three o'clock in the morning they light open-dish lamps and remove their body-painting. Before dawn young men return from the hills, having gone out the night before, bringing aspen branches, flowers, and cornstalks, all of which the dancers put under their arm-bands and on their backs. A few hours after sunrise they come out again, and the war-chiefs and their deputies bring up more dolls, bows and arrows, and rabbit-sticks, and place the baskets containing them in a row at the foot of Moharo. They dance again at Antelope House, at two other places, and finally in the plaza as on the preceding afternoon, and then distribute the presents, including more pottery and food brought by the women. The Kaftina leader then sends the war-chief to call to the plaza Antelope Person, his wife or daughter (or other female of his family, if he have neither wife nor daughter), Maseewi and a woman of his family, and the two men who cook for the war-chiefs.1 These sit down in a row, and the Katfina chief embraces Antelope 1 See pages I77, 236. {view image of page 189} THE KERES I89 Person and blows his breath on his face, saying, "Koafdi, naistyia ['greeting, father']!" To the Antelope woman he does the same, then to the war-chief and his woman, and to the two cooks. Thus he greets them and receives their thanks. While this is being done the others are still dancing. When this dance ends the Kafiina bring out numerous gifts for these principal persons, and then throw the remainder among the people. Dancing at four other places in the same way, at the last place they remove the green things they have been wearing and drop them in the plaza. Here Antelope Person brings the basket of prayersticks, and each Kaitina takes the bundles bearing his individual mark and gives signs of pleasure. They depart without any prescribed order, uttering their cries, and at the edge of the mesa in a secluded place they remove the masks, cast the wreaths and prayersticks into the crevice, and ask for good luck and freedom from sickness. They remove the feathers from the masks for future use, and return to M6haro by twos and threes, don their ordinary clothing, and go home. In the evening they secretly bring the masks back to their kiva. The Kaftina leader warns them to avoid women for four days. Meantime the other kiva has been preparing for its dance, which begins on the following day and observes the same sequence, but represents a different kind of Kafiina. Fire Katsina Ceremony of the Corn Clans The Acoma origin myth relates that when the people came from Shipapu certain members of the Corn clans were Kaftina. At Sage Pond they disappeared. One of them, Shoracha, settled at PCiiniftin6ka ("west peak"), west of Ako; Shuma'ska remained at Sage Pond; Kopata, who was blind, went on southeastward from Ako; and Sh6nata took up his abode southwest of Ako. Every fifth year about the first of August occurs a ceremony of the Corn clans in which these Hakafii ("fire") Kafiina are impersonated. The chief of the Corn clan summons all the people of his clan and of the Blue, Red, White, and Yellow Corn clans, to make plans for the ceremony. The war-chief has nothing to do with initiating this rite, but as it progresses he gives his help. It therefore seems to be a ceremony brought in by alien clans, one which, when first performed at Acoma, was unfamiliar to the war-chief. The usual purification by vomiting takes place, and even children of the Corn clans, that is, children of Corn men, as well as the hus {view image of page 190} I9o THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN bands of Corn women, participate throughout the rites. Continence is strictly enjoined. On the fourth day four young boys are sent for prayer-stick wood, and prayer-sticks are made in Corn House. This apartment is occupied as a residence, but not necessarily by the Corn chief. It is, however, regarded as clan property, and when it is to be repaired all Corn people must assist. After making the prayersticks, they prepare the masks of the Fire Katfina. Those who are to perform as KaIfina depart about midnight of the fourth day, proceeding at such a pace as to reach their respective stations shortly before dawn. A little boy, Shoracha, accompanied by fifteen to twenty men, goes a few miles westward. Two young men, the blind Kopata and his wife, go ten or twelve miles southeastward, two Shuma'ska about the same distance northward, and two Shonata several miles southwestward. Arriving at their stations, each party except that of Shoracha kindles a fire by means of a drill; and having descried these signals, Shoracha and his party proceed several miles farther westward to a spring, where they fill a small jug and kindle a signal fire. They return to their first station, stopping frequently to light fires by means of a smoldering mass of shredded juniper-bark carried in a roll of bark. They move slowly, in order to give the others sufficient time to arrive at the rendezvous from their more distant locations. These others also build fires along the way. Shortly before noon all the Kaftina assemble where Shoracha is waiting with his party, guarding the masks which some of the Corn women, barefoot, have brought thither early in the morning. Returning from the journey, the women sometimes weep with the pain of blistered feet. The actors put on the masks and dance in the plain, where they can be seen from the pueblo. After a long dance the KaJtina start toward the mesa, bearing melons, beans, and perhaps peaches if any are nearly ripe, to present to the Corn people. Shoracha carries a few rabbits and has a small stick of charred wood projecting from the water-jar on his back. Arriving in the village they dance in eight places, and at each place the boy Shoracha starts a fire from his torch, shaking and blowing the ember to life. This usually takes a long time, but the dance may not begin before the fire burns. Everything is done very deliberately. After they leave a place the women of adjacent houses run out to secure fire from this lucky source. Finally they dance at the home of the Shoracha personator, the ninth dance, and all the Corn women come out to receive their presents of fruits and fire from the Kaftina. They remove all the clothing of the dancers except their loin-cloths {view image of page 191} THE KERES I9I and masks, and take the torches from their hands, and the actors depart; and southwest of the village, behind the cliff, they remove their masks and dress themselves. It is now midafternoon, and they have had neither food nor water since midnight. They are said to suffer considerably, and the little boy sometimes becomes so faint that he must be led by the hand. In addition to the idea, ever present in Pueblo ceremonial, of exerting a beneficent influence on crops and health, this rite of the Corn clans is performed for the'specific purpose of supplying lucky new fire to the households of the village. Ceremonial Battle with the Katsina About the middle of February in each fifth year occurs a mock battle in memory of the mythic conflict with the Kaftina at Kashkafiitya. A celebration took place in I923. When the time approaches, Antelope Person notifies the warchief: "My son, you, a good man, have been appointed war-chief. Now, this year it is time to remind the people regarding the happenings at Kafhkafiftya. I want you to be a man, make prayers, and carry this on in such fashion that nothing bad will happen." The war-chief knows then that there is to be a battle with the Kaftina. He thanks Kuif-hano for this advice, goes to his officers and says, "We are going to have a hard time." "Well," they respond, "we must do our best. We cannot refuse." Next day he calls the two head-men of each kiva to Moharo and repeats the instructions of Antelope Person. Though he says nothing about fighting, speaking of "a good dance of the Kaftina," they understand him and respond, "All right, let us have a good dance of our Kaftina." Then the war-chief publicly announces that the people must be ready, must make their stomachs and hearts clean for the time when the Kaftina will come eight days later. "Let us all wish to bring everything good to eat, and good luck, and good health." On the second night the various kiva parties meet, and volunteers are sought for participation as the Kafsina warriors from Wefiimafti. Once having performed in this capacity, a man is bound to continue from time to time; but the initial service is entirely voluntary. The Flint and Fire societies also meet in their own quarters for the same purpose, and the 6pi assemble in the room where the scalps are kept.' 1 This is a room in the house of the 0pi-ch!aiiii ("warrior shaman") chief, and is reserved for this special purpose of keeping the scalps and for the meetings of the scalpers' society. An {view image of page 192} I92 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN As always happens before a ceremony, all the people vomit each morning for four days. The Kapina-ch!aiafii, a warrior society, are notified to have M6haro ready, and on the third day they bring thither the effigies of Tsamahiya and Yuimahiya and prepare a drypainting and other ceremonial objects in their usual manner.1 During the next two or three days those who are going to act as Kaffina are busy preparing their masks. In each kiva four headmen are charged with the duty of seeing that each mask is kept concealed from all except the man who will wear it. Thus, a man who is going to perform takes his brother or other close relative with him to the kiva and prepares his mask, wraps it up, and lays it aside. After they have gone out, but not before, another is admitted and he in the same way prepares his mask. The reason for this secrecy is said to be the fear that if an individual could be identified by his mask, a personal enemy might actually kill him in the fight. They try to make the masks look angry and fierce. On the fifth day all the performers go to M6haro and are whipped by the Kapina-ch!aiani,2 in order to acquire strength and good luck in the fight. There may be as many as a hundred men. They act fierce and gruff. While this is going on, two white-painted Komaiyawashi appear in the village, going about and calling: "Now, friends, we are going to have a good time. We are going to have a good KaItina dance." They go into M6haro and urge the whippers to lay on heavily. It appears that they wish to start a quarrel. After a time they join in a dance, and they also are whipped: Then after all have been beaten, they seize the whips and say: "Now let us whip you. See how you like it. Why are you hurting these poor people?" And they whip the Kapina-ch!aiifii. They kick at the objects on the floor, that is, the dry-painting and other ceremonial objects, and demand, "What are these foolish things?" The Kapina-ch!aiani protest: "You seem to be very rough. You seem to be wanting to fight." "No, we are happy because we are going to have such a pleasant dance." They go to the altar and roughly take the medicine-bowl and Opi was one who had killed and scalped an enemy, provided that the enemy fell against him, actually touching him. If the enemy were killed at a short distance, or even at close quarters and yet fell away from the killer, the latter did not become Opi. About the year I88O there was a membership of thirty-one. 1 See pages 210-21 I. 2 As described on page 213. {view image of page 193} THE KERES I93 drink. They pick up various weapons of the Kapina-ch!aiafii and say: "May we take these things? You do not need them. Perhaps we can kill a deer." These two are the scouts of the Kafina, come to deceive the people as to the intent of the hostile spirits and if possible to deprive them of their weapons. About this time two red-painted Komaiyawaihi appear in the village, the scouts of the friendly Kaffina who are "neighbors of Ako," with the information that the hostile Katfina are coming tomorrow to fight, not to dance. In Moharo a dispute is in progress between the Kapina-ch!aiafii and the white Komaiyawaghi over the weapons, and it ends in the latter being pushed up the ladder. They show great anger, and declare, "Tomorrow you will receive the best fruits." This is their ambiguous threat. When the red Komaiyawaghi appear on the scene, they are heard in conversation about two liars they have been tracking, two who have been deceiving the people with lies about the Kaftina coming to dance. They catch sight of the two white scouts on the roof of M6haro, and challenge them as being unfriendly; but the others deny the charge and show that they are not armed. Then they come down and, seeing the bows of the red scouts, exclaim: "Why, those are fine bows! Let us see them." They take hold of the bows, the owners resist, and the bows are broken. Little by little the two pairs of Komaiyawaghi come to a quarrel and then to actual conflict, the red scouts retreating backward and the white ones pressing them. They end by hurling stones at one another, and disappear from the village. This night all the 6pi come to M6haro with all their scalps and costumes, including flints, bows, and arrows, to sing their war-songs. The Kapina society is still in charge at M6haro, and the Flint shamans also are present. If a member of either society happens to have become Opi by scalping an enemy, he must on this occasion fraternize with the latter group; and if he has previously personated a Kaftina in the mock combat, he must again take part in that capacity instead of meeting with his society. In the course of the night the men who are going to play the part of hostile Kaftina come singing to M6haro, and one of them calls out the name of one of the Opi. When the latter comes forth, the other addresses him: "My dear father, the time is here for renewing the war and getting long life and benefit and good luck to the world, to the sun, to the moon. I will be one of the Kaftina from Weiimafti, and I depend on you. I wish you to be the one to get the best blood of my friend Kaftina, to give new life and strength to the world." VOL. XVI-25 {view image of page 194} 194 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN "Good, my son," replies the Opi. "Be a man. Be brave and I hope it will come right. We will do the best we can on both sides." All this means that the Kafiina performer wishes one of his friends to be the one to engage him in combat, and not one who is perhaps unfriendly to him, for the latter might, as if by accident, slash his throat. Therefore, when the fight occurs, the actor, who is masked and not recognizable to the Opi, will rush up to the one whom he has chosen and begin to fight. Each Opi will thus accommodate several of his friends, for the Kaffina greatly outnumber the warriors. While the Opi are singing in Moharo, the men of the Antelope clan, and formerly of the now extinct Deer clan, and their grown male children (both the actual offspring of Antelope men and their godchildren in the whipping initiation) meet in the house of Antelope Person. These young men "children" of the clan have already brought from the mountains long wands of maple, oak, and willow, which they now paint and to which they attach feather wapanhi at two points about equidistant from the ends and the middle. They also make prayer-sticks. The Antelope men and their "children" meet again on the following morning, the day of the battle. The following Kafitina are "friends" of the Antelope people and live at different places on the edge of the mesa: Maseewi and UJyuyewi at the east, two Kotyichaiisume at the northwest, Neneiika at the west, two Kakwipeme at the south. These are the friends of the people because they are neighbors. Among the hostile Kaftina of Weiimafti are three who deplore the conflict and try to prevent it: Ts!if!finfif!, father of the Kafiina (there are two personators of this character in the drama), Kawachkaiya ("long tongue"), and Tyaift-kotyume ("pinion mountaindweller"). From the five kivas there have been appointed eleven men to enact the parts of these friendly spirits. Each man who is to play the role of a hostile Ka'fina has killed the best sheep in his flock, and carefully cleaned a length of intestine and filled it with blood. This he will place around his neck, concealed beneath the fringe at the bottom of the mask, so that when the Opi attacks him and pretends to cut his throat the blood will stream down over his body. At various times during the night before the combat the two red Komaiyawashi, scouts of the friendly Katfina, return to the village, and uttering a long-drawn cry, a note of warning, they call: "We {view image of page 195} THE KERES I95 are now in danger, my dear people! Get everything in readiness. Tomorrow the Ka'fina are coming to fight. There will be a great war!" They repeat the warning in various parts of the village and then come to M6haro to report: "These Kaftina are very angry with us. Let us get ready with bows and clubs and whatever we can use for defense." From inside M6haro the Kapina-ch!ainii and the Flint shamans respond, "Yes, let us do our best." About midnight each KaJfina actor goes home, and his wife or his mother prepares food for him to take along. Invariably the woman weeps.1 From their homes the KaJfina personators go to their kivas and procure their masks. Usually two relatives or friends accompany each other for mutual assistance, just as if they were in an expedition of war. All proceed about two miles southwestward to a certain place on another mesa, where they conceal themselves behind a mass of rocks. It is perhaps two in the morning, and they lie down to sleep after eating their food. In their several kivas the seven "neighbor" Kafiina are waiting, and at the proper time they go with their masks to dress in the different places where they are supposed to dwell. Just before dawn they appear on the edge of the mesa in various places, uttering the characteristic cry, "Hu, hu, hu!" and enter the village. At all the corners of the buildings they lean flint points and painted wands, to support the houses against the power of the enemy Kaftina.2 The people, old and young, come out on the housetops and beg the Kafiina for some of their medicine, which the latter hand to them, to make them brave. Then the masked figures go to M6haro. On the previous day the governor has appointed some young men to stand guard in pairs at various places: at the foot of Enchanted mesa, on the top of Acoma mesa at the north side, on the west side at the head of the trail, and at other points of vantage. These guards now depart for their stations, where they collect piles of brush. If any American or Mexican appears, they light the brush and send up a column of smoke as a signal to the Kaftina of Weniimafti, who 1 The informant, when a young boy, awoke one night and heard his father bidding goodbye to his mother, who was weeping. The father said, "I hope I will come back safely, and we will see each other again." She repeated the sentiment. After his father was gone the boy asked, "Mother, why are you crying?" "I am just crying." "But what are you crying about?" "Your father is going away to herd sheep at Acomita." 2 See footnote, page 176, on the suggestion that the mythic battle with the Kaifina is an attempt to explain the ravages of a tornado. {view image of page 196} I96 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN then await a second signal indicating that the intruders have been sent away. Early in the morning the two white K6maiyawa7hi, scouts of the enemy, appear, walking toward the village. The people take to the housetops to watch them. They arrive, and report: "All the Kaftina will be here this afternoon. They will bring fruits of all kinds and good things to eat." "We are glad to hear that," reply the elders. "We will be waiting for them." They go on through the village and repeat their false news. In the plaza the war-chiefs are sitting, smoking. When the two scouts arrive there, and repeat their words, the first war-chief answers: "Good! We have our village clean, and we will be waiting. We will be glad to have their presents. It is well if it be so. Here is a cigarette. Smoke." "No, we will not smoke. Smoking makes a man lazy. We would not be good runners." "Why not? All Komaiyawashi like to smoke." "Not we. We are runners. Smoking would make our knees and backs ache." Still the war-chief urges them to smoke: "Come, my friend, let us take a smoke. It is a good way to call the Shiwanna [cloud Kadfina]." "Well, I am Shiwanna myself. I myself can make rain. But we came to tell you that the Kafiina will be here this afternoon." They continue to refuse to smoke: "We are hunters." They draw their bows and point arrows at the war-chiefs. "We can shoot any kind of game." "But do not shoot us!" "We are only showing you how we shoot game. We are your friends who have come with good news, for you have always treated us kindly." Then the two red Komaiyawaghi appear and try to make the white ones smoke, but fail. They ask, "Is it true that the Ka-fina are coming to fight?" "No, no, you must not think such a thing. Did you not hear us say that they will bring presents? You must announce it to the people." "No, we will not until you smoke. Then we will know it is true." But still refusing, the white scouts leave the war-chiefs. The two pairs of Komaiyawaghi move about, and finally enter {view image of page 197} THE KERES I97 M6haro without asking permission. The Kapina-ch!aiaii, the Flint society, and the Opi, are still there. Again the white scouts refuse to smoke, and the red K6maiyawashi declare: "These two are liars. Why are they telling you these things? The Kaftina are angry." "No, they are practising nice songs to bring to this pueblo today." "No, they are angry; they are coming to destroy the village. Why are you carrying bows? Why do you not give them to us?" "Why, we cannot do that. This is my bow for hunting. But I have many presents at home for you." "What are you going to do with that club?" "Oh, I can use this to kill a deer after I have shot him. Well, we must go now. If you do not believe the message I have brought from the Kaftina, do as you please. If you are not going to await them, do as you please." They go out, and the red pair follow them wherever they go in the village and even out into the open country on the mesa. At a small hillock within sight of the village they engage in a quarrel, each white against a red Komaiyawashi. Suddenly the two white ones run to a clump of small trees, and each seizes a tree (previously cut off and propped up) and wields it on the head and body of his opponent. The red Komaiyawaghi fall to the ground, and the others run away to the place where the Kaftina are waiting. The red Komaiyawashi stagger to their feet and return to the village. The watching people whisper to one another: "Oh, they are nearly killed! It is a bad fight. Those white Komaiyawashi are strong." Meantime at intervals during the morning the seven "neighbor" KaIfina emerge from Moharo and go about strengthening the buildings and the ladders, and distributing medicine. About the middle of the morning the two white Komaiyawaghi return and repeat their actions as before. In the plaza they again refuse to smoke, and the war-chiefs offer them food. They demur that they have had breakfast. "Take some food home," urges the war-chief. "Oh, there is abundant food at home. Why should we take it from here?" To every suggestion of eating and smoking they make objection. They sit down, and one says, "Why, that tobacco smells good." "Why not smoke, then?" "Oh, the smell is just as good as the smoke." Finally, however, one of them tries it. "That is good. Come, brother, smoke." They both smoke, and one says: "What are we going to do when we {view image of page 198} I98 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN return? The Kafiina will smell this smoke." The other replies, "Oh, we can beat those Kafiina." Now the women, in response to a message from the war-chief, bring food, and the war-chief says, "Take a bag of tobacco for the Kaftina." "Oh, they do not want tobacco." "Yes, take some, so that they will not be angry with you." "Why do you keep talking about the Kaftina being angry? Did you not hear us say that they are coming with good hearts and with presents?" After a time the scouts go away with bundles of food, which the two red Komaiyawaghi offer to carry. They whisper to the war-chief that now they will get the better of the white Komaiyawas'hi, for their strength must have departed since they ate food and smoked. They carry the bundles a short distance, and then the white Komaiyawashi take the food to the place where the Kafsina performers are waiting. About noon the white scouts come again to the plaza and announce that the Kaffina will soon appear. This time they do not smoke. They report: "This food and tobacco you sent the Kaftina, they did not use. It smells bad to them. They have their own food and tobacco. Yours is not good. Your mouths smell bad, your knees ache, your backs hurt from your tobacco." When the war-chief offers them a cigarette they strike it aside, and when he tries to touch them in a friendly manner they push him away, saying: "No, no, do not touch us! You are trying to put some medicine on me, so that I will not be a good hunter, so that I cannot run fast. We must keep away from this place, so that nobody can put anything bad on us." They go to M6haro, and looking about at the weapons piled there around the altar of the Kapinach!aiafii, they inquire: "What are all these bows and arrows and clubs? What are you going to do? Are you going to have a war?" "You carry bows," they are reminded. "Yes, we are hunters." The Opi try to take away their bows, and are resisted. The KomaiyawaShi will not let anybody touch their bodies. After a time the Opi rush upon them and take away the bows by force, and even break the weapons. The Komaiyawaghi resist, and after a lively scuffle the two scouts run up the ladder and down into the street with the red scouts in pursuit. The latter throw down the outer ladder while the others are still on it, and then leap after them and give chase. The white scouts stop occasionally and throw stones {view image of facing page 198} Acoma from the churchtop [photogravure plate] {view image of page 199} THE KERES I99 back at the red ones, and finally run to the place where the Kafiina are waiting with masks on and bodies painted entirely white. They wear blue loin-cloths. The Komaiyawashi approach in haste and give the war-cry, and the Kaftina start up in excitement. "See how these people have treated us! Let us destroy the houses and kill the people!" The Kaifina scatter in bands here and there over the mesa, still unseen by the people. The two personators of Ts!if!funuf!, as well as Long Tongue and Piion Mountain-dweller, remain near the place where they have been waiting. The personators of the hostile Kaftina are now uttering prayers and offering meal to the spirit Kafsina, asking their assistance. They adjust the masks, give the Kafsina cry, and immediately rush wildly hither and thither. They break off saplings for clubs, and in small groups they run toward the pueblo, gradually coming together in a single group. They usually number at least a hundred. But Ts!if!unufi! and his companions, at an open place where the others must pass, scratch a deep line in the ground with flints, and when the Ka'fina arrive there they stop and turn back and run about, unable to pass over the line. While they are thus engaged, Ts!ift!funut! and the others with him obliterate the mark and run forward a short distance and make another mark. The Kaftina rush ahead, but are stopped by the new line and by Ts!if!funuf! and his companions, who stand there, each with a long wand raised horizontally. Thus the friendly spirits stop them a number of times, but when the last mark has been obliterated, the enemy swarm across and make for the village in a wild mob, crying "Hu, hu, hu!" with thin, high-pitched voices. Meanwhile in their house all the Antelope men and women and the "children" of the clan have prepared themselves, the men by painting the body red 1 and the lower half of the face brown, the women by painting the arms red and the face with two brown lines across each cheek. Powdered manganite is dusted over the face paint. The men wear moccasins and blue loin-cloths, the women mantas and leggings. Each person has a long, red wand, yapi, with two wapani dangling from it. The Antelope people file out of their house, and in an open space outside the village, south of a large waterhole and west of the church, they stand in line, shoulder to shoulder, men in front and women behind, all facing south, the direction from which the Kaftina are 1 The red is made by chewing dry corn-husk, spitting the mass on pulverized gypsum, and adding certain masticated berries, which produces a viscous mass. The color is maroon, like that of ripe Opuntia fruit. The men are not armed. {view image of page 200} 200 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN approaching, and pray. Some young men, "children of the clan," and Antelope Person himself with his assistant, descend from the mesa at the south end and await the coming of the Kafsina. When they arrive, Antelope Person deprives them of their heavy clubs and forces into their hands lighter sticks and wands; for if they were permitted to carry these heavy cudgels many persons might be injured. Meantime during the morning four men, who perform this service whenever the mock battle occurs, have brought out four untanned oxhides cut square and punched with round holes at convenient intervals along the edge, and have lashed them with thongs to a framework consisting of four vertical and two horizontal poles. To the projecting tips of the four uprights are lashed the tips of four sloping poles, which are used to brace this ichuini ("wall") against the assault of the enemy. While they work at this, the seven "neighbor" Kafiina from time to time come and lay flint points on it to make it strong. From below, as soon as light sticks have been substituted for the heavy cudgels, the Kaftina rush up the trail at the south end of the mesa. Antelope Person and the others with him run up by another path and join the other Antelopes, and all the men of the clan, and the "neighbor" Kaftina, stand in an arc of a circle, holding up their wands and praying, and the Kaitina run hither and thither like wild animals held in check by a barrier. If any KaJfina should break one of the wands in trying to get through, the other Kaifina would beat him. Now Ts!it!funuif! and his companions address the Antelopes and the other people: "My dear fathers and friends, we are in great danger. My dear sons will not obey me. I try to keep them from fighting against you. Now do your best to hold them back. Let us get the better of them by your power." He then leaves the Antelopes to hold back the Kaifiina, and runs with his companions to ichu'ni, which has been raised and now stands like a wall. He presses his hands against it from behind, and with bowed heads he and his companions pray for some little time. The Opi meanwhile have come trooping out of Moharo, and gather behind ichu'ni, as if defending a wall. Like Maseewi, the war-chief, they have the torso and the legs below the knee black, the face black with a horizontal white streak below the mouth from ear to ear and with two vertical lines made by removing the white paint with the scratch of a finger. Fine white eagle-down is stuck on the hair and the forehead by means of an adhesive vegetal substance. The thighs are white, the lower part of the legs is black. They wear moccasins and fringed deerskin kilts having tin rattlers on {view image of page 201} THE KERES 20I the ends of the fringe and having snakes, eagles, frogs, or hawks painted in white. A sheathed flint knife is worn in the belt. Across the right shoulder is a baldric, to which are fastened numerous flints and shells, and this supports at the left side a bag made of some article of apparel taken from a slain enemy. This is not a practical bag; it has no dpening, and is said to contain the soul of the enemy from whom it was taken. Nobody but the owner himself may touch it, except that in certain Kaffina dances a performer wears one of these bags, which is put on him and taken off by the Opi himself. A deerskin cap, either skull-shape or with two peaks representing mountains and indicating that the Opi is a hardened man capable of arduous travel among the mountains, completes the striking costume of the scalpers. The Antelope men and the friendly "neighbor" Kafiina now retreat to the line of the Antelope women, and again hold up their wands along with the females, who however soon run back and form another curving line from ichuni to the adjacent house wall on either side. Ts!ifn!unufi! and his companions now stand slightly behind and at one side of ichu'ni. After holding the second line of defense for a time, the Antelope men quickly run back and stand in line again with the women, and the Ka'fina pursue them, some of them dashing straight across the waterhole. All this time the four men who made ichu'ni stand behind it, grasping the four braces. After defending this line for a time, the Antelope men spread their ranks somewhat so as to protect the space occupied by the shield, and the four men in charge, assisted by some young Antelope men and by the Opi, carry it back through an opening in the second line of houses and set it up again. Thereupon the Antelopes retreat again and form their lines in the new location. From there the wall is carried to the plaza, and the Antelopes retreat once more and stand in lines which fill the gaps between ichu'ni and the adjacent houses, and also a gap between two tiers of houses. The enemy KaIftina pursue them into the open space, the friendly Kafiina follow the enemy and stand in a line so as to block the entrance behind them in order that they may not escape and leap over the cliff; for if this should happen, the escaped individual would at once become a spirit, an actual Kafiina. At once the 6pi rush forward from behind ichuini and engage in battle with the hostile Kaifina, while the two white Komaiyawaihi run from group to group encouraging the Kaftina. Each Kaftina who has arranged with an Opi to be "killed" at this place rushes to him, and the Opi wrestles with him, throws VOL. XVI-26 {view image of page 202} 202 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN him to the ground, kneels on his chest, draws his flint knife, grasps for the throat, and bursts the blood-filled gut. He quickly smears his hands and knife with blood, so as to make it appear that he has actually thrust his knife into the throat of the Kaffina. Not all the Kaifina are "killed" here, and the Opi withdraw behind ichiuni, while the Antelopes still stand in line, holding up their wands and praying. Now various Kaftina suddenly become aware that their companions are missing. Finding them prostrate, they encourage them to rise, and after some time and with a great deal of assistance the " slain" warriors rise one by one, staggering and crying. The women on the housetops wail and weep with great sincerity. Ichuni is now moved again, the battle is resumed, and more Kaifina are "killed." The masked warriors by this time are furious. When one of them raises his hand and discovers himself to be all bloody, he rages. The wall is erected five times in all, each time in a space where not more than three or four lines of defenders can guard every exit; and some of the enemy are killed in each place until all have been laid low. At the fifth place of combat the two white Komaiyawashi, still unharmed, attack the Antelopes and the Opi more fiercely than ever, all the time reviling the fighting ability of the KaJtina. The Opi finally seize them, throw them down, and pretend to castrate them, bursting a piece of gut concealed under the loin-cloth. The KaIfina now simulate great sadness, some crying, others standing with bowed heads, or sitting as if exhausted, or supporting their weary companions. An Antelope man is then sent to Antelope House for a basket of prayer-sticks, which he sets on the ground, and each Antelope takes up the bundle of sticks made by himself and presents it to one of the Ka'fina. At the same time other individuals come down from the houses with prayer-sticks they have made, each person with one bundle of four sticks, and gives them to the masked warriors, including the friendly ones. One KaIfina may receive a large number of bundles, but each must receive at least one. In presenting the sticks, each person says: "Now, we have been having a hard time, but let us forget it. Let us have good thoughts. We are sorry. But we will need your help in the future, and we hope you will not be angry with us." The Komaiyawashi respond: "My sons, we are beaten. We are not good at fighting, but we did our best. Let these people have their strength." They depart sadly with the Kaftina, no longer uttering their "Hu, hu, hu!" The people, though victorious, are depressed. {view image of facing page 202} A morning chat - Acoma [photogravure plate] {view image of page 203} THE KERES 203 Ichuni is laid down, and the four men take it apart. The villagers return to their homes, the Opi go back to M6haro and resume their ordinary garments and go home, the Kapina-ch!aiinii and the Flint shamans dismantle their altars, and soon Moharo is deserted. It is now evening. For a period Of one month after the battle the Kafiina in WefiimafSi are supposed to be dead. During this time the people must not speak of them nor sing any Ka'fina song. At the end of the month the war-chiefs inform the populace that they must make prayersticks for the Kaifina. At night the women of every household place food outside the door, and in the morning when the young children find it and inform their parents, they are told that the Kafiina must have come to life again, for "these are presents from them." It is sometimes said that men are actually killed in the mock battle of the Kaifina. The informant has observed the battle four times, but has seen nobody killed. He once saw a man carried from place to place as the fight progressed, as if he were dead or seriously injured. The masked warrior was carried out of the village, but later returned unharmed. The parents of this informant however have told him of specific instances of men being actually slain, and buried away from the village. Such killings were the result, they said, of personal enmity over women, or were a form of punishment by the shamans for disbelief in their practices. At a certain place on the way to attack the village the Kafiina must leap across a profound crevice about four feet wide. With their vision cut off at the sides by their masks, two men once collided in the air and fell to their death at the bottom. On another occasion a dislodged bowlder rolled down the steep trail and killed a man. Kopishtaia Ceremony at the Winter Solstice Koamifhuik ("south corner") is the season of the winter solstice. The war-chief, informed by Kuif-hano, the cacique, that the solstice is approaching, notifies the populace that the time is at hand for the coming of the Kopishtaia.l These are the Kafiina who, not wishing to fight the people at Kashkafiutya, as related in the origin myth, changed their nature and went away to the southeast. The people who settled on Kaffima, the Enchanted Mesa, also suddenly in the night changed into Kopightaia and joined the others. The members of each kiva meet on the night of the day when 1 Actually the ceremony occurs at the end of November, several weeks before the solstice. {view image of page 204} 204 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the war-chief makes his announcement, and certain men volunteer to perform as Kopi~htaia, in the belief that they will thus have good crops and health for themselves and their families during the coming year. On the fourth day begins the usual quadriduum of purification by vomiting, sleeping in the kiva, and refraining from meat, salt, and cohabitation. This is obligatory on all members of the kivas, that is, on all men of the pueblo. The first and the second day they go about their ordinary affairs, but the third day they spend in the kivas, where the masks are brought out, and those that will be used are cleaned, while the others are returned to their inner room. These are the same masks that are used by personators of the Kaftina. On the second or the third day the two societies of shamans set up their altars, and these remain in place four days. The shamans are going to "dress the sun." 1 On the fourth night the Fire society sing in their lodge-room, and the Flint society in M6haro, where Kfift-hano is in charge. All the dancers, having already prepared their prayer-sticks in bundles of four each, attend one or another of these "sings," while a few men remain in the kivas to guard the masks. The shamans give a brief version of the general healing ceremony,2 brushing off disease from the spectators. This ends about two in the morning, and the dancers go back to their kivas. Immediately the dancers begin to paint with the assistance of fellow kiva members. Some paint all black, some all white, some have the symmetrical halves of the body of two different colors. A certain root is chewed, the viscous liquid is smeared on the body, and short turkey-feathers are thus stuck to the skin here and there four or five inches apart for the professed purpose of protection from cold. Except for their paint and feathers the Kopi~htaia go naked. Such shamans as are going to represent Kopightaia either return after the singing and the healing ceremony to their respective kivas to paint and put on their masks, or they have brought their masks to the inner room of their society quarters, and after the others have been dismissed they bring out the masks and prepare themselves. About three o'clock in the morning or a little later the performers go out carrying their masks wrapped in blankets. They wear moccasins, loin-cloths, and black blankets, the last so that if anyone should be abroad they will not be easily seen. The various kiva groups and the two shaman groups (that is, Flint men who are going to perform as Kopightaia and have dressed in M6haro, and Fire men who have As described on page I74. 2 See page 233. {view image of facing page 204} Native conception of a kopishtaia with mask and tablita - Acoma [photogravure plate] {view image of page 205} THE KERES 205 dressed in Hakanii lodge-room) go separately to different places in the valley, some north, some south, others at all points between in the eastern half of the horizon. Novices are assigned to elder men for instruction, and call them father. Very young children perform as Kopishtaia, for this service is held to mean very good luck and long life.1 Sometimes children of five or six years are painted as K6pishtaia, and at the edge of the mesa where the people congregate waiting for the Kopightaia they sit concealed under a blanket beneath their fathers' knees. When the maskers appear they run out and join them without being noted, and it appears that they have come from below with the Kopightaia.2 After the head-man of each group has prayed, and all have buried their prayer-sticks, the Kopishtaia start toward the village. Soon they pull down their masks and run swiftly, - partly because of the extreme cold, - shouting wildly, singing war-songs. They go in pairs, "father" and son, running toward the village in sinistral circles. Thus parties of Kopightaia, numbering perhaps sixty to seventy in all, are seen approaching the village from all directions visible from the east end of the mesa. There the people congregate, each individual holding a bundle of prayer-sticks and praying very rapidly: "This is the last day when the sun rises on the south side of the world. May you, Sun, turn around and come back and give us long life. We wish to have good luck with our crops and game. We wish not to have sickness. Let us have plenty of rain." They cast their prayer-sticks over the edge of the cliff into various crevices. When the Kopightaia reach the foot of the mesa, the war-chief orders the people back from the edge of the cliff: for the K6piShtaia still wear blankets to protect them from the cold, and the people must not see them in this condition. The sun is still below the horizon. The KopiShtaia come up to the mesa on the south side. On the way up, and whenever on the top they come to a place where a point of rock projects, they address the rock, imploring it to stand firm and not fall down. They lean flint arrow-points under such rocks to support them. At the edge of the cliff where the people cannot see them is piled a quantity of green boughs of various kinds, stalks 1 The informant at the age of seven or eight years was kicked in the head by a horse, and was expected to die. In fact they were about to prepare him for burial when he recovered consciousness. His father about four months later made him join in the K6pightaia ceremony, and the lightning-lines on the mask were held in brief contact with the depression in his skull in order to cure him. 2 A good instance of the prevailing inconsistency of Indian rules. Young children are not supposed to know that masked performers are only humans. {view image of page 206} 206 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of Opuntia cactus with the thorns carefully removed from one side of the pads, cornstalks with ripe ears cut at harvest time, buried in moist sand, and now dug up and soaked, with the result that they appear to be freshly plucked. Here the KopiShtaia stop, remove their blankets, moccasins, and loin-cloths, and take up some of the green stalks, carrying them on the back over the shoulder. The head-men of the kivas are there to see that everything is in order, that nothing shall give the children a clue to the human character of the K6piShtaia. The war-chief inquires if all are ready, and when they assent he directs them to proceed. Either the Kapina-ch!aiiai chief or, if he is performing as K6 -pifhtaia, the Flint chief, leads them into and through the village. This leader wears a single feather on the head, ordinary cotton drawers, a cotton shirt, a white manta, and a woman's belt. They proceed walking in single file through the village, uttering high, yelping cries, and east of the pueblo they thrust their green stalks upright in a crack in the rock. Afterward the war-chiefs come and set them more firmly in place. The people are all grouped at one side of the plaza. Some of the KopiShtaia have live rabbits concealed in the foxskin bags which they all carry, and now secretly one by one they take them out and set them on the ground. These rabbits have cattail-down pressed over their eyes, so that, unable to see, they sit quietly, probably thinking themselves concealed. A Kopishtaia takes a handful of corn or other seeds and hurls it at a rabbit, which, startled, leaps away, and the down scatters in the air, floating like the summer clouds that are so much desired. Those who do not understand the nature of this trick think that when the Kopishtaia hurls seeds on the ground a rabbit leaps out of the earth. Again, a child Kopisrhtaia lies on the ground above a narrow crack in the rock, concealed by the blanket of a man sitting there and watching the performers. The "father" of the young K6pishtaia comes up, throws cattail-down on the ground near the man, then reaches down and lifts up the little Kopishtaia, making it appear that he pulled him out of the narrow crack. Meantime the Kopishtaia have been scattering seeds from their fox-skin bags, which the people eagerly collect and save for the spring planting to bring good luck to all their crops. Finally the leader takes them to the south side of the houses, the people still following, and the kiva chiefs come and call, "Come this way!" Each group follows its kiva father, still scattering seeds, and dis {view image of facing page 206} An Acoma man [photogravure plate] {view image of page 207} THE KERES 207 appears into the ceremonial chamber. It is now about an hour after sunrise. In the kivas they remove their masks, placing them on the east side of the room in a row, which, if there are many performers, extends around cn the north. They take off their feathers, pile them on the floor, and put on their ordinary clothing over the paint. Some females of each individual's paternal clan (the individual being called the child of his father's clan) now come to the kivas, and standing outside call: "Is so-and-so here? He is wanted." The man thus named goes out, and the women lead their clan child to their home. They take him into a private room, undress him, wash his hair with yucca-root, pour water over his body, wash him thoroughly with their hands from head to foot, dry and clothe him. Then they lead him out, and everybody in the house lays hands on him and thanks him, expressing gratitude that he has come back safely. Even little children do this, but they are given to understand that the man has been absent herding sheep or hunting: for the fact that the Kopightaia are represented by human actors is concealed. After breakfast the mother of the family gives him a few ears of roasted, dried corn, which he takes home, where his relatives embrace him and thank him. After a short time he returns to his kiva, where his mask, which he habitually calls soiii ("my friend"), is waiting for a smoke. He lights a cigarette and places it in the small mouth of the mask, saying: "Now, I give you a smoke. Give me good luck and long life. Do not be angry that I have been absent a little while." Each day the female relatives of the actors and of the other kiva members bring food to the ceremonial chambers. The head-man places all the dishes and packages of food in front of the masks, gives thanks, and offers it all to the Kopifhtaia. Then the individuals take a bit of food of each kind and lay the morsels before the masks, each actor thus feeding his own "friend." This continues during four days. At frequent intervals they pray to the masks and give them cigarettes. Before leaving the kiva for any purpose a Kopi2htaia actor offers a bit of meal to his mask, saying: "Now, my friend, I am going out for a short time. Please excuse me. You must not think I am a bad man. I will not leave you long." On returning he offers meal again and says: "Here I am again, my friend. Thank you, that you have not been angry." On the second, the third, and the fourth day the members of the five kivas may dance Kaftina if they will. In all the kivas on any day, but usually in two on one day and two others another day, this {view image of page 208} 208 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN may occur. The Kopishtaia performers and the other members participate, the former with their K6pishtaia masks, the latter as the Kafiina pertaining to that particular kiva, or, what is more favored at this time, as "mixed Katfina," various kinds of animals, as well as Ts!it!finfiuS!, Heya, and others, being represented. A given group dances only once a day. On the fourth night some of the Kopightaia go to the Fire society house and dance a song or two before the assembled populace, and then to M6haro, the Flint quarters. They scatter seeds and depart, and a little later another group from another kiva appears. With the conclusion of this phase of the ceremony, the two societies dismantle their altars. Shortly after midnight the war-chiefs go from one kiva to another and call through the ventilating opening in the wall: "Be ready! It is time to go!" The Kopishtaia place in bags the food and cigarettes they have been offering to their "friends," take up the masks, and climb out of the kiva. Those who brought green stalks and branches and planted them in the crack in the rock go to that place, pull them up, and carry them away. (During the preceding four days the people have been visiting this spot to break off bits of the stalks and boughs, which they boil to make liquid for vomiting and for symbolically bathing the body.) Departing from the village, the Kopishtaia either carry the masks wrapped in blankets, or, if their hands are fully occupied with the bundles of prayer-sticks they have been making, they wear them on the head. They go to the east side of the mesa, uttering their cries, and throw over the side the food, the green things, and the prayer-sticks, after which they return quietly to their kivas, remove the feathers from the masks, put everything away, and sleep. With their fellow members they remain eight more nights in the kivas, during which time they must practise strict continence. Ceremony of the Kapina-ch!aidfii The Kapina-ch!aifii 1 formed a society the function of which was not to cure sickness, but to impart courage to warriors, luck to hunters, strength to runners, and health to all. With the assistance of members of the two societies of shamans the sole surviving member still performs a winter ceremony for the purpose of ridding the people of the bad luck that would otherwise result from any evil-doing of which they have been guilty during the year. Observing the sun about the middle of January after the newly 1 Kapina is said to mean "glutton," but, if so, the allusion is not clear. {view image of facing page 208} Church and cemetery - Acoma [photogravure plate] {view image of page 209} THE KERES 209 appointed war-chiefs have completed their prayers, Kift-hano, the cacique, notifies the principal war-chief that it is time for the Kapinach!aianii to have their rites; and that officer notifies the Kapina chief, and then publicly announces that in four days the Kapina-ch!aianii will begin. On the third day the Kapina chief and his fellow members bring from the room in which they are kept the two effigies called Tsamahiya and Yfimahiya. The two personages bearing these names were defenders of the people in legendary times, warriors who could overcome anything and could see events taking place at a great distance. They are referred to as haye'fi-haftatfai ("drill men"), because of their courage and "sharpness." The effigy representing Tsamahiya 1 is about eighteen inches in diameter at the base and six feet tall. The base is covered with cotton webbing of coarse cord, and above this, in front, is a space covered with blue feathers, the face of the image. The remainder of the surface is a mass of upright feathers, especially the long feathers of eagles and hawks. Yfimahiya is about four feet high, but otherwise is just like Tsamahiya. Whenever a man kills an eagle, a hawk, a duck, or any other large bird, he keeps the long feathers, and before starting on a hunt (or formerly on a fighting expedition) he goes to the Kapina house and with his own hands thrusts the quill ends of some of his feathers among those already covering the two effigies. The vanes of the older feathers become in time totally destroyed by moths, but a quill is never removed. In consequence the effigies are masses of quills and feathers. The room in which the images are kept, though a part of the Kapina chief's house, is not occupied as a residence, and daily he gives water and food to the effigies and sweeps out the room if necessary. When the Kapina chief now enters the room, he addresses the 1 A Laguna informant suggests ftama, nearly dark, dusky; f(amahiya, carrying darkness, full of darkness. Stone figures representing these two characters were a part of the Laguna Sun shamans' altar, which by the use of colored sand and meal was made as bright as possible in the centre, but shaded off to black at the sides where the images stood. Tsamahiya is the title of the asperger in the Hopi Snake ceremony, and the character is mentioned in certain Snake songs of that tribe in the Keres language. See Volume XII, pages 77, 78, 143. It is plain that the Hopi Snake ceremony was greatly influenced by Keres custom, and perhaps it was actually introduced by Keres accretions of the Hopi population. Except for the suspected harboring and veneration of rattlesnakes at some of the Keres pueblos, and the ceremony for curing snakebite, the serpent cult is defunct in this family; at least there is nothing like the partially public ceremony of the Hopi. But the cult was an ancient Keres institution, for Espejo in I583 saw a ceremony at Acoma in which the dancers performed "many juggling feats, some of them very clever, with live snakes." VOL. XVI-27 {view image of page 210} 210 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN effigies, "It is time for you to help us strengthen the people." He makes a trail of meal out through the door, and the images are lifted up and carried out by his helpers, who march through the plaza and around to M6haro. The war-chiefs are on guard outside and on the roof. In the ceremonial chamber the two effigies are set on the floor a short distance from the north wall, facing the centre, Tsamahiya being at the left of Yuimahiya. In front of them is a rectangular medicine-bowl, and scattered here and there about them are numerous flints. The ladder rests on the floor near the fireplace, about midway between the centre of the room and the south wall. Between the foot of the ladder and the west wall lies a device made of yuccaleaves tied together in such a way as to form a hollow square, from which an approximately semicircular trail of sand leads to a corresponding point near the opposite wall, the middle of the trail lying a short distance in front of the warrior effigies. The head of the trail is flanked by two triangular patches of colored sand, usually but not necessarily blue and green respectively; and on the first half of the trail, as also on the second half, lie four crosses of yuccaleaves.1 At its middle point, on the concave side, is a square figure representing the world and its difficult trails, of white sand mingled with green, with an inscribed brown square and two brown diagonal lines from opposite angles. At the end of the curving trail stands a Kapina-ch!aiiaii holding an entire yucca plant (Yucca baccata) with small feathers attached to the tips of the leaves. Two members of the society stand on opposite sides of the yucca-leaf square, most of the others sit in a row along the north wall behind the two effigies. Midway between the fireplace and the sand figure of the world, about the centre of the room, is a dance-plank. Throughout the third day such men as intend to do penance, and some women, such as are going to confess that they have had illicit relations with men, are preparing prayer-sticks and feathers, and washing their hair and their bodies; and about nine o'clock on the fourth morning all these come straight from their homes to 1 The cross is a symbol peculiar to warriors, suggestive, perhaps, of a wound. One is here reminded of the reference by Castafieda to prayer-sticks seen at Acoma in 1540, which led the chronicler to suppose that their occurrence was due to Christian influence. "They venerate the sign of the cross in the region where the settlements have high houses [the pueblos], for at a spring which was in the plain at Acuco [Acoma] they had a cross two palms high and as thick as a finger, made of wood with a square twig for its crosspiece, and many little sticks decorated with feathers around it, and numerous withered flowers, which were the offerings." - Winship in Fourteenth Report Bureau of Ethnology, pt. 2, page 544, I896. {view image of page 211} THE KERES 211 M6haro, the men wearing only moccasins and loin-cloths and bearing prayer-sticks, feathers, guns, bows, arrows, quivers, rabbit-sticks, and lances. As the men come down the ladder, a Kapina-ch!aiinii takes the weapons from each in turn and leans them against the wall, or hangs them on the wall, or piles them in front of the warrior effigies. Each man in turn then throws off his blanket and removes his moccasins, and the Kapina chief approaches and extends two long eaglefeathers, which the man grasps by the ends, and thus is led to the square of yucca-leaves. He steps inside the square, and the two I, Tsamahiya. S 2, Yumahiya. 0000000000000000000 3, Rectangular medicine-bowl. 0000000000 o00000000 4, 4', Flints (various weapons lie in 14 front of the two effigies). 5, Ladder. 6, Two Kapina with square of yucca- X 6- Li leaves. X 7, Sand trail. 8 /\ /8' 13 8, Green mountain. \ 8', Blue mountain. \\ 9, 9', Yucca-leaf crosses. -- - Io, Sand figure representing the world i 9) 9 (white mixed with green, trail lines brown). I 2 6' 11, Kapina with yucca plant, small 16 o feathers attached to tips of leaves. 4 4 I2, Kapina singers. 3 I3, Dance-plank. 12, Participants after their absolution. 15, Fireplace. N I6, I6', Weapons of participants. ALTAR OF THE KAPINA-CH!AIANI Kapina-ch!aifii standing beside it raise it with four motions and bring it rapidly up over his head, and there make a gesture as if dumping it backward, thus removing and casting away all evil that may be on him. They drop the square back on the floor, ready for the next man. The Kapina-ch!aianii who receives the first man leads him with his feathers along the sand trail between the two mountains. The man must step carefully on each of the four yucca crosses, and coming to the square sand figure with cross-lines representing the trails of the world he is led by a prescribed route along these lines. He then proffers a bunch of feathers and prayer-sticks, which a Kapina-ch!aiaii thrusts among the others that adorn the two images. The penitent is led on to the next four crosses, and so to the Kapinach!aiani at the end of the trail, who spreads open the leaves of his {view image of page 212} 212 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN yucca plant. The pilgrim expectorates among them, and the ch!aiani closes them. This means that if the man has any sickness, any great sorrow, any uncleanness of heart, it is here deposited and the Kapinach!aiafii will dispose of it later. Singing by the ch!aiani sitting along the north wall behind the altar accompanies the entire proceedings. As each man enters the room, he goes through the same course. As soon as a member of the society has led an individual along the trail to the final point, he returns to the foot of the ladder to receive another, and while he is thus engaged another member is leading another candidate for absolution. One by one the suppliants seat themselves along the southern wall. This continues perhaps until late in the afternoon. At any time during this procedure there enter a number of K6 -maiyawashi, who, having notified their kiva father that they wish to perform thus, and having received his permission, have prepared their masks and gone to the customary place to dress. They come down the ladder in their usual talkative way, saying: "Oh, I am not afraid. I am strong, I am brave, I can run fast. Come, I will show you." They go through the same pilgrimage as the penitents, and then two station themselves beside the square of yucca-leaves and use it, while the two displaced Kapina-ch!aiani stand there and repeat the prayers, for of course the Komaiyawafhi do not know them. Others sit with the singers and join in the songs, all the time chattering and making fun. All others preserve a religious solemnity. The Komaiyawaihi are not long in one place, but keep moving restlessly about. The women who take part in this ceremony are dressed in mantas. By their presence they confess that they have been unfaithful, which excites no adverse comment, because all the men are in the same category. When all have been purified, the Kapina chief asperges the weapons with liquid from the medicine-bowl and returns them to their respective owners, after which his subordinates sweep up all the sand and leaves and other debris and pile it in a basket. Then the leader rises and speaks: "My dear children, this is our custom to strengthen ourselves and to confess all our bad deeds, that we may be clean and hope not to do any more bad deeds. Let us look ahead for our good luck, to have a good year and to have luck for our children, long life for them and for our animals. Let us all wish for plenty of rain. We do not wish to look back on our past times, at what we have been doing. Let that be forgotten." {view image of facing page 212} Among the rocks - Acoma [photogravure plate] {view image of page 213} THE KERES 213 Then they resume their singing. Two Kapina-ch!aiinii take their places on the ends of the dance-plank with the war-chief between them, and the three dance in place, while the K6maiyawaghi circulate in their customary fashion. Each of these two dancers holds a tightly bound bundle of long yucca-leaves. At the abrupt ending of the song one of them strikes the war-chief a hard blow across the shoulders, the other across the shins. The song is repeated three times, and at each termination they strike the war-chief again, once across the back, the buttocks, and the calves, and once across the thighs, the abdomen, and the chest. The blows leave livid marks. The war-chief then goes to the singers and receives a small shellful of liquid from the medicine-bowl. Meantime the Komaiyawaihi are moving about, watching the whipping and encouraging the victim. Then in turn all the other officers are flogged, and thereafter all the individuals present themselves for penance. Each one after being whipped, except the war-chief, may depart if he desires, or may remain to see the others whipped. By this time it is about dark, and the Kapina chief rises and calls the three war-chiefs before him and says: "My dear sons, you have new clothing.' This will strengthen your prayers to the end of the year. Now, my sons, if you wish to have great power, to be seers, you may be helped by this." Sometimes they refuse, or any one of them may refuse. If one of them assents, the Kapina chief mixes something in a shallow bowl of water, raises the bowl four times to Tsamahiya and Yfimahiya, and gives it to the officer to drink. This medicine is called!.ifgunii. A Kapina told the informant that it is snake excrement. After drinking it a man must remain in M6haro four days more, in which time nobody may so much as brush against him with a fingertip. Usually the elder war-chief drinks this medicine, and his two brother officers may come to sleep in Moharo with him during his restriction, at which time also the Kapina men remain in the room with him. He goes out early in the morning and at midnight to pray. If he goes home for any reason, the members of his family must be very careful not to touch him. Tsamahiya and Yfimahiya are returned to their usual place the night after the flogging. About midnight the Kapina-ch!aiiaii take the yucca plant into which the penitents spat, as well as the sand and leaves in the basket, to the northern edge of the mesa and cast it over, saying, "This sickness and bad luck, may the sky rise and let them be thrown out." The sky at the horizon is expected to rise, all 1 The flogging of the officers is called "giving them a coat." {view image of page 214} 214 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN this sickness and sorrow will be expelled from the world, and the sky will close down behind them. The witches, kanatyaia, are believed to live in the north, therefore they beseech these sorcerers, who are more powerful than ordinary humans, to help them by raising the sky. Origin of Scalping and the Scalp-dance After the people settled at Ako, Maseewi and Uyiuyewi, the twin warriors, killed a Navaho woman. She was very ugly. They failed to kill her instantly, and she haunted them. They could not sleep. Every night she would come and pull at their hair. She would say, "Oh, my dear husband, I have come to sleep with you!" But she was repulsive. Growing thin and weak from lack of sleep, they fled to Wenimaffi, yet still she troubled them. They went to the sunrise, but there she was. Then they decided to go and see if she were really dead. They found the body and cut off the scalp. They said, "We will dance, and for sixty days we will vomit and abstain from women." They summoned the twelve Osfia-paiyatyama ("sun youth") to help them. These were the first Kasari. Maseewi and Uyiuyewi asked them to be the fun-makers, as well as the guards. During the four days preceding the dance nobody except the Sun Youths, not even Maseewi and Uyiuyewi, was to make a cigarette. Four nights they practised singing and dancing. The Kasari brought one woman into the kiva the first night, two the second night, five the third, and three the fourth. These women danced singly with the elbows at the sides, hands level with the shoulders, turning this way and that, circling among the male dancers. The Sun Youths gave songs for the four directions, and there were songs from the various KafIina: four each from Ts!ift!funut!, Long Tongue, Piion Mountain-dweller, and Miaahtyftuai. The Sun Youths travelled instantaneously to far-distant places, in order to learn these new songs. During these four days the scalp hung on a pole in the plaza. Around it the people were going to dance. The last night the Kasari made medicine and passed it around to all. The next day eight women danced singly, then the scalp was taken down and Maseewi and Uyuye'wi took charge of it. Thus they rid themselves of the old Navaho woman's ghost. Kasari Dance, a Sequel to the Scalp-dance to Lay the Ghost In I888 the Opi, or scalpers, having been for some time inactive because there had been no fighting with the Navaho, the eight re {view image of facing page 214} Native conception of Histiani-Kowasutyi - "Flint-wing", the Thunderbird - Acoma [photogravure plate] {view image of page 215} THE KERES 215 maining scalpers met with Kuif-hano, the war-chiefs, the shamans, and the two head-men of each kiva, and proposed that they perform the scalp-dance, using an old scalp and pretending that it had been newly taken from a Navaho. The plan was approved, and all agreed to keep the secret. When the appointed time came, all the people were warned to remain in the village, but they were not told the reason. In the night two Opi secretly departed with the scalp, and about two miles from the pueblo they built a Navaho summer hogan, in which they hung the trophy. The following morning one of them came running into the village, shouting that the Navaho were attacking the shepherds. Immediately men armed themselves and set out, the women having hurriedly packed food for them. Arriving at the place, they found the two Opi shooting at the hogan, and they joined in the attack, giving the war-cry and firing their guns. The two Opi ran to the hogan, and quickly came out brandishing the scalp. They threw it on an anthill, while the people stood apart and watched. One after the other the Opi leaped across the scalp from each of the four directions. They threw it on a bunch of yucca-leaves and repeated this act. The informant was herding sheep in the vicinity and came running, having heard the shooting and the war-cries, and believing that an enemy had really attacked some of his people. He stood in the crowd and saw what the Opi were doing. With all except those in the secret he thought that a Navaho had really been killed, and not until the succeeding dance was ended did he become aware of the deception. The two Opi ordered the men to build a camp, and when this was done the scalpers camped apart by themselves and the others in a group. They remained there all night, just like a returned war-party, singing the old scalp-songs, which the younger men now learned. That evening the second and the third war-chief were sent back to Acoma with the news for the war-chief himself, and two young men were sent westward to bring Douglas spruce for the warriors to wear about their heads. Arriving at the village, the two war-chiefs asked permission to enter, for they had a message for Maseewi. They told about the affair in detail, and Maseewi announced the news at various points in the village, instructing the women to bring food to his house, for the warriors would be coming tomorrow with a Navaho scalp. During the night the Opi gathered numerous cedar branches, and to each one they attached the ends of several separate hairs drawn {view image of page 216} 216 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN from the scalp. In the morning the two messengers loaded their food on horses and went back to the camp. The "war-party" started about the middle of the morning, walking slowly and following the Opi, one of whom carried the scalp on the tip of a pole, the other the cedar branches. All had their faces blackened, and spruce wreathes on the head with sprigs extending down over the eyes. Frequently the procession stopped, while the Opi prayed and the men behind them sang. Late in the afternoon they approached the mesa, and thirty or forty young girls met them a short distance from its base. Each girl received a cedar branch with the Navaho hairs attached, and they formed two lines, double file, with the Opi side by side between the last two. In this fashion they all marched to the village, the warriors singing and the girls frequently uttering an ululating war-cry. At the foot of the mesa they met two shamans, who made a meal trail for them to follow, and as they passed the shamans each of these struck his two eagle-feathers together, scattering bad luck and remorse, so that all would be happy. A short distance farther on were two Shiwanna-ch!ainii ("cloud-god shamans," who treat wounds and lightning-stroke), and as the "warriors" passed, these pressed on their heads and shoulders with flints. The singing was continuous, and progress slow. At the top of the trail the people of the village were waiting, and when the "warriors" came up the women embraced them and followed them to the plaza. Kuits-hano, the cacique, and his Antelope clansmen and the war-chief led them from the edge of the mesa. When the procession reached the top of the mesa, the character of the songs changed. The Opi took the boughs from the girls and tied them to the pole, some near the top, others below, and another clump still lower. The scalp was at the very top. After taking the * "Not one of the pueblo churches, that of Cia perhaps excepted, can lay claim to real antiquity. All were built in either the last or the present century. There is always a low belfry with a rickety bell, cast in Mexico, and a dingy sacristy appended to one side of the choir. The ornaments inside are scant, a few of the paintings, one of which was presented to each church by the King of Spain after I694, are still extant... A few images, often the product of home industry and art, and accordingly misshapen, a chancel from the last century decorated by native artists in a manner frightful to behold, sometimes a ceiling daubed over with Indian and Christian symbols mixed in dismal array, a bare floor, a cumbrous sculptured wooden door, and windows with coarsely carved wooden railing in place of frames, and no panes, - these constitute a typical pueblo church in New Mexico... The Indians state that the outer walls of this church [at Sia] are those of the old mission temple, which was reared previously to I680. The church of Santa Clara was first used in 1761, that of San Ildefonso is posterior to I700; the church at Zufii was completed in I780, and so on." - Bandelier, op. cit., III, I890, page 267. The church at Acoma, however, may have been built as early as I699, replacing an earlier structure; its bell is dated 1710. (See pages I70-I7I.) {view image of facing page 216} Mission and church at Acoma [photogravure plate] {view image of page 217} THE KERES 2I7 trophy to the church to be baptized by the sacristan, they proceeded through the various streets to the plaza, and there made a hole in the ground and set up the pole. It was now dark, because progress was very slow, since they stopped frequently and prayed for as long as thirty to sixty minutes, while the singers continued their songs. In the dance men and women performed around the pole in a promiscuous throng, among them the other six 6pi, who had not gone into the field. At any time a man was privileged to select any female and go aside with her to cohabit. She could not refuse. The women did not dance all night, but many of the men continued until sunrise, and the deputies of the war-chiefs kept bringing wood for the fire, taking two pieces from each house in turn. Those who danced all night were called coyotes. About daylight they went to dance in front of the house of each Opi, and the food and large packets of cigarettes brought out to them were taken back to the plaza, where the food and some of the cigarettes were consumed. The remaining cigarettes, a very large number, were divided among them to be kept for a later occasion. They left the dishes on the ground and dispersed to their homes. The scalp-pole remained in place four days. On the fourth night the Opi took down the pole, removed the scalp and the hairs, and put them in their scalp-bag. Two or three weeks after the scalp-dance the Kasari prepared to play their part. Having been inactive for some time, they were reduced in number, and it was decided to initiate young men in place of their deceased fathers who had been Kasari. They were in two parties, one of which met in M6haro, the other in the Fire society room. A messenger came to the home of the informant, a youth of nineteen, announcing that he was to take his father's place. When he came home and heard this, he tried to avoid it, but the Kasari would not hear of it. He was the eldest son and must serve. That evening they came for him and took him to Moharo with the other six initiates. The head-man inquired: "Are you willing to be Kasari? We cannot make you Kasari unless you consent." Some assented. The informant asked, "If I am unwilling, will you excuse me?" "No, you must take your father's place. You are the eldest son of your father." So he agreed, fearing punishment if he refused. There were four Kasari in the Fire lodge-room and seven, inVOL. XVI-28 {view image of page 218} 218 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN cluding two women, in M6haro. On the night after their consent had been obtained the seven initiates were called to Moharo, where the seven Kasari of that party were assembled. A member came from the Fire group to learn how many were going to join his party, and after some discussion three whose fathers had been members of that party decided to accompany him. The initiates were instructed to rise early each morning of the next four days and vomit by drinking herbs to make the heart and the stomach clean, so that they could make good fun for the people and drive away the grief and sickness of the mind. Also they were to pray morning and evening, facing the east where the Sun Youths, the first Kasari, lived, and then in the other directions. On the fourth morning the two Kasari parties arranged their altars. In Moharo the altar consisted of a rectangular bed of fine, white sand, on which were placed in a row along the rear side four small beds of meal, the resting places of four iatiku (ears of corn adorned with feathers). Unlike the societies of shamans, the Kasari did not individually possess these fetishes; the four iatiku were the property of the society.l The row of corn-ear fetishes was surrounded by a flattened ellipse of shell and coral beads, and in front of it was a stone effigy of Sun Youth with arms and face rudely delineated. This image was about twelve inches high. About it were scattered flints, and in front of it was a rectangular stone medicine-bowl. Here and there at the front of this collection of ceremonial objects were fifteen to twenty stuffed wrens, which contained the dried hearts wrapped in cotton and a quantity of corn-pollen, beads, and roots of a plant called kafhtyati ("rainbow"). Wings and tails were spread. The Kasari placed their altar on the east side of the ceremonial chamber, because their prototypes were the Sun Youths. In general an altar stands on the north side, in memory of the northern origin of the people. In Moharo the Kasari altar was at the eastern wall of a small inner room, an offset at the southeastern corner of the principal chamber. After the altar had been arranged by the head-man, the novitiates were sent for food, which the women of their families brought to the door: and after the head-man had offered bits of food to the spirits resident in the six directions and to the objects composing the altar, and laid small bits at one side of the altar, the dishes were moved aside for the feast. Whatever was left was put in a bag for use 1 Possibly this was the result of the decadence of the society. {view image of facing page 218} Fiesta of San Estevan, A - Acoma [photogravure plate] {view image of page 219} THE KERES 2I9 during the four days which they were to spend in the chamber. The bowls were taken home after dark. After their meal the Kasari, old and young, sat before the altar on their rolled blankets and sang. The head-man stood up, facing the east, and ca led, "Paiyatyama, Osatfi-paiyatyama, your altar is placed, and we wish you to be present in this room and bring a good word, funny and voluble, like a mockingbird!" Then he called on the Sun Youth in the north, in the west, in the south. He sat down and started to sing for making medicine. One song was for yellow water to come into the bowl, then followed chants invoking water of the other ceremonial colors. At the end of four songs the head-man lifted the iatiku at his right and took up from the spot where it had been standing a bit of sand and meal, which he dropped into the bowl, and in similar fashion he added sand and meal from the bed of each iatiku. Last he took up the stone Sun Youth, held it over the medicine-bowl, and with his fingers dipped water and dropped on it.' The singing continued all afternoon. They used rattles consisting of a wooden crook with handle wrapped with deerskin and with shell rattlers pendent from the crook. At the end of the singing late in the afternoon, the head-man rose and gave each novice one of the stuffed wrens, saying: "My newborn son, here is the strength of Sun Youth, the words of Spatyipaiyatyama ['mockingbird youth'] and Shiuuti-paiyatyama ['wren youth']2 and Tsefseka-paiyatyama ['yellow-warbler youth']. May these be with you always." The initiates put the birds inside their garments, and kept them constantly as personal fetishes. They were supposed to give the Kasari the volubility possessed by these birds. It was not yet sunset. The two women were now beating up a lather of yucca-root in a large vessel, and one by one they washed the heads of the young men, who then removed all their clothing, and the women washed them from head to foot with the suds, intentionally arousing their sexual instinct to the amusement of the company. When the bath was finished, the youths put on their loin-cloths.3 The older men then undressed and bathed, while the women painted the novices. The entire body and face were covered with a 1 In Pueblo rituals it is often impossible to say where the influence of Christian usage begins or ends. 2 The second war-chief, Uyiuyewi, is known as "wren boy," the third war-chief as "mockingbird boy." 3 The informant does not know what happened in the other ceremonial chamber, where there were no women, but thinks perhaps the men did the same thing to the initiates. {view image of page 220} 220 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN wash of dust-colored clay, and with a brush (a tuft of rabbit-fur on the end of a stick) they made black rings about the arms, legs, body, eyes, and mouth. The hair was tied in a standing bunch with cornhusk ribbons. Very ragged clothing was then put on, a piece of a suit of overalls, or a portion of a shirt, or a vest, or a piece of a woman's dress. The feet remained bare. The women then removed their mantas and started to paint themselves, standing quite naked. At the behest of the old men the novices took certain liberties with the women, who however paid little attention to them. Having finished their painting, the women resumed their mantas. Then the male Kasari marched out, the old members singing and the novices shouting, while the women remained behind with the altar. The Kasari had previously notified a woman who was to participate in the dancing. In two parties of four and five they went in opposite directions through the village, calling to the men to assemble in M6haro, and finally they met at the starting place. The other Kasari from the Fire lodge-room did likewise. At this time the (pi-ch!aiaiii ordered the war-chief Maseewi to warn the people to leave the making of cigarettes to the Kasari. And Maseewi went about simultaneously with the Kasari, prohibiting the making of cigarettes under pain of breaking a finger or a leg in the operation, and announcing a meeting in the two ceremonial chambers for four nights of practice. In each house food was laid out, and when the Kasari entered they were invited to eat. They ate a small quantity in each house, and tried to make the people laugh with their ludicrous conversation. Returning to their respective chambers they found the men already beginning to group themselves on the north side of the room. In the private room the Kasari removed the paint from their faces, but not from their bodies, and put on their ordinary clothing. The altar remained in place. Two of the MOharo Kasari led in the woman who had been selected to dance, seated her near the door of the inner room on a low ledge extending along the southern wall of the main chamber, and sat down on either side of her. The other Kasari sat grouped in front of the ledge, each initiate with his ceremonial father. The Kasari had purchased large quantities of tobacco, both native and commercial, and now began making cigarettes. Anyone who wished a smoke would call out, "Give me a flute!" Receiving an internode of cane stuffed with tobacco,1 he asked for "a beautiful 1 Cane cigarettes, used by the Pueblos from time immemorial, have been found in sacrificial cave deposits in various parts of the ancient Pueblo region. {view image of facing page 220} Fiesta of San Estevan, B - Acoma [photogravure plate] {view image of page 221} THE KERES 221 flower" and received a section of sunflower-stalk, which he shook until the smoldering end began to glow. Some men asked for as many as a dozen cigarettes, most of which they took home. After a few songs by the assembled men, they began a dancesong, the two Kasari women led the female dancer to the middle of the room, and tle Kasari men danced with the woman among them. At the end of this song the Kasari sat down and the woman remained standing. A second song was begun, and she danced alone, shuffling sidewise from one end of the room to the other with arms extended to the sides. The head-man of the Kasari came out and danced in front of her, making gestures describing the rising and the setting of the sun, moon, and stars, and telling the story of a war-party. The gestures interpreted the words of the song. At the end of the song one or two Kasari took her by the arm and conducted her to the ledge, and after a short rest they led her home. The men departed, and the Kasari men and women remained all night in M6haro. They dismantled the altar before sleeping. Next day at sunrise Maseewi, the war-chief, bade the people make new moccasins and prepare food in anticipation of a "good time." The Kasari asked the women of their families to prepare hatyi,' and busied themselves assembling a costume for two female dancers and certain articles for the 6pi. The dance-costume consisted of a f(imaityi (a blue-black manta with checkered geometrical designs in varicolored yarn representing the world); a head-band made of a wooden hoop wrapped with yarn, ornamented with beads and with a bunch of turkey-feathers standing out horizontally at each side, and having in the back a fringe of goat-hair dyed red and strung with blue beads; and eagle-down to be scattered on the crown of the woman's head. For the Opi they furnished a cougarskin to sit on, a bear-skin for a foot-rest, two deerskins, and various paints. The Opi themselves supplied their belt and bag, their kilt, and feathers for the head-dress. The Kasari engaged the services of two shamans to dress and paint the Opi. The women of the village, and especially the clanswomen of the Opi, were preparing great quantities of food to be scattered among the spectators. This second night the Kasari stood on the roof of Moharo and summoned the men to assemble. Either two or four women were led in to dance on this occasion, women selected for their skill as 1 Hatyi is made by drying sprouted wheat, grinding it to flour, mixing this with cornmeal, baking the resulting dough in a Mexican oven, and grinding the bread into fine flour, which is stirred in water to form a thin, sweetish, brown gruel called yas'ka. {view image of page 222} 222 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN dancers. After the men had practised their new songs under the direction of the men who had composed them, and had amended them to their satisfaction, they started to sing for the dancing, and the Kasari danced as on the previous night with the women among them. Then the women danced together, standing shoulder to shoulder and moving sidewise with outstretched arms. They sat down, and after a short rest one of them danced alone with the Kasari chief making his interpretative gestures. She was then led home, and the other woman danced. If there were four, the other two then danced in their turns and were taken home. All the shamans, the Opi, even Kuti-hano, were among the singers, like ordinary men. (If the Kasari observe that any man is absent, they send for him and he must come. Nobody can refuse to assist them. Even the warchief and the cacique are not exempt.) On the third morning the Kasari initiates went very early to get wood for prayer-sticks, and dry stalks of chandelier cactus (Opuntia arborescens) to be used as torches. Others went to Acomita for canes to be used in making cigarettes. That evening before the practice dancing they assembled in the inner room of M6haro and made prayer-sticks. This time eight women performed, all different individuals from those who had previously danced. Early on the fourth morning the Kasari went out to pray in various places, east, north, west, and south. The informant and another novice went eastward with the head-man, prayed, and buried prayer-sticks. They besought Sun Youth to be present the next day to help them. About noon they returned and made cigarettes, one for each man and for each of the eleven female dancers. These were prepared by leaving one end of an entire joint of cane closed by the node, and with a stick packing tobacco in until it was full, then cutting off the node. The two female Kasari provided large quantities of water and brought in the sweet meal of sprouted wheat. Near sunset the head-man set up his altar again and sang for making medicine. This time however they added some "rainbow" roots, and then each Kasari and each novice spit into the bowl and washed his privates in the water, and the women did likewise, adding also a bit of urine as part of their contribution. Each person pulled out a pubic hair and dropped it into the bowl. The old men explained that this "medicine" was made in such a disgusting fashion in order to show that all men, no matter whether cacique or war-chief, were but common men so far as the Kasari were concerned. The idea of {view image of facing page 222} Procession of San Estevan, A - Acoma [photogravure plate] {view image of page 223} THE KERES 223 promoting fertility was not present. The women then mixed six or seven large bowls of thin gruel with the sweet meal, and the headman took up the medicine-bowl and poured some of its mixture into each vessel. The men stripped and painted as before, but without removing their loin-cloths. They tied up the hair with corn-husk, but wore no rags. The women painted their faces, arms, and legs, but did not remove their mantas. It was now dark, and the men and the eleven female dancers had assembled in the outer room, where a small fire burned. The Kasari had cactus torches. One of them carried a bowl of sweet gruel to the outer room and gave each woman a drink. Two others accompanied him, one carrying a torch, the other a bundle of cigarettes. After drinking, each woman received a cigarette and a light. A second group of three served the men. When a bowl was emptied, they returned to the inner room and the Kasari women refilled it. The initiates followed behind the older men, watching the proceedings. The party which served the women dancers soon finished with them and passed on to the men, and when the two parties came together they knew that each person had drunk. While this was going on the men were constantly singing. Some of the mixture remaining, the Kasari asked if anyone wished more, and were told to bring it out. All must be drunk, and the Kasari themselves partook. The bowls were returned to the inner room, the two women washed them and went to sit with the eleven female dancers outside, who occupied the ledge at the southeast corner of the room. The Kasari themselves sat as usual in front of the ledge, and the women danced as previously described, all together and then two at a time. At dawn the Kasari put on their rags over the paint of the previous day, and before sunrise went out and called from house to house, bidding the men dress in their best garments and assemble in M6haro or the Fire lodge-room. They also told the head-man of the Opi that they would soon come for him, and the last eight female dancers. Meantime in M6haro others were arranging seats for the 6pi and setting out in baskets the costume of the women dancers and that of the Opi. The two shamans, the dressers, were in their place in the northeastern corner. The messengers now brought in two of the eight women and seated them on the ledge. The first Opi who entered sat down between the two dressers, and was painted by the first, after which he moved on and was dressed by the other. He himself did nothing except to put on his belt and bag, which no one else was allowed to {view image of page 224} 224 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN touch. The next Opi who entered took his place, was painted, and awaited his turn to don the costume. And so it continued. All the other men were now entering and sitting on the south side. They were the singers, mataiku ("grapes"). The head-man of the Kasatri and a helper painted and dressed one of the women, first dusting the entire face with corn-pollen, then painting squares of any color, such as yellow or blue, on the cheeks and sprinkling powdered manganite on the paint. Her hands, arms, and the lower part of the legs they painted white. They adjusted the head-dress and the embroidered manta, and the woman was ready to dance. Immediately the painting of the next dancer was begun, the while one or two more women were brought in to await their turn. The procession now left M6haro, first the Kasari, then the singers, then the single Opi, and last the woman. To the beating of a drum they proceeded along the street, the woman among the last of the singers, who danced as they went, and the 6pi by himself following at a little distance. The family of this Opi was ready with many presents to cast among the singers while the dance took place in the plaza. They danced in a circle, the Kasari among the others, and the woman weaved in and out among them, but not with outstretched arms. At the end of the song the Kasari led her outside the circle, and she danced alone with extended arms, as in M6haro, while the singers sang the war-songs and the head-man of the Kasari interpreted with gestures. At the end the spectators shouted and fired their guns. They returned to the chamber, removed the costume of the Opi and put it on the next Opi, who was already painted, and put the woman's costume on her successor. While they were doing this the Kasari from the Fire lodge-room were dancing in the plaza, and when they retired the group from M6haro again appeared with their second Opi and their second woman. This continued until evening, with four dances by each party in the morning and four in the afternoon. Each woman after retiring was called for by members of her clan, who took her to the clan house, where the clan mother bathed her and led her home. The Opi were treated in the same way. In the evening the Kasari dismantled their altar, and were taken in charge by women of their fathers' clans, who bathed them and led them to their several homes with presents of food. The Acoma Kasari celebrated their dance only as a sequel to the scalp-dance. But since the initiation of I888, following the pretended taking of a scalp, they have danced on several occasions with the officers of the pueblo enacting the oart of 6pi. {view image of facing page 224} Procession of San Estevan, B - Acoma [photogravure plate] {view image of page 225} THE KERES 225 Gathering Salt The head of the Squash clan at intervals of several years, whenever salt is required, asks the war-chief for permission to visit the Zuiii salt lake. The Squash and the Parrot clans then meet in the Squash house and make prayer-sticks. Anybody who wishes may join the expedition, which is captained by the heads of the two clans. At the lake they place their prayer-sticks where Mina-koya ("salt woman") lives and bring salt from that shrine, which is so far out in the lake that they have to wade, sometimes up to their necks. From that salt obtained at the shrine a man or two of each clan takes a handful for good luck, and then wades into the shallower water and proceeds to scrape salt from the bottom. Sometimes the salt may be gathered from the shore, but this is not always free from refuse. After two or three days they load their burros with sacks and return with very large quantities, enough to last some years. After two or three days they send messengers ahead to notify the people of their approach, and the populace proceed to clean the houses and paint on the outer wall of each apartment the symbol of the clan of its occupants. Every household receives its share; for if a family sends no member on the expedition, it may lend a clansman a burro and send another animal for its own supply. Shrines and Prayer-sticks There are several shrines in or near the pueblo. South of the main plaza is a huge flat stone with a circular hole in the centre, the "door of the Kaftina," which is regarded as a surety that the village will always abide. Anyone passing this stone after dark utters a prayer and drops a bit of meal into the hole, and the war-chiefs pray there nightly. East of the village and almost at the foot of the cliff is a cavity called the "door of the Kopishtaia," where meal is offered by passers-by. In the same quarter at the base of the cliff is the shrine of Istoamuty ("arrow boy"), a legendary hunter, where supplicants worship for power in the field. Meal is offered to Arrow Boy and prayersticks are either buried or cast into the crevice of the rock. A prayer-stick, ha6amoni, is a nicely trimmed and painted section of a branch, about six inches long and with feathers attached. Maple, willow, and reed are used, maple being reserved for such principal VOL. XVI-29 {view image of page 226} 226 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN men as the war-chiefs, the head of the Kafiina cult, and the kiva leaders. At the base of one of these votive offerings are two trimmed turkey-feathers tied by the quill end in such a manner as to resemble the leaves of sprouting corn, and various feathers of small birds are attached to the quills. Near the tip of the stick dangle two tailcoverts of a turkey. A man of importance, such as the head-men of a kiva, marks a face on the flattened head of his prayer-sticks and rounds and paints the tip so as to suggest a jar borne on the head. Such a stick represents a Kafiina bringing rain. Each stick is painted with one of the colors associated with the cardinal points, red, blue-green, yellow, white, and as prepared for burial as offerings to the deities one of each kind is included in a wrapping of cornhusk, which extends to the upper feathers, leaving these to flutter freely. In the native mind the "body" is clothed, the "face" exposed. Included in the wrapping are a bit of meal, four miniature cigarettes, and a wad of cotton containing corn-pollen, beads, manganite particles, and even turquoise. Societies of the Shamans Within recent times there were seven esoteric groups of healers at Acoma: I. Histiafi-ch!aiiii, Flint Shamans 5. Sii-ch!ainii, Ant Shamans 2. Hikaii-ch!aiiii, Fire Shamans 6. S6wi-ch!aiiiii, Rattlesnake Shamans 3. Sk6'yu-ch!aiifii, Giant Shamans 7. Shiwanna-ch!aiiiii, Cloud-god Shamans 4. Shii'kami-ch!aifni, Rattle-shaker Shamans l Only Flint, Fire, and Shiwanna are still active, and the Shiwanna do not hold a public healing ceremony as do the others. They treat broken bones and wounds, and especially lightning-stroke. Anyone struck by lightning must become one of the Shiwanna and remain confined in a secret room four days without food while being initiated. There are still a few men called S6wi-ch!aiinii, who masticate medicine and apply it to a snakebite, and initiate by instruction those whom they cure. Initiation into the Fire Society New members of a society are obtained as a result of a vow made during illness or of trespass upon the members engaged in their rites. Or if anyone addresses a Fire shaman and offers him 1 An alternative name for the Shii'kami is given as Sfts-ch!aiani ("uncooked shamans"). This probably means that the recruits for the society came from the "uncooked," that is, the men who joined neither of the clown societies, and points to the existence of some such interrelation between societies as at Cochiti. See pages 86-87. {view image of facing page 226} Depositing San Estevan in the booth - Acoma [photogravure plate] {view image of page 227} THE KERES 227 a cigarette without first lighting it, the shaman strokes him on the head and calls him "my newborn child." This of course is really a form of trespass. Both sexes may join the society, but only men actually perform the rites. A shaman who apprehends an individual in trespass visits the home of his "newborn child" and informs the family what has happened. They may be saddened by the news, but there is no escape. The initiation usually occurs in February, and the females of the family concerned must furnish all the food for the society. Twelve days before the time set, these women begin to prepare the food, grinding corn, drying rabbits. Eight days before the time the clansmen of the initiate begin to make prayer-sticks, and at the same time the Fire shamans and the initiate inaugurate a four-day period of purification by vomiting each morning, praying morning and evening, and avoiding meat, grease, and salt. On the first day of the third quadriduum the initiate is taken in the Fire lodge-room. He drinks the supposed snake-excrement medicine, such as is given to a newly elected officer if he desires it, and sits motionless on a rolled blanket with the knees drawn up to the chin. He must not lean against the wall. Each night after the people have retired all the ch!aiaiii and the initiate in their midst go from place to place in the four directions and pray. As they proceed, one blows a cane whistle as a warning that people must keep out of their way; for if anyone is encountered, he must join. This is the only time the initiate leaves the room during the four days. The women members are the only ones to go and come, for they must bring and prepare the food. The capitancitos who guard the house do not stand on the roof, but on the roof of the story above. On the first of the twelve days the initiate is instructed in what he is to do that night, when he will show his newly acquired power by curing the.people, a performance which completes his initiation. In the afternoon the initiate's women relatives are notified by a war-chief or a capitancito to bring food, which they do. The novice however does not eat meat until after the night's performance is over. Each shaman receives two large baskets of meal and quantities of wafer bread and meat, most of which they take home so as to leave the space clear for the audience. This occupies them until about dark. The people, men and women, then gather on the roof and sit there waiting for the invitation to descend. The men wear only loin-cloths and blankets, and the women mantas. Attendance is not compulsory. The walls of the room have various animals painted {view image of page 228} 228 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN on them for this occasion. Back of the altar are two bears holding feathers and rattles, and on the other walls are the Kopightaia, the Kafiina, the K6maiyawashi, and the emblem of the initiate's clan. Maseewi then comes forth and calls two men to be cigarettemakers, and these two go down into the room and all the people follow. The clanspeople of the initiate enter first and seat themselves in front. The initiate sits beside the chief shaman behind the altar, which has been standing four days. An altar is called yapai'Ahini, a term which may also be applied to the sacred objects even when they are not ceremonially exposed. The supernatural beings represented by various stone figurines, such as cougar and bear, are called honawaaityi, which also designates the fetishes themselves and the shamans who represent the supernaturals in the healing ceremony. In front of the altar the novice dances in company with his godfather, while the others sing. He then puts the skin of a bear's forepaw on his left forearm, takes a flint in the right hand, and goes about the room sucking sickness from each person, treating his clanspeople first. Gradually he simulates stupefaction from the great quantity of sickness thus taken into his stomach, and near the end the others have to lead him. Finally they take him to the altar and he vomits into the medicine-bowl, thrusting a finger down the throat. These proceedings last only through the first part of the night, after which all go to bed. The shamans remain in their room. The next morning the capitancitos bring wood, at least one stick from each house, and throw it down in the street south and east of the lodge-room. The shamans there lay a fire for the heating of four large vessels of water for making mush, and a short distance away they dig with flints a hole about four feet in diameter and half as deep. The people are on the housetops and near by on the ground watching, but cannot come too close because the shamans have drawn lines of ashes cutting off this immediate vicinity from trespass. They pile fuel in the circular hole and as high as they can reach above it. Before placing a stick in the hole or under the vessels of water they spit on it some of the medicine which they are constantly chewing. They are now in ordinary dress, and the fuel is still not ignited. The women of the society fill the pots with water and ignite the fuel, and after carefully clearing the ground of bits of wood or stone, the men return to the kiva. The chief shaman now brings out his fire-drill and ignites the fuel in the pit, while in the room his members are dressing. The 1 Cf. yapi (p. 199), and note that pointed wands are conspicuous in many Pueblo altars. {view image of facing page 228} Laguna cooking-pot and Acoma water-jars [photogravure plate] {view image of page 229} THE KERES 229 hair is drawn up into a bunch on the top of the head, to keep it out of the fire. The entire body is black, the face glistening with manganite particles dusted over the paint. The men wear loin-cloths and the women mantas. They come out in single file with the novice in the middle of the line, and the women behind carrying a basket of meal and a basket of shelled corn. By this time the fire is a mass of coals. The women pour the meal into the pots, and men and women, after rubbing spittle over hands and forearms, stir the mush with their bare hands, form the mush into balls, and throw them among the people, who catch them and find them hot. The shamans' hands are covered with mush and the balls can be seen to steam.1 The pots are then set aside, and the men and women dance about the pit filled with embers. The basket of corn sits under a ladder. The men, having now the skin of a bear-paw on the left hand and a flint in the right, after encircling the fire four times leap on the coals, one after another, the chief first, and the women follow suit. Each one stamps on the embers a few times and jumps out. By the time they have finished, the coals are in large part extinguished but still hot, and some remain glowing. The pit itself must of course be still oven-hot. They take the initiate roughly, throw him into the pit on his side, turn him over once or twice and with their hands scoop the coals up over his body. He shrinks, but does not utter a sound. After a few seconds, he is taken out and the coals can be seen to fall from his torso.2 The basketful of corn is now poured into the pit, and with feet and hands the shamans stir it about for a time and then scoop it out and scatter it about the place. They retire to their room, after inviting the people to help themselves. As soon as they have gone, the spectators rush into the space and gather up the corn, eating some and taking the rest home. This feature ends about midafternoon. The next morning the shamans come into the plaza to dance. The body is white, with black deer-tracks here and there, the forearms and lower legs are black with white circular spots, the face is brown and spotted with manganite. The head-band of corn-husk holds numerous feathers. Each man carries two flat wooden swords, or one sword and a spruce rod four or five feet long and having a 1 The informant caught one of the balls and found it so hot that he hurriedly threw it away, and the part that adhered was unpleasantly hot to his skin. 2 The informant, who freely admits that other feats of Indian magic are tricks, once saw this performance from a housetop about fifty feet distant. He was in a position from which he could look almost directly down into the pots of mush, and saw that the shamans really plunged their hands into the hot mass. {view image of page 230} 230 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN tuft of leaves and a few feathers at the tip. Swords and rods have been smeared with honey, and after this has dried they have been painted in various colors. The women have short sticks like the swords, but do not swallow them. After the shamans have danced in a circle, one of them, accompanied by a woman, comes out and while the others sing they two dance side by side toward the east. The man thrusts one or both of the sticks down his gullet, while the woman merely dances beside him, holding her swords in clenched hands slightly raised at her sides. Thus they dance facing each of the four directions. Each member performs in this fashion while the others sing. After each one has performed, they all go back to the kiva and rest. The dance starts about sunrise and continues all day. This completes the initiation and the public performance of the Fire society. Ceremonial Purification of the People by the Societies About the end of February or a little later, after the battle with the Kaftina or the initiation of children has occurred, the chief of the Antelope clan and the war-chiefs meet and decide to have the societies cure the entire people before they scatter to their farms for the spring work. They make two wapani for the Flint society and two for the Fire, and the war-chief takes them to the chiefs of these societies, instructing them to notify their members to be ready four days later. Maseewi then makes the public announcement, and the ten capitancitos meet at his house and shell some of the corn which they have raised for the use of the war-chiefs. They distribute the corn among the females of the pueblo, and the women grind it and immediately bring the meal to the war-chief's house, where the two cooks take charge of it. On the third day the capitancitos take the meal to various women known as good bakers of wafer bread. From the war-chief's house they take also juniper-wood fuel. They remain to watch the process of making the bread, and at noon are bountifully fed on rabbit-stew and wafer bread. When the bakers have finished, they bring the bread to the war-chief's quarters. A communal rabbit-hunt is held, and the game is dried. In the night of the following day, the fourth, the ceremonial curing of the people will take place, and on this day the capitancitos distribute among various families rabbits to be cooked for the concluding feast. The different families also prepare food for the shamans. During the morning of the third and the fourth day a capitancito {view image of facing page 230} Turivio Waconda - Paguate [photogravure plate] {view image of page 231} THE KERES 23I is on guard outside each of the two society houses, and another pair relieve them in the afternoon; but on the night of the ceremony the guard is doubled. The two houses are then surrounded by a line of ashes. Should anyone step on or inside of this line, and be detected, he or she would have to become a member of the society. It is not, however, desired to entrap new members, for the capitancitos repeatedly warn people away. Meanwhile during these four days the ch!aiani have been making their secret preparations. Among other things they prepare the objects which they will suck from the bodies of the spectators, such as a narrow rag rolled up tightly into small compass so that it will draw out into a long strip, or a cactus thorn, or black and white pebbles. These things they conceal in their loin-cloths, and after vigorously slapping a person on the shoulder or chest or abdomen or top of the head, they suck and then turn and run to the altar and secretly draw the object out of its place of concealment and pretend to take it from the mouth. On this fourth day the cooks of the war-chief call upon four women to come to their house and neatly heap meal in baskets in the form of cumulus clouds, one basket for each shaman of the Flint and the Fire society. In the top of each heap is thrust a wapani. About eight or nine o'clock in the morning the capitancitos select a number of young girls to carry these baskets, as well as the dishes of stew and bundles of wafer bread, to the two society houses, and women of all the families of the pueblo also carry thither their contribution of food. They return to their homes to bathe and dress. Everybody attends on these occasions, excepting only those who must remain at home to care for young children. The ch!aiani chief spreads open a moist sheet of wafer bread and places in it bits from the various dishes, packages, and bundles of food, folds the edges over, and lays it in front of the altar as an offering to the animal-spirit helpers of the shamans. After the people assemble, a shaman takes this packet outside to appease the witches, so that they will not work any harm that night. Before the people assemble the shamans divide all the dishes and packages of food, pouring some from each dish into a large bowl which each shaman has brought. The wafer bread and the large baskets of meal also are apportioned. Then the shamans take their respective shares to their homes. Shamans are very poor, for they are always so busy with their priestly duties that they have little time and less inclination to farm. {view image of page 232} 232 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Returning from this errand the shamans start to sing four songs before the people enter. The outer sides of their arms and legs and both sides of the chest are painted white. The face is brown, and sprinkled with manganite. Blue and red feathers hang at the sides of the hair, and a lock above the forehead is tied with corn-husk. Each shaman has a rattle with incised figures, such as snakes, clouds, bears, the remainder of the surface being black. They wear nothing but loincloths. After the shamans the first four men to enter the room are those who on the first day were appointed by the war-chief to make cigarettes for the ch!aiani. The people call them cigarette-makers, but the war-chief and the shamans refer to them as "fog-makers." Each morning and each evening of the four preliminary days they have gone forth to pray in each of the four directions. They are led in by one of the ch!aiani and are seated near the members, who are in a row behind the altar. The chief of the society, however, sits in front of the altar, facing it and his fellow-members. The female laymembers sit at both sides of the altar in rows at right angles to the line of shamans. Their faces and arms are painted like those of the men. They participate in the singing, but have no rattles. The people are crowded outside, huddled in their blankets, eager to enter. Some have been waiting long, and as soon as the "fogmakers" have been seated they hurry in. Each person casts a pinch of meal toward the altar, utters a prayer, rolls his blanket, and sits down at the side opposite the altar, facing it, all crowded together. The men remove their moccasins, which leaves them wearing nothing but loin-cloths. The women are clothed in mantas. The men carry their sacred meal in small deerskin bags, which are tied either at the right of the loin-cloth or at the left side on a thong passing over the opposite shoulder. Women have their meal in pouches made of cloth inside their mantas, and from these the mothers give a bit to each of their children, to be cast as an offering. Spectators are not permitted to stretch out their legs: they must sit huddled up like the shamans; but women sometimes straighten their legs, because they are holding their young children. Women also may retire to another room with their children, but the connecting door remains open so that they can see and hear what goes on. While the people assemble, the shamans are making their medicine-water. The chief of the society removes the medicine-bowl from its place in the altar and sets it slightly in front. It is a rectangular vessel of soft stone, with incised figures of clouds on the front, and on the {view image of facing page 232} Hiyortsa - Paguate [photogravure plate] {view image of page 233} THE KERES 233 other sides Kasari, frogs, bears. They begin to sing, the chief along with the others, and he extends his hands to the north with gestures of making a trail for Yellow Cougar and Yellow Bear of the north to come and take their place at the altar. These are the real ch!aiani. They sing next for Blue Wolf and Blue Wildcat of the west, then for Red Badger and Red Wildcat of the south, White Maityannakanaskaity-sowi; ("seven his-head rattlesnake") and White Blacksnake of the east, Sun and Moon of the zenith, and Eagle and Hawk of the nadir. Next they sing to bring to the medicine-bowl yellow water from the north, blue water from the west, red water from the south, white water from the east. Then they sing for medicines from the different directions. While singing these songs, the chief from time to time extends his hands and brings them together, as if he has received something from the air, and places it in the bowl. Each ch!aiani then opens his medicine-bag and drops a pinch of a pulverized mixture of various herbs into the bowl after raising it to the north, and so for each world-region. In the vessel are already various bits of flint, obsidian, and pebbles and minerals of peculiar appearance. The chief shaman now stirs the mixture, rises, dips his two feathers into the bowl, and asperges the two men at the left end of the row of singing shamans, exclaiming, "Tsahi, hi!" He then takes his usual place behind the altar in the middle of the row, and the two men rise and dance after a woman member has carried from the fire a handful of ashes and spread it on the floor in front of the altar. They dance in place in front of the altar and facing it, singing along with the others, but less loudly. At the end of the song they dip their feathers in the ashes and strike them together, the right feather upward against the left one, as if throwing something into the air. While doing this they keep saying, "Tsahi, hi!" and half walk, half dance, about the room, passing before all the people. This is done four times to repetitions of the same song. Having finished their dance the first pair asperge the next two in the line, exclaiming, "Tsahi, hi!" and sit down; and these two rise to dance, leaving their feathers behind. The woman replaces the ashes in the fireplace. These two also dance to four repetitions of a song, beginning by advancing slightly toward the altar and extending their arms forward with palms downward as if drawing power from the altar. Then they turn about this way and that, extending their hands in all directions, and suddenly extend them palm upward, and exhibit white and black pebbles which they have held concealed between the fingers. They pass one palm briskly across the other, and VOL. XVI-30 {view image of page 234} 234 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the pebbles disappear. Thus all the shamans dance in pairs, only the first two using feathers. The "fog-makers" during these proceedings have at various times been busily making cigarettes for the use of the shamans in offering smoke to the spirits of the worldregions. The dancing ends about midnight, and the chief calls on the two men next to him by uttering the usual signal for the ch!aiani to stand forth, "Tsahi, hi!" These two rise, stand in front of the altar, and gaze through a piece of quartz crystal, seeking sorcerers. The chief dips the crystal into the medicine-water and holds it up, and again the two gaze through it, yelling and clapping their hands while pretending to peer to the other side of the world. Each shaman now draws over his left forearm the skin of a bear's forepaw, and takes a flint in the right hand. There is a great deal of shouting and tumult. The chief sits behind the altar singing, while the others stamp and leap about, shouting and making as much noise as possible. They link arms, left and right, and, followed by two guards, rush out of the door to catch the witch and recover the ravished soul of the people. The audience hear from without a great deal of noise and shouting: "Be brave, be a man! Catch him! Here he is!" After a time a few come in to get more power from the altar, crying and extending their hands to receive the power. They take up more weapons, such as flints or stone axes, and rush out. The women encourage them, "Be brave!" After a time they all come streaming in, one of them carrying a small rag doll, and all making it appear that they are having a struggle to drag the witch along, stopping on the ladder and pulling downward. The chief leaps up, takes the doll, and carries it to the altar. He lays a bear-paw and a flint on the little effigy. The other shamans drop to the floor here and there, one perhaps on another as if half dead from their terrific struggle with the sorcerer. Then come two other shamans slowly descending the ladder, grunting and struggling, and bringing a ball four or five inches in diameter. This consists of a mass of corn grains enclosed in wrappings of varicolored yarn. It is the soul of the people, which they have recovered from the sorcerers. They deliver it to the chief and fall to the floor. The chief lays a bear-paw and a flint on the ball, and sings, lamenting that his companions are all dead, and asking that life return to them. He makes the usual motions of drawing power from the air, and similarly draws out the strength of the witch-doll and blows it away into space. He takes hold of each man and {view image of facing page 234} Laguna house [photogravure plate] {view image of page 235} THE KERES 235 partially raises him, and so one by one they slowly get to their feet. The female relatives of these men rise and bring them water to rinse their mouths. They talk to one another about the difficult fight they have had with the sorcerers, so that the people may hear and be impressed, standing in line each with his arms on the shoulders of the two next to him, and suddenly they begin to cry. The women in the audience join in the lamentation. The shamans then sit quietly behind the altar, and the "fog-makers" bring them cigarettes. After smoking, the chief shaman announces that he is going to release the soul, and, if the people are to have good luck and freedom from sickness, he will find the grains of corn all perfect; but if any are broken, there will be sickness and bad luck. He takes the ball and sits down where the people can observe him beside an opendish lamp. With a flint he carefully and ostentatiously cuts the yarn and removes it, piece by piece, holds the end of each piece in the light and burns it, and then drops it on the pile of rags, pebbles, thorns, and other objects which have been "sucked" from the bodies of the people and expectorated by the shamans into a bowl. Having removed all the yarn, he exposes a mass of cotton, and opening this he shows a quantity of corn grains. He carefully inspects each grain, and announces that every one is perfect, and the people will have good luck and no sickness. He then lays the corn, still on the cotton, in front of the altar. They start to sing, and the chief places the corn in a large seashell and passes about giving each person a grain, which the individual swallows. This is his new soul, or heart. Any that is left is given to the war-chief, and he probably mixes it with his seed corn as a measure of good luck. Two shamans carry away the mass of "sicknesses" and the witch-doll, and bury them. It is now about three or four in the morning, and some of the women depart to bring in dishes of stew and baskets of wafer bread. The shamans again feed their spirit helpers, and set the food aside to be taken home. The people are dismissed, but a woman or two of each shaman's family remain. The shamans begin to put away the sacred objects composing the altar, and each hands to one of his women his iatiku, the ornamented ear of corn, which she carefully wraps up. The women depart, and the shamans put away the sacred objects. The people are now free to go to their farms. The ceremony is not largely attended at the present time. Most of those who still believe in its efficacy are the relatives of the shamans. {view image of page 236} 236 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Clans and Government Acoma has the following clans:1 I. Osi3a, Sun 13. Sowi, Rattlesnake 2. H6aka, Sky I4. Sii, Ant 3. Ts!ift, Water 15. Yika, Corn 4. Hakaiii, Fire I6. Kagheihi-yaka, White Corn 5. Kohaia, Bear I7. K6chinigh-yaka, Yellow Corn 6. Kutf, Antelope, also called Asi'iii, Grass I8. Kdkanish-yaka, Red Corn 7. Tyfiii, Deer 19. Koish.kah-yaka, Blue Corn 8. Tyimi, Eagle 20. Tnii, Squash 9. Tsi'na, Turkey 21. Ism, Mustard io. Ho6ka, Dove 22. Hipani, Oak II. Shawityi, Parrot 23. Tyaiifsi, Piion 12. Shaaska, Roadrunner In I924 Fire, Deer, Dove, Ant, White Corn, Yellow Corn, Red Corn, Blue Corn, and Piion were extinct, Turkey and Rattlesnake nearly so. Bandelier's Ivy clan is an error for Mustard. His Sho-hak-ka and Pinion-eater, and Hodge's Brown Corn and Buffalo recorded in I895, were unknown to the present informant and his wife. Acoma clans are matrilineal and exogamous. There are no ceremonial moieties corresponding to the Turquoise and the Squash people of the eastern Keres. The dual system of officers common to the Pueblo country obtains at Acoma. The group representing the aboriginal practice includes the war-chief, f3atyo-h6chani ("country chief"), bearing the ceremonial title Maseewi and representing the elder twin hero of that name; the second war-chief, shA uti-muty ("wren boy"), bearing the title Uyiuyewi and representing the younger twin hero of that name; the third war-chief, spatyi-muty ("mockingbird boy"). The ten assistants, or deputies, of the war-chiefs, and the two cooks who prepare meals for their superiors during ceremonial activity, are not really officers. The former are called tfuka'ha'A'fhif6atyo-h6chani ("little country chief"), or the approximate Spanish equivalent capitancito, and, reappointed by the cacique from year to year, ultimately become capable of selection as a war-chief. The civil government, a Spanish heritage, consists of the governor, tapopu, the lieutenant-governor, tinyente (Spanish, teniente), an assistant lieutenant-governor, and three piAhkari (Spanish, fiscales), who have charge of church affairs. 1 Add hano, person, for the singular, hanof~o for the plural. {view image of facing page 236} A corner of Laguna [photogravure plate] {view image of page 237} THE KERES 237 The principal man of the pueblo is, of course, the so-called cacique, a sacerdotal officer of life tenure, who occupies his position by reason of being head of the Antelope clan, as his native title of Kfif-hano ("antelope person") indicates. All the other officers are annually appointed by him. About the twenty-fifth of December the cacique summons to his house 1 all the men of the Antelope clan (and, before its extinction, of the Deer clan). At the same time the war-chiefs and the head-men of the shaman societies meet in M6haro, whence Maseewi goes to the Antelope house and ascertains the names of the newly selected officers. He reports to the waiting men, and if the shamans do not approve the selection they may insist on other names being submitted. When they have been satisfied, the meeting disbands, and the next day the war-chief calls the kiva head-men to M6haro, for they too must be satisfied.2 The next day all the men of the village meet in Komaniira,3 a hall near the church, coming in groups from their kivas. They follow the war-chief until the hall is reached, when he goes ahead and announces to the officers that they are coming. The men then enter and sit until commands are given by the old officers for them to smoke, after which the war-chief announces that they are assembled for the purpose of hearing the names of the new officers, and urges all to have good hearts of single thought. He proceeds to call the names of the three new war-chiefs, of two individuals who are to cook food when the Kafiina come and keep meal ready during any ceremony, of the governor and two lieutenants, and of three fiscales or managers of church affairs. The head-men of the shamans sit on the platform with the cacique and the retiring officers. After announcing the names, the war-chief inquires if the people approve, and the answer is always affirmative. The constantly reiterated statement of natives that the nominees usually object to taking office but cannot avoid the service means simply that it is good form to appear reluctant. The new appointees are now to receive their insignia of office and advice from the shamans. Each of the retiring officers goes into the crowd, takes his successor by the arm, and leads him to the platform, 1 When a cacique dies, his family, not being Antelopes, vacate this house and his successor takes possession. 2 It is probable that this right of approval of the cacique's selection is more theoretical than practical. 3 Said to be a Spanish name, probably for compaiiia, compaiero. {view image of page 238} 238 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN where all the new men stand together and receive from the chief of either of the shaman societies the canes that are their insignia. Good advice is murmured in low tones, and each recipient of a cane makes the sign of the cross and sits down. The retiring war-chief urges the people to be obedient, to have good hearts, to observe the ancient customs. Each new officer usually makes a speech, and the people are dismissed after a prayer by the old war-chief.1 The new war-chief and his assistants bring from the house of his predecessor to a room in his own house, or, if none is there available, to a room in his mother's house, the following articles: (I) A quantity of corn which the capitancitos have raised for the war-chief, to be used in making wafer bread, maf2ni, by the women of every family. In small packages they will bring this bread to the war-chief, and his two cooks, having prepared rabbit-stew, will carry out the stew and bread to Kaftina and Kopightaia dancers. (2) About twentyfour large pots and other dishes, together with various benches and shelves. (3) A ha'famoni-kayuka ("prayer-stick broken"), which is a post about three feet high and six inches in diameter, painted with different colors and having a carved face. This is set firmly in a heavy plank or timber, and represents a post holding the earth in place. The name "broken prayer-stick" is probably used to avoid all significant reference to it in the presence of common people. (4) A maf2zni baking-stone, yo6hi. (5) The costumes of the warchiefs, consisting in each case of quiver, arrows, bow, and a flat or a double-peaked cap of deerskin. There are numerous such caps kept in the war-chief's official room, the relics of former war-chiefs. Each new war-chief provides his own leather bag on a shoulder-belt for carrying ceremonial meal.2 Four days after their installation the war-chief sends some of his capitancitos to bring from the west material for making prayersticks. Each deputy carries a quiver and a deerskin in which to wrap the wands, and a small bag of meal furnished by the cooks. Arriving at the place where they are going to cut the sticks, the young men scatter meal over the brush, and just as they are about to cut, they say, "Yellow flint, green flint, white flint, red flint, come and cut this stick like lightning." Then they proceed to cut the desired shoots, wrap them up, and return home. It is night when 1 This procedure seems to echo the practice in Spanish times, when a priest participated in the ceremony of installing the new officers. 2 Ordinary men usually carry a small bag of this material inside the sash-belt or in the loin-cloth. {view image of facing page 238} Laguna architecture [photogravure plate] {view image of page 239} THE KERES 239 they arrive, but they knock on the door and the war-chief opens it, takes the bundles, and passes them to the cooks, who lay them in the inner room. He makes a meal trail from the door, the deputies enter, and all sit around the wands and sing, after which the wood is put away. They all remain there in hochani-fti ("[war-]chief room") through the night,2 and early in the morning they commence to make prayer-sticks. They work all day, and those that are made are taken at night by the war-chiefs to a certain spring seven or eight miles north of the pueblo, where they dig a hole about three feet deep, and after praying to the Kaifina and the K6pightaia, to sun, moon, and stars, they throw in the prayer-sticks and cover them. Returning to the village they come up on the south side, and at a certain place deposit a cross and a cane which they have made. The cross is not necessarily a concession to the church; for, as has been noted above, Coronado's men observed a similar offering. Thence the two junior officers return to hochaniifi to sleep, but the chief himself goes to M6haro and calls, "Chima ['is anybody present']?" At least some, if not all, of the Flint shamans are present, and knowing about what time to expect him they have aroused themselves from sleep and are waiting. They answer, and invite him to enter. He descends the ladder, and in the northeast corner he utters a long prayer for good luck, rain, and crops, and drops into a hole in the floor a pair of the feather offerings called wapanii. While he prays the others from time to time approve with: "I hope it will be so! Let us have good luck! I wish it may be true!" He then goes out and passes from place to place, offering meal and praying. Also at this time he calls aloud at several places, arousing the sleepers: "My dear people of the pueblo, I wish you to get up. Let all be thankful that a new day comes. Let us pray for good health and good luck and long life. Let all pray to the east. For I am the war-chief and I am not able to pray for all of you alone. I must have help. Please come forth and help me, and ask for what we need for this new year. We must have good luck for our crops and our stock and our children. Let us all try to help one another, each one adding his prayer." Finally in the plaza he stops at a place marked by a stone, where he has already dug a hole and filled it with soft earth. He now removes the earth and deposits 1 At Santo Domingo this term specifies the quarters of the cacique. 2 The war-chiefs themselves spend every night in the year in this room, except when otherwise engaged in official duties. {view image of page 240} 240 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN prayer-sticks and covers them, after which he goes to the room of the Fire society and repeats the procedure observed at M6haro. When the people hear the call of the war-chief, many of them, at least one from each household, rise and go out in various directions to offer meal and to pray, having in mind not only the thought of asking for good but of helping the war-chief in his onerous duty of bringing good to all the people. After the war-chief leaves M6haro, the Flint chief takes up the wapani he dropped, goes to the east side of the mesa, and after praying and scattering meal, drops them over the edge. The Fire chief does the same with the wapani left in his room. The war-chief spends the day in resting, and nothing is done on the second night. On the second day the three war-chiefs make more prayer-sticks, and after dark take them to a spring in the west, and proceed as on the first night; except that the second war-chief now spends the night roaming about the pueblo, praying, calling to the people, planting prayer-sticks, dropping wapani, and scattering meal. In this manner they plant prayer-sticks in the south on the second night following, and the first war-chief remains on duty all night; and on the next alternate night in the east, and Uyiuyewi is again on duty. By this time it is about the middle of January, and the vigil of the war-chiefs is at an end. They notify the people to provide them with wood for the ensuing year, and each family brings a burro-load. Laguna History and Organization LAGUNA, principal seat of one of the two divisions of the western Keres, is situated on the south side of San Jose river about forty-five miles west of the Rio Grande. It was established in 1699. Beginning about the year 1870 various summer settlements began to be more and more permanently occupied, until today Laguna is simply the best-known of eleven villages of the group. The oldest and largest of the outlying pueblos, equalling, if not slightly exceeding, Laguna in population, is Paguate, separated from the mother pueblo by eight miles of difficult road and perched on a slightly elevated rocky eminence overlooking a small valley. The original Indian settlement at Paguate was an outpost established for the purpose of checking the Navaho. A grant of this land was made by the Spanish Government to Antonio Paguati and others during the governorship of Don Tomas Velez Cachupin (I749-I754), and {view image of facing page 240} Laguna [photogravure plate] {view image of page 241} THE KERES 24I the grantees sold it to the Lagunas in 1769. In 1746 four or five hundred Navaho had been induced by Father Juan M. Menchero to renounce their nomadic habits and settle at Cebolleta (Seboyeta). After four years the Navaho, bored by uninterrupted agricultural pursuits, abandoned their fields, which passed into the hands of Mexicans. Nevertheless, the Navaho continued to regard the Cebolleta country as their own, and made not infrequent attempts to despoil the Mexican settlers there, as well as the Laguna farmers at Paguate. It was in answer to this threat that the Lagunas built at Paguate three permanent buildings, two of which had an upper story used as a watchtower and place of refuge. Throughout the eighteenth century there were frequent conflicts with Mexican slavers, and both then and later Navaho, Apache, and occasionally Ute raiders were a constant menace. Against these tribes Laguna warriors often combined with Mexican settlers and soldiers, who claimed as slaves any prisoners taken. It was during these times of tribal warfare that such Mexican settlements as Cebolleta and Cubero were established, and their occupancy was possible only because of their nearness to populous Laguna. The following clans, exogamous and matrilineal, are now represented at Laguna: 1 I. Osifia, Sun 9. Kufit, Antelope 2. Tsitf, Water Io. Tyami, Eagle 3. Shuwimi, Turquoise II. Tsinna, Turkey 4. Yika, Corn 12. Shawity', Parrot 5. Hipaii, Scrub-oak 13. Shiska, Roadrunner 6. Qaiya, Bear 14. Meyo, Lizard 7. Ts6ski, Coyote I5. S6wi, Rattlesnake 8. Ty6pi, Badger I6. Tsika, Cicada Sun, Bear, Roadrunner, Parrot are numerous; Rattlesnake became extinct between 1917 and I924. The alien origin of many of these clans is recognized, but in many particulars informants disagree. Roadrunner, Badger, and Antelope are Zufii clans. Parrot is variously assigned to Zuni and to Sia. The Sun clan "came from the Hopi." These statements concerning the origin of clans should not be always taken, as they usually have been, to indicate the migration of a considerable group 1 Add hano, person, for the singular, hanofia for the plural. Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons has noted also Deer, Pumpkin, and Wheat, all extinct. The Deer clan existed until recently at Acoma, and the Squash clan (taii is improperly translated pumpkin) is still represented there. Asi'fii, Grass (the word was applied to wheat when that grain was introduced), is at Acoma a name-object of the Antelope clan. VOL. XVI-31 {view image of page 242} 242 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of people from one tribe or pueblo to another. In most cases a clan was introduced from one group to another simply by marriage. Thus, in an eastward flight of the Hopi from dire famine, a Hopi girl of the Sun clan married and so established her clan at Laguna. This is on the authority of a member of the clan, who had the information from his grandparents. During the period of disturbance following the uprising of I680 there was a considerable incorporation of small alien groups by various pueblos, but intermarriage has no doubt been the principal factor in giving approximate uniformity to the Pueblo clan system.' Some of the clans are paired, notably Oak and Cicada, Lizard and Rattlesnake, but no informant is willing to assert that all the sixteen clans are arranged in eight pairs. This coupling of clans is explained by one informant as the association of a numerically diminished group with a more flourishing one in former times, when the racing contests between clans were customary. Another recognizes the true, if not ultimate, meaning when she says the pairing is based on similarity or association of names. Members of two paired clans call one another sanawai, just as if they were clansmen; but paired clans are not exogamous. Customs Marriage is now an affair of the church, but until recently the native customs were carried out in connection with the ecclesiastical rites. The girl's parents called on the young man's parents to arrange the match, and on a day agreed upon they returned with a few relatives and led him to their home. The bride's relatives then spent several days in grinding meal, which they gave to the other family, who later brought to her house a quantity of clothing and distributed it there at the wedding feast. The former custom that a man take up his residence with the wife's people is not now always * This splendid vessel for the household storage of food (not water) was made about the year I880. It is twenty inches deep, twenty-two wide at the greatest diameter, and thirteen wide at the orifice. It is almost entirely encircled by a procession of painted antelope. 1 Mr. F. W. Hodge was told in I895, when traditionists must have had better information than those of this generation, that Bear, Eagle, Water, Turkey, Corn, came from Acoma; Badger, Parrot, Roadrunner, Antelope, from Zuni; Sun, probably from San Felipe; Rattlesnake, probably from Oraibi; Wolf (now extinct) and Turquoise, from Sandia; Earth (now extinct), from Jemez; Cougar (now extinct) and Oak, from Mount Taylor. Regarding the relative importance of intermarriage and migration as factors in the diffusion of clans, it must be conceded that Laguna occupies a special position in that it was founded after the end of the period of revolt against the Spanish, but at a time when all the Pueblos were in a state of unrest; and, unlike most of the pueblos of today, it was not simply a new site for a migrating, homogeneous population. {view image of facing page 242} Laguna water-jar [photogravure plate] {view image of page 243} THE KERES 243 observed. Divorce was merely an agreement to separate, or the abandonment of one spouse by the other. The levirate was not practised. In childbirth a Laguna woman is attended by a midwife, who massages her abdomen and determines if the infant is lying in the proper position. She administers herb medicine in which is mixed the powdered remains of a dried lizard, in the belief that the swift, gliding movement of the lizard will facilitate the delivery. The placenta is buried in a spot where fresh water spreads out thinly over the ground. A cotton pad bound over the umbilicus is kept constantly moist, and when the stump falls off it is taken with the cotton and (if the infant is a boy) buried in the field of his mother's family in order to make him an industrious farmer. If the child is a girl, it is buried beneath the mealing-stones so that she will become a good housewife. For a period of three days after childbirth the mother remains in bed, drinking frequently of hot decoctions, especially of juniper-twigs. In the native custom a corpse was immediately turned with the head to the east, and was washed and clothed. The face was marked with paint of many colors in allusion, it is said, to the turning of the body into dust, which in turn becomes plants of various hues. It was buried in a grave, lying on the back with the head eastward.1 The white down-feather of an eagle was tied to the hair, which floating upward would carry the soul with it. Bowls of food and water were deposited in the grave, and on the third morning a basket, filled with broken food and covered with cotton into which many prayer-sticks were thrust, was placed there. On this day a shaman went about the house with his feathers and expelled bad luck. There was no ceremonial purification of those who handled the dead, and mourning was confined to a few days of wailing by the women. Speaking the name of a recently dead person was avoided by tacit agreement, but there was no actual taboo. The cacique, hochani, and the war-chief, fatyo-h6chani ("country chief"), were the only aboriginal officers. The former, of priestly rather than political rank, occupied his position for life and was succeeded by his most capable assistant. His duty was to think and plan for the welfare of the people, and particularly to pray and fast 1 Usual Pueblo practice was to lay the head of a corpse toward the north, the region of the original home of the people. Zuii is an exception; here the dead are interred with the head eastward (as was the usual practice in ancient times), the males in the southern half and the females in the northern half of the church cemetery. The Zuni do not sleep with the head directed eastward. {view image of page 244} 244 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN and see that the various ceremonial organizations began their activities at the proper time. The others planted and hunted for him, and he did no labor. When a new cacique took office, the Shiwanna society made for him a ladder with three uprights instead of the usual two, so that in case of necessity two persons could use it simultaneously. On the top of each side pole was a wooden parrot, and curving above the ladder a wooden rainbow. This was his ensign. The ladder of a deceased cacique remained standing at his family's home. The war-chief was always a man of the Oak clan. He held his position for life, and worked solely for the commonweal. He was expected to eat little and to be upright, unselfish, and courageous. He made his own public announcements, but in other matters this was done by the crier, kokadteeti. At the present time the officials are tapopu, the governor, two tapopu-hokawai[?Ahi ("governor helper"), and a fiscal with two assistants for each village of the Laguna group. The people assemble at Laguna on the first day of the year and by a standing vote elect these officials. Laguna is the only pueblo where the people have any voice in the selection of officers. An important duty of the governor is to sell live stock and wool for the community and to see that individuals pay their debts as well as receive their proportionate returns from the merchants. When a scalp was taken there was a victory-dance in which, as at Acoma, the Kasari played a principal part. The scalp was carried at the tip of a pole, and the Kasari shot arrows toward the enemy country in order to rid themselves of evil influence, and perhaps as an expression of defiance. After the dance the scalp was deposited in a large jar in a cave near the pueblo. The Kasari chief was custodian of the scalps. Religious Beliefs The Laguna ceremonial system has been decadent since about 1880, when a progressive faction, disgusted with the chicanery of the shamans, destroyed a large number of their fetishes. Detailed information, and even a dependable outline, of the system can no longer be had. The following fraternities are named: I. Koraina-ch!aianii, or Shii'kami 3. S6wi-ch!aiiii, Rattlesnake Shamans 2. Histyiaiii-ch!aiiii, Flint Shamans 4. Hikaiii-ch!aiiiii, Fire Shamans 1 Koraina is equivalent to eastern Keres Kwi'ranna. {view image of facing page 244} Paguate watchtower [photogravure plate] {view image of page 245} THE KERES 245 5. Kasari-ch!aiiii 1 8. Saiyap-ch!ainii 6. Sk6yu-ch!aiiii,2 Giant Shamans 9. Sahaiya-ch!aiiaii 7. Shiwanna-ch!aiiiii, Cloud-god Shamans All these societies treated sickness, and at the summer solstice arranged their altars and sang for good crops and health. At least some of them performed feats of magic, the Kasari shamans "swallowing" wooden wands, the Hakaiii extinguishing fire in the mouth, the Rattlesnake shamans handling snakes.3 All but the Kasari and the Shiwanna are now extinct, and these no longer practise as shamans, but celebrate the Shiwanna dance occasionally. The only other native ceremony still observed is a necessarily decadent form of the summer and the winter solstice rites by two Kasari, the only survivors of the old priestly party. When the fraternities assembled in their respective quarters at the summer solstice and again at the winter solstice, they spent the entire day chanting a cycle of songs reciting the long wanderings of the people. The chant was little more than a catalogue of names of places where they had stopped, much like the origin and migration myth of the Pima. This continued until after dark, then the people were invited into the houses. The members sat behind the altar and sang dance-songs, while the people stood in a row and danced in their places, men and women in separate groups. From time to time a member took his place at one end of the line as a director. The members now and then drank their herb medicine and at the conclusion they gave the dancers a drink. There were four medicinebowls, one for each cardinal direction, standing on the "earth," a space covered with a mixture of sand and meal. Behind this were narrow painted boards standing upright and painted in various colors to represent cloud and other deities. The house door remained open, and from it to the "earth" extended a trail of sand and meal. There was a basket full of prayer-sticks, one of which was given to each dancer. At dawn the shamans and some of the older men who 1 An informant translates: sarini, rags; kasari, his rags; referring to the ragged loincloth affected by these fun-making dancers. This is probably folk-etymology. 2 Skoyu really is an ogre. Cf. Hopi Siyuku, Zufii Suyuki. 3 In 1917 there died a man who had related to the informant how in his youth his father wished to initiate him into the Rattlesnake fraternity. He was taken to a place near the Laguna hamlet of Santa Ana (Pdiiistyi), where there was a circular hole in the ground. His father prayed and offered corn-pollen, and called to'the Rattlesnake chief. A very large rattlesnake came out of the hole. It had horns. The man said, "Now come into my hand." The snake crawled upon his hand, and he ordered his son to approach. But the youth was afraid. This is one of numerous bits of testimony pointing to the existence of a snake cult which kept very large rattlesnakes either in cells of the houses or in outdoor dens. {view image of page 246} 246 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN had been especially invited by them to assist, deposited the prayersticks at shrines or in the fields. The Shiwanna, or KaIfina, constituted a fraternity of masked dancers impersonating various cloud-gods. Into this society every boy was initiated by flogging. Following are the names of some of these deities: i. Kaiyimushatyi ("bearded"), or Chaquna,' wore a black mask with prominent, serrated teeth and a long, black beard of horse-hair. A yellow angle was painted above each eye. The mask covered only the face, and black fleece concealed the back of the head. He carried a bow, arrows, and a yucca whip. When the maskers represented this character, they were invariably accompanied by Mashchtwai and Sararaspiyo, who served as messengers in bringing absent members to the kiva. 2. Mashchtfwai, a mythic personage who enticed women to his home in a cliff and cast them to the bottom, was represented by a mask with a curving beak, a fan-shape band of feathers of the eagle or the redtail hawk at the back, and a bunch of short parrot-feathers at the crown. He had a long staff tipped with a bunch of spruce sprigs and spirally wound with colored yarn, which at two points held two eagle-feathers at opposite sides directed upward like leaves of sprouting corn. He wore a Hopi kilt, and a fox-skin hung behind at his waist. The Acoma equivalent is Miaahtytauai. 3. Sararaspiyo 2 had a mask with a tubular beak, crow-feathers about the neck, a bunch of short and a pair of long parrot-feathers at the crown. He carried a yucca whip, and wore a Hopi kilt. 4. M6'fi (" Hopi") mask covered the entire head. The eyes were triangular, the mouth was circular and surrounded by red wool. Above each ear were two long feathers of an eagle, one of a parrot. Short parrot-feathers were on the top of the mask, and in the back a piece of black fleece hung to the shoulders. When the dancers represented M6'fit1fa (plural), they were accompanied by Niawih. 5. NawTih had four long turkey-feathers equally spaced and upright on the crown, with a downy turkey-feather, representing a cloud, at the tip of each. The top of the mask was tufted with red or black wool, the circular mouth was surrounded by red wool. 6. Hemish Kaifina (" Jemez cloud-god"). 7. Kowiapufsi wore a face-mask with long hair behind. 8. Waiyos ("duck") Kafsina had mandibles like those of a duck. 9. Stor6ka wore a woman's dress and carried in the left hand an ear of corn in a mass of' spruce-leaves. His ears were corn-husk cones with the apex downward, his mouth was a circle of dyed jack-rabbit fur, and his eyes were shaped like the line of the human outer ear. He represented a berdache. io. Ch6paku mask was green and had a duck-bill. There was a long parrot-feather above the right ear. The personators of this character imitated the quacking of ducks. I i. Ts!ifs!finufi! (fit.!m.utf!, clenched teeth) was the flogger in the initiation rites. 12. Kumaiy6osh were the clownish messengers of the Shiwanna, representing the mythic children of K6chlnni-niko ("yellow maid") and her two handsome brothers, Paiyatyumui ("youth").3 They were the equivalent of the Zunii K6y6maihi. 13. Paiyatyumu ("youth"). 1 This is the equivalent of Zufii Chiqena; but the Zufii masker of that name represents a giant woman who led an enemy encountered by the people in their migration. 2 The name is evidently not Keres. It sounds Spanish. 3 When for any reason it is desired to refer to a man without mentioning his name, he is called Paiyatyumu. A woman is similarly referred to as K6chinninako. {view image of page 247} THE KERES 247 14. Osiaa-paiyatyfum ("sun youth"). 15. Tsanawiaii ("ill-natured") had a long, rounded snout with teeth along the sides, like an alligator. I6. Tyiin ("deer"). I7. Katapina.' I8. Tsiskiski. 19. Shoricha was painted black with white spots. 20. Shonata was painted in the same manner as Shoricha.2 2I. Tsiukchan6o ("look about"). 22. Heiyi uttered a call from which the name is derived. 23. Shumaikuli.3 24. K6kakaia. The Acoma name is K6watyaiitfa, said to mean "long hair hanging at one side." The mask has serrate teeth, a beard, a flowing lock of hair and a flint at one side and a parrot-feather between two eagle-feathers at the other side. The Kaiyamushatyi still dance once a year, either in the fall or in the winter as late as December. The M6'fotia formerly danced in the summer or the fall. The Acoma system prevailed at Laguna, each of various kiva groups always personating a certain kind of Shiwanna and dancing in a line, while various masked individuals circulated about the plaza. Within the memory of the present informant only one kiva remained. The entrance was through the roof, and the chamber was not subterranean. It was torn down not later than I89o, and as far as he is aware it was us only for the war-dance. One of the earlier kivas was called Haimatafsi, the same as a certain kiva at Acoma. Besides the numerous deities represented by masked performers, there are three beings of abstract conception. The sisters Noftityi 4 and Tsifttyi-nako ("all-thinking maid") created in the lower world the other deities and the people and their institutions. Tsifttyinako is supplicated for good thoughts. Noftityi is represented by the iyetiku fetishes of the shamans, ears of corn adorned with feathers. She is conceived to be under the earth and to nourish her people by the fruits of the soil. She is, in short, the earth-mother. Ufs-ftityi ("above all") dwells in the sky and sends rain to refresh the earth and growing things. He is the sky-father. There are certain places used for purposes of divination. Schetawa,5 near Mesita Negra, is a deep vertical cave ten to twelve 1 This word occurs in the chant of the Acoma K6maiyawashi when they carry the cacique and the war-chief into the plaza before a Shiwanna dance. See page 182. 2 See page 190 for an Acoma ceremony in which these two characters appear. 3 Since I902 the Laguna Shumaikuli masks have been in the custody of the Zuii Shumaqe society. See Volume XVII, pages 124, 152. 4 Apparently for Niya-ftityi (" mother all"), or perhaps for Nawaya-fSityi ("protector all"). 5 Said to mean "know one's self." {view image of page 248} 248 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN feet in diameter with a receding cavity under the rim-rock. The Kasari of Acoma as well as those of Laguna, accompanied by a warchief, used to sit at the edge and gaze steadily down toward the opposite wall. Then stepping aside they would pray and return to sit at the other side, and so at the four sides of the cave. By the character of the visions there beheld they knew what sort of year the people would have. If it was to be a good year they would see water-marked soils and waving fields. Prayer-sticks and offerings of beads were left in the cave. The informant believes in this, because about 19IO a man saw there his own dead body wrapped in a blanket which he recognized as one at his house in Acoma. He saw the print of a white man's shoes, and a male infant. A short time thereafter his wife gave birth to a male child, and soon after he himself was killed by a Mexican. A similar place on Mount Taylor is called Tspinna-kowaiyatyuma ("Mount Taylor cave"). There people from Laguna, Acoma, and Zuni, and Navaho as well, plant prayer-sticks and leave offerings of turquoise beads when there has been a dry season, and when they desire a glimpse of the future. {view image of facing page 248} A second-story apartment at Paguate [photogravure plate] {view image of page 249} Appendix VOL. XVI-32 {view image of page 250} {view image of facing page 250} Excavated ruins at Gyusiwa - Jemez Springs [photogravure plate] {view image of page 251} APPENDIX Ancient Jemez Villages Pekwiligii (Peqiligyii),1 at Soda springs about six miles southwest of Jemez. Setokwa (Se-Tu-kwa, eagle village at), in the valley about two miles south of Jemez. Nokyuntseleta (N6nkyintseleTa), on the fragmentary mesa at the white cliffs some three miles west of Jemez. The name is said to refer to the dazzling whiteness of these striking rocks. Tyasoliwa (Tyasoliwa), about a mile and a half north of Jemez, on the mesa above the red rocks west of San Diego river. Pebulikwa (Pe-bule-kwa, abalone-shell at), east of Vallecito, on the mesa about three and a half miles northeast of Jemez. Patoqua (Pa-Tu-kwa, water village at), six miles north of Jemez, on a terrace of the southern point of the great mesa that separates San Diego and Guadalupe canions, the name referring to its situation at the confluence of two never-failing streams. Bandelier identified this village with Mission San Jose de los Jemez,2 which, according to Hodge, "contained a church as early as I6I7, but was abandoned in 1622 on account of hostility of the Navaho. In I627, however, it and Gyusiwa were resettled by Fray Martin de Arvide with the inhabitants of a number of small pueblos then occupied by the Jemez. It was permanently abandoned prior to the Pueblo revolt of I680." Hewett notes the remains of a Spanish church at this site, and from the evidence of hurried construction of Astialakwa on the almost inaccessible mesa above Patoqua he infers that the latter was abandoned in favor of the less pregnable site "at the time of Spanish encroachment." Astialakwa (Astyalekwa), on the high mesa above Patoqua and near its western margin overlooking San Diego canon. Here the Jemez were attacked by a force of Spaniards and Sia Indians on June 29, 1696, and routed after a fierce resistance. Native tradition says that many threw themselves over the edge of the precipice and were miraculously saved by San Diego, patron saint of the village of Gyusiwa, who suddenly appeared in person; and a gigantic, cowled figure on the face of the cliff is pointed out as proof of the truth of the legend. Wabakwa (Wambakwa), on the mesa about seven miles north of Jemez and east of San Diego canon. Seshukwa (Se-hiu-kwa, eagle home at), on the mesa about a mile east of Wabakwa. Gyusiwa (Gydsewa),3 just north of Jemez hot springs in San Diego canon, twelve miles north of Jemez pueblo. Here, not later than I617, was established Mission San Diego de Jemez, the walls of whose church still stand (see plate facing page 72). Bandelier estimated the maximum population at eight hundred. Like many other Jemez pueblos, it was abandoned in I622 as a result of constant Navaho aggressions, but was reoccupied in I627, and continued to exist until after the revolt of I680. Amushungkwa (Amtin-hhun-kwa, ant hill at - Harrington), on the lofty mesa east of Guadalupe canon and southwest of Jemez hot springs. 1 Cf. PeqileTa, Picuris. 2 In an earlier passage Bandelier suggests Amushungkwa as identical with San Jose. The discovery of the remains of a church at Patoqua, and the fact that the other Jemez mission seat (San Diego, Gyusiwa) was in the canon and not perched for defense on the difficult and unfavorable heights, are proof enough that Bandelier's later conclusion is correct. 3 Harrington: "said to mean 'hot place."' 251 {view image of page 252} 252 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Bulitzequa (Bfle6-fii-kwa, abalone-shell at - Harrington), on the mesa east of San Diego canon. Hanakwa (Hana-kwa, horned-toad at - Harrington), on the mesa not far south of Amushungkwa. Towakwa (Trwa-kwa. "Tova'a a word said when in certain ceremonies a cigarette is touched by one person to the foot of another" - Harrington), on the mesa not far from Amushungkwa. Kiashita (KyishiTa), on the mesa west of San Diego canon and north of Jemez hot springs. Kiatsukwa (Kyaifi-kwa, mountain-sheep at - Harrington), on the mesa east of Guadalupe canon several miles south of Amushungkwa. Nonyishagi (Nonni-sha-gyi, cottonwoods are at), in San Diego canon above the Soda dam. Bandelier names also Tya-juin-den-a, Afiu-quil-i-gui (Hodge, Anyukwinu), Osht-yal-a (Hodge, Ostyalakwa), Ua-ha-tza-e, and Zo-lat-e-se-djii (Hodge, Zolatungzezhii). As to these, Anu-quil-i-gui was a legendary settlement of a portion of the Jemez on their migration from the mythical lake of their origin to the historic village of Amushungkwa; Osht-yal-a (Ostyalakwa) is the same as Astialakwa, in spite of Bandelier's warning that such is not the case; Ua-ha-tza-e is Waha-fsaa, cloud person, that is, a member of the Cloud clan. Bandelier fails to name Tyasoliwa, Wabakwa, and Nonyishagi. Jemez Names for Indian Tribes 1 Acoma Totyesh Pecos Pakyush Apache, Jicarilla Togu-kyala, "East Navaho" Picuris Peqilesh Cochiti KyaTdush San Felipe Kwiligiish Hopi Hfpish Santa Ana Tfindafsosh Isleta Tew1sh Santa Clara Shapash Jemez Hemish Santo Domingo Tawigyiish Keres Kiligh Sia Siyigh Laguna ky6wish Taos Gy6lash Navaho Kyala Tewa Tawish Zunii Sdnlsh Cochiti Names for Indian Tribes 1 Apache, Jicarilla Likarihya (Spanish) Havasupai K6hnanu 2 Apache, Mescalero Ch!ighapi Hopi M6'tis Taos Names of the Moons January Suan-pana, Man Moon (when men engaged in various outdoor exercises, like bathing in cold streams, to harden the body) February T6win-pana, Winter Moon March Wan-hia-pina, Wind Strong Moon April Nahi-pina, Ashes Moon May It-ki-pna, Corn Planting Moon June Kab-nakaia-pnal, Corn-tassel [kaven ] Appear Moon July T6o-tfi-plna, Sun House Moon August Fayo-pana, Autumn Moon September Nu-fiol-pina, Leaf Yellow Moon October It-kdwa-pina, Corn Ripe Moon November IS-tayan-pana, Corn Harvest Moon December N6n-ptna, Night Moon (when days are short and nights long) 1 For Jemez and Cochiti names for pueblos see the table on pages 260-261. 2 An adopted term. The Havasupai are known to many tribes by various forms of Kokonino. {view image of page 253} APPENDIX 253 January February March April May June July August September October November December Laguna Names of the Moons Meyo-fsity, Lizard Cut (the month when buried lizards are sometimes broken by cracking of the frozen earth) Yamuni (an edible root) Schaim (the plant of the root yamiuni) Pischato-6tys, Sticky-mud Plant (the month when crops should be planted in soil of this kind) Shawufso-6tys, Loam Plant Hishuiii (referring to the first two leaves of a corn plant breaking through the ground) Achini, Corn-tassel Yimofii (an ear of corn before the grains have formed) Kinity, Corn-in-the-milk Kitistytita, Ripe-corn Haiafs!i, Autumn Suna-koku, Middle Winter 2 Isleta Names for Indian Tribes 3 Apache Comanche Hopi T-hliuimnin 4 Tur-tainin, "Sun People" Mbuhin 5 Keres, Eastern Navaho Pa-birnin 6 Ti-hliUimnin 4 Isleta Relationship Terms 7 I. kaadi, father: in-kaa 8 I. father (3, 4) II. keid6, mother: in-kei 8 2. mother (3, 4) III. uwide, son: in-uwei 3- son (I, 2) IV. piewid6, daughter: in-piwefi 4. daughter (I, 2) V. kuaride, stepparent, stepchild: in-kfarawei 5. stepparent (6) 6. stepchild (5) VI. t6ed6, grandfather: in-tee, tee 7. parent's father (I0) VII. hlurude, paternal grandmother: in-hlurei, hlFru 8. father's mother (Io) VIII. chiid6, maternal grandmother: in-chii, chii 9. mother's mother (Io) 1 To each term add tawafta, moon. 2 The December moon is now usually called Sh6mu, Dead, in reference to the fiesta of Todos Santos, All Saints day. 3 For Isleta names of the pueblos see the table on pages 260-261. 4 The term is said to mean "dry cracked-ones," referring to the wrinkled faces of these nomads. 5 An adopted, pluralized form of Moki. The Hopi country is called Mbuhiik. 6 Pa, water, referring to their situation on the Rio Grande; biOrnin, the western Keres of Laguna. 7 The first forms given are objective, as is indicated by the affix -d4 (cf. yede, that; yunde, this). Next following are the term with incorporation of the first personal singular possessive, and the vocative in such instances as the vocative differs from that form. Figures in parentheses indicate reciprocal terms. 8 Spanish papa and nana are generally used for the vocative of father and mother. {view image of page 254} 254 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN IX. mak6&d, grandchild: in-makuwe'i, makii Io. child's child (7, 8, 9) X. papid6, elder brother: in-papti, papa Hi. elder brother (12, 14) XI. panin&d, younger brother: in-paninw~i, pinin 12. younger brother (ii, 13) XII. tut6d6, elder sister: in-tutii, t6tu 13. elder sister (12, 35) XIII. qi~mid&, man's younger sister: in-qirmwei, qi~mu 14. man's younger sister (i i) XIV. p~chdd6, woman's younger sister: in-p~chuw~i, ptchu 15. woman's younger sister (13) XV. m~rnedd6 uncle: in-m~mrei, memo i6. parent's brother (19, 20) XVI. kiwid6, paternal aunt: in-kiwe'i, akiw 17. father's sister (21) XVII. kUchid&, maternal aunt: in-k~chuwe'i, kachu i8. mother's sister (22) XVIII. chuniidU, man's nephew, man's niece: in-chunuwei, chdnu 19. man's brother's child (i6) 20. man s sister's child (i6) XIX. t!utid6, woman's brother's child: in-t!uuwei, t!iiu 21. woman's brother's child (I7) XX. fihwid6, woman's sister's child: in-6hwiw'i, ihwi 22. woman's sister's child (18) XXI. prim6dd, cousin: in-primuw&ei, primu 1 XXII. saiafdd, husband: in-suawei 23. husband (24) XXIII. hiiwid6, wife: in-Mi~wei' 24. wife (23) XXIV. tarid&, parent-in-law, child-in-law: in-tariwei 25. parent-in-law (26) 26. child-in-law (25) XXV. sfiai&d, woman's sister-in-law: in-sfiaiwei 2 27. woman's brother's wife (28) 28. husband's sister (27) XXVI. yeid6, brother-in-law, man's sister-in-law: in-yeiwei 29. wife's brother (31) 31. sister's husband (29, 30) 30. wife's sister (31) 32. man's brother's wife (33) 33. husband's brother (32) Taos Relationship Terms 3 I. tanmi~n~, father: t~nm~"a tot~ (a familiar form) II. UnA. mother: ka, hla6 (a familiar form) III. owii, son: okiy6, Cin-owii 4 IV. fiuwii, daughter: fiu6 V. f-hluhlinA, grandfather: ti-hluhli 5 VI. a-hiludnA, paternal grandmother: a-Iiun VII. miltnn, maternal grandmother: hlitu VIII. makunA, grandchild: m~ku IX. ppIndri, elder brother: pipa X. pffinA, younger brother: usu Indianized forms of Spanish primo are applied to all cousin relationships. 2 Cf. si'aiWd, husband. 3 The first forms given are objective; the second, vocative. U' (an preceding a vowel) prefixed to the objective is the first personal singular possessive pronoun. 4 Respectively, at a distance and near by. ' Hluh7ina, old man; Jdiuanl, old woman. {view image of page 255} APPENDIX 255 XI. t6tuna, elder sister: totu XII. payuuna, younger sister: XIII. tun-h-luunA, paternal unc XIV. mimina, maternal uncle: XV. iemaana, paternal aunt: XVI. kayona, maternal aunt: I XVII. ki-hluuna, nephew, niece XVIII. u -tui, my husband XIX. fn-hliwai, my wife 1 XX. taana, sister's husband, s XXI. suayiina, husband's siste upa" le: tn-h-lun mimi iema kayo: ki-h1un son-in-law 2 r, daughter-in-law 2 The relation of stepparent and stepchild is expressed by incorporation of masiena, notreal: tdWm-masiena, stepfather; ka-masiena, stepmother; 6-masigna, stepson; fiu-masifna, stepdaughter. The relation of parent by marriage and brother-sister by marriage (with the exceptions noted in XX, XXI) is expressed by incorporation of mdku, grandchild: mdku-ta"mMna, fatherin-law; mdku-kand, mother-in-law; maku-paipuna, mdku-puin4, spouse's brother, older or younger than self; maku-t6tun4, mdku-ptyuund, wife's sister or brother's wife, older or younger than self. In all these relationships the individual is addressed as if he were a blood relative: father for father-in-law, et cetera. Children of brothers and sisters (first cousins) are also brothers and sisters; but whether the distinction between elder and younger depends on the comparative age of the cousins or on that of their related parents is not known. Children of one's first cousins are in the relation uncle-aunt and nephew-niece. Cochiti Relationship Terms 3 I. sa-nastyuu, my father: vocative, omo (man speaking), tita (woman speaking) I. father (I2, 13) 4. parent's sister's husband (17, I8) 2. stepfather (14) 5. child's spouse's father (5) 3. father-in-law (54, 56) II. sa-naya, my mother: vocative, yiya, niya 6. mother (12, 13) 7. stepmother (I4) 8. mother-in-law (54, 56) III. si-hwihle, my child: vocative, sahwi 9. parent's sister (I5, i6) 0o. parent's brother's wife (17, I8) I. child's spouse's mother (ii) 12. son (I, 6) 15. woman's sister's child (9) 13. daughter (I, 6) I6. woman's brother's child (9) 14. stepchild (2, 7) 17. spouse's brother's child (4, Io) I8. spouse's sister's child (4, Io) IV. sa-papa, my grandparent, my grandchild: (between opposite sexes) I9. man's parent's mother (21) 21. woman's child's son (I9) 20. woman's parent's father (22) 22. man's child's daughter (20) V. somomo,4 my grandfather, my grandson: vocative, m6mo: (between males) 23. man's parent's father (24) 24. man's child's son (23) VI. sa-tyumshe, my brother: (between males) 25. man's brother (25) 26. man's parent's brother's son (26, 27) 27. man's parent's sister's son (26, 27) 1 In the family the husband is commonly addressed as ta^nmn, father, or hmihi, old (that is, grandfather); the wife as ka, mother, or h'itu, maternal grandmother. Hluli and hitu in this use are somewhat lacking in respect. 2 Taana and suayiina are said never to be used in the presence of individuals so designated, who are addressed as if they were blood relatives: brother, son, sister, daughter. 3 Unless the contrary is specified, the terms are employed alike by both sexes. Figures in parentheses identify reciprocal terms. 4 S6momo, for sa-omo-omo, my father father. {view image of page 256} 256 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN VII. sa-meme, my brother, my sister: vocative, mem6: (between opposite sexes) 28. woman's brother (29) 32. woman's parent's brother's son (34, 35) 29. man's sister (28) 33. woman's parent's sister's son (34, 35) 30. husband's brother (55) 34. man's parent's brother's daughter (32, 33) 3I. wife's sister (51) 35. man's parent's sister's daughter (32, 33) VIII. sa-tio, my sister, my grandmother, my granddaughter: vocative, satao, tao: 1 (between females) 36. woman's sister (36) 39. woman's parent's mother (40) 37. husband's sister (55) 40. woman's child's daughter (39) 38. husband's brother's wife (38) 41. woman's parent's sister's daughter (41, 42) 42. woman's parent's brother's daughter (41, 42) IX. sa-nawas'he, my uncle, my nephew: (between males) 43. man's parent's brother (44, 45) 44. man's brother's son (43) 45. man's sister's son (43) X. sa-nenfie, my uncle, my niece: (between opposite sexes) 46. woman's parent's brother (47, 48) 47. man's brother's daughter (46) 48. man's sister's daughter (46) XI. sa-s'he6, my husband 49. husband XII. s6klo,2 my wife 50. wife XIII. sa-wat!i, my brother-in-law, my son-in-law 51. sister's husband (31, 53) 53. wife's brother (5I) 3 52. wife's sister's husband (52) 54. daughter's husband (3, 8) XIV. sa-pihya, my sister-in-law, my daughter-in-law 55. brother's wife (30, 37) 56. son's wife (3, 8) Laguna Relationship Terms I. sa-naistyia, my father (III, IV) I. father (9, 15) 2. stepfather (io, I6) II. sa-naya, my mother (III, IV) 5. mother (9, 15) 6. stepmother (io, I6) III. sa-mdty, my son (I, II) 9. son (I, 5) IO. stepson (2, 6) 11. brother's son (3, 7) IV. sa-mi'k, my daughter (I, II) I5. daughter (I, 5) I6. stepdaughter (2, 6) 3. father's brother ( I, 17) 4. father's sister's son (14, 19) 7. parent's sister (II, 12, 17, 18) 4 8. man's sister's daughter (13) 12. woman's sister's son (7) 13. woman's mother's brother (8) 14. man's mother's brother's son (4) 17. brother's daughter (3, 7) I8. woman's sister's daughter (7) 19. man's mother's brother's daughter (4) 1 The vocative tao, never satao, is used for grandmother! granddaughter! 2 S6ko, for sa-uko; cf. koyahw', woman. 3 Wife's brother is distinguished as fhqe-wat!i: vocative, wat!i. 4 Parsons, Laguna Genealogies, Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, XIX, 157, 160, says: "S'ak'uya (k'uiya)... is applied to father's sister. It is to be identified, I think, with the term for old woman, k'oya... Practically the daughter-son terms are used... This derivation finds support in the fact that there is no reciprocal proper for k'uiya. S'a-yach', my child, is said, or'daughter' or 'son."' The present writer, working without reference to Dr. Parsons' paper, recorded a system of nomenclature agreeing perfectly with hers, with the single exception that his informant gave no special term for father's sister. This was probably not an omission; for "k'uya" appears to be an epithet, a nickname not yet crystallized by usage into a true relationship term. {view image of page 257} APPENDIX 257 V. sa-papia, my grandparent, my grandchild: (between opposite sexes) (V) 20. woman's parent's father (23) 23. man's child's daughter (20) 21. man's parent's mother (24) 24. woman's child's son (21) 22. woman's mother's brother's son(25) 25. man's father's sister's daughter (22) VI. sa-nuna, my grandfather, my grandson: (between males) (VI) 26. man's parent's father (27) 27. man's child's son (26) VII. sa-tyao, my grandmother, my granddaughter: (between females) (VII) 28. woman's parent's mother (30) 30. woman's child's daughter (28) 29. woman's mother's brother' 3 wo. woman's father's sister's daughter (29) daughter (31) VIII. sa-tyomuu, my brother: (between males 1) (VIII) 32. man's brother (32) 33. man's father's brother's son (33) 34. man's mother's sister's son (34) IX. sa-wat?, my brother: (of a woman2 ) (XI) 35. woman's brother (41) 36. woman's father's brother's son (42) 37. woman's mother's sister's son (43) X. s-a6, my sister: vocative, a6, kao: (between females) 3 (X) 38. woman's sister (38) 39. woman's mother's sister's daughter (39) 40. woman's father's brother's daughter (40) XI. sa-qifta, my sister: (of a man) 4 (IX) 41. man's sister (35) 42. man's father's brother's daughter (36) 43. man's mother's sister's daughter (37) XII. s-inawe, my uncle, my nephew: (between males) (XII) 44. man's mother's brother (45) 45. man's sister's son (44) XIII. si-watyi, my brother-in-law, my son-in-law, my wife's kin (XIII, XIV) 46. sister's husband (49, 53) 48. husband's brother (5I) 47. wife's sister's husband (47) 49. wife's brother (46) 50. daughter's husband (5) XIV. si-pihye, my sister-in-law, my daughter-in-law, my husband's kin (XIII, XIV) 5i. brother's wife (48, 54) 53. wife's sister (46) 52. husband's brother's wife (52) 54. husband's sister (5I) 55. son's wife (5) 1 Note also that this term is used between male cousins only when the related parents are both male or both female. When the related parents are brother and sister, the male cousins call each other father (No. 4) and son (No. 14). 2 A woman uses this term in referring to a male cousin only when the related parents are both male or both female. When the related parents are brother and sister, she calls him son (No. 4) or grandson (No. 22). 3 Kao, sometimes heard as the vocative, is really third person singular, "her sister." This term is used between female cousins only when the related parents are both male or both female. When gthe related parents are brother and sister, the female cousins call each other granddaughter (No. 29, 31). The terms sao, woman's sister, and satyao, woman's grandmother, are interesting. Both of these relationships are expressed in Cochiti by satao; but the vocative for grandmother is tao (not satao, sister!), which is equivalent to Laguna ao. It seems that Laguna has evolved two separate terms out of what in original Keres was one. 4 Cf. kotifta, female. When the related parents are brother and sister, a man calls his female cousin either daughter (No. I9) or granddaughter (No. 25). 5 Ordinarily relatives by marriage are addressed or referred to as if they were blood kin. Father-in-law and mother-in-law are specifically designated by locutions employing the terms watyi (used by males) and pihye (used by females). Thus, a man says, or it is said of him: sa-naya-sk6watyi, my mother my-by-marriage; ka-naya-ftiwatyi, his mother his-by-marriage; sa-naistyia-sk6watyi, ka-naistyia-f iwatyi. A woman says, or it is said of her: sai-naya-skopihye, ka-naya-6fipihye; sa-naistyia-skopihye, ka-naistyia-fsipihye. VOL. xvI-33 {view image of page 258} 258 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Laguna Villages Iawaika, Laguna (Spanish, lagoon), on the south bank of San Jose river, about forty-five miles west of the Rio Grande.l Qishtyi ("hand it down," referring to an incident in the migration legend, when the people passed down through a narrow gap in the rocks and the leaders asked the others to "hand down the bundles"), commonly known as Paguate, eight miles north of Laguna. Puii-kaiya ("west inside," referring to the encircling hills), commonly called Encinal (Spanish, oak grove), six miles northwest of Laguna. Tsi-muna ("edge dark-color," referring to the dark lava rims of the mesa), known as Paraje (Spanish, place of residence), six miles north-northwest of Laguna. Ha-fatya ("east lowland"), known as Mesita Negra (Spanish, little-mesa black), three miles east of Laguna. Ts!iyima (" doorway," referring to the location in a break in the hills), ten miles west of Laguna.2 Pu-fiudsutyo ("west on-top," referring to the location), known as Casa Blanca (Spanish, house white), four and a half miles west of Laguna. Pdii-i!iyima ("west doorway," or "west Tsiama"), known as Cubero, from the New Mexico Governor newly in office at the time of its establishment in I697 by rebel Keres from the Rio Grande. Jocular young men returned from boarding school some years ago began to call the hamlet New York,3 and another near-by village Philadelphia, and these names are quite commonly used among the natives. Pd-haifttyoha ("west point"), known as Philadelphia, two and a half miles east of Tsiama, now inhabited by only five families. Puiii-styi ("west side" of a creek), known as Santa Ana, midway between Laguna and Casa Blanca, now deserted by all but one family in favor of Tsiama. Waptityu-fs!iyima ("up-westward doorway"), known as Puertecito (Spanish, little doorway), about thirty miles south of Laguna, now the home of only one family. All the villages named above, except Laguna itself, were summer settlements, occupied only during the farming season, until about the time when Navaho depredations became of rare occurrence, that is, following the establishment, in I862, of the first Fort Wingate at what is now the hamlet of San Rafael, three miles from Grant, a station of the Santa Fe railway. They date, however, from about the time of the founding of Laguna in I699. The oldest, in point of permanent occupancy, is Paguate, which now threatens the supremacy of the mother pueblo in population and importance. Laguna Names for Indian Tribes 4 Apache, Chiricahua Chishetyit9a Hopi M6fs1 Apache, White Mountain Wiratfohwam/tia Navaho Tyefin 5 1 A ruined pueblo in the Hopi country, as well as Laguna, is known to the Hopi by the same name. 2 Hodge translates this, "place of the Sia people." Ts!iya (Sia) means "wide," and the translation given above is correct; nevertheless, the name may have been applied in allusion to a settlement there by people from Sia. 3 The Keres of Laguna, however, cannot claim this as a unique witticism, for the Creek Indians did exactly the same thing on returning home after signing the treaty of August 7, I790, applying "New York" to a subordinate settlement of Oakfuskee in Alabama, which after various mutations in orthography became "Niuyaka," a name which accompanied the Creeks on their transfer to Indian Territory, where it was employed to designate a new town. 4 The singular of all tribal names ending in fsa is formed by dropping this suffix, excepting the name for Chiricahua Apache, the singular of which is Chishe'. For Laguna names of the pueblos see the table on pages 260-26I. Most tribal names are formed by adding me (plural, mtfsa) to the place-name. 5 An adopted form. {view image of page 259} APPENDIX 259 Pueblo Population The following data are from the 1924 census taken by the Office of Indian Affairs. Excepting at Taos and Santo Domingo, the work was a house-to-house inquiry. Taos 622 San Felipe 526 Picuris 105 Santa Ana 224 San Juan 458 Sia 154 Santa Clara 339 Jemez 580 San Ildefonso 97 Sandia 92 Pojoaque 9 Isleta I003 Nambe I19 Laguna (and outlying villages) 1901 Tesuque III Acoma 955 Cochiti 267 Zuni 2200 Santo Domingo I054 SummaryTanoan: 3535 Northern Tiwa 727 Southern Tiwa I095 Jemez 580 Tewa I133 Keres: 508I Eastern branch 2225 Western branch 2856 Zufii 2200 Total Pueblo, except Hopi 10,816 {view image of page 260} 260 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN native Names of Pueblos KERES 2 Acoma 3 Cochiti 4 Laguna 5 San Felipe 6 Santa Ana 7 Santo Domingo 8 Sia 9 Cochiti Ke&is Ako (Akome) K6tylti (Kotylti'ine) IKwaka (Kiwaka'me) KaIiftya (KaIttyame) Tamaiya (Tamaiyame) Tyiwa (Tyiwame) Ts!i'ya' (Ts!i'ya'me) Laguna Ako (Ak6me; Akometa) K6tyityi (K6tyityime) Kawaika (Kawaikame) Ktftyi (Kfltyame) Tamaya (Tamayame) Tyiwi (Tyiwime) Ts!iya (Ts!iyame) San Ildefonso San Juan Tema-towa Akuma Akoma-ge Ku-tee Ku-t6e Tun-qa-ge; Tun-qa-ge; Poqin-g6 poqin-g6 Nan-q nri-ge; Nan-qanri-g/ Tsinwi-g6 Hyire-ge Hyair-ge Tewi-ge Tewi-ge Oku-ware Oku-ware TEWA 10 Hano 11 Nambe 12 Pojoaque 13 San Ildefonso 14 San Juan 15 Santa Clara 16 Tesuque 17 Tyiwatfa Tewa Tino-ge (Tano) Nam-bee Nambee (Namb&eme) Pohwaki (Pohwakime) Paqeti (Paqetime) Po-sinwan-ge Po-hw6-ge Ohke Tano-ge (Tano) Nam-bee Po-sdnwan-g6 (Posinwangen) Po-hwo-ge Ohke Ka'-po (Kapon) Te-ftu-ge (Tefiugeen) Sahwi (Sahwanehro) Kaipa (Kaipame) Ty6fsoko (Tyifsokome) Ka'-p6 Te-fu6-ge TIWA18 T!iwafa TiwaSa Isleta 19 Ldeta (Leltame) Tiwaafii (Tiwa) Tsi-hweve-g Tsi-hweve-ge Picuris 20 Pikuli (Pikulisme) Pin-wii Pin-wii Sandia 21 Wiso-f6 Wiso-fge Sandia-ge Sandia-ge (Wisofeme) (Wasofteme) Taos 22 Tyity'-4hukU Ta-wii Ta-wii (Tyity' shukume) (Tawin) TANO Jemez 23 Ha'mishi-fit Hemish Wan-ge (Ha'milh) (Hemishifsime) (Wan) Pecos 24 Pakona, Peakona Peakoni (Pahku) (Peakonime) Zuiii 25 Su'nii-fs6 (Su'ni; Su'nime) Sunii-fse Sinyan-g6 (Sfnii; Sunii/a) (Sinyufn) Slinyun-ge {view image of page 261} APPENDIX 26I *1 Isleta T!iihlaw<ei Pa-hlM-k K'unhweai; Bierai (Bierid6, Bi6rnin) Pa-tiuik Hwewr6i T1 wiai T!fnavik Taos Mialenamun Akoma-va K6a-tu-a-va Pa-hwia-ba Pa'-tua-ta Santana-va Tuiwi-ta Siya-va Jemez Kilish T6tya-gyi (Totyesh) KyiaT-ge (KyaTufish) Ky6we-gyi (Ky6wish) Kwili'-wa (Kwiligiigh) Tucnda-gyii (Tundafsosh) Tawi-wa (Tawigyiigh) Siya-kwa (Siayyh) Zuni Hiku-kya (Hakuqe) Kutita (Kutitiq6) Kyina-hlinna (Kyinahlinnaq6) Wtphlapafsa (Wephlapafsiq6) Timaiya (Timaiyaq6) We-hluala (Wehlualaq6) Tsia'a-a (Tsia'aqe) Tu'vanan Nam-mulu-va Pai-hwhli-ta Pa-ka-falayan Haipa-ta Toft6i-va Tawish Paihiukwa Paihiu-gyi Tewanna (Tewaqe) Tap'lia-na (Tapoliaq/) Shapa-gyi (Shipagh) Tefsukya-a (Tefsukyaq6) Shi6-hwib-ak Chia-hwip-ta Tewa-gyi KyiChitanna-wa (Shithwibhud6, (TewiTh) (Kyaihitaq6) Shi6hwibhun) Wila-ta (Wilanan) Peqile-Ta (Pe'qilegh) Nan-fin-at Nan-fa-ta M6-hluala (Mohlualaqe) Tuwir-ak (Tfuwid, Hlau-6ma; Gyula-Ta Tuwinin) Hlau-qima (Tinun) (Gyula)h) Hi6mai (Hiemid, Hi6mma Hen-wa HemiThi-na Hi6mnin) (HemiTh) (Hemiihiq6) Hiyo-ktk Pakyula (Pakyush) Sarai (Sariad, Sarin) Snfiia-ba Sdni-gyi (Sdinih) Shiwinna (Shiwi; AghiwiD *See notes of reference on following pages. {view image of page 262} 262 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Notes on the Native Names of Pueblos 1 Names in parentheses refer to the inhabitants. Keres plurals are formed by adding fa to the singular forms here given. Tewa names for inhabitants are usually, but not always, formed by adding t6wa, people, to the name of the village. Both singular and plural are given in the Isleta column, the plural only in Jemez and Zuni. Locative affixes are ti (Keres), ge (Tewa), ak, at (Isleta), ta, ba, va (Taos), ge, gyi, wa, kwa, ta (Jemez), a, na, kya (Zuii). 2 Keres: The Anglicized form is from Spanish Queres (Ofate, 1598), which is doubtless from a native term; but its origin is unknown. Inasmuch as final s appears in no other Cochiti tribal name, while Ah is regular in Jemez, it appears likely that the word is really Jemez. The Cochiti informant worked long with Bandelier forty years ago, and probably adopted the word. The San Ildefonso name, Tema-towa, "carreta people," refers to their practice of making trading expeditions in Spanish two-wheel carts. No Tewa name for the Keres referring to pre-Spanish times has been recorded by the present writer. Perhaps the translation is faulty. 3 Acoma: The Taos component va signifies "up at." 4 Cochiti: The San Ildefonso name is translated "stone kiva" (ku-te)); San Juan and Tesuque informants give the same explanation. A Taos informant thinks the name of this pueblo in his language means "sheep village," or "snow village," either of which is etymologically possible; but in view of the Tewa name and translation, and the fact that k6a is obsolete Taos for "stone" (cf. footnote 5, page 270), the better translation is "stone village up-at," a very appropriate name considering the location and construction of old Cochiti. On the other hand, the Tewa is suspiciously like the Cochiti name, and may perhaps be an adaptation gradually altered into its present form in order to conform the better to a meaning read into it by folk-etymology; a possibility which is strengthened by the absence of the usual Tewa locative ge. Note that the Zufii name is patently an adaptation of the Cochiti name. Isleta Pahilk is perhaps from pa-h7ai-ak, "water sit at," referring to proximity to the Rio Grande, or from pa-ila-ak, "water tree at." Hodge (in Handbook of American Indians) says that Pa'hlai probably signifies "soapweed place." 5 Laguna: Tun, in the Tewa name, means, among other things, " basket," qa is unexplained. The alternative Tewa name is "lake at," a translation into Tewa of Spanish Laguna. Taos Pa-hwia-ba is translated "water stand up-at." The Jemez term Ky6wegyi is apparently from Keres Kawaika, the etymology of which is unknown. The Zufii name means "lake big." 6 San Felipe: The Tewa name means "earth sticky-gum at," referring probably to the alkaline flats near the pueblo. The San Ildefonso alternative name Tsinwi-g6 is translated "gorge at." Th: Isleta name means "water deep below (as in a cavity)," and Taos Pa-tufa-ta is "water village at." The Zufii name is thought by an informant to be from weftanna, puppy, and hlapafti, wedged between two rocks. The Keres name is probably from a Keres form of the word for house. 7 Santa Ana: Apparently no translation of the native Keres name has ever been obtained. The Tewa term is "dance at." The Taos name is Spanish, plus va, "up at." 8 Santo Domingo: The San Ildefonso name is translated by an informant "house-wall standing at." If this is correct, it is equally so for the Isleta, Taos, and Jemez names. It is more likely that all these are adaptations of the Keres name, which is of unknown etymology. The Santo Domingo name is Kyiwa. Hodge translates Taos Tuwita, "haliotis place." The Zuni name signifies "puppy town." 9 Sia: The Keres name means "wide," hence "gap, gateway," and is the origin of Spanish Cia and our Sia, Zia. The writer's Tewa informants gave their term as signifying "hill leveled," and Hodge translates it "place of sand dunes." Harrington says: "'Scattered hills.'... The name contains ware, not warin, for the latter would mean 'wide gap.'" This is precisely what the Keres original of Sia means; and it appears likely that the Tewa originally called the pueblo Okuwari, a partial translation of the Keres name. Indeed, one of the writer's San Juan informants so pronounced the word, though he insisted on translating it "hill leveled." 10 Tewa: The Tewa self-name is probably derived from tehwa, house. The Taos name exhibits the same apparent etymology. Harrington has Kal-hlanan ("wolf excrement") as the Taos name for the Tewa. It is improbable that this epithet of contempt is the real name. 11 Hano: The Tewa name, Tino, is said to mean "depart" (a folk-etymology), the allusion {view image of page 263} APPENDIX 263 being to the ancient separation of this branch from their Tewa congeners. It is really an ancient word for "people." Cf. note 22 below. Tinoge is also the name of a ruin near Galisteo, and is sometimes applied to Pecos. The people who built Hano on the East mesa of the Hopi formerly occupied Tsan-wiri ("white wide-gap"), on a jutting mesa between Chimayo and Santa Cruz where now stands the Mexican settlement of La Puebla. The family name Tewa is applied by Zunii specifically to the people of Hano. 12 Nambe: The Tewa name ("earth round") refers to the striking weather-worn pinnacles and columns near the pueblo. Harrington says: "'Roundish earth,' probably referring to a mound of earth... be'e equivalent to begi, 'smallness and roundishness."' He apparently takes the term to refer to the "mound-like height on which the ruin of old Nambe lies," but adds that it may refer "to roundish clods or balls of earth." All of the present writer's informants, and they represented Nambe, San Ildefonso, Santa Clara, San Juan, and Tesuque, referred to the rounded pinnacles and columns in a manner so casual as to give the impression that all the Tewa agree upon this point. The Taos name signifies "earth pot (that is, round object) up-at." 13 Pojoaque: The Keres name is from Spanish Pojoaque, which is itself an adaptation of Tewa Po-sinwan-ge ("water drink at"). 14 San Ildefonso: The Tewa name ("water cut-through at") refers to the eroded course of Pojoaque creek across the bottom into the Rio Grande. The Taos name is translated by Hodge "where the river enters a canyon." The Taos informant of the present writer regards the second component as an onomatope and translates the name "water bubbles-and-gurgles at." It is not improbable that the Taos name is simply the Tewa name with the Taos locative ta appended. The Cochiti name also appears to be an adaptation. The Zuni informant is uncertain whether the name given, which he translates "bubbling," refers to San Ildefonso or to San Juan. 15 San Juan: The Keres name is Spanish. The Tewa name Hodge translates "upstream place," apparently making ke equivalent to the locative ge. A San Ildefonso informant translates "metate grasp," the name referring in his opinion to the fact that the immigrating Tewa firmly seized and held the valley, like a woman grasping a metate. The components of the word actually have this meaning, but the explanation appears fanciful. Ke also means strong, hard, and secondarily bear, the strong one. Of numerous Tewa informants questioned, no other would hazard a translation of the name. Harrington suggests, without approval, "metate hard." The Taos name ("water course end") refers to the gorge of the Rio Grande, which here "ends," giving place to a broad plain. 16 Santa Clara: The Tewa name is translated "watch road," referring to the situation of Santa Clara near the northern entrance to the valley, the quarter from which invasion was to be expected, and "watch water," in allusion to the position of the village farms at the mouth of Santa Clara canion, down which flows the water for their acequias. Native informants agree that either translation is etymologically sound, but they remain unconvinced by their own interpretations. Po is road, water, squash, moon, the only distinction being that of pitch; and the reliability of pitch unsupported by context may be seriously questioned in view of the prevailing disagreement as to the true significance of Ki'po. The Taos name is an adaptation of Ki'po with the locative affix, and Cochiti also has a variant of the Tewa term. 17 Tesuque: Hodge translates the Tewa name "cottonwood tree place," and the Taos name "small pueblo." Tewa te, Taos to, is cottonwood, and if the Tewa translation is correct, the Taos name also should be referred to cottonwood. But this translation apparently does not account for the component tfu. A San Ildefonso and a San Juan informant of the present writer agree in giving "kiva enter place," alluding to the fact that going into the plaza of this pueblo through its narrow entrance is like descending into a kiva; but kiva is tee, not te. A Tesuque informant translates "cottonwood sand at." The Taos informant gives "small house edge," referring to the position of Tesuque as the last Tewa pueblo down-stream. All these translations Harrington holds in error. Spanish Tesuque he regards as an adaptation of the Keres name or of Tatunge, "'dry spotted place,'... the old Tewa name of the pueblo," and the native names now in use, whether Tewa, Keres, or Tiwa, as adaptations of the Spanish adaptation. The translations offered by natives are thus reduced to the status of folk-etymology. 18 Tiwa: The term Tiwa (plural, Tiwafta) is limited by Laguna to an inhabitant of Isleta. The Spanish called the Tiwa "Tiguex" (gu equivalent to w, x to Tz). The Jemez plural Tewigh {view image of page 264} 264 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN (Isleta people) indicates that Coronado had his "Tiguex" from the Tano branch of the stock language. The natives do not include in the term Tiwa the population of Picuris and Taos, although they recognize the linguistic relationship of those pueblos with Sandia and Isleta. 19 Isleta: The Cochiti name is an adaptation of Spanish Isleta. The Tewa, Isleta, and Taos names are translated "flint kicking-race-stick at," hwib (hwave) being the wooden missile used in the kicking race. The allusion is probably mythological. 20 Picuris: The accepted form is the Hispanized plural (Ofiate, I598, Picuries) of the native self-name Pin-w6le-tha ("mountain pass at"). Taos Wila-ta is "pass at," and Tewa Pin-wii is "mountain pass." Jemez Peqile-Ta may have a similar meaning (cf. pehju, mountain). Keres Pikuli is from the Spanish form. According to Picuris tradition there were in pre-Spanish times three large pueblos in the Picuris vicinity. The population of one of these removed to a site near Glorieta. San Juan tradition points to ancient Picuris as an even more populous centre than San Juan itself. 21 Sandia: Spanish, "watermelon." The Keres name Waso-fs6 means "dust at"; Isleta Nan-fin-at, Taos Nan-fa-ta, "dust cloud at," referring to the dust storms prevalent in the valley. The Taos informant thinks the reference is to the sand dunes, which in hazy weather resemble a bank of clouds, thus supporting Hodge's "hill cloud." The Keres name, however, corroborates the translation of the Isleta informant. The Zuiii name contains mo, for mo6lY, any round object; hluala, village. 22 Taos: The name is a Spanish plural (Ofnate, I598) of the Tewa name Ta-wii, "dwell gap," which alludes to the situation of the pueblo at the mouth of the cafion. The Isleta name appears to be a variant of the Tewa. Hodge gives Tfati (tua-ta, village at) as the Taos name of their pueblo, with "Red-willow place" as an alternative. The present writer's informant is positive that there is no name applicable to the village as a whole, that each of the two communal buildings and the territory adjacent to the pueblo has its name; and it is apparent from the meaning of tiata that this is not a true name. This form, rather than Ta-wii, Harrington prefers as the original of Taos. The north building is Hlau-6ma (nahilauma, cold; h6ma, elevated), referring to its location on the north side of the stream, north being regarded as up, and south down. The south building is Hlau-qima, "cold diminish." (One who has passed an autumn night under the stars at Taos can testify to the fitness of the first, if not of the second, name.) The territory in which the village stands is I-h-li-fai-munva-hutul-va (osier-willow tree red spread canon up, that is, up at the place of red willows where the canion opens into an extensive plain). But it is more customary to use Manhwiluva, the name of Baldy peak, in designating Taos territory. The Taos people call themselves simply Tiinan (singular, Tai'na), " people," or specifically Ia-tiinan, "osier-willow people"; but in earlier times they called themselves Tanun, which is said to be an obsolete form of Tafinan and cognate with Tewa Tano (cf. note I I above). Harrington, however, translates Tano "dwell below." Castafieda, chronicler of Coronado's expedition, called this pueblo Braba, which Hodge has suggested as a miscopying of Tuata. Harrington strengthens the probability of this origin by noting the alternative form Tfia-ba ("village up-at"), which would have been the form first heard by the Spaniards as they approached the village from down-stream. The Cochiti name signifies "north corner." 23 Jemez: This is a Hispanized form of the native name, Hemigh, which Bandelier improperly regarded as an original Keres word. The forms Walatoa, Uala-to-hua, Wa-la-tu-wa, translated "village of the bear" (scilicet, Hwala-Tf-wa, bear village at), and given by early investigators as the Jemez name of their pueblo, are erroneous. As Harrington has shown, Wa-la-Tu-wa ("cafiada in village at") is a special term sometimes employed in order to distinguish the present pueblo from the ancient ones that occupied the mesas. As for the Tewa name, Hodge translates Wongge, "Navaho place," while a San Ildefonso informant gives "descend at," and a Tesuque "high-slope at." The Navaho are known to the Tewa as Win-sav6 (Saiv being the Apache), and one informant translates Wan as "a species of pine," the other as "marauder." Each of the three proposed translations of Wange is apropos, for the Jemez have long been intimate with the Navaho, and pines and beetling mesas are features of their country; but as a matter of fact, Wan is the Tewa name for a Jemez individual, whatever the etymology may be. 24 Pecos: This is the Hispanized plural (Ofiate, I598) of the Tano (Jemez) original of the {view image of page 265} APPENDIX 265 Keres form. The Isleta name means, appropriately, "rock on-top." Harrington says: "Isleta ' Hiokxuok' is proabably identical with Coronado's 'Acuique,' ' Cicuique,' and similar Spanish forms." 25 Zuii: This is from the Keres name (t6e being the locative affix), which in turn derives from Tewa S6inyCun-g6, which several Tewa informants independently translate "coasting-place at (or "rock-slide at"?). The Zunii call an individual of their tribe Shiwi (plural of fhlile, meat), the plural of which is Aghiwi and the collective Shiwinnaqe. The pueblo is Shiwinna ("meats at") and the country Shiwinnaqin. Shiwinna, transmitted to the Spaniards through the lips of Sonoran Indians, became Cibola. (sAh to c-s, w to Spanish bilabial b —v, n to 1, are among the commonest dialectic mutations. Bandelier, The Gilded Man, I893, quotes Civona as a sixteenth century form.) VOL. XVI-34 {view image of page 266} Vocabularies Tanoan ANATOMICAL TERMS English ankle arm my arm thy arm his arm blood bone chest chin ear elbow eye face finger finger-nail Isleta en=kon-qi-ra ka (branch) im=ka=we-in kim=ka=we-in ham=ka=we-in in_-an Un pie-wa a-te ta-h-liu ki=hli-tu (arm point) ghi ch!u-ui ma=hun (hand end) ma=shi-6n-r6 (hand grasper) Taos 1 fsa-wa-wa-na n (ftawaiwna) ha-na-min (hana) afn-na-m1n 6n-n-nmun un-dn-na-mfin (unnnA) tufi-y6-na-mun a-da-na-mfun ta-hlfu-nan (tafiuana) i=hMli-to-na n chi-na-mun (china) fsu-a-na-miun ma=hui-na (mahufina) ma=fse-le-na Jemez h6n=kwi=Ta (leg joint its) ha niun=hi=kya-6 u -wa n-ku n=h=kya-e naun=hi=kya-6 honsCh pe-Ta a-Tish was-tyis hf=kwi=Ta se f!6-la ma^nh man=san (arm joint its) foot en ie-ne-na-muin on-tiah hair fa fa-nA fo-la hand man mi-ne-n -m fi ma n-tesh head p!i pi-na-mfi heart p!i-y6 pi-a-na pe-h1i knee kin=p!i (lower-leg head) h6n=pi-nan (honpiina) hon=bo-yis leg, lower- kun h6n-na-min (h6nna) ho" leg, thigh pa ve-Ta lips hla-kai hla-hoi-na tya-has lungs ki-ru ha-lo-u-na p-h-lons mouth hli-mu hia-mu-na n ty-kwa neck kf-u ki-a-na-mufi TU nose pin-ai" fu-i-na f6-sesh nostril pud-ain=par (nose hole) fu-i=fa-le-na (nose hole) f6-se=6 (nose hole) teeth we" wi-ye-an-na kwongh toe n=hdin (foot end) ie=hd-na o-chu 2 toe-nail en=ghi-en-r- (foot grasper) ie=tse-l-na 6onchf=m n-san tongue nya n wi-y6-en-na in-h1 The plural forms of some Taos words are given in parentheses. / and v are bilabial. 2 Plural, 6nchis. Probably the other Jemez anatomical terms ending in s or /h (see bone, chin, ear, foot, hand, knee, lips, lungs, nose) are plurals. The Jemez informant, like most of 266 {view image of page 267} VOCABULARIES 267 ANIMALS 1 English antelope * badger * bat bear * beaver * bluebird * buffalo * buzzard, turkey coyote crane crow deer, mule-* dog dove * duck (generic) * eagle * 4 elk * fish * fox 5 goat * goose * gopher* grouse * hawk, falcon hawk, red-tail horse mountain-goat* mountain-lion * mountain-sheep* Isleta t!a-i-&e (t!amniin) pa-kai-i-hled' kfi-hi-d& pa-chai-d6 eu-ru-d& pa-kdii"-td&&d 2 tu-hw6-d6 Hi-pu-ti-&r ka-rai-d& 3 pin-&r (p'imnin) hwi-ni-d& kai-v&-d~ (kaiv~n) pa~p!i-y6-d6 (water heart) ihi-wi-d6 tfi-f-d6 tu-hw6-d gh a n-ri n_ n (coyote blue) ki"-i -d ~ Pfin-i -d6 pin-chan-i-d6 (pinchfmnin) tan-ki-d& su n-ki-d& ka-ni-d6 pi-yen=k6-6-d6 (mountain sheep) pa=hwi-ni-d6 (water dog) Taos tg-nA (tnnmmu kal-na'-nA ktl-a-ni pai-yi-nl s6-16-n.4 ki-ne-nl (kinennmdn) pi=kA n-i=pi-~n 3 to-hwd=pi-hA-nA (foxkind graN) ku"'-16-n A ka"-ki-i-nA 3 pa -nA (p-a nmman) s6-ga-nA (s6gana n) ka-i-bA-pA-hA-nA pa=pi-a-nA (water heart) chi-w~-nA tu-fl-nA pu-fl-ni t6-hwA=f&o-l6-nA (foxkind yellow) ka~f'nyy-nA fj-nA (cloud) 6 ta-ke'-nA pa-qi-nu-nA kg-wi-nA pi-a'n=chi —wi-nA 8 ha'-me-nA pi-An=k6-a-nA pa=hi'-n&y6-nA p a=h6=hf -nA ki-w'e-n A Mil-ka-wi-n A h6-ns 9 mran-p&e; kya —ta 10 Jemez s6-hi' si-na-hw~i-ty6 hwa-la (hwalis'h) wa-zi To-tya nd a-ta kygl-hil 3 pan kyin"-nu wa"-hi~hi 3 se a-id po~h Tdn"-ka n-ndn fwai-so-li vun sin-nA f6-Tia pas-tya gci-wi-yi 7 p.&-cha we-vun h6n-nain h6n-u nl muskrat * otter * owl, great-horned kU-wi-d& owl, groundpack-rat * piu=Iii-d& parrot 6 (rabbit his fellow townsmen, is mentally sluggish, so that the recording of some words in the singular form and others in the plural would not strike him as incongruous. 1 Names of animals used as food are indicated by stars. Forms in parentheses are plurals. 2 Pakz2i, to soar. Apparently cognate are the first two components of the Taos word, which is translated by the Taos informant as "water hawk bald." 3 An onomatope. 4 Cf. words for "eye," and note the keen vision of the bird. Eagles are eaten by the Jeemez, who compare the flavor to that of turkeys. 5 Foxes are eaten by the Jemez. 6 The reason for calling grouse "cloud" remains unexplained. 7 Spanish. The Isleta and Taos terms also may be Spanish with objective dg, nt!, added. 8 "Mountain buck." Chiwa for Spanish chivato. 9 Taos children are warned not to touch a pack-rat, lest the hand acquire thieving habits, and for this reason the animal is not eaten at Taos. 10 Respectively, green and red. The second word is an onomatope. {view image of page 268} 268 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English porcupine* prairie-dog* quail * rabbit, cottontail* rabbit, jack-* raven roadrunner sheep* skunk * snake (generic) snake, bullsnake, rattlespider squirrel, gray* squirrel, ground* turkey* turtle * wildcat* Isleta sa-mi-d Taos ki-u-6-nA pi-w'e-nA ch!fi-i-d, pi-wi-d6 kan -i d kui-chu-rii-d6 pi n-rd-d& ch!a-ra-ri-d& I p!a -fi-d6 ghu-r6-i-d& pill=4hi-ch&-d (prairie koa-wil-la-nA koi-yu-16-nA pa~-fi~Ch-nA koa-ki-nA Jemez ty&hVu da'-yi-k~w-se tj n-Ta bfi-d~i-a a-yis k ya tyin-flil ha-ya' p&cho-li Wa n=ha-y~ (genuine snake) gyci -yfin hun-nin nde-lh12 mouncat) 3 an-fidnl mouse) di-rd-d& 2 li-ld-nA 2 pa=ko-ri-d6 (water dip- cha-ld-nA under-he) tun-pit=mu-si-d6 (sly cat) 3 pi-An=mu-si-'i-nA (r tain wolf * ka-ri-d6 ki-le'nA CARDINAL POINTS4I east nadir north south west zenith nfi-ip hi-6p (sun rise) ng~t (earth toward) (world descend) tol-ki-m'en-pi-lkan (sun descend) kii-ba (upward) To-gU yi-k~wa T6-wa nii"-kwa To-kwi gy6-wa black blue gray green red white yellow fu-nin-in pan-rin-in pamu-kin-n COLORS pa -hnu-wi0 fai,-yu-win pa-tfn-win h6n-~hu-lfiwa-6-Thu-lfi-6 dn-~hu-lfi4 1 An onomatope. 2Usually with the prefix plyMn (pi,~n, pe), mountain, in order to distinguish the wild from the domesticated turkey. 3 Musa, musi, are onomnatopes. Cf. Zufii Mu'sa, cat. 4 The ceremonial sequence and associated colors for Isleta. and Taos are: east (white), north (black), west (yellow), south (blue), zenith (all-color), nadir (all-color); for Jemnez: north (yellow), west (blue), south (red), east (white), zenith, nadir. In the Isleta column the first term of a pair is equivalent to "toward," the second "from," the indicated quarter. -1 Sh changed to j for euphony. {view image of page 269} VOCABULARIES 269 English beans celery chokecherries corn Isleta t!a n PRIMITIVE FOODS' Taos ta-na t~-~ n n pa-si-u-nan 6-va —nA Jemez kyfib; hd-v6; si-la-mu 2 bread pa-h11 bread, wafer pa-hd=G4hfl-ri-ij (bread blue) be-la w6m=be-la ear green, roasted hominy meal plant shelled tamal tortilla gooseberries huckleberries juniper-berries melon mescal Opuntia fruit parsnip piion-nuts plums raspberries squash strawberries sumac-berries watermelon wheat yucca seedpods i-y6 hdi=hii-6rr (shelled-corn cracked) hu=ti-a (shelled-corn ground) i-y6 hia ta-mi-ri 4 ip-ka bi-rd-ni 4 poa=pa-hd (yucca bread) hli-pu-u t!iu ~hiu-t!u pa ila-fi-pa p6-o 3 ze-TS h6-nA 3 iA=t6-in-nA iA-in-nA pi-h~wiu-to-n A pi-ta'-16-nd h6 "=hd-nd hunh i kydn-nu ki-nfi-h i tyiin=be-la (grass bread); ~hi-limrbe-la; kya'-tyim=be-la 5 fdn-pfi-li=p6-o bi-l6-ne fwg-a~ LI I~b-nA chi-ho-de'-n t6-w'e-nA WS!a"a til-Li-n pa-k6-a-riA wan-hin-an chi-hi=til-hil-nA (mouse raspberries) p6-a=hf-nk san-di-ya tyan-chfln -n tya n~p-o poa=hfil'-i HANDICRAFT arrow arrow-point arrow-shaft arrow-smoother hid-a hld-a=~hi-6 (arrow flint) PA-hfi h16-wa-nA h-16-wa~chi-a-nA koa-ni-nA hMo-wa=t6-ye'nn k6a=mun-ydn-nA (stone dull) ty yi (arrow flith) tya=tyi (arrow flint) arrow-straightener ax See also under the head of Animals. 2 Respectively, native beans, kidney beans, white beans. 3 P6O (Jemez, ear-corn) and hulni (Taos, hominy) appear as components in the names of various fruits. Cf. juniper-berries, raspberries, strawberries, sumac-berries, yucca-pods. Apparently they primarily indicate a fruit, and are applied to corn as the "fruit" par excellence. With Jemez p6o cf. Zuiii m0511, Tewa b9, round object, fruit. 4 Spanish. 5 The first-named is leavened with baking powder, the others with lime-water. {view image of page 270} 270 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English baking-stone basket, flourbasket, utility basket, winnowingbelt, cotton bow cotton deerskin dress drum fire-drill head-band hoe house knife lance leggings, man's leggings, woman's loin-cloth metate moccasins muller plow pottery bowl, foodbowl, mixingplatter pot, cookingwater-jar water-jar, portable rabbit-stick Isleta a; pa-hi6=ka=a (bread finished stone) t6=chu-ri (willow basket) ch6-ri Taos f6-i-la-nl na=kd-ain 1 hwf-ri t!a-kf" pin=kai (deer skin) mi-ni 3 po-a-hw'l-6 kan-a-ri=hia (twirl stick) na=p!i=~hi-e (for head tie) na-til ahi-6 (flint) `hi-6=fi=d6 (flint thrust-he) ku-md na=kfab=ma-Mi-6n (for moccasins tied-around) p6-a-flu a; tir=i (grind stone) kul-ap a-kdta (upper stone) na-d-1 qi-&ni4tP'nu (mush bowl) bd-ru pa=vd-ru (water pot) pa=pu-ni k6-a hwi-l~-nA 2 h]6-o-nA miu-Pa-nj 3 m6i-lu-ni; ta=mu'-lu-nA (dance pot) fA=h6-l1-nA (fire drill) hwiA-d&-nA tCi-n~ chi-a-nA (flint) chi-A-t!6-nA fi-o=kfi-a-va-nA (woman moccasins) hwa-nu-nA A-nA kfi-a-va-n! koa=ti-l'-n;I 5 ta'-nA ni l-pa=qie-n (earth platter)7 m6-lu-nA pi=m6-lu-nA hl=m6-lu-n. (wood pot) 8 Ma=hwi-to-nA (stick throw) Jemez ya-tyi tydn npoOo=Wi_ ~hi (sumac basket) zi=wa-fhi (willow basket) kya'-Ia tud-tya-kyi-agb oh p6 -inh-I pin=hwihI (deer skin) zi n-ymsh pon~?h hd-hwa-'-h Ti-h6-a(Thfihahh) tyi (flint) ty6'=kyo-Lwa=tyi (staff flint) pa'-O4h; pa'-te=fwintas'h (legging wraparound) 4 in=fwin-teih (moccasin wrap-around) a i-ninih h6-vfi=a (upper stone) n~ n4hi gya-dd gyfm-ba wa-pa-pd 1 The Isleta prefix na indicates purpose, use. 2 The Taos people were not weavers, and neither raised cotton nor gathered the wild product. 3 Cf. Jlluraidg, iiwe-nt, woman. 4 Respectively, hip-length and knee-length. 5 The Taos informant is of the opinion that the word for muller is "ancient language" meaning "stone hand." He is partly right. IT6a is an old word for stone (cf. Tewa ku and Taos words for arrow-smoother, ax), but tikn~d means grind, or possibly push, rub (cf. Isleta tir=i, grind stone, muller). 6 Cf. nam, earth. 7 To distinguish the earthen from the wooden platter (hla=6i=na). 8 The Taos portable water-jar was the naturally hollow section of a small tree, with flat wooden cover lashed in place. {view image of page 271} VOCABULARIES 271 English rattle, gourd sash, ceremonial shield shirt sling war-club Isleta ma-di-ri shut na=pin-a-re qan=hIla ( — stick) Taos chi-a-le-na tie n-ft-e-na I kwi-a-la-na hlo=fsi-de-na (deerskin ) hun-ta-a-na hla=hwun-tu-na (stick strike) Jemez kyin-ze-yu kyo-se te-su-d& he-fSo-ni NATURAL PHENOMENA ashes charcoal cloud darkness day earth earth, world fire fog ice lake light lightning Milky Way na-ha 6-i fin na-nd-a-min tu-vak; tf-i-d6 2 nam nat-hu-r6 pa pa=hi-mu pa=shi-4 (water flint) pa=hwi-6 na-pun-yun u-pi-ri-de na-ha-na ui-na fa-na nun-ma -mun tya-hv T6n-h, wa-ha nda-hl tu-u-na sho-hil na-me-n a hun-i pan-a-na pe-kefa-a-na fwa-a pa=ha-mu-i-na (water wa-ha haze) pa=ch!a-nA (water crust) wa-sa pa=hwi-a-na (water we-sestanding) wai na n we-6 (wahash) un u n Ta -da-hun -Ta mist moon mountain night Pleiades rain rainbow Rio Grande river rock sky smoke snow star sun thunder p!i-i-de pi-yen nun-wi-d6 hlu-ri-de ban-qin pe-hla fa-fti-&-na pa-pu=on-hwi-na (sky backbone) h161=hwiu-hla-na (rain dust) pa-na pi-a-nn-n&-mun (pianene) nun-na pan-n-mfin (deers) hlo-le-na ma-a-hwi-lo-to-na pa=h-l-na (water big) pa-a-na (water) h6=tyi (- flint) wa-pa=fun-honsh (sky backbones) pa pe-h-lu nda-hfun wi-ye'h sfi"-fingh wa-chfigh ha n-ya n=p=kwa (otherside water course) pa; pa=kwa (water course) wa-pa. e zu w6n-hon (w6nhonsh) pe gyun-nn-Tuin 4 su=won-hon"h (seven stars) pa kwi-nish 5 hi-vo hiu-na pa-pun-i p-pu-na na-i ku-a-na pan fa-ne-na; ko-a-nA p!a-hfi-hla-d6(p!alhian) 3 pa-hi-hli-na (pahfihlanan)........~~~~n tu-ri-de k6-a-ni-d6 Ursa Major to-lI-na fhla-fsi-te-mo-ho-a (roar-angry) ma-kiu-nan (bunched) pa-a-na wa n-na-mun water wind pa win-i-di 1 The Taos purchased sashes and other woven goods from the Keres and the Hopi. 2 Respectively, period of time, and daylight. 3 Note metathesis in forming plural. 4 An onomatope. 5 A plural form. {view image of page 272} 272 272 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English one two th ree four five six seven eight nine ten eleven twelve twenty thirty forty fifty sixty seventy eighty ninety hundred Isileta wim WI-Si pi-cho-a wi-yen pan-do ma-hfif ~ihu hwil-ri hd'n-a n ti=wi-si Wi~tI wi-y~n=ti ma-hli'=ti i9hi-a=t'i hwi-ri=ti hII -a n~ti ti=wi-ti=ti NUMERALS' Taos wiomdn wi-i-na pl-yo-a wi-d-nan pin-yo-a Cho hwfl-li hwi-An w ta 0 wi n tii-a cho tAn hwiy~an t hwi an tAn Jemez poun wish Tih with pin-Ta'h MIS-Tyi sfihil hfihl hu'finl Ta ~ Tall=p6un Tanwb Wi-yU=Ta~ Tgh=se-lu=Ti n Wf=Tun-kwa=Ta n pin-Tu=Ikwa=Tj n Mis-tyi=l~wa=Tj n hsi-la=win-kwa=Tin h6n-na~win-kwa=Ti n Ta~-nu=win'-kwa=Ta n PERSONAL TERMS 2 aunt, maternal aunt, paternal baby boy boy, adolescent brother, elder brother., younger chief (officer) daughter father girl girl, adolescent husband man man, old mother my our (dual) our (plural) thy your (dual) your (plural) his, her kl-chd'-d ki-wi-d6 fl-wa=6-d6 (youth child) 6-wa'-d pa-pi-d& pan-in-dI cha-chi-d6 pi6-wi-d& ka-i-d6 U-pi-un=ii-d6 (-~ child) ch!an-l-d6 sfi-ai-d& ke-i d6 in=k6-i kf-min=k6-i kim=k6-i ka=k6-i mi-mim~k6-i mam~k6-i ka-y6-nA i6-mA-A-nA o=pi-l-na; o=6-nA 3 tI=yu-6-nA ( ~young) u-h]A-hMia-nA pa-pud-na pci-i-nA flu-wi-i qU i-1&n ay _in tin=tti-i (my husband) sfla-n6-nA hlu-lhli-nal ki-na fin=ki-na kfln=ki-nA ki=ki-nA kia=ki-nA mil-nfim=ki-nA mfim=ki-nA fin=ki-nA k6-o chil-yfi kyun i=kyut pa-pul-e pe-tdl4 tyo ty6=ka-'e ai-pi~ih6=cha-6; v6-la (old) ze-e ni =ze-6 na-un=ze-e dn-wa ntzee6 nm -Ta-sThinrlzee6 na=ze-e INote that in each of these languages four is based on two, five is based on three. 2 Isleta and Taos relationship terms are given in the objective form; Jemez terms are given as they would appear if used without an incorporated pronoun, and usually, but not invariably, this form is identical with the vocative. Complete lists of Isleta and Taos relationship terms are given on pages 253 —255. 3 Respectively, a few weeks old, and up to about two years old. I~ Not he,=ke'i. {view image of page 273} VOCABULARIES 273 English their (dual) their (plural) (vocative) people people, American people, Mexican person sister, elder sister, younger son uncle wife woman woman, old Isieta hi-mim=k6-i him=k6-i in=k&.i 1 tai-nin2 tai-ni-ni=pa-tl-ru-in 3 la=f~in (mouth hair) ta-yi-d6 tu-tid-d6 qi6-mi-d6; p6-ch&d6 8 u-wi-d6 me-me-d6 h i 6wi-d6 miu-ri-d6 (Miurin) Taos dn "-n~m=ki-nA im=ki-nA ka; hla-6 6-'i-nAMZ1n ti-i-nin ta-i=va-tu-na qa =nP-mfi (iron-ones)4 Jemez t6-shin=ze-6 nin=ze-e; i-ya fsi-ash 6~i-a8h=kin-ju-16-e 3 gyunw=ka-'; ky5-tyilash 6 fsi-a ti-i-ni to-tu-n.1 ~ ky64 7 &~yu-6-nl pfin=o-wi-i (my son) mi-mi-na; tu n=hluu-6-nA 10 T1-m0 n — f"n=hli-wa-i (my wife) Ci-h6-6 hili-w'e-nd o-wa hi-u-6i-nA 6-wa=cha4 (woman old) TREES alder aspen cedar cottonwood juniper locust oak, scrub pine, Ponderosa pifon spruce, Douglas sumac willow, osier to-lo-16-nA ni-l'enA nar pa=h6n (water juniper) tu=hi ( — wood) hon h1i6-na to=hili-nA p~n-vo-wa p&no"-ni (mountain cottonwood) tyo= lidnh(girl juniper) 11 non-ni unsh TU-chu ngkw nin 1 kwA-ni~h 12 ky6-te (kyyteslh) zi-pys'h 13 qi'n=4i wi n t kiu=h-la ko-a-wa kui-ni q~n=h-lin.nl wA-a'-nA ta-w'e-nA i-fa-yi-m6-na p6-a-ha-nA iA-fili-nA MISCELLANEOUS autumn bad breath fa=cho-we-min-ai 14 f -y6-n 1-5 ha- n-nA-man1 pahl ky6-mun i-ni~h 16 ha 1 Spanish nana is now generally used in addressing an Isleta mother. 2 Contracted from tayinin, plural of tayidi, person. 3 " People white." I Referring to the steel armor of the Spaniards. 5 Cf. gyun, iron. 6 Spanish, "Castillos." 7 Cf. Zuuii kyiu. 8 Respectively, younger sister of a man, younger sister of a woman. Y ruzin4 means young (cf. boy, girl). The vocative was recorded as Up a hence the objective should apparently be updnn4. Perhaps the informant literally translated younger sister into his own language. 10 Respectively, maternal uncle, paternal uncle. 11 The Jemez word for cedar may perhaps be explained by the rather common use of the leaves and berries by menstruating girls and by women in parturition. 12 Collective form, kwh7l. 13 Collective form, also the material, za. 14 Said to mean "hair graying," referring to the "aging" of summer. 15 Cf. /$nen-n, snow. 16 A plural form. VOL. XVI-35 {view image of page 274} 274 English dream food forest good kiva large long mask medicine no pollen, corn prayer-stick shadow short small song sorcerer spirit (ghost) spirit (soul) spirit (supernatural) spirit-land spring summer tobacco tree turquoise village winter year yes THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Isleta Taos na-kir ma-kai tu-hla Li-lila; h6-yo-a tui-a-ta-nA ya'-; hf-i yg-pa na-ktI papt.i-a (flower flour) na-pa-h'l" ya-a-tin; y~r-fi-tin ~ha-diI-d wa-i-d6 e ~nyi-d6 (w'einin) wim-da-at tann~win= ~han-m~i-nai (summer approach) tan-win h16 hlla2 tu-win tan-win (summer) ma"-we-nan 1 pu-a!iti-mi-nA p6i-l n-m~i yi-a'-t6-nan; ffi-t6-nan i-ha1-n n -pa-hai-yn —nA wa-6-nA hu-wi-i-nn i-lnw (-n sm-n r pi-le'-nA wa-nA-man to-wi-ne~-nA pi4-l-nA (summer) Jemez kyun-win hin-gyd pe-lid v6 n-4 4h6-TLI ya-be-6 yl-To-_on kya'-ba a ho-ligh 1 wi-ta-a kO-T6 n-o ko-16-e za-a kw6-fia-a iw&pe-Thij n_ wi-bu-na-To-T~a Ton-da-gyi peAh sty6 n-y6 sin-tyi Tfl-yo 3 TUhi; yi; o-v~ 4 Keresan 5 ANATOMICAL TERMS6 English Laguna Cochiti ankle kas-tyi-pufi kai's-ko-rofi-sy~ arm y6-mi=fii (fi=y6-mi) y6h-me-fi! 1 A plural form. 2 Cf. the element lia in Zuiji names of wooden implements and trees, Volume XVII. 3 From Tihda', house, the plural of which, Tihdash, is the only absolute term for village. In practice, however, the root Ti is always compounded with a locative suffix: Tt'-yo, Tui-wa, Ta'-kwa. 4 With Jemez ove, cf. Hopi owe. 5 It is customary to divide the Keres into two branches: the western, including Acoma and Laguna; and the eastern, including Cochiti, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, and Sia. This division is geographically correct, but not linguistically; for the language of Santa Ana is not readily understood, or at least employed, by the inhabitants of the four other pueblos of the eastern group (all of which have a common idiom), but is closely allied to the dialect of Acoma and Laguna. 1, s, C, ty are formed with the tip of the tongue retracted: I approaching Jr; s, sr; a, tr; ty, ch. 6i, usually with ha prefixed, is the objective suffix. In parentheses are given the Laguna forms with incorporation of the third personal pronoun, as illustrating the variety of ways in {view image of page 275} VOCABULARIES27 21-5 Engli'sh blood bone chest chin ear eye face finger-nail fingers foot hair hand head heart knee leg (thigh) lips lung mouth neck nose toe-nail toes tongue tooth Laguna hm i-6s ka-f m aii fsfi-a s a fi h s-akna=fiii (ka ~isna il) h a-6 m as-tyf( i= wii (k- ms -ty) wi-ns -ka-6~i (ka i-nos-ka- i) ha4ph=fiii (ka=ph) wi-=mu-ca=fii (k~i=n u-ha h6=a-h ~if l (ki=oa-hwif) hiwi-f~aaii (ka=wi-fsa) hi~sty-ih=fii i=hstyilii ham k-c l-=fi uchk=mis -chi ) hfi~m u ha=f i ( ii km m ch wi~m-ch a~ii (ka swich) ch hi-cha-na~ii (kaswicha) Cochi'ti mi-fs!i hais-ki=fiii wi-fsa~fii (s&we-fsa) y6-p6=iii (se'=yo-p6) (s~y6-hwa) hi=wa-cha=fii (se'=wa-cha) hi=I&a~iii nis-ka=fii (se'nas-ka) w6-nas-ka (se'we-nas-ka) hfi=ma~fii (se'ma) pi'-nagi h~i=wa-cha=iii (se`wa-cha) h~i=ma-cha=fii (se'=ma-cha) hfi=wa-chafiii (s&~wa-cha) hfi=ttIfii ANIMALS'I antelope * badger bat bear * beaver * buffalo * buzzard, turkey coyote crane * ty6-pi pi-ki-kyi qaf-ya k6-o m6-4haifs ma-~he'wi 6i6s-ki 2 ki-pu kiff chi-na-mi-ka; chi-na-na-ka ko-h~i-yu ki-u m6-4haiG mih-6-wa s6-&io-na ti..pu; so-k6'-li which the inflection is made; and the Cochiti forms with incorporation of the first personal pronoun. Mr. F. W. Hodge notes an interesting resemblance between Keres and Zuiiu words for eye, hand, knee, tooth. Compare the roots in the following. (Zuiii double n is only a lengthening of the n in the objective ending. In plural forms, n0 changes to w~ and no n at all is heard. Thus, issinn~, eissiw~.) eye hi~na=fii tdna(n)=n~ hand h~i~masti=fii aissi(n)=n6 knee ha=is-hi=fii 6hi(n)=n6 tooth hi~chana~fii a na(n)=n6 Occasional similarities of this sort are generally explained as due to borrowing. If there has been borrowing here, it would seem to have been on the part of Zuiii; for words introduced from that language into Keres would hardly be found in the eastern as well as the western dialect. Three of the four words noted above have cognate forms in Laguna and Cochiti. Cf. also Laguna t?6sk~, Zufii sz~ski, coyote; Laguna M~inna., Zuffi tdnna, turkey. Names of animals used as food are indicated by stars. 2 Cf. Zufii szsi {view image of page 276} 276 English crow deer * dove * eagle elk* fish * fox goose * gopher * grouse * hawk, chickenhawk, falcon hawk, red-tail hawk, sparrowhorse magpie mole mountain-lion * mountain-sheep* muskrat * pack-rat * porcupine prairie-dog * quail * rabbit, cottontail * rabbit, jack- * roadrunner skunk * snake, rattlesnake, sidewinder snake, waterspider squirrel, ground-* squirrel, tree-* turkey * turtle * waterfowl * weasel wildcat * wolf THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Laguna ty6&ie- 1 ho-6-ka 2 tya-mi tyi-sa ski-~h6 mas-tya ~h6-ta Ohap spi-y6 sch6-ti-ka ka-vi-yo4 su-wa-ki chu6-na m6-kailfEa skis-ko f6if6f=O-na ufl-na i-SMi (water pack-rat) Cochiti schi-i-ra ty~ifi h6-o-ka tya-m6 k~i-sa kaih qfsk~s6-f&o-na (blue coyote) ghii-ta chi'-na W~ in-na=chr —Ur3 i-f~a shpi'-ya schi-ri-ka ka-vi-yo4 s6-a-kai-ya mii-ka-Eaa kds-ku i!ift=ski'-wa~h (water pack-rat) ski'-wa h j-sa nut ki-ska-ska6 /&e-chu ty~i-na si-ska stye-stya sdi-hwi yi-e=s6-hwi kH-misk si-tyu tis-qa~h fi!in-na ht-hya-tyu wa-yo-su ty~-tyu ki-ka-na kow~-to-W'a~ 5 tye-tya ~hi-ska kai-~ha-fla so-wi yai=s6-wi (ground rattlesnake) skfi-skfi ki-mask si-tya (&in-na 7 h6-aty wi-yoa so-h6-na tyi-tyo ki-ka-na CARDINAL POINTS 8 east hi=na-mi; y6-na=ha (toward east) hi-fii; hi-na-ml nadir nfi; y6-na~na niI-fi!I; nd-ka-ml north tyi-tyi-mi; y6-na~tyi-tya tyi-t6; tyi-tya-ml 1 This is written the same as the word for Navaho. The latter term is spoken with the second syllable strongly stressed. 2 Probably an onomatope. 3 Tshnn1', turkey. The last two syllables are suspiciously like a corruption of "chicken." 4 Spanish. 5 The name refers to the crest. 6 An onomatope. I Cf. Zuiii tdnna. 8 The ceremonial sequence and associated colors are north (yellow), west (blue), south (red), east (white), zenith (all colors of blue), nadir (all colors of green, manakana). In each {view image of page 277} VOCABULARIES 277 English south west zenith Laguna k6-a-mi; y6-na=ko-a pd-na-mi; y6-na=pai tyi; v6-na=tyc Cochiti qe; k6-a-ml p6-iii; p6-na-mi black blue brown brown, dark gray green pink red white yellow COLORS mighchf6 qisk qisch-tyi; m&-4hai-fga~ma-fil (buffalo like) ph i-n'-f6a fiis-ka qisk kui-ka-iii scha-m'fs k6-clil-fii m6'-na-ka-Ri' qisk skai-yo-fga qisk ski-na-ti-tla kiikafiii sch!i-mo6; iista k6-chi-fii PRIMITIVE FOODS' acorns beans cedar-berries chokecherries corn bread bread, wafer dumplings ear green green, roasted hominy meal parched shelled sweet tamal scha-r6-ro ki-na-mi yo-6Th ka-p'n-na 2 ma-fii-ni mi-ku-sta-wi yi-ka ki-nity f&a-fldgh yich-ta-wi Uc-ma-wa6;~ i-ni-wi 3 ya-chi-iii spi-ni-ni fii-ma-k-fi~ o-y6na-ta-ki; mi-ko-6~o-y6-na; fio-y6'-y6& — stya-ro-ro ki-na-ml yi-stya i-P6 ma-gfi-ni yi-ka yich-ta-wa uhkt-ri-na; i-na-wi 3 6~ais-ka-fii? ffil-ma-6~a-ftas-tyi tortilla i'-ma'-lis melon m6-ro ITm6r6-iii 5 mescal yetU Opuntia fruit i-tya i-tya Opuntia plant i-mas-cha 6 pea-leaves wi-ka case the first word is the name of the world-region indicated, the second is the directional term (eastward, etc.). 1 See also under the head of Animals. 2 Kapb, thick. The term has no reference to Spanish pan. 3 Respectively, medium and fine. The first-named is used for mush, the second for bread. 4 Made respectively by wrapping in husks batter colored and leavened with lime-water and baking in a pit lined with hot stones; by baking in the same fashion batter of uncolored yellow meal; by filling a husk with batter and boiling; by placing a row of small balls of batter in a husk, twisting it at the ends and between each two balls, and boiling. 5 Spanish. 6 The pads were boiled and eaten in time of famine. {view image of page 278} 278 278 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English pifion-nuts plums squash sumac-berries watermelon yucca seedpods Lagun a tyai-ya-ni si-ra-we ya-i-na kstyi-ra=6-fii (Castilian squash) h6s-ka-nii Cochiti fgi-ri-w-e'ni I tib-fli ya'-na h6s-ka-fii HANDICRAFT I -- - --- se arrow ko-ka —tyu (joined); isn-to_-a 1-_Sto-we arrow-point hii~h-chi-a-fii (flint) ho'-tyo-yo-fiii basket, burden- nas-pi-~hu-m6-ni basket, meal- o-tai-iii 0-ta-iii basket, winnowing- ku-ya'gh-chi bow hos-tyi-ka wi-stya-ka cotton ~hi-po-ku deerskin pig~ pigi dress ty6-f91i fi!i-ma-ti drum k6s-tyfifg 6-ya-pom-botg fire-drill ity-flo-mi 6-pai-ya-ni house ki-tyCi-tya ki-Og-itya 3 kilt, ceremonial 6-66-iii knife h'iih-kai his-ka lance 6-tya-wi-fiii 6-tya-wa-rii leggings, man's t6-i-mi~h t6 -mIth leggings, woman's 6-to-mif6 (round-and-round); ceremonial h6ps-cha-fii (tie around) loin-cloth wii~h-tya-tyi-fii 6-iaht-kai-a-fii~ metate yi-iii yaih-iii moccasins hi-au-i-mi hi-aho-mi muller yi-katy yi-kat pottery wai-sti bowl, food- waiah-ti-fiii bowl, mixing- a-sa pot, cooking- a-t~ih k6-ma-sa-wa pot, parching- ai-pa-na-wa-nii water-jar ty6-o-fii wa'-ch!e-fiii water-jar, portable spon-na sp6-na rabbit-stick tOaifg; fai-pi-chi-na 5 rattle, gourd o-yi-si-ki-na 6-ya-a~i-kafg sash, ceremonial k~s-pa; p6-ka-wi6 kis-pa shirt wi-kfi-iii wi-k fi-fi i sling ya-6-spfi-n 6-n i yo-sptln-nu-na war-club ma-ki-na 7 1 Apparently from Spanish ciruelo, although the plum is indigenous. 2 The first-named had a shaft of ifhto~a, cane, with self-pointed foreshaft of typip, rose to which "joining" the name refers; the second had a shaft of tyapi and a flint point. One is inclined to think that ilht6a should be the name of the arrow made of ilhto~a'a but the informant was quite positive that the two words are not related. 4' Si-tyiwa, I pierce; 65tyawai-ii, piercer. 5 Respectively, an approximately straight club, and a missile curved almost as much as a boomerang. 6 Respectively, a white cotton, tasselled sash, or rather a broad belt, made by the Keres themselves; and an embroidered cotton sash purchased from the Hopi. 7 Mexican Spanish macana, from Aztec macuahuiti. {view image of page 279} VOCABULARIES27 279 NATURAL PHENOMENA English ash charcoal cloud darkness dawn day earth earth, world fire fog ice lake light lightning Milky Way moon mountain night North Star Orion's Belt Pleiades rain rainbow Rio Grande river rock sky smoke snow star sun thunder Ursa Major water wind Laguna mis-chai ha'-na-tyi fi6-milschf6 f~iika se-cho-ma; sail-i 1 ya-ai hi-f6i hfi-ka-fiii he-fi-shi ku-wail-i-Th~ ma-sa-fla ko-p'es-tofg ti-wa-taa k6-tyu k~ip-~hu ffi-asp~h kach ka~h-tyfi-fsl 6~!i-ya~fii-k6 (wide ) ha-iii~chi-na (east river) chi-ni y6-fiii h6-a-ka na-chail-ni hi-w6 mai-tyan-na (seven) 941f9i Cochiti mis-ch!a hfi-kak-fii-fiii h'ena-ti saich ~hkai-yo-gia hM-ka-nii h&ya~h hi'-mi' k6-wa-ni~h mai-sa-faa k6-kuf6fi-ta-fii wi-ka-na~styo-hyu (arch across) t~ih-wa-IS'a k6-tl n6h-ya m~ii-tyan-na=9hi-tyat (seven star) kaach kis-tya-fsi mes-ffich~chii-na (large river) chi-na y6-nil h6-hwa-ka k6-hw6-w6-ka ~4hi-tyat 6-safi~a k6-mogi-ta-nii mi-ka 9% NUMERALS one is-ka two tyo th ree ch'emi four tyin-na five ta-ma six schiS-sa seven mak=yan-na (-four) eight ko-k6-mi4hu nine mai-yo-ka ten kafg eleven ka6i=is-ka twelve ka6=tyo 1Respectively, light of day, and period of time. 2 Cf. h~astif1ia, village. tyiih-mi chafmmi ty~in-na tfih-Ma schis-ha mai~tyan-na maih-ya-ko ka&i! is-ka=f&i-tla ty6h~fi-faa {view image of page 280} 280 280 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English twenty twenty-one thirty forty fifty sixty seventy eightyI ninety hundred Laguna tyo=yai=ka8i ty~ik&'sk che-'mi=ya=ka&i tyin-na=wa=ka&i t6-ma~wa~kaf& schis-si=wa=kaf6 mai-tyan-na=wa~kaf& ko-ko-mi-~hu=wa~kag. mai-yo-ka~wa=kaf6 kaf&=i-wa~kaf& Cochiti tyi ka6i tyi=ka6=~ko~is-ka ch~im-i~a=kafg tynn~w~a t6h-ma=wa~kaf6 schis-sa~wa~kafg mai-tyan-na~wa=kafl k6-ko-mi-sy6=wa~kaf6 mfih-ya-ko~wa=kaf6 k~if=i-wa=ka6~ PERSONAL TERMS'I aunt baby boy brother, man's brother, woman's chief (officer) child clansperson daughter father female girl man mother (vocative) my our (dual) our (plural) thy your (dual) your (plural) his, her their (dual) their (plural) people people, American people, Mexican person shaman sa~na-ya (my mother) o-wi-ka mfi-ty'ega 2 sa~tyo-mdlCi sa~wafl h6-cha-fiii j~yj~fla sa=na-wai sa~mi'k3 sa=na-is-tyi-a ko='i- fa (woman ) ma-k6-6a 2 yi-ya; ni-ya sa=na-ya sfi~a-a=ni-ya kfla=ni-ya kfla-a~nfi-ya kt~a=ni-ya=~h6 ka=na'-ya ka-a~n~i-ya ka=ni-ya=~h6 hi-no kstyil-ra 6 ha'-no ch!ai-i-fiii sai=na-ya 6-wa-ka m6-t0-fa 2 si=tyfim-s'h6 h6-cha-i'ii i-was si~hwi-~h6 sfi~nas-tyu ma-kui-f6a; 2 a~s~~ ya-ya; na-ya sai~na-ya sfl-/a-a~na-ya sfl-tai-ya~na-ya kci-fOa=na-ya ki-tOa-a=na-ya k6-flai-ya~na-ya ka~na-ya ki-a=na-ya ka'i-ya~na-ya h~i-nu kis-ta-ro 6 hi-nu ch!ai-a-iii sister, man's sa~qi-i - s~ma sister, woman's s=a-6 s~i~ta-o son sa~muity ~'si"hWi4h6 uncle, maternal, man's s=~i-na-w6 sa~na-wa-Ah6 IRelationship terms cannot be used without incorporation of a possessive pronoun, except in the vocative case; and the vocative is sometimes an entirely different root from the objective, as in Cochiti s6-nastyu, my father, 6'mo, father! (male speaking), t(@a, father! (female speaking). For this reason such terms recorded herein are given with the prefix sa, my. For more complete lists of relationship terms see pages 2S5-257. 2 Possibly from Spanish muchacho, muchacha. 3 Cf. makdt~a, girl. 4 Plural, koyaiwiiG. 5 Dual, h66f~flfaa; plural, h6&6fitaapa. 6 Spanish, Castillo. 7' Mfity, son, is abbreviated from mi'tyU~a, boy. {view image of page 281} VOCABULARIES28 281 English Laguna uncle, maternal, woman's sa~miuty (my son) uncle, paternal, man's sa=na-is-tyi-a (my father) uncle, paternal, woman's sa~na-is-tyi-a woman k6-ya TREES Coch iti si~fii-fi6 si~na-wa-~h6 s~i=fi6-fi6 k6-ya-hW alder aspen cedar chokecherry cottonwood juniper oak, scrub pine pifion spruce, Douglas willow WI'llow, osier ka-n6ghch ki-iii hi-Cfs'a- i se-h~s-tya h~i-pa-iii h~i-iii tyaif~ hli-kak hozGski-wa 6-ka-mi k~i-iii li-pu hi-iOa-a-iii ha'-pa-fiii hli-iii tyefi hli-kak ihi-ai-ya hdfi-f~i-ka-wa autumn bad breath dance dream food forest good large long no pollen, corn prayer-stick shadow short small song spirit (ghost) spirit (soul) spring summer tobacco village winter year yes MISCELLANEOUS 0-fsli( 0-p'e-wi aiIch hli-ta-w6 ko-nlis-pa-tyu f6f-sl~h k6 —ki-mu-nii i-yi-nii ki-taa ksaity hli-mi k6-ku ksaity (summer) st6'-na le'ma fiaf& 6-chi-iii 6-PA-fii kli-plVngh ri-wa1 mes-fi~ich fiaa hli-ta-w6 kli-&ia lIu-s-kigh y6h-iii mai-a-nii fi~afi~ (breath) t!itOa kli-sat hli-mi hli-as-ti-tia 2 k6-ku ka'-sat (summer) ha-6; ku-ch, 3 1 Ra'wafla, good! 2 Cf. h~at?!, earth, world. I Used respectively by males and by females. VOL. xvI-36 {view image of page 282} I {view image of page 283} Index {view image of page 284} {view image of page 285} INDEX A4balone-shell as receptacle, 148, I54 A4beita, Pablo, Isleta informant, II, i6 Absolution in Kapina-ch~aiiiii rite, 2I2,Abstinence. See CONTINENCE; FASTING; TABOO Acoma, account of, 1 69-240 affiliations, 65, 67 and Jemez alliance, 72 ceremonial prostitution at, I34 church at, i68 pl., I70 PI-, 178 PI-, I98 PI., 208 pi., 216 pl., folio pIs. 564, 566 houses of, 178 pl., 198 pl., 2I8 pi., 226 PI-, folio PIs. 565 566 in Pueblo revolt, 70 population, 259 portraits, 202 pl., 206 PI., 2I2 PI. pottery of, 202 PI., 2I2 PI., 228 PI., folio pls. 568-57 I, 573 Pueblo names for, 252, 260-261 San Estevan fiesta at, 2I8-226 pl., folio Pl. 56 trail at, folio Pls. 567, 570 water supply of, I70, 202 PI., folio PIS. 568, 571 See KERES A4comita, Acoma farming village, 195, 222 Acuco, Acomna so called,170, 210 Addresses in ceremony3, 45, 77, 92, 95-99, 109, 112, 115, 118-120, 129, 136, 14, 70, 183, 19 1-1939 200, 202, 205, 207, 210, 212, 219, 239, 265 See PRAYER; SUPPLICATION Adobe in house building, 32 A4dultery, confession of, 2I0-212 See PROSTITUTION A4fterworld. See WE'IMATfS',Agriculture of Taos, 42-43 See CORN; CROPS; HARVESTING; IRRIGATION; PLANTING A4guilar, Agustin, execution of, 164 A4hal'yl, dance personage, I07 htdna Taos dance, 52 A#ena, Santo Domingo scalp-dance, 129 Ai1ka, Cochiti personage, I07-108 A4iyouwifs!a, portrait of, folio pl. SS,1ko, name of Acoma, 189, 193, 214 Al1ameda,, Tiwa pueblo, 4, Io, 69 Al1amillo burned by Spaniards, To Al1amosa, Colorado, sacred lake near, 28-29 4Arla, Juan de, enters New Mexico, 37-38 Al1eman, Juan, a Tiwa, 5, 7 Al1tars, mythic origin of, 173 used in ceremonies, 51, 54, 96, 118, 126, 132, 135, 137, I44-145, 149, 155, i59-i60,I178-I79, 203-204, 208-211, 2 18-220, 222, 224, 228, 23 1-235, 245 Al1varado, H. de, describes Acoma, 170 visits Taos, 29-30, 32 Amnericans barred from ceremonies, 97, W01, witness Ow6 dance, 121 See MEXICANS; WHITES A4mmonites. See FossILS Amushungkwa, Jemez village, 251,Anatomical terms, Keres, 274-275 Tanoan, 266-274 Animal effigies in Acoma. genesis, I74 in healing rite, 96 of memorial altar, i6o See BEAR; COUGAR FETISH; EFFIGIES; FETISHES; FIGURINES; IMAGES A4ni'mal food of Pueblos, 43, 67, 267-268, 27S-276 {view image of page 286} 286 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Animal food. See ANIMALS; FOOD; HUNTING; MEAT Animals ceremonially created, 61, 174 imitated in ceremony, 25 in Taos masculine names, 44 Keres names for, 275-276 offerings for increase of, 158 personated in dance, 137 prayer for, 212 symbols of, 25, 201, 227-228, 242 pl. Tanoan names for, 267-268 when not killed, 24, 89-90 See ANTELOPE; BADGER; BEAR; BUFFALO; COUGAR; COYOTE; DEER; ELK; FOOD; FROGS; GAME; GOATS; HORSES; HUNTING; LIZARD; MOLE; MOUNTAIN-LION; MOUNTAIN-SHEEP; PACKRAT; PORCUPINE; RABBIT; RATTLESNAKE; SKUNK; SNAKES; SQUIRREL; TORTOISE; TURTLE; WEASEL; WILDCAT; WOLF Animal spirits, beliefs regarding, 89, 91, 119 -120, I32-I33, 170, 173, 231, 233 See SPIRITS Anklets buried for dead, 160-161 See COSTUME Ant shamans of Acoma, 177, 226 See ANTS Ant clan of Acoma, 236 Antelope figures on pottery, 242 pl. heads of Hunter society, 135 hunting of, II, 74, 77 Antelope clan of Acoma, 175, 177-179, 194, 199, 20o, 202, 216, 230, 237 of other pueblos, 12, 41, 86, 124, 241 Antelope person in Acoma belief, 178, I80, 182-183, 187-189, I9I, I94, 200, 237 Anthill, scalp thrown on, 215 Ants, disease caused by, 132 Anyukyinu named as Jemez village, 252 Apache, application of term, 37 enmity of, 4, 37, 38, 65, 241 Laguna scouts against, folio pl. 577 descr. Pueblo names for, 253, 264 visit Picuris in I695, 36-37 See CHIRICAHUA; JICARILLAS; MESCALEROS; WHITE MOUNTAIN APACHE Archives of Santo Domingo, 166 Arm-bands of dancers, I09 See COSTUME Arrow Boy, shrine of, 225 Arrow-points as fetishes, 19 rocks supported by, 205 See FLINTS Arrows, insignia of war-chief, 84 of hunt officials, 74 of Taos, 41-42 of the Keres, 278 punishment with, 84 rewarded for foot-racing, 159 used in hunting, I I See WEAPONS Arrow straighteners of Taos, 42 Art of Pueblos in churches, 216 See BASKETS; PAINTING; POTTERY; SYMBOLS Arvide, Martin de, missionary at Jemez, 251 Asaniikawekamafiesuima, Keres pueblo, 68 Ashes removed at summer solstice, 101 used ceremonially, 167, 179, I81, 228, 23, 233 Afhwi,, Zuii self-name, 261, 265 Aspen used by dancers, 188-I89 Aspen clan of Isleta, 12 Asperging in ceremonies, 83, 97, 102, 18, 126, 135, I45, I5, 212, 233 Astialakwa, Jemez village, 251 Axes, stone, carried by warriors, 115 stone, of Taos, 42 See BIG Ax; HANDICRAFT; WEAPONS Aysfhtyukotfi, Cochiti dance, 1O9 Baca, Jose, a Cochiti, 99-100 Badger images in healing rite, 96 in Acoma genesis, 172 Badger clan of Laguna, 241 Badger spirit in myth, 173 invoked, 89, 91, 119-120 Bad luck, how expelled, 213, 216, 243 symbol of, 235 See EVIL; GOOD LUCK; SORCERY Bags, enemy represented by, 201 for sacred meal, 232, 238 scalps kept in, 217 used in ceremony, 107, 206, 223-224 {view image of page 287} INDEX 287 Bags. See MEAL-BAG; MEDICINE-BAGS Baile de los Pinos, Isleta ceremony, 24 Bakersfield, Calif., visited by Cochiti, 74 Baldrics of Cochiti warriors, 115 worn in ceremony, 201 See COSTUME Ball of seeds in rite, I5I representing soul of people, 234-235 Balls of mush thrown in rite, 229 Bandelier, A. F., cited, 4, 9, I0, 12, 31-32, 65-68, 70-74, 84-85, 103, 123, 216, 236, 251-252, 262, 265 Bandolier worn in ceremony, 129, 140, I44 See COSTUME Barela, Adjutant, in Pueblo attack, 70 Bark. See CEDAR-BARK; JUNIPER-BARK; SAGE-BARK Barreda, Domingo de la, at Picuris, 36 Barrionuevo, F. de, with Coronado, 6, 30 Baskets, Acoma, woven by men, 184 given by Kaifina, 183, 184, I88 of Taos, 42 various uses of, 93, 95, 99, II8, I20, i6I, I85, 212, 213, 223, 229, 231, 235, 243, 245 See HANDICRAFT Bathing for purification, 44, 84, 128, 208, 2IO, 219, 224, 231 See HAIR-WASHING; PURIFICATION; WASHING Batons in purification rite, 118 of war-chiefs, 45, 146, 154 Battle with Kaifina, I75, I9I Bead people. See SHELL-BEAD PEOPLE Beads, head-band ornamented with, 221 offered to sun, 174 seed, of the Ku'sari, 140 turquoise, deposited in cave, 248 with prayer-sticks, 226 See CORAL BEADS; NECKLACES; SHELL BEADS; TURQUOISE Beans raised at Taos, 43 Bear, a Shiwanna patron, I53-154 fetishes in ceremony, 96, I60, 228 prayers to, 39, 89, 9I, I02, II9-I20 singing for, in rite, 233 spirit of, in myth, 173 symbolized, 228, 232, 233 Bear clans of Pueblos, 12, 86, 124, 236, 241 Bear-claws on cacique's altar, I49 worn by shaman, 96 Bear-fur on Hilflika mask, I50 Bear Old-man, a Taos myth, 59 Bear-paws used ceremonially, 9I, 98, 132, I33, I35, I53, I55, 228, 229, 234 Bear people of Taos, 48 Bear-skin on kiva hatch, 179 Bejuituuy named as Tiwa ruin, 4 Benavides, A. de, cited, 4, IO Bent, Governor, killed at Taos, 34-36 Berdache personated in dance, 246 Big Ax, people and kiva of Taos, 47-50 Big Seashell, people and kiva of Taos, 45, 48-49, 5 Birds, carved, worn by Kafsina, 178 created in myth, 6I See CHAPARRAL-COCK; COCKS; DOVE; DUCK; EAGLE; FALCON; FEATHERS; GOOSE; HAWK; SUMMER WARBLER; TURKEY Black Eyes. See SHIFUNIN Blacksnake, singing for, in rite, 233 Black spring. See CHIPAFUNTA Blindness in Acoma genesis, I89-190 Blood, arrow-points dipped in, 38 how used for increase, I58 how used in Kafsina rite, 194, 202 used for face-paint, 76 Bluebird-feather of Acoma wapanii, 18I Bois d'arc. See OSAGE ORANGE Bolton, H. E., cited, 4, IO, II Bones, broken, treated by shamans, 226 Booth of peyote cult, 54, 59 Bowl. See MEAL-BOWL; MEDICINE-BOWL; POTTERY Bows of Taos, 42 used in hunting, I I, 74 See WEAPONS Boys in Fire Kafsina rite, 190-I9I initiation of, 107, 152, I78-I80 of Isleta, 10 pl. receive gifts from Kafsina, 188 See CHILDREN; DEDICATION; INITIATION; PUBERTY CUSTOMS; TRAINING Braba, Spanish name for Taos, 30, 32, 264 {view image of page 288} 288 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Bravery, medicine for, 195 Bread traded by Cochiti, 73 wafers deposited with dead, I6I Breathing, power absorbed by, 92-94, 136, 140-142, i6i, 234 Bridges at Taos, 30 Brushes carried by Iwakaia, I05 for body-painting, 220 Buffalo clan of Acoma, 236 Buffalo dance of Santo Domingo, 137 of Sia, folio pls. 560, 563 of Taos, 53 Buffalo-hair on dance mask, I07 Buffalo hunting by Pueblos, II, 43, 77, 136 Buffalo-skin in trade, 40, 73 shamans' quivers of, 95 shield bag of, 40 Taos clothing of, 29 Bulitzequa, Jemez village, 252 Bull personated in dance, 157-158 Bull-fight imitated in fiesta, I57-158 Burgwin, J. H. K., killed at Taos, 36 Burro, dummy, in Santo Domingo fiesta, I57 Burros taken on hunt, 76-77 Cachupin, Tomas Velez, governor, 240 Caciques, community work for, 43, 74, 77, 125-128, 152 status and functions, 14, 16-21, 23, 26, 43, 45-52, 84, 87-88, 101-1I3, 117 -118, 126, 131, 145-149, 152, 155-I56, 164-165, 172, 203, 209, 216, 237, 243 See ANTELOPE PERSON; CEREMONIES; K6Tfs-HANO; SOCIETIES Cactus for torches, 222-223 in K6pightaia rite, 206, 208 California visited by Cochiti, 74 Canada, New Mexico, French settle at, 38 Caiada de Cochiti, Pueblos in, 68, 70 Cane, cigarettes of, 46, 9I, 220, 222-223 deposited ceremonially, 239 flutes made of, 127 used in peyote rite, 55-57 whistle of, 227 Canes, staffs of office, 18, 22, 45, II8, 238 Cation Pintado, hunters' camp near, 76 Caps of warriors, II4 pi., 238 See COSTUME Captives, how treated, 39, 113 Cardenas, G. L. de, with Coronado's army, 5-6 Cardinal points, colors of, 13, 184, 226, 268, 276-277 invocation to, 60 Keres terms for, 276-277 Tanoan terms for, 268 See CEREMONIAL SEQUENCE; WORLDREGIONS Casa Blanca, Laguna village, 258 Casa Grande, how constructed, 32 Casaus, Francisco de, at Jemez mission, 72 Castaneda, P. de, cited, 3, 4, 29, 32, 33, 2I0, 264 Castano de Sosa. See SOSA Catskill on Taos trail, 38 Cattail-down, clouds simulated with, 206 Cave, divination in, 247-248 home of Mah6, 154 scalps deposited in, 244 Cave-dwellings near Jemez, 6 pl. of ancient Keres, 66-67 Caves, cane cigarettes found in, 220 Cedar in Kasiri dance, 215-216 used in menstruation, 273 Cedar-bark, fire-rope of, 74, 76 Cemetery. See CHURCH Census of Taos and Santo Domingo, 46, 124, 259 See POPULATION Centre. See WORLD-CENTRE Ceremonial sequence of Isleta governors, I8 of the Tiwa, 268 See CARDINAL POINTS; CIRCUIT; ORIENTATION; SEQUENCE; WORLDREGIONS Ceremonies, how controlled at Isleta, 13 of Acoma, 177-235 of Cochiti, 86-122 of Santo Domingo, 126-159 of Taos, 52-59 taught in Acoma genesis, 174 See DANCE; RELIGION Ch!aaiai, Ch!aiani, defined, 135, 173 See SHAMANS Ch!aifni Shiwanna in dance, 153 {view image of page 289} INDEX 289 Chalutadna, a Taos dance, 52 Chamuscado, F. S. de, among Pueblos, 4, 9 Chaparral-cock clan of Isleta, 12 Cha'qena, Santo Domingo deity, 152 Ch6qena, Zufii personage, 246 Ch6quna, Laguna personage, 246 Chavecito, Cochiti shaman, 98 Cherry, Taos bows of, 42 Cheyenne, habitat of the, 38 peyote cult obtained by, 53 Taos robes derived from, 41 Chifonetti, application of name, 52 Chifunanan of Taos, 52, 53, IO6 See CLOWNS Childbirth, Laguna customs as to, 243 shamans officiate at, I3I-I32 simulated at Santo Domingo, 161-162 Child fetishes of Santo Domingo, 161-162 Children, Cochiti, customs regarding, 77, IIO in K6piThtaia rite, 205-207 Isleta customs regarding, 14 meal-offering by, 232 of Cochiti, 78 pl. of Isleta, 1o pi., I6 pi. of Santo Domingo, 132 of Taos, 54 pl. prayers for, 239 Taos customs regarding, 43-44, 48-5I See BOYS; GIRLS; INITIATION; NAMING Chilili, a Tiwa pueblo, 4 China-shiwanna of Santo Domingo, 138 Chipafuinta, Taos place of origin, 28-29 Chiricahua, Laguna name for, 258 Chiwiwi, Francisca, 4 pl., folio pl. 550 Chiyenes at Picuris in I695, 36-37 Ch6paku, Laguna personage, 246 Christian influence on Pueblos, xiii, 56, 78, 83, 85, 121-122, I26, 158, 165-166, 2I0, 217, 219, 242, folio pl. 552 descr. See CHURCHES; FRANCISCANS; MISSIONARIES; SPANISH INFLUENCE Christmas day, Taos dance on, 52 Church at Acoma, I68 pl., 170 pl., 17I, I78 pi., I98 pl., 208 pl., 216 pl., folio pls. 564, 566 at Gyusiwa, 72 pl. at Santo Domingo, 158-159, 165-I66 at Taos bombarded, 35 VOL. XVI-37 Churches among the Jemez, 251 of the Pueblos, 216, 216 pl. See CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE; FRANCISCANS; MISSIONARIES; SPANISH INFLUENCE Cia, a form of Sia, 216 Cibola, derivation of, 265 Cicada clan of Laguna, 241 Cicuique, Pecos so called, 265 Cicuye, a name of Pecos, 29-30, 32 Cieneguilla, Potrero Viejo so called, 69 Cigarettes in peyote rite, 54-56, 58 not made before rite, 214 of cane, 46, 9I, 220, 222-223 offered to masks, 207-208 smoked in ceremony, 89, 91, 168, 217, 220-223, 226-228, 232, 234-235 used in healing, 94 with prayer-sticks, 226 See SMOKE-OFFERING; SMOKING Cimarron on Taos trail, 38 Circuit, ceremonial, in Ow~ dance, 121 See CEREMONIAL SEQUENCE; SEQUENCE Cisneros, A. X. de, at Cochiti, 73-74 Civona, a form of Cibola, 265 Clans absent at Taos, 48 functions of, at solstices, 23-24 of Acoma, 172, 236 of Cochiti, 85-86 of Isleta, 12-14 of Laguna, 241-242 of Santo Domingo, 124 personal names associated with, 13 symbols of, on walls, 225, 228 Cliff-dwellings, deities associated with, 107 See CAVE-DWELLINGS Cloth, Tiwa pay tribute in, 5 See COTTON; WEAVING Clothing illustrated, pls. passim of Cochiti dead, 82 offered to sun, I74, 204 of Pecos, 31 of shaman initiate, 90 of Taos, 28, 29, 41, 44, 46 whipping so called, 213 worn in healing, 93 See COSTUME Cloud-gods in Kafiina rite, 196 {view image of page 290} 290 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Cloud-gods, names for, I05 of Laguna altar, 245 prayers to, in solstice rite, I02 See HLATSiNA; HLiNWAN; KATSINA; KOPISHTAIA; SHIWANNA Cloud-god shamans in Kasiri dance, 216 of Acoma, 226 of Laguna, 245-246 Clouds checked by snakes, 145 how symbolized, I07, 147, I54 pi., 155, i60, I68, 206, 231-232, 246 in song, 109, 155 prayers to, in solstice rite, IO2 Pueblo concept as to, IO6 See RAIN-CLOUDS Clowns of Cochiti, 86-88, 103-105 of Santo Domingo, 130 of Tiwa pueblos, 52, Io6 See CHIFUNANAAN; IASRI; K6KOSHIR', K6MAIYAWASHA; KORAINA; KUMAIYOg-HI; KI'SARI; KWI'RANNA Clubs. See WAR-CLUBS; WEAPONS Cochiti, account of, 65-122 names for Indian tribes, 252, 260 population of, 259 portraits, 76 pi., 78 pi., 82 pi., IOO pl. pottery of, folio pls. 554-556 Pueblo names for, 252, 260-262 relationship terms of, 255, 256 sacked by Spaniards, 10 Santo Domingo shaman at, 132 Santo Domingo singers at, 169 scalp-dance of, 143 Ty6'o'iii Shiwanna mask of, Io8 pl. vocabulary of, 274-28I See KERES; OLD COCHITI Cocks, contest for, in fiesta, 158-I59 Cohabitation. See CONTINENCE; FECUNDITY; PROPAGATION; PROSTITUTION Collins on Taos trail, 38 Colorado, buffalo-hunting in, 136 Taos trail in, 38 Colors, ceremonial, of Acoma, 219, 238 directional, 184, 226, 233, 268, 276-277 in personal names, 13 Keres terms for, 277 of Cochiti masks, 107 Tanoan names for, 268 Colors. See PAINTING Comanche and Cochiti trade, 73-74 hostilities of, 37, 38, 136 Isleta name for, 253 visit Taos in 1748, 37 Communion. See CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE Community work for caciques, 43, 74, 77, 125-128, 152, 244 for purification rite, 230 in repairing Corn House, I90 of Santo Domingo, 125, 153 Conejeros destroyed by French, 36-37 Confession in Kapina-ch!aianii rite, 210, 212 Conservatism lacking at Laguna, 244 of Pueblos, xiii, 12, 28, 41, 46, 50, 78-82, 97, IOI, 124, 127-I28, 138, 149, I55, I64, 238, folio pls. 550, 557, descr. See CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE; HERESY; SPANISH INFLUENCE Continence before ceremony, 24 during rites, 151, I84, I89-I90, 204, 2I4 of dancers, origin of, 176 See TABOO Cooks in Acoma ceremonies, I77, I80, i88, 230-23I, 236-239 See SERVANTS Coral beads on Kasari altar, 218 Coral clan of Santo Domingo, I24 Corn, gift of, in rites, 207, 230 mythic origin of, 61 precariously raised at Taos, 42-43 raised for Acoma war-chiefs, 238 symbolism of, 226, 234-235, 246 Taos looted of, by Vargas, 34 See CROPS; HARVESTING; MEAL; PLANTING Corn clans of Isleta, 12, 14 of the Keres, 68, 85-86, 124, I89-I91, 236, 24I Corncob people of Taos, 48-49 Corn dance of Cochiti, I09 of Santo Domingo, 138, I43 of Taos, 52-53 Corn-ear held in dance, 127 placed with dead, I59, I60 Corn-ear fetishes of Laguna, 246-247 on altars, I32, 155 See IALIKU; IATIKU; IYETIKU {view image of page 291} INDEX 29I Corn Girls in myth, 60 Corn-grinding at Santo Domingo, 127 by Taos adolescent, 44 for ceremony, 88-89, II8, 149, 227, 230 in myth, 60 See GRINDING SONG; K6CHINAKO; MEAL; MEAL-GRINDING Corn House in Fire Kaisina rite, 190 Corn-husk, animal figurines of, 174 cigarettes wrapped in, 54-56, 94 hair tied with, 140, 144, 220, 223, 229, 232 offerings wrapped in, 89, I84, 226 used in paint-making, I99 worn by clowns, 52, III, I40 worn on masks, I5I, 246 Cornmeal, Sweet, people of Taos, 48-49 Corn people of Taos, 48-49 See CORN CLANS Corn-planting simulated in ceremony, 151 See PLANTING Corn-pollen, face dusted with, 224 in Rattlesnake initiation, 245 offered the dead, 82 of war-chief, 154 on Kasari altar, 218 with prayer-sticks, 226 Corn spirit among Pueblos, 13 Cornstalks used in rites, I88-I89, 206, 208 Coronado expedition among Pueblos, 3-9, 29, 49, I04, 170, 2IO, 239, 264-265 Costilla on Taos trail, 38 Costume buried with dead, 83 dance, of Acoma, 218-220 pl. in Kapifia-ch!aianii rite, 211 in purification rite, 237 in solstice ceremony, 146 of Acoma K6pightaia, 204, 206 of Antelopes in Kifsina rite, I99 of Buffalo dancer, 137, folio pls. 560, 563 of Cochiti dancers, 107, 109 of Cochiti warriors, 115 of deity personators, 246 of Fire-rite participants, 229 of Hunter society, I34-I35 of Isleta dancers, 25 of Keres clowns, 104-I05, I39-140, 143, I8I, 183, I85, 220-22I, 224 of Opi in ceremony, 200, 22I Costume of Picuris dancers, 50 pi. of planting ceremony, 127 of rain-god personators, 147 of Santo Domingo Kwi'ranna, I43 of scalp-dancers, 129 of shamans, 96, 147, 232 of Taos clowns, 52 of Ts!ifi!uinfi!, 179 of war-chiefs, I54, 238 See CLOTHING; COTTON; HANDICRAFT; HEAD-DRESS; MASKS; PAINTING: SKINS; TABLITAS; WEAVING Cotton blanket in Acoma genesis, 174 clouds symbolized with, I07 deposited with dead, 243 garments worn in ceremony, 109, I86 in corn-ball, 235 leggings of Acoma personage, 179 not raised at Taos, 29, 42 offered to sun, I74 umbilical pad of, 243 used on altar, 218 used on corn-ear fetish, 96 webbing of warrior effigies, 209 Cottonwood, dolls made of, I6I Taos implements of, 42 Cottonwood clans of Keres, 85-86, I24 Cougar, how regarded by Cochiti, 74 in myth, 59-60 Cougar clan of Isleta, I2 of Keres, 86, 124 Cougar fetish in healing rite, 96, 99 in mortuary rite, 82-83 in purification rite, II9 on altars, I32, I35-I36, I55, i6o, 228 used by cacique, I49 Cougar Man, Cochiti hunt chief, 74, 76, 88 Cougar shrines of Keres, 68 Cougar-skin for Opi in rite, 221 worn by Hunter society, I34 Cougar spirit in myth, I73 prayers to, 39, 89, 91, 0I2, 119-I20, I34 singing for, in rite, 233 Council of Pueblos held, 50, I63 See GOVERNMENT; ORGANIZATION Courage, ceremony to impart, 208 Coyote howl imitated in war-cry, 75, I30 See FOX-COYOTE PEOPLE; WAR-CRY {view image of page 292} 292 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Coyote clans of Keres, 85-86, 241 Coyotes, war-dancers so called, 217 Coyote's scalp-dance, a myth, 6I Cradles of Santo Domingo, 162 Creek Indians, village nicknamed by, 258 Crops, ceremony for, 120-121, 127, 143, 152, 159, I9I, 204, 206 invocation for, 205, 239 singing for, 5I-52, I09, 127, 245 society concerned with, 87, 130 See CORN; HARVESTING; PLANTING Cross deposited ceremonially, 239 erected by Spaniards, 31, 171 in sign language, 6 sign of, made by officers, 238 symbolism of, 129, I55, I6o, I70, 2IO-2II Crow-egg in Acoma myth, 177 Crow-feathers on Laguna mask, 246 Crow people of Taos, 48 Cruzate, D. J. P. de, destroys Sia, 69, folio pi. 562 descr. Crystal. See QUARTZ CRYSTALS Cubero, Laguna village, 258 Mexican village, 241 Cumanche. See COMANCHE Cushing, F. H., cited, 29 d'Alay, Jean. See ALARI, JUAN DE Dance, Dances, Cochiti, for good crops, 120 -121, 127 in Fiesta de los Reyes, 122 in Fire rite, 228-230 in Hunter society rite, I34, 136 in initiation rite, 90 in Kfisina rite, 183-184, 187-188 in Ku'sari rite, 140-141 in Laguna ceremony, 245 in myth, 59, 61, 173 in scalp ceremony, 114-116 in Shiwanna rite, IO8-IO9, III, 152-157 masked, of Cochiti, 86 of Cochiti clowns, I04-I05 See BUFFALO DANCE; CEREMONIES; DANCE OF THE PINES; FIRE-DANCE; HARVEST DANCE; MATACHiN DANCE; Owe; RELIGION; SCALP-DANCE; SHiWANNA; TURQUOISE DANCE; VICTORY-DANCE; WAR-DANCE Dance-kilt, alleged Cochiti clan, 85 Dance of the Pines, Isleta ceremony, 24 Day clan of Isleta, 12 Day people of Taos, 48 Deafness simulated in rite, III Decoration. See COLORS; PAINTING Dedication of children, 23, 43, 48-51 See INITIATION; TRAINING Deer, how taken by Taos, 43 how treated by hunters, 76 impersonators in dance, 52-53, 137 See TYENE Deer clan of Acoma, 178, I94, 236, 237, 24I of Isleta, 12 Deer dew-claws, rattlers of, I86 Deer-heads of Hunter society, 135 Deer people in Taos myth, 60 Deerskin, dance garments of, 52, 107, 200-20I, 238 for Opi in Kasiri rite, 22I Havasupai trade in, 73 masks made of, 105, I85 miniature moccasins of, 174 rattle handles wrapped with, 2I9 seed ball of, in rite, 151 Taos clothing of, 29, 41 Taos shields covered with, 40 worn by scalp-dancers, 129 wrapping for prayer materials, 184, 238 Deer-tracks in body-painting, 229 Deities of Isleta supplicated, 13 of Laguna, 246-247 of Santo Domingo, 150-151 See ANIMAL SPIRITS; CEREMONIES; CLOUD-GODS; GODS; KATSINA; KOPISHTAIA; MASKS; SHiWANNA; SPIRITS; WAR-GODS Deluge in Taos legend, 50 See FLOOD Descent in clans, 13, 86, I24, 236, 241 See INHERITANCE Dew people of Taos, 48-49 Dia de los Reyes, fiesta of, 52-53, I2I-I22 Diego, Santo Domingo Indian, 79-8I Digging-sticks buried for dead, I60 Divination, Laguna places of, 247-248 See QUARTZ CRYSTALS Division of enemy property, II {view image of page 293} INDEX 293 Division of game by hunters, 12, 43, 76, IOI of labor, 15, I25 of water, 126 Divorce at Laguna, 243 See MARRIAGE Dogs used in hunting, 76 Dogwood, Taos implements of, 41-42 Dolls as child fetishes, I6i emblematic of witches, 234-235 given by Kifsina, 183, 184, I88 Douglas spruce as an emetic, 132 dolls made of, i6I prayer-sticks of, 184 used in rites, 24-26, 52, IO8 pi., I09, I40-I4I, I44 pl., 145, I85-I86, 215-216 See SPRUCE Dove clan of Acoma, 236 Down. See CATTAIL-DOWN; EAGLE-DOWN Dress. See CLOTHING; COSTUME Drill. See FIRE-DRILL Dripping Water people. See DEW PEOPLE Drum absent from Shiwanna dance, 153 in peyote cult, 54-56, 58 in San Juan fiesta, I58 of Isleta, IO pl. of Santo Domingo, I68-i69 of Taos, 42 used in corn-grinding, 88 used in rites, 129-130, 140-141, 224 Dry-paintings in ceremony, 192, 209-211 Duck. See CHOPAKU; WAIYOS KATSINA; WAYOSA KATSINA Duck clan of Isleta, 12 Duck-feathers, how used, I8I, 184, 209 Dung, animal, burned by hunters, 174 See SNAKES Eagle, how regarded by Cochiti, 74 painted on dance kilts, 201 singing for, in rite, 233 Eagle clans of Pueblos, 12, 85-86, 236, 241 Eagle-down used in ceremony, 39, II5, I29, I43, I52, I54, 200, 221 Eagle-feathers for prayer-sticks, 184 in hair of dead, 243 used by warriors, 216 Eagle-feathers used in ceremony, 57-58, 90, 96, o17, II8, 134, 140-14I, I44-I45, 149-I5I, 178-I8I, 209, 211, 246-247 used in treatment, 52, 96-98, 132 whips of, 135 Eagle people of Taos, 48 Eagle spirit in myth, 173 invoked, 89, 91, IO2, II9-120, 134 Eagle-talons in healing rite, 96 on cacique's altar, I49, 155 Ear-ornaments of the Ku'sari, 140 See COSTUME Earth clan of Isleta, 12 Earth Mother of Laguna, 247 Easter, Shiwanna dance at, I09 East kiva, food supplied by, 120 scalp rite in, 115-116 See TURQUOISE KIVA Effigy, Effigies, in Acoma genesis, 174 in Acoma rite, 192 in fiesta, 157-158 of Keres war heroes, 99, 209-213 of Shk6yu society, 139 of Sun Youth on altar, 218-219 on cacique's ladder, 244 See ANIMAL EFFIGIES; DOLLS; FETISHES; FIGURINES; IMAGES Eggs in Acoma myth, 177 used in paint, I86 Election. See GOVERNMENT; OFFICIALS Elk, how taken by Taos, 43 personated in Buffalo dance, 137 Elk clans of Keres, 85, 124 El Paso, Otermin expedition from, o1 Tiwa settled near, Io El Turco, a Pawnee, 104 Embudo, fight at, 34 Emetic. See VOMITING Enchanted Mesa of Acoma, I68 pi., 176, 176-178 pl., I95, 203 Encinal, Laguna village, 250 Endogamy of Santo Domingo moieties, I24 See EXOGAMY; MARRIAGE Enemy represented by bag, 201 See HOSTILITY; WARFARE Epiphany. See DIA DE LOS REYES Espejo, A. de, among Pueblos, 9, II, 209 Estancia valley, hunting in, II, 77, I36 {view image of page 294} 294 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Estufas. See KIVAS Evil exorcised in rite, 117-120, 244 See BAD LUCK; SORCERY Excrement. See DUNG; SNAKES Execution for heresy, 163-165, I67 See PUNISHMENT Exogamy not recognized at Isleta, 13 practised by Keres, 86, I24, 236, 24I See ENDOGAMY; MARRIAGE Faith, healing by, 95, 97, 98, I20 Falcons in myth, 60 Fasting before ceremony, I32, 186-I87 by Buffalo dancers, 137 by caciques, 14, 84, 242-244 by dancers, origin of, 176 by Flint shamans, I30 by Hunter society, I34 by initiates, I39, 226 by Laguna war-chief, 244 by Shk6yu, 138 in Fire Kaiina rite, I9I in solstice rite, 23, IOI-102, 146-148 Father, officials so called, 75, 79, I79 Feast after Isleta dance, 26 at Kafiina ceremony, 187-188 by scalp-dancers, I30, 2I7 following deer-hunt, 76 following peyote rite, 58 for harvesters, IO5, I28 for initiates, 92, I80, 220, 228-229 for planters, 128-129 in healing rite, 95-96 in Kasfri rite, 218-220, 223 in purification rite, 230 in Taos war-dance, 39 marriage, at Laguna, 242 mortuary, of Cochiti, 83 See FIESTA Feather people of Taos, 47-49 Feathers, bad luck expelled with, 243 clouds symbolized by, 246 in hair of initiates, I79-I80 in head-bands, 229 offered to Kafsina, I86 of Sia war-dancer, 114 pl. of warrior effigies, 209, 2IX on corn-ear fetishes, 247 Feathers on Kasari altar, 2I8 on masks, Io8 pl., I85, I89 on spruce rod in Fire rite, 230 Pecos clothing decorated with, 31 sacredness of, 165 used in asperging, 233-234 worn in K6pishtaia rite, 206-208 See BLUEBIRD-FEATHERS; CROW-FEATHERS; DUCK-FEATHERS; EAGLE-DOWN; EAGLE-FEATHERS; HAWK-FEATHERS; PARROT-FEATHERS; PIGEON-FEATHERS; PRAYER-STICKS; TURKEYFEATHERS; WAHPANI; WAPANI; WREN-FEATHER Fecundity promoted in rites, 141, I53, I62, 188 See PROPAGATION; PROSTITUTION Felicia, Isleta potter, 20 pl. Fermentation of corn, 76 Fernando de Taos, rebellion at, 34-36 Fetishes, child, of Santo Domingo, I6I-I62 gods represented by, I49-I50 in healing rite, 96, 99 in mortuary rite, 82-83 in purification rite, I 9 in Santo Domingo church, i66 of cacique, 149 of Laguna shamans, 244, 247 used on altars, 135, 55, I6o, 228 See COUGAR FETISH; EFFIGY; IALIKU; IATIKU; IMAGE; IYETIKU; STONE Fialohlataina, North cacique of Taos, 45, 49 Fiesta of Dia de los Reyes, 52-53, I2I-I22 of San Estevan at Acoma, 218-226 pl., folio pl. 565 of San Juan celebrated, I58-I59 of Santiago Cavallo, 157-158 Fighting by initiate barred, 89-90 See BATTLE; HOSTILITY; REVOLT; WARFARE Figurines, corn-husk, of animals, 174 See EFFIGIES; FETISHES; IMAGES Fire ceremony of Cochiti, 87 kindled at summer solstice, 10I kindled in purification rite, 120 magic with, 130, 229-230, 245 meal offered to, 174 signal in Kafiina rite, I90 {view image of page 295} INDEX 295 Fire tabooed by adolescents, 44 See SMOKE SIGNAL Firearms in scalp-dance, I29-130 not used in antelope hunt, 1 obtained by Comanche, 37 Fire chief, wapinii deposited by, 240 See FIRE SHAMANS Fire clans of Keres, 86, 124, 236 Fire-dance of Navaho, 169 Fire-drill used in rite, I90, 228 See FIRE-MAKING Fire Kaf6ina of Acoma, 189-I9I See HAKANI KATSrNA Fire-keeper in peyote cult, 54-58 Fire-making at Taos, 42 See FIRE-DRILL Fire-rope of Keres Cougar Man, 74, 76 Fire shamans at Acoma, I73, 178, 226 of Laguna, 244-245 Fire society, initiation into, 226-230 in Kasiri initiation, 218 in K6pishtaia rite, 204 in purification rite, 230-231 origin of, 173 room of, in ceremony, 170, 205, 217, 220, 223-224, 240 Fiscales, functions of, 126, 156-157, 236-237 See GOVERNMENT; OFFICIALS Fletcher, Alice C., cited, 104 Flint in medicine, 233 knives carried by Opi, 201-202 on Laguna mask, 247 Flint chief, Acoma, deposits wapani, 240 Flint people of Taos, 48-49 Flints for overcoming sorcery, I73 in purification rite, 234-235 on dance baldric, 201 placed with dead, 159 referred to in prayer, 238 treatment with, in rite, 216 used in initiation, 228-229 used in Kaifina rite, 193, 195, I99-200 used on altars, 155, 160, 210-211, 218 See ARROW-POINTS; WEAPONS Flint shamans, duties of, 86-88, 94, 115-116, 118, 129, 131-132, 156, I62, 178, 193, 195, 203, 226, 239, 244 See SHAMANS Flint society, initiation into, 89 in various rites, 101-103, 114, 145-146, 153, I91, 204, 206, 230-231 memorial ceremony of, I59-I60 of Cochiti, 84 of Santo Domingo, 126 origin of, 173 Rattlesnake shamans of, 144-I45 recruited from Ku' sari, 103 represented at corn-grinding, 128 the Histiaiii, 173 Flint Wing, native drawing of, 214 pi. Flogging. See WHIPPING Flood destroys Santo Domingo, 122, 123, 147 See DELUGE Flowers carried in Taos dance, 52 ceremonial booth adorned with, 51 cigarette-lighters so called, 221 in Taos feminine names, 44 represented on altar, 155 used by dancers, 178, I88-I89 Flutes, cigarettes so called, 220 in scalp-dance, 129 played at corn-grinding, 127 used in fiesta, 158 Fog-makers in purification rite, 232-235 Food derived from Kaifina, 180, 203 gift of, to mourners, 44 gifts of, in ceremony, 102, 111-113, 143, 153, 158-I59, I87, I88, 90o, I96, 203, 221-224, 227, 229-231, 238 of hunters, 75 of Taos, 43, 267-269 of the Keres, 76, 128, 220, 275-278 provided for shamans, 99, III, 120, 128, 227, 230, 235 provided for warriors, 215 Tanoan terms for, 267-269 See AGRICULTURE; ANIMALS; CORN; CROPS; FEAST; HUNTING; MEAL Food-offering by masked personages, 150 in solstice rite, 102 in Taos war-dance, 39 to animal spirits, 231 to dead, 44, 82, 159-161, i66, 243 to fetishes, 99, I39 to masks, 207 to warrior effigies, 209 {view image of page 296} 296 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Food-offering to world-region spirits, 218 See OFFERING Footgear of Sia, go pl. of Taos, 41 See ANKLETS; CLOTHING; COSTUME; MOCCASINS Fort Garland on Taos trail, 38 Fort Yingate established, 258 Fossils used by Rattlesnake shamans, 145 Fox clan of Santo Domingo, 124 Fox-Coyote people of Taos, 48 Fox-fur ruff of dance personage, 107 Fox-skin, bags of, in K6pightaia rite, 206 worn in ceremony, 150, I86, 246 See COSTUME Franciscans among the Tiwa, 9 See CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE; CHURCH; MISSIONARIES; SPANISH INFLUENCE Francisco de Jesus, Fr. See CAS\US French intrusion in New Mexico, 36-38 Frogs symbolized on'objects, 201, 233 Frost, dance-periods regulated by, IO9 Fruits brought by Kafisina, 183 Fuel for ceremonies, 217, 228, 230 furnished war-chiefs, 240 Fur, Pecos clothing decorated with, 31 See FOX-FUR; RABBIT-FUR; SKUNK-FUR Galisteo arroyo, Santo Domingo on, 122-123 Gall regarded as a delicacy, 128 Game controlled by society, 87, I33, I48, I52 given by Kaifina, 183 given to cacique, 74-75 invocation for, 205 origin of ceremony for increase, 174 Shiwanna songs of, 109 See ANIMALS; FOOD; HUNTER SOCIETY; HUNTING; MEAT Gaming in Acoma genesis, 175 Genesis myth of Taos, 28-29 See ORIGIN MYTH Genitals symbolized, 104, I6I washed in medicine, 222 See PHALLUS; VULVA Gestures. See SIGN-LANGUAGE Ghost, ceremony for laying, I59, 214 meal trail for, on altar, 160 See SPIRITS Giant in myth, 60, 246 Giant shamans of the Keres, 94, I30, I38-I39, 226, 245 See SHKOYU SOCIETY; SKO'YU SOCIETY Gifts at marriage, 78, 242 by Kafsina, I83-I84, I88-I90, 196, 198 for shaman initiate, 89 in scalp ceremony, II6 made by Shiwanna, 128 of food in ceremony, 102, 111-113, 143, I53, 159, 187, I88, I90, I96, 203, 221-224, 229-23I, 238 of food to mourners, 44 of food to shamans, 99, III, 120, I28, 227, 235 of game to cacique, 74-75 of seeds in ceremony, 151 to singers in Kasfri rite, 224 See FOOD-OFFERING; MEAL-OFFERING; OFFERING Girdles. See CLOTHING Girls, corn-grinding by, 127 food-bearers in rite, 231 in Kasfri dance, 216 portraits, I6 pl., 54 pl., 58 pl., 132 pl. provide water for KaIfina, 187 receive gifts from Kafiina, 188 See CHILDREN; FECUNDITY; INITIATION; PROSTITUTION; PUBERTY CUSTOMS; TRAINING Goat-hair, head-band ornamented with, 22I Goats used in threshing, 43 Goat Spring, dance participants camp at, 25 Godparents in initiation, I79-I80, I94, 220, 228 in memorial rite, I60 of Cochiti children, 77, Io8 of Rattlesnake shamans' rite, 145 Gods represented by masked dancers, I50 See DEITIES; SPIRITS Good luck brought by Kafsina, 186-188 brought by prayer-wands, 184 ceremony for, I74, I92-I93, 204, 206 -207, 225, 235 obtained from Ku'sari, 140-142 prayers for, 126, 172, 183, 186, I89, I9I, 212, 239 purification for, 135, 235 {view image of page 297} INDEX 297 Good luck. See CROPS; HEALTH; LONGEVITY; RAIN Goose clan of Isleta, I2 Gourd, musical instrument of, I5I-I52 rattles of, 42, 55, 57-58, 109, 114, I40, I53-I54, I6o used in solstice rite, 102 Government of Acoma, 236-240 of Isleta, 12-23 of Laguna, 244 of Taos, 45-47 of the Pueblos, 31 See ORGANIZATION Gracia Real, French settle at, 38 Grand Canon visited by Pueblos, 73 Granillo, Luis, on Apache at Taos, 36 Grass clan of Acoma, 236 Grease tabooed in Fire society rite, 227 Greasewood as an emetic, 132 carried by Ku'sari initiate, 141 the fuel of hunters, 133 used by Rattlesnake shamans, 145 Green-leaf people of Taos, 48 Greeting by the Keres, 81 ceremonial, at Acoma, 181 to Antelope Person, I88-I89 Grier, W. N., reports on Taos rebellion, 36 Grinding. See CORN-GRINDING; MEAL; MEAL-GRINDING; METATES Grinding song in Ow6 dance, 121 Guevara, Diego de, with Coronado's army, 9 Guipui mentioned by Ofiate, 122 Gum. See PINON-GUM Gypsum, IK''sari hair stiffened with, 140 used as body paint, 139 used in paint-making, I99 Gyusiwa, Jemez pueblo, 72 pl., 250 pl., 251 See SAN DIEGO DE JEMEZ Haatze. See K6KANIHAASTITSA Hackett, C. W., cited, 4, o1, 69 Hahapu, Santo Domingo deity, 152 Hail. See RAIN Hail people of Taos, 48-52 Haimatatii kiva of Acoma, 178-179 of Laguna, 247 Hair, human, used in treatment, 132 not combed by mourners, 84 VOL. XVI-38 Hairdress of clowns, 103-IO4, I II, 140, 44, 220, 223 of Cochiti warriors, 115 of Fire shaman, 229 of shamans in purification rite, 232 of Taos, 41 Hair-washing in ceremony, 180, 207, 210, 219 See BATHING; PURIFICATION Hakani-ch!aiani. See FIRE SHAMANS; FIRE SOCIETY Hakani K.afina of Acoma, 189 Hakukya, Zuni name of Acoma, 170 Hallucinations caused by peyote, 53 See VISION Halona, Zufii on site of, 169 HadmYh Kafiina of Acoma, 178 Hanakwa, Jemez village, 252 HAnatkafittya, Keres ruin, 68-69 Hanatk6tyYti, Keres ruin, 68-69 Handicraft of Tanoan pueblos, 269-27I of the Keres, 278 See BASKETRY; POTTERY; WEAVING Ha'ni'nkawetya, dance personage, I07 Hano, Pueblo names for, 260-263 Harahey, the Pawnee country, I04 Harrington, J. P., cited, 3, 29, 65-66, 68, 251-252, 262-265 Harvest. See AGRICULTURE; CROPS; FOOD; PLANTING Harvest dance at Picuris, 50 pl. Harvesters of cacique's crop, 128 Harvesting at Cochiti, 0O5 Haafitya, Laguna village, 258 Havasupai, the Kokonino, 252 trade in deerskins, 73 Hawk in myth, 61 painted on dance kilt, 201 singing for, in rite, 233 Hawk-feathers of Acoma wapaiii, 181 for prayer-sticks, 184 on masks, 151, 246 on warrior effigy, 209 symbol of Kwi'ranna, 105, I43 worn in Kld'sari hair, 144 Headache medicine in peyote rite, 55, 57 Head-band. See COSTUME Head-dress of the Kd'sari, 140 See COSTUME; TABLITAS {view image of page 298} 298 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Healers of Acoma, 226 See MEDICINE-MEN; SHAMANS Healing by Flint society, 87 by shamans, 166, 204, 216, 245 ceremonies of Cochiti, 92-99 ceremony, Acoma, origin of, 174 ceremony in myth, 173 with peyote, 53-54 See MEDICINE; MEDICINE-MEN; PURIFICATION; SHAMANS; SICKNESS; SUCKING Health, ceremony to promote, 208 prayers for, I91, 239 singing for, 245 See GOOD LUCK; LONGEVITY Hehyatyuftitetyohyu, Ku'sari father, 105 Heiyi, Laguna personage, 247 See HEYA; HiIYA Hemifh Kaitina, Laguna personage, 246 Herbs used as emetic, 118, 173, 2I8 used in childbirth, 243 See MEDICINES Heresy, punishment for, xiii, 46-47, 150, I63-I67, 171-172, 203 See CONSERVATISM Heruta, Cochiti personage, IO7-18, I1O-112 in Shiwanna rites, 150, i6i Hewett, E. L., cited, 29, 251 Heya in K6pishtaia rite, 150-151 See HEIYA Hiiya in Shiwanna rite, I50-151 See HiIYA Hilulika, Santo Domingo deity, 150, I52 pl. Histiani-ch!aiiani. See FLINT SHAMANS; FLINT SOCIETY; HisTYIANI; HIUJSTEANICH!AIANI Histiaii-kowiastyi. See FLINT WING; HiSTYIANI; HIUSTEANI History of Acoma, I69 of Cochiti, 65-73 of Isleta, 3-1 I of Laguna, 240-241 of Santo Domingo, 122-123 of Taos, 27-38 of the Tiwa, 1-12 See SPANIARDS Histviahi, Laguna Flint shamans, 244 See HISTIANI Hiutsteahi-ch!aiani, Santo Domingo Flint shamans, I30-3 I See FLINT SHAMANS; HISTIANI-CH!AIANI Hiasteani-naiwaya. See CACIQUE; HISTYIANI Hiyoriafa, portrait of, 232 pl. Hlat.ta, a place, in myth, 59 Hlatova, a place, in myth, 59 Hlaftina, cloud-gods of Taos, 52, 105 See HLiNWAN; HLiNWANNA Hlau6ma, north building of Taos, 264, folio pl. 546 Hlauqima, south building of Taos, 264 Hlinwan, cloud-gods of Isleta, 105-IO6 See HLATSINA Hli"wa"de in Isleta ceremony, 24-25 Hlinwa'na, cloud-gods of Taos, IO5-Io6 Hoapichani Kaisina of Acoma, 178 Hodge, F. F., cited, 236, 242, 251-252, 258, 262-264, 275 Holguin, Juan, in Pueblo attack, 70 Homtadna, Taos war-dance, 38 Honey, swords smeared with, 230 Hoop in Taos myth, 61 Hope, portrait of, 74 pl. Hopi and Cochiti trade, 73 and Tewa names compared, 77 belts at Taos, 41 Cochiti name for, 252 garments worn in ceremony, 127, 135, 137, 145, I5I, 246, 271, 278 in Pueblo revolt, 70 Isleta name for, 253 Jemez name for, 252 kawaika ruin in country of, 258 Laguna name for, 258 ogre of the, 245 sites of villages of, 169 Snake ceremony of, 209 Sun clan of, at Laguna, 241-242 Tiwa flee to, I0 vulva symbol of, I04 See Mo6'fs Hopi Kfitina. See Mo'fs KATSINA Hop-root, fire hearth of, 42 Horn worn by god personators, 175 Horse-hair, mask beard of, 246 Horse-herders of Santo Domingo, 125 Horses acquired by Isleta, II {view image of page 299} INDEX 299 Horses of Santo Domingo killed, 138 received by Cochiti in trade, 73-74 regarded as preternatural, 170 used in threshing, 42 pi., 43 See SANTIAGO CAVALLO Hostility of Taos in I598, 33 simulated in scalp-dance, I29 Tewa and Keres, 65, 68-69 See APACHE; COMANCHE; NAVAHO; UTE; WARFARE House of Santo Domingo cacique, I48-I49 House people of Taos, 48-49 Houses of Acoma, folio pls. 565, 566 of Jemez, 8 pl., 34 pl., folio pl. 55I of Laguna, frontispiece, 232-240 pl. of Paguate, 244 pl., 248 pi., folio pls. 574, 576, 578, 579 of Picuris, 32 pl. of Santa Ana, 66 pl. of Sia, folio pl. 562 of Taos, 28 pl., 29, 32-33, 35, folio pl. 546 Huashpatzena mentioned by Bandelier, 123 Hull, Dorothy, cited, 30-32 Human sacrifice at Taos, 50 Hunt, Edward, informant, 172 Hunters, ceremony for, 208 shrines visited by, 122 Hunter society of Santo Domingo, 130, I33 -I37, I48, i66 See SHAIAiKA; SHAIYAKA; SHAYAKA Hunting by Cochiti, 74-77 by Isleta, I I by Taos, 43 customs of Acoma, I74-I75 directed by war-chiefs, 85 implements of Taos, 41-42 in Acoma genesis, 174 in behalf of caciques, 128, 244 in myth, 59 See GAME; RABBIT-HUNT Hyuzstaka, dance personage, 154 Hyuito'ma in Shiwanna rites, I50 mask of, I52 pi. Idila, portrait, 52 pl., folio pl. 545 Ilalhfaimunvahutuilva, Taos vicinity, 264 laliku defined, 96 n memorial rite, i60 Ialiku of cacique, I49 See CORN-EAR FETISHES; IATIKU ataiina", Taos self-name, 28, 264 latiku defined, 173 in Acoma myth, 172-174 in purification rite, 235 of Kasiri altar, 218-2I9 See CORN-EAR FETISHES; fALIKU Images, animal, not used by Sdfii, 148 in healing rite, 96 in pueblo churches, 216 K6pis'htaia, on altar, 155 stone, of Cochiti, 88 used on altar, 132 See EFFIGIES; FETISHES; FIGURINES Implements, domestic, used in childbirth, 162 hunting, of Cochiti, 74, 76 of Taos, 41-42 of warriors, 129 See HANDICRAFT; HUNTING; WARFARE Incantation not used in healing, 94 Industries. See AGRICULTURE; BASKETRY; HANDICRAFT; POTTERY; WEAVING Inhalation. See BREATHING Inheritance of drums, I68 of land, 16 of masks, 176, I84 See DESCENT Initiates, Kft'sari, performance of, 140-141 Initiation by trespass, I80, 226-227, 231 by whipping, 86, 107-Io8, I39, I52, 175, 178-I80, 246 into peyote cult, 54 into societies, 86, 89-92, 107, I31, 138 -I39, I43-I45, I50, I52, 178-180, 217-223, 226-231, 245 See DEDICATION; TRAINING Invocation. See OFFERING; PRAYER; SUPPLICATION Ipani in Keres migration, 68 Irrigation by Pueblos, xiii, 15, 31, 126 Isleta, account of, 3-27 drum, o1 pl. kiva at, 22 pl. names for Indian tribes, 253, 261 population, 259 portraits, folio pls. 549, 550 pottery, 4 pi., 14 pl., i6 pi., I8 pi., 20 pi. {view image of page 300} 300 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Isleta, Pueblo names for, 252, 260-261, 264 relationship terms, 253-254 vocabulary, 266-274 See TIWA Isleta del Sur, Tiwa settlement, IO Istoamuty. See ARROW BOY Iustipeyu, a deity, 15I, I57 Ivy clan of Bandelier, 236 Iwakaia, Kwi'ranna personages, I05 IyEtiku, Laguna corn-ear fetishes, 247 See CORN-EAR FETISHES; IALIKU; IATIKU Jar represented on prayer-sticks, 226 scalps deposited in, 244 See MEDICINE-JAR; POTTERY; STORAGEJAR; WATER-JAR Jemez and Navaho hostility, IO-II and Sia proximity, 65 antelope hunting by, II belts at Taos, 41 conservatism of, I2, 28 houses of, 8 pl., 34 pl. in Pueblo revolt, 70-71 Laguna clan from, 242 murder of missionary at, 34 names for Indian tribes, 252, 261 population, 259 portraits, 24 pl., 26 pl., 74 pl., folio pls. 552, 553 Pueblo names for, 260-261, 264 self-name of, 252, 261 shamans treat at Santo Domingo, 132 villages of the, 251-252 vocabulary, 266-274 Jemez Kaflina. See HAMISH KATSINA; HEMISH KATSINA Jicarilla river, the Animas, 37-38 Jicarillas, Cochiti name for, 252 habitat of, 36-38 influence of, at Taos, 44 Jemez name for, 252 Juniper used in childbirth, 161-162, 243 Juniper-bark in fire signal, 190 Kachina, Hopi cloud-gods, 105 See KATSINA Kaiahpdra in Shiwanna rites, 150 Kaiskurawa, Shiwanna personage, 153 Kaift!a' m, a Kwi'ranna father, IO5 Kaif!t-paiatyama. See MAPLE YOUTH Kaiyach in Shiwanna dance, 154 Kaiyamuhatyi, Laguna fraternity, 246-247 kaiyustikaa, Cochiti personage, 107-1o8 Kakwipzme, Acoma personage, 194 kanasklri, a deity, 143, 150-151, 157 Kanatfani, father of Shiwanna, 107 Kapina-ch!aiani, Acoma warrior society, 178, 192-193, 195, 203, 208-214 Kasari, chief of, custodian of scalps, 244 dance of Acoma, 214-224 divination by, 248 of Acoma, how selected, 18I of Laguna, 244-245 origin of, 214 symbolized on medicine-bowl, 233 See KOSARI Kascikatautya, Acoma legendary village, 65, 172, I75-176, I91, 203 IaRafhtyefte, Santo Domingo deity, I5I Katapina, Laguna personage, 247 Kaftima. See ENCHANTED MESA Kaf'ina dance in K6pightaia rite, 207-208 derivation of, 105 food provided for, 238 Hlinwan compared with, 26, I05 in Shiwanna rites, 150 of Acoma, 172-235 prayers to, 239 See CLOUD-GODS; KOPISHTAIA; SHiWANNA Katfina-ch!aiani, religious order, 176, 179 Kaitina Kanaistyiaih, Acoma deity, 179 Kawachkaiya. See LONG TONGUE Kawaika, name of Laguna, 258 Keres, account of the, 65-248 Castaio de Soso among, 9, 33 Hopi Snake rite influenced by, 209 Isleta name for, 253 note on the name, 262 population of, 259 Pueblo names for, 252, 260-262 pueblos sacked by Spaniards, 1o vocabularies of, 274-281 See ACOMA; COCHITI; LAGUNA; SAN FELIPE; SANTA ANA; SANTO DOMINGO; SIA {view image of page 301} INDEX 301 Kiashita, Jemez village, 252 Kiatsukwa, Jemez village, 252 Kicking-race term in name of Isleta, 3, 264 Kilt. See COSTUME; DANCE-KILT Kings' day. See DiA DE LOS REYES Kiowa and Tanoan affinity, 3 and Taos affiliation, 29 Kiva, Kivas, at Isleta, 13, 22 pI., 23-26 at Old Cochiti, 68 pI., 69, 70 p1. at Pecos in 1590, 30-32 at Picuris, 32 pl. at Taos, 28 pI., 30, 45, 47-52 in Acoma genesis, 175 in K6pi~htaia rite, 203-204 masks kept in, 176 of Acoma, 177-235 of Cochiti, 86, 104 of Laguna, 247 of Santo Domingo, 124 prayer-sticks of leaders of, 226 represented in ceremonies, 247 used in Hunter rite, 134 See CEREMONIES; EAST KIVA; M6HARO; RELIGION; SOCIETIES; SQUASH KIVA; TURQUOISE KIVA; WfNIMA; WEST KIVA Knives, flint, in ceremony, I19, I50, 201-202 See FLINTS Ko6fhAihof6 Kafiina of Acoma, 178 Kochafii, functions of, I24 K6chinako, corn-grinding by, I49 dolls patterned after, 161 food served by, 153 in Cochiti song, 121 in Shiwanna rites, I5I-152 K6chtnniniko, Laguna Yellow Maid. 246 K6chtns'ye, Cochiti personage, I07-Io8 Koiyipiuttyftyitya, gate of Wieiiimafai, 186 K —kakaza, Laguna personage, 247 K6komZ, a Shiwanna dance, 1og Kokonino, the Havasupai, 252 K6kofhiri, a clown, 151, 152 pl. See CLOWNS K6maiawafha, god of Santo Domingo, ISo K~maiyawafhi, Acoma deity, 175, 180-187, 192-202, 212-213, 228, 247 See KfiMAIYO'S'H Komafiira, Acoma meeting-place, 23 7pcita in Acoma genesis, 189 in Fire Kiffina rite, Igo K6pifhtaia ceremony of Acoma, 203-208 cloud-gods so called, 77, 1o5-1o6, 132, 149-150 figurines on altar, 132, 149, 155 food provided for, 238 in Acoma genesis, 176 native Conception of, 204 p1. painted on walls, 228 prayers tO, 239 shrine of, 225 See SHiWANNA Koraina, Laguna fraternity, 244 See KWi'RANNA K'sa-hyar~ and Ki'sari compared, I03 Kos~riz. See KASARI; KfY'SARI Ko-sha-re. See KASRI; KO6'SARI K~fhkasii i, kiva of Acoma, 178-179 Kotyichd inisu'm~, Acoma personage, 194 R tyltlkztapahlasti'6a, Keres pueblo, 68 Kowwipkupiu, Laguna personage, 246 Kolwatyaii'fa, Acoma personage, 247 fCyahwy, women's pseudo-society, 88 K6yzm4fhi and Keres clowns compared, 150, i8i, 246 Ku'ahld6Ii, Taos myth of, 59 Kuapa, Keres pueblo, 68 Kdk a iiihniastif1a, Keres pueblo, 68 KUimaiy6sh%, Laguna clowns, 246 See KOMAIAWASHA Ktjnh~liina, Taos ceremony, 52 Kad' sari and Chifunanan compared, 52 cult of Cochiti, 85, I03-IO5 customs of, 167 Flint society recruited from, io1 in Hunter rite, 134 in initiation rites, io8 in Shiwanna dance, 111-112, 150-151, 153, I55-I57, i6i in solstice rite, 103 kiva meetings of, 87 of Santo Domingo, 130-131, 139-143 shamans recruited from, 86-87, 103 See CLOWNS; KASARI Kdfl-hano, Acoma cacique, i8o, 182, 204 -205, 222 See ANTELOPE PERSON; CACIQUE {view image of page 302} 302 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Kwiraina-ch!aiani of Acoma, I80 Kwi'ranna cult of Cochiti, 85, 103-I05 in Fiesta of Santiago Cavallo, 157 in initiation rite, I08-109 in rabbit hunt, 74 in Shiwanna rite, III, 151, I53, I57 in solstice rites, 103, I46 kiva meetings of, 87 of Santo Domingo, 126, 130-13I, 143-144 shamans recruited from, 87, 103 See CLOWNS; KORAiNA.Kw2taiyaku, sacred personage, 143, I51 Kya~hiTa. See KIASHITA Kyafiukwa. See KIATSUKWA Kyello, portrait, folio pl. 558.Kyipwi, the former Santo Domingo, 122.Kyiwa, Santo Domingo so called, 123 Kyiwa-pasku, Santo Domingo fiesta, 143 Labor, division of, 15, 125 See COMMUNITY WORK Ladders made for caciques, 244 of Cochiti kivas, I04 of Moharo kiva, I82 See HOUSES Laguna, account of, 240-248 affiliations, 65 and Navaho hostility, 11 establishment of, 67, 169 houses of, frontispiece, 232-240 pls. names for Indian tribes, 258, 260 names of the moons, 253 population, 259 pottery of, 228 pi., 242 pl. Pueblo names for, 252, 260-262 relationship terms of, 256-257 villages of, 258 vocabulary of, 274-281 warrior images of, 209 watchtower at, folio pl. 577 See KERES; PAGUATE Lakes, home of spirits, 52, Io6 prayers to, 102 See ZUNI SALT LAKE Lamp in purification rite, 235 used in kiva, 188 Lances used in buffalo hunt, II, 43 See WEAPONS Land, fines paid in, 47 of Laguna, 240-241 tenure at Isleta, 15 Language groups of Keres, 65 of Taos, 27 See NAMES; VOCABULARIES La Puebla, site of Tewa village, 263 Lara, Miguel de, in revolt of 1696, 72 Las Animas river, Comanche on, 37 Taos trail on, 38 La Urraca, Castafio de Sosa at, 30, 33 Leaf people. See GREEN-LEAF PEOPLE Leggings. See CLOTHING; COSTUME Lente, Juan P., governor of Isleta, 21 Levirate, absence of, 44, 243 Lightning drawn with manganite, 133-134 on Hilulika's knife, I50 painted on dancers, 25, 129 represented on masks, 107, 205 symbolized, 107, 150, 155, 235 Lightning-sticks on altar, 155 Lightning-stroke and Giant Shamans, I30, I38 treated by shamans, 216, 226 Liko's, dance personage, 154 Lime-water in bread-making, 269, 277 Lizard in childbirth medicine, 243 Lizard clan of Isleta, 12 of Laguna, 241 Locust clan. See CICADA CLAN Loin-cloth. See CLOTHING; COSTUME Lonergan, Supt., Isleta comment on, 21 Longevity, prayers for, 89, I93, 205, 207, 212, 239 Long-tail Magpie Boy in myth, 60-6I Long Tongue, Acoma personage, 194, 199 songs from, in scalp-dance, 2I4 Loom-battens of the Navaho, 176 Lopez, Diego, with Coronado's army, 6 Los Angeles visited by Cochiti, 74 Los Lunas, Tiwa ruin at, 4 Louis Marie. See LUIS MARIA Lucero, portrait of, folio pl. 557 Lucero, Domingo, governor of Isleta, 20 Lucero, Frank, treasurer of Isleta, 22 Luis Maria, a Frenchman, 37 Ldkachani, a rain-god, I47, 151 Lummis, Charles F., cited, 12 Luna family, Los Lunas named for, 4 {view image of page 303} INDEX 303 Maafhtyfguai, songs from, in scalp-dance, 214 Madrid, Roque, despatched to Picuris, 36 in Pueblo attack, 70 Magic confessedly pretense, 172, 206, 229 in healing, 98 in myth, 61, 173 in Shiwanna rite, II2-113 with fire, 130, 169, 229-230, 245 See MIRACLE; SWORD-SWALLOWING Magpie. See LONG-TAIL MAGPIE BOY Magpie people of Taos, 48 Maho, dance personage, 154 Maina-ch!aiani of Acoma, 178, I80 Makachani, a rain-god, I47, I51, I52 pl. Maldonado, Rodrigo, with Coronado's army, 8 Mal'nche in Matachin dance, 114-115 Mallet brothers enter New Mexico, 37-38 Manganite, a sacred paint, 107, 115, I33, I51, 154, 199, 224, 226, 229, 232 Mat'hwaluva, the Taos country, 264 Mantas. See CLOTHING; COSTUME Manzano basin, Tiwa ruins near, 4 Maple, prayer-sticks of, 184, 194, 225-226 Maple Youth, function of, 88-89 Marcos de Niza, Acoma mentioned by, 170 Marriage and party affiliation at Isleta, 14 at Laguna, 242 clans introduced through, 242 customs of Cochiti, 78 customs of Santo Domingo, 124 customs of Taos, 44, 48 See ENDOGAMY; EXOGAMY Martinez, Juan Rey, executed for heresy, 163 Masfewi, Acoma war-god and chief, 172, 177, I8I-I83, 194, 214 in Fire society rite, 228 in Kasari rite, 215, 220 in Kafsina rite, 200 in purification rite, 230 represented by war-chief, 236 See WAR-CHIEF; WAR-GOD Masewa, Cochiti war-god and chief, 84, 90, 92 in healing rite, 96 in scalp ceremony, 116 invoked in purification rite, I19 Masewi, Santo Domingo war-god and chief, 124, 126 in Ku'sari rite, 142 Masewi, in scalp-dance, 129 in Shiwanna dance, 153-I56 See WAR-CHIEF; WAR-GOD Mashchiwai, Laguna personage, 246 Maskari, a deity, 153, 157 Masks, Acoma, custodian of, 179 Acoma, customs regarding, I80-I8I Acoma, origin of, 176 beliefs regarding, I64 Cochiti, custodian of, 102-IO3 given initiates, 152 in Kaifina rites, 184-186, 189-192, I94-195, I99 in K6pishtaia rite, 204, 204 pi., 205, 207 not used in Isleta dances, 25 of dance personages, 86, IO6-Io7 of Hunter society, 134 of K6maiyawaahi, 181 of Kwi'ranna, I05 of Laguna personators, 246-247 of Pokeyu, 146 of Santo Domingo, 150-153, 152 pi. of Shiwanna, 88, Io6, IO8 pi., 147 -148, 153-154 of Shk6yu society, 139 See CEREMONIES; DANCE; DEITIES; GODS; RELIGION; SHIWANNA Mastiiktsatfatyi, Acoma Kafsina, 175 Matachin dance of Mexicans, 114 Meal added to medicines, 219 as shaman's fee, 93-95, 99 associated with altars, 96, 132, 144-145, I49, 155, i6o, 179, 2I8, 232, 245 eaten during war rites, 39 fetishes fed with, 96 game paid for with, 134 how carried, 232, 238 infants ceremonially fed with, 162 in symbolism, i6o, 231 sprinkled on rubbish, 98 the diet of adolescents, 44 traded by Cochiti, 73 used in healing, 92-95 used in Ow6 ceremony, 120 See CORN; CORN-GRINDING; GRINDING Meal-bag carried by war-chief, 154, 238 of shamans, 118, I82 used in purification, 232 {view image of page 304} 304 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Meal-bowl on altar, I44, 149, 155 Meal-grinding by bride's relatives, 242 for cacique, 127, 152 in healing rite. 95 See CORN-GRINDING Mealing stones. See METATES Meal-offering by initiate, 89 by people of Acoma, 240 for dead, 82 in purification rite, II8 in warrior ceremony, 239 to animal spirits, 132 to drums, 168 to fire by hunters, 174 to Kfu'sari, 140 to masked personages, 148, to masks, 148, 207-208 to prayer-sticks, 226, 238 to scalpers, 155 to shrines, 122, I8I, 225 to snakes, 27, 145 to sun, 25, I33, 156, 174 to world-quarters, 23, 25 186, I99 when entering church, 166 See FOOD-OFFERING; OFFERING Meal trail made in ceremony, 25, 96-98, 135, 145, 149, 155-I56, I60, I82, 2IO, 216, 239, 245 Measles, how treated, 132 Meat, when tabooed, 204, 227 See ANIMAL FOOD; GAME; HUNTING Medicine attached to dance costume, 129 distributed in Kfifina rite, 195, I97 in scalp-dance, 214 offered to world-regions, 91. 93, 233 of shaman, 93 of snake-excrement, 213, 227 packets of, on altar, 155 scalp, of Santo Domingo, 128-129 songs for making, 219 taken in Laguna rites, 245 used in Kasfri rite, 222-223 See HEALING; HERBS; MEDICINEWATER; ROOT Medicine-bags in myth, 60 Medicine-bowl in Acoma genesis, 174 in ceremony, 119, 144, 147, 149, I6o, 192 -193,2IO-213, 2I8, 228, 232-233, 245 Medicine-jar on altar, 155 Medicine-men of Isleta, 23 of Taos, 52 See FLINT SOCIETY; HEALERS; HEALING; SHAMANS; SICKNESS; SOCIETIES Medicine societies absent at Taos, 52 See SHAMANS; SOCIETIES Medicine-water used in rites, 102, 126, I35, 149, 232-234 Melgosa, Pablo de, with Coronado's army, 6 Melons introduced by Spaniards, 43 Membership. See INITIATION; SOCIETIES Memorial rite of Santo Domingo, 159-160 See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Menchero, Juan M., missionary, 241 Menstrual blood. See BLOOD M&rinako and K6yahwe compared, 88 in Cochiti song, 121 of Santo Domingo, 127-128 Mesa del Pajarito, situation, 66 Mescaleros attack Cochiti hunters, 77 Cochiti name for, 252 Mesita Negra, Laguna village, 258 place of divination near, 247 Metates, umbilicus buried beneath, 243 used at Taos, 42 used in paint-grinding, 185 See CORN-GRINDING; MEAL; MEALGRINDING Mexican and Pueblo relations, II, 15, 21, 79, 85, IOI, I09-IIO, II6, I19, 121, 125, 164, 195, 24I, 248 Matachin dance, 114 Mexico City visited by Cochiti, 74 Migration and clan diffusion, 242 legend of Taos, 29 of Acoma people, 172-177 of Taos to El Quartelejo, 36 of the Keres, 65-69 recited in Laguna songs, 245 Minakoya. See SALT WOMAN Miracle by Spanish priest, 73 of San Diego, 72, 251 See MAGIC Missionaries among the Jemez, 72, 251 at Acoma, 170-171, folio pl. 567 descr. at Cochiti, 73 murdered by Pueblos, 33-34 {view image of page 305} INDEX 305 Missionaries. See CHURCH; CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE; FRANCISCANS; REVOLT; SPANISH INFLUENCE Moccasins buried for dead, I60 Cochiti, folio pl. 556 made of paintings, 73 See CLOTHING; COSTUME; FOOTGEAR Mockingbird Boy, Acoma personage, I77, 219 represented by war-chief, 236 See SPATYIMUTY Moharo, Acoma ceremonial chamber, 178 -179, 181-182, I88-I89, 19I-198, 200, 203-204, 210-211, 213, 218, 220-224, 237, 239-240 Moieties, ceremonial, absent from Acoma, 236 of Isleta, 14 See ORGANIZATION; SHIFUNiN; SHUREN; SQUASH MOIETY; TURQUOISE MOIETY Moki, name for Hopi, 253 Mole clan of Isleta, 12 Mole spirit invoked, 89-9I, II9-I20 Montezuma in Matachin dance, 115 Moon described in dance, 221 invocations to, 39, I02, I93, 239 names of Laguna, 253 names of Taos, 252 singing for, in rite, 233 symbol worn by Kf'sari, I39-I40 Moon clan of Isleta, 12 of Santo Domingo, 124 Mooney, James, cited, 57, 58 Morning star in myth, 61 song of peyote rite, 57 Mortuary customs of Cochiti, 82-83 of Laguna, 243 of Santo Domingo, 159-6I, I66 of Taos, 44 Mosaic ornaments of Cochiti, 82 Mother, application of term, 75, 84, 90, 92, 96, 115, II8-I20 Mother-in-law, taboo of, unknown, 44 Mo'sf, Laguna fraternity, 246-247 Mo'fi Kafiina of Acoma, 178 Mountain-lion. See COUGAR Mountains represented in ceremony, 211 symbolized on cap, 201 Mountain-sheep dancers in ceremony, 137 heads of Hunter society, I35 VOL. XVI-39 Mountain-sheep horn, arrow straighteners of, 42 Mount Taylor, cave shrine on, 248 Mourning. See MEMORIAL RITE; MORTUARY CUSTOMS; WAILING; WEEPING Mukatf. See COUGAR MAN Mukas"ak6wenishhaastifta, Keres pueblo, 68 Museum of the American Indian, shields in, 40 Musical instruments. See DRUM; FLUTES; GOURD; RATTLES; WHISTLE Mustard clans of Keres, 85-86, I24, 236 Myers, Wy. E., acknowledgments to, xiv Mythology of Taos, 59-61 See GENESIS MYTH; ORIGIN MYTH Nadir. See CARDINAL POINTS; UNDERWORLD; WORLD-REGIONS Nahlinwanfiaaru, Dance of the Pines, 24 Nambe, population, 259 Pueblo names for, 260-261, 263 Names, ceremonial, of caciques, 75 feminine, of Taos, 44 for Indian tribes, 252-253, 258, 260-265 Laguna, of the moons, 253 of dead tabooed, 84, 243 personal, of drums, I68 Pueblo, of the pueblos, 262-265 secretly guarded, 246, folio pl. 550 descr. Taos, of the moons, 252 See SAINT NAMES Naming of children, 13, 23, 43-44, 77, I62 of women in Acoma genesis, 172 Natural phenomena, Keres terms for, 279 Tanoan terms for, 271 Navaho and Jemez relations, 72, folio pl. 55I descr. and Pueblo enmity, Io-II, 38, 65, 67, II3, 116-117, 214-215, 240-241, 251, 258, folio pl. 577 descr. fire-dance of, 169 Isleta name for, 253 Jemez name for, 252 killed by war-gods, 214 Laguna name for, 258 loom-battens of the, 176 settle at Cebolleta, 241 Tewa name for, 264 Navel cord, customs as to, 162, 243 {view image of page 306} 306 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Nawayaf3ityi. See NOTSITYI NawYh, Na'wish, a deity, 151, 246 Nayafityi. See NOTSITYI Necklaces, Acoma, folio pl. 572 Cochiti, 82, 82 pi., 96, 109 Isleta, 4 pl., 14 pi., I6 pi., 20 pi., folio pl. 550 Jemez, folio pl. 552 Laguna, 232 pl., 248 pl., folio pl. 578 of Santo Domingo Ku'sari, 140, 144 Sia, 94 pi., 98 pl., folio pls. 559-563 NRneka, Keres personage, 107-108, I50, 194 New Year's day, Taos dance on, 52 New York, Laguna village so called, 258 Niuyaka, Creek village so called, 258 Nonyishagi, Jemez village, 252 North cacique of Taos, 45, 49 No6tityi in Acoma genesis, 172 Laguna Earth Mother, 247 Numerals, Keres, 279-280 Tanoan, 272 Oak, objects made of, 42, 74, 194 Oak clans of Keres, 85, 124, 236, 241, 244 Obscenities of clowns, 103-IO4, III, 143 Obsidian in medicine, 233 Occultism, death by, Ioo Offering at Cochiti shrines, 122 to masks, 207-208 to sun, 174 to world-regions, 89, 91, 93, 233-234 See FOOD-OFFERING; GIFTS; MEALOFFERING; PRAYER-STICKS; SACRIFICE; SMOKE-OFFERING Offcials of the Pueblos, 11-12, 16-23, 45, II8-II9, 124-125, 236-237, 244 See GOVERNMENT; ORGANIZATION Ogre. See SHK6YU; SKOYU Oil, rattlesnake killed for, 145 Ojeda, Bartolome de, Sia war-chief, 70 Oklahoma, buffalo-hunting in, 136 Old Cochiti, ruins of, 68 pi., 70 pl. Old-man Bear, myth of, 59 Ompe, Cochiti warrior society, I13 Onate, Juan de, among the Pueblos, 9, 28, 33, 69, I22, 262, 264 Opt, Santo Domingo scalp society, I28-I30, I55 Ope, Santo Domingo deity, 151 Opi, Acoma warrior society, I9I-203, 214-224 Oraibi, Laguna clans from, 242 Ordeal of Acoma Corn women, I90 of drummer, 169 of Kaifina personators, 191, 203 of peyote participants, 55 See TORTURE; WHIPPING Organization of Cochiti, 84-89 of Isleta, 12-13 of Laguna, 241-242 of Santo Domingo, 124-126 of Taos, 45-47 See CLANS; GOVERNMENT; OFFICIALS Orientation of altars, 218 of dead, 44, 243 See CARDINAL POINTS; CEREMONIAL SEQUENCE; WORLD-REGIONS Origin myth of Acoma, I72-177, 189 of Taos, 48-49 See GENESIS MYTH Ornaments of the Ku' sari, 140, 144 See BEADS; COSTUME; EAR-ORNAMENTS; HEAD-DRESS; NECKLACES; PAINTING; SHELL ORNAMENTS Osage orange, Taos bows of, 42 Osafsa in Shiwanna rites, 151 Osafsa-paiyatyama. See SUN YOUTH Osht-yal-a, named as Jemez village, 252 Osiers carried in initiation rite, IO8 Ostracism of tribesmen, 166 See HERESY; PUNISHMENT Ostyalakwa, named as Jemez village, 252 Otermin, A. de, and Pueblo revolt, 1o, 69 Owe, a Cochiti dance, 120-121 Oxhides used in KaiSina rite, 200 Oyoyewa, Oyoyewi, war-god and chief, 84, 90, 116, 124, 126, I29, 142, I53-56 See UYUYEWI Packrat, Taos belief regarding, 267 Paguate, houses of, 244 pl., 248 pl., folio pls. 574-576, 578, 579 Laguna village, 240-241, 258 watchtower at, 244 pl., folio pl. 579 See LAGUNA Paguati, Antonio, land grant to, 240 Paint, how made, 107, 185, 199 {view image of page 307} INDEX 307 Paint, Laguna belief regarding, 243 thrown in ceremony, 154 See GYPSUM; MANGANITE Painting by clowns, 52, I03-104, 39-I40, 43 -144, 181, I92-I93, 223 by dancers, 25, I31, 15I, 154, 176, i8I, 247 by warriors, 39, 1I5, I29, 151, 154, 216 face, blood used for, 76 in purification rite, 232 of Acoma Kafiina, 178 of animals on walls, 227-228 of Antelopes in Kafiina rite, I99 of Cochiti Shiwanna, Io9 of dolls by shamans, I6I of Fire-rite participants, 229 of Kasari, 219-220, 223-224 of Kiafina, I85-I86, 199 of K6pishtaia participants, 204 of Laguna corpses, 243 of masks, 88, I3I, I34, I85, 246 of Opi in Kaiftina rite, 200 of Taos shields, 40 See COLORS; DRY-PAINTING; POTTERY; WALL-PAINTING Paintings in pueblo churches, 73, 216 native, I52 pi., 154 pl., 204 pi., 214 pi. Paiyatyama, Acoma personage, 219 Paiyatyumu', Laguna personage, 246 See SUN YOUTH Pajarito. See MESA DEL PAJARITO Pakana-ch!aiani, a clown degree, I30-13 Palisades, Tiwa village protected by, 6 Panfilo, Captain, a Comanche, 37 Paraje, Laguna village, 258 Parrot symbol on kiva ladder, 182, 244 Parrot clan of Acoma, 225, 236 of Isleta, 12 of Laguna, 241 Parrot-egg in Acoma myth, 177 Parrot-feathers on corn-ear fetish, 96, I5o on Ku'sari head-dress, 140 on masks, I07, 246, 247 worn by Kafsina, 178 Parrot people of Taos, 48-49 Parsons, Elsie Clews, cited, 12, 14, 241, 256 Pataina, head of Taos Water society, 45, 49 Patoaua Jemez village, 2 Pavia, portrait, 56 pl. Paviotso, feminine names among, 44 Pawnee, Pueblo intercourse with, 103-104 Peace, Acoma method of making, 170 signified by cross, 6 Pebulikwa, Jemez village, 251 Pecos in 1590, 30-31 intercourse with Plains tribes, I04 Pueblo names for, 252, 260-261, 264 raided by Comanche, 37 ruins of, 30 pl. visited by Alvarado, 30 warriors, allies of Vargas, 34 Pecos river, Castaiio de Sosa on, 30 Spanish name for, ii Pekwiligii, Jemez village, 251 Pelado, shrines on, 122 Pena, Santiago, executed for heresy, I65 Pendants. See MOSAIC; ORNAMENTS Penitentes, torture inflicted by, 50 PeqileTa, Jemez name for Picuris, 25I, 261, 264 Perakana, Santo Domingo cave, 154 Peralta canon, Keres ruin in, 68 Perea, Estevan de, missionary custos, 170 Personal terms, Keres, 280-281 Tanoan, 272-273 See RELATIONSHIP TERMS Peyote cult at Taos, 46-47, 53-59 Phallus, symbol of, on wafers for dead, I6i worn in dance, 154 See GENITALS Philadelphia, a Laguna village, 258 Phillips, WF. F/., acknowledgment to, xiv Picuris and Keres enmity, 69 flight of, to El Quartelejo, 36 harvest dance at, 50 pl. house and kiva at, 32 pl. linguistic relations of, 27 Plains influence on, 36 population of, 259 Pueblo names for, 252, 260-261, 264 visited by Castano de Sosa, 32 Pigeon-feathers worn by Su'ti, 148 Pima origin and migration myth, 245 Pine, flutes made of, 127 magic, in myth, 6i prayer-sticks of, 184 {view image of page 308} 308 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Pine, torches of, in myth, 6I See DANCE OF THE PINES Pine-leaves, emetic of, I22 Pinon clan of Acoma, 236 Pinon-eater clan of Bandelier, 236 Pinon-gum used with paint, 185 Pinon Mountain Dweller, Acoma personage, I94, I99 songs from, 2I4 Piro, villages of, burned by Spaniards, IO Pizhkutyi, portrait of, 132 pl. Pitfalls, buffalo caught in, 12 See HUNTING Piwdna, mythic rabbit, 59 Placenta. See CHILDBIRTH Plains Indians, Cochiti costume from, 107 influence on Tiwa, 36, 39-41, 44 peyote cult of, 53, 57 Pueblo intercourse with, 104 See APACHE; CHEYENNE; COMANCHE; KIOWA; PAWNEE Planting for caciques, I26-128, 244 See CORN-PLANTING Plastering of Paguate house, folio pl. 576 Plows of Taos, 42-43 Plums in Taos valley, 43 Plumwood, Taos arrows of, 41 Pofe, possible Tewa name of Pope, 33 Pojoaque, population of, 259 Pueblo names for, 260-261, 263 Pokeyu society of the Keres, 87, 126, I30-I31, 146, 148, I53 Political organization. See GOVERNMENT; OFFICIALS; ORGANIZATION Pollen offered to scalpers, II5 offered to sun, 174 See CORN-POLLEN Pope, instigates rebellion of I680, 33 Population, early, of Pecos, 32, 37 of Gyusiwa, 251 of Picuris in I680, 32 of Rito de los Frijoles, 67 of Santo Domingo, I24 of Sia, folio pl. 562 descr. of the Pueblos, 259 Tiwa, in 1629, 4 See CENSUS Porcupine spirit in myth, 173 PoA6haiani-ch!azani of Cochiti, 88 Potrero de las Vacas, Keres on, 68 prayer-sticks deposited at, IOI Potrero San Miguel, Keres settle on, 68 Potrero Viejo, fight with Navaho on, 117 Keres on, 68-69 Pueblos on, attacked, 70-7I Pottery at Pecos, 31 given by Kafiina, 183-I84, 188 of Acoma, 202 pi., 212 pl., 228 pl., folio pls. 568-571, 573 of Cochiti, folio pls. 554-555 of Isleta, 4 pl., 14-20 pl. of Laguna, 228 pl., 242 pl. of Sia, 80, 80 pi., 90 pl., 94 pl., 98 pl., folio pls. 554, 559, 561, 562 of Taos, 40 pl., 42 vessels deposited with dead, 243 See HANDICRAFT; VESSELS; WATER-JAR Power, how acquired, 213, 234 of spirits inhaled, 234 See BREATHING; ANIMAL SPIRITS Prairie-dog in myth, 61 Prayers by Acoma people, 238, 240 by caciques, 14, 84, IOI, 243-244 by Flint shamans, 130 by IKaifina at shrines, 187 for children, 23 for game, 74, 133-134 for good luck, 126, 183, 212-213, 239 for rain, 51-52, 60, IOI-I02, 146, 148, 172, 181, 183, i86, 205, 239 for the dead, 161 in Fiesta of Santiago Cavallo, 158 in Fire society initiation, 227 in genesis myth, 173 in healing rite, 95 in Kapina-ch!ainii rite, 212 in Kasfri dance, 216-217 in K6piThtaia rite, 205 in peyote rite, 53-54, 56, 58 in purification rite, II8 in solstice rite, 23, IOI-I02, 146, 148 to drums, I68 to Kafiina, I83, I86, 199-200, 225 to K6maiyawashi, i8i to masks, 207 to prayer-stick wood, 238 {view image of page 309} INDEX 309 Prayers to spirits, 44, 51-52, 89, 9I, 126, I37, 218-219 to sun, 102-103, I80-I81, 193, 205, 239 to world-regions, 24, 25, 218-219, 222, 227, 232 See CEREMONIES; FOOD-OFFERING; MEALOFFERING; OFFERING; OWF; SUPPLICATION Prayer-stick broken, use of term, 238 Prayer-sticks deposited at shrines, IOI, 122, 239-240 deposited at springs, 24-25, 1OI, 239 -240 deposited in cave, 248 deposited with dead, 243 for Arrow Boy, 225 for Fire society initiate, 227 for increase, 158 for Kaifina, 184, 189-190, I94, 202-203 for Salt Woman, 225 for the sun, 174 in genesis myth, 173, 175 in Kapina-ch!aiani rite, 2IO-211 in Kasfri rite, 222 in K6pightaia rite, 204-205, 208 in purification rite, 118 in Santo Domingo rites, 124-125 in solstice rites, IOI, 245-246 making and planting of, 239 of Acoma, 225-226 of cacique, 149 of Shkoyu, 138 seen by Coronado, 210 used against sorcerers, I64 wood for, 184, 190, 194, 222, 238 See OFFERING; PRAYERS Price, Sterling, quells Taos rebellion, 34-36 Priests. See CACIQUES; FRANCISCANS; MISSIONARIES; SHAMANS Principales. See GOVERNMENT; OFFICIALS Propagation, instruction in, 104 See FECUNDITY; PROST TUTION Property buried with dead, 83 symbols of, buried for dead, I60 tenure at Isleta, I6 Prostitution, ceremonial, at Acoma, I34, 174, 217 at Santo Domingo, I43, 151, I53, I62 Prostitution, ceremonial, at Taos, 53 by Cochiti, 109-110 by Keres, 77-78, 157 See FECUNDITY; PROPAGATION; SEXUAL FREEDOM Puantadna, Taos war-dance, 38 Puaray, a Tiwa village, 4, 9-10, 69 Puberty customs of Santo Domingo, 162 of Taos, 44 See BOYS; CHILDREN; DEDICATION; GIRLS; INITIATION; TRAINING Pudding, sweet, how prepared, 76 See FOOD Puerperal blood. See BLOOD Puertecito, Laguna village, 258 Puhaflttyoha, Laguna village, 258 Pumpkin clan of Parsons, 241 See SQUASH CLAN Piniikaiya, Laguna village, 258 Punishment at Cochiti, 85 for disobedience, 79-81 for heresy, xiii, 46-47, 150, 163-167, I71 -172, 203 of caciques, 84 Puiiistyi, a Laguna hamlet, 245, 258 Pudnifin6ka in Acoma genesis, I89 Pu'ni!iyama, Laguna village, 258 Purification before Kaifina ceremony, 183 for luck in hunting, 135 in Acoma myth, 173 of handlers of corpse, 243 rite of Acoma, 230-235 rite of Cochiti, 117-120 See BATHING; CONFESSION; HAIR-WASHING; VOMITING; WASHING Puiua'ityo, Laguna village, 258 Puye, cave-dwellings of, 67 Pyrites used in fire-making, 42 Qis1htyi, name of Paguate, 258 Qif2atya, Santo Domingo structure, 123 Quarai, a Tiwa pueblo, 4 Quarrels at Isleta, 21 barred by initiate, 89 Quartelejo, flight of Tiwa to, 36 Quartz crystals on altar, 155, I60 sorcerers sought with, 234 Quemada mesa, traditional Keres home, 122 {view image of page 310} 3Io THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Queres, the Keres, 65, 171, 262 Quintana, Carolina, portrait, folio pl. 556 Quintana, Santana, portrait, 76 pl. Quintana, Santiago, visits California, 74 Quirix, a form of Keres, 65 Quivers, insignia of war-chiefs, 84 of hunt officials, 74 used by shamans, 95 Quivira, the Wichita country, 104 Rabbit in myth, 59 Rabbit-club held in dance, 127 Rabbit-fur, Kf'sari bandolier of, I40 on Laguna mask, 246 paint-brushes of, 220 Rabbit-hunt at Taos, 43 during purification rite, 230 of Cochiti, 88, IoI, II8 of Santo Domingo, 125 See HUNTING Rabbits used in K6pishtaia rite, 206 Rabbit-skins carried by Ku'sari initiate, 141 Rabbit-sticks brought by Kaifina, 183-184 in Kapina-ch!ainii rite, 211 of Taos, 42-43 of the Keres, 74, 278 Race between Laguna clans, 242 challenge to, in Shiwanna rites, 150 in Taos myth, 60 of Taos, 53 on San Juan day, 159 See RUNNERS Rain, ceremonies for, xiii, 27, 109, I46-148, I59, I69, I73-174, I81 invocations for, 51-52, 60, IOI-IO2, 183, i86, 205, 239 produced by miracle, 73 Pueblo concept regarding, Io6 racing for, Io5 Shiwanna songs regarding, 109 sun invoked for, 18I symbolized, 107, I54 pl., I60, 226 Rainbow symbolized, I40, 15I, 154 pi., 172, 182, 244 tablita of personator, 151 Rainbow Shiwanna in dance, I55 Rain-clouds. See CLOUDS Rain-gods in solstice rite, 147 Rain-gods represented by Kafsina, 177-178 See CLOUD-GODS; MAKACHANI SHiWANNA Rain Shiwanna in memorial rite, I60 See SHiWANNA Ramirez, Juan, Acoma missionary, 170-171, folio pl. 567 descr. Rat. See PACKRAT Rattlers of shell, 219 worn by Opi, 200-201 Rattles buried with dead, I60 in initiation, 90-9I in peyote rite, 55-58 not used by women, 232 of Picuris, 50 pl. of shamans, 96, 232 of Sia, folio pi. 560 of Taos, 42 of the Ki'sari, 140 snake, used in treatment, I45 used in ceremonies, io6, 109, 114, 153-I54, 186-187 Rattle-shaker shamans, Keres, I30, 226 See SHiIKAMI Rattlesnake, singing for, in rite, 233 Rattlesnake clans, Keres, 86, 98, 124, 236, 241 Rattlesnake shamans, Keres, I30, I44-I45, I77, 226, 244-245 Rebellion. See REVOLT Red Eyes. See SHUREN Red Pueblo. See KUKANIHAASTITA Red river, Taos trail crosses, 38 Reed, prayer-sticks of, 225 See CANE Relationship terms of Cochiti, 255-256 of Isleta, 253-254 of Laguna, 256-257 of Taos, 254-255 See PERSONAL TERMS Religion of Isleta, 12, 23-27 of Laguna, 244-248 of Santo Domingo, 126-159 See CEREMONIES; DANCE; DEITIES; SHAMANS; SOCIETIES Retirement of Santo Domingo societies, 145 -148, i56 Revolt of 1680, Io, 33-34, 69-73, I69, I71, 25I, folio pl. 551 descr. {view image of page 311} INDEX 3I Revolt of 1696, 34, 72-73, 171 of 1847 at Taos, 34-36 Rio de las Vacas, why so called, I Rito de los Frijoles, deities associated with, I07 Keres settle in, 65 prayer-sticks deposited in, 101 ruins in, 66-67 Rivers, prayers to, I02 See STREAMS Roadrunner clan, Keres, 236, 241 Rocks, invocation to, 205 See STONE Rohona, a deity, I34-135, I52 Root chewed in myth, 59 used in body ornamentation, 204 used in medicine, 222 See HOP-ROOT Run-around Shizianna in rites, IO6, Io8, 15o, 152-156, i60, 166-167 Runners, strength imparted to, 208 See RACE Sacrifice of vessels in planting rite, I27 See GIFTS; HUMAN SACRIFICE; OFFERING Sage-bark used as tinder, 42 Sage clan of Cochiti, 85-86 of Santo Domingo, 124 Sage Pond in Acoma genesis, I76, I89 Sahalya shamans of Laguna, 245 Saiatas'ha, god of Santo Domingo, I50 initiates whipped by, 152 personage of Zunii, 175 Saint John. See SAN JUAN Saint names, influence of, at Taos, 43 Saiyap shamans of Laguna, 245 Saldivar, Juan de, with Coronado's army, 6, 9 See ZALDiVAR Salt gathered by Acoma, 225 when tabooed, 44, 204, 227 Salt Woman, prayer-sticks for, 225 Salutation. See GREETING San Antonio day, Taos dance on, 52 San Crist6bal, a Tano pueblo, 9, 33-34 Sandia and Navaho hostility, 11 a Tiwa pueblo, 3-4, 69 burned by Spaniards, Io Laguna clans from, 242 population, 259 Sandia, Pueblo names for, 260-26I, 264 See TIWA San Diego, tradition regarding, 72, 251 San Diego canon, Jemez attacked at, 71-72 San Diego day, Taos dance on, 52 San Diego de Jemez, a mission, 72, 72 pl., 251 See GYUSIWA San Estevan, Fiesta of, at Acoma, 218-226 pl., folio pl. 565 San Felipe, affiliations, 65 and Navaho hostility, I antelope hunting by, II early history, 68 horse-herders of, 125 in Pueblo revolt, 10, 70, 72 Laguna clan from, 242 new pueblo of, 69 population, 259 Pueblo council at, 50 Pueblo names for, 252, 260-261 Spanish priest protected at, 73 See KERES San Ger6nimo day, Taos dance on, 53 Sangre de Cristo range in Taos country, 27, 38 San Ildefonso, church at, 216 in Pueblo revolt, 34, 71 names for Indian tribes, 260 population, 259 Pueblo names for, 260-26I, 263 snake cult of, 163 visited by Sosa, 31, 33 San Jose de los Jemez, mission of, 251 San Juan names for Indian tribes, 260 population, 259 Pueblo names for, 260-261, 263 visited by Sosa, 32-33 San Juan day, scalps washed on, I28 Taos dance on, 52 San Juan de Jemez attacked, 72 San Juan Fiesta celebrated, 158-159 San Lucas visited by Sosa, 9, 33 San Luis Obispo visited by Cochiti, 74 San Marcos in Pueblo revolt, 70 people on Potrero Viejo, 69-70 visited by Sosa, 9, 33 Santa Ana, Acoma family move to, 172 affiliations, 65, 67, 274 antelope hunting by, 1 {view image of page 312} 312 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Santa Ana, early history, 67 in Pueblo revolt, 69-72 population, 259 portrait, 88 pl. Pueblo names for, 252, 260-262 view of, 66 pi. See KERES Santa Ana, Laguna hamlet, 245, 258 Santa Ana day, Taos dance on, 52 Santa Clara, church at, 216 population, 259 Pueblo names for, 260-261, 263 visited by Sosa, 33 Santa Cruz day, Taos dance on, 52 Santa Fe and Pueblo revolt, 10, 34, 7I Frenchmen in, 37-38 Santiago Cavallo, fiesta of, 157-158 Santisima Cruz, Shiwanna dance on, IO9 Santo Domingo, account of, I22-I69 affiliations, 65 and Navaho hostility, II antelope hunting by, II ceremonial prostitution at, 77-78 conservatism of, xiii, 12, 28, 164 early history, 68 hunt society of, 74 in Pueblo revolt, IO, 70, 72 masks of, 132 pl. population, 259 portraits, I26 pi., 128 pi., 132 pi., folio pls. 557, 558 Pueblo names for, 252, 260-262 wall-painting of, 154 pl. See KERES Sararaspiyo, Laguna deity, 246 Sash, dance, buried for dead, I60 Hopi, used in ceremony, 145, I51, 271 of the Keres, 278 See COSTUME Scalp-dance, Kd'sari and, 103-104, 142 of Acoma, 142, 214 of Cochiti, 87, II3, I43 of Coyote, a myth, 6I See VICTORY-DANCE; WAR-DANCE Scalpers of Santo Domingo, 128-130, I68 See 6pE; OPI Scalping, origin of, 214 Scalps in Kaftina rite, I93 Scalps, Laguna customs regarding, 244 of Acoma Opi, 191-I92 Taos customs regarding, 39-40 water of, drunk in ceremony, 114, 158 Schetawa, Laguna place of divination, 247-248 Seashell society. See BIG SEASHELL PEOPLE Seboyeta. See CEBOLLETA Seduction by shamans, 84, 163 Seed beads of the Kfi'sari, 140 Seeds ceremonially distributed, I5I, 206, 208 sown by dance personage, 107 sprouted in kiva, IO9 Senecu burned by Spaniards, 10 Sequence, ceremonial, of cardinal points, 268, 276-277 See CARDINAL POINTS; CEREMONIAL SEQUENCE; WORLD-REGIONS Servants of war-chiefs, I88-I89, 238 See COOKS Seshukwa, Jemez village, 251 Setokwa, Jemez village, 251 Sevilleta burned by Spaniards, IO Sexual freedom in rite, 149, I57, 219-220 See PROSTITUTION Shaiaika in Acoma genesis, I74-175 Shaiyaka, Santo Domingo society, I33-I37, I66 See HUNTER SOCIETY; SHAYAKA Shamans as sorcerers, 99, 163 Cochiti societies of, 86-92 in mortuary rites, 82-83 in purification rite, II8, 230 of Acoma, I73-235 of Laguna, 244-245 of Santo Domingo, 126, 130-156 Rattlesnake, of Keres, I30, 144-145, 177, 226, 244-245 worldly condition of, 231 See CEREMONIES; MEDICINE-MEN; RELIGION; SOCIETIES Shayaka, hunter society of Cochiti, 74, 87-88 See SHAIAiKA; SHAiYAKA Sheep-hoof, rattlers of, I86 Shell. See BIG SEASHELL PEOPLE Shell-bead people of Taos, 48 Shell beads used in ceremony, I29, 218 Shell clan. See WATER-SHELL CLAN Shell ornaments worn by shaman, 96 {view image of page 313} INDEX 313 Shell people of Taos, 48-49 Shells on dance baldric, 201 rattlers of, 219 used as receptacles, 148, 154, 213, 235 sorcery exorcised with, 40 Shiehwibak, Isleta pueblo name, 3 Shield in Taos war ceremony, 39-40 Sia, 114 pl. See WEAPONS Shifunin, Isleta division, 13, 23-27, 52, Io6 Shiikami, Shii'kami, Shi'kame, Keres society, 74, 84-88, 94, IO2-103, II8, 130 -I31, I44, I73, 177, 226, 244 See RATTLE-SHAKER SHAMANS Shipapu, Shipcp", mythic place of origin, 28, 65, 172, I89 See SiPAPU, SIPOFENE Shipapulima, Shipapuna, Shipapuni, mythic place of origin, 27-29 Shirt. See CLOTHING; COSTUME Shiwanna, clowns participate as, 143 dolls painted as, 161 initiation into, 86, 152 in memorial rite, 160 of Cochiti, 88, 105-113 of Laguna, 245 of Santo Domingo, 149-157 probable identity with Hlinwande, 26 represented in Kui'sari rite, 142 wall-painting for rite of, 154 pl. See CLOUD-GODS; KATSINA Shiwanni, Zuni deities, o05 Shiwinnaqe, Zufni self-name, 261, 265 Shk6yu society in purification rite, II8 in solstice rite, I02-IO3, 146, 148 of Cochiti, 84-85, 87 of Santo Domingo, 126, 130-131, 138-I39 See SK6'YU SOCIETY Shonata in Acoma genesis, 189 in Fire Kafiina rite, 190 Laguna personage, 247 Shoracha in Acoma genesis, 189 in Fire Kafiina rite, 190 Laguna personage, 247 Shoska6ii, kiva of Acoma, 178-179 Shrine of Salt Woman, 225 Shrines, mountain lion, of Keres, 68 of Acoma, 187, 225 VOL. XVI-40 Shrines, of Cochiti, I22 offerings to, 122, 174, 18I, 225, 239-240 of Laguna, 247-248 prayer-sticks placed in, II01, I22, 239-240 to sun, 122, I33, I37 Shuati, portrait of, folio pl. 56I Shufinne, cave-dwellings of, 67 Shtmaikuli, Laguna personage, 247 Shtmaqe society of Zufii, 247 Shuma'ska in Acoma genesis, I89 in Fire KafSina rite, I90 Shinti-paiyatyama. See WREN YOUTH Shuren, an Isleta division, 13, 23-27 Shityinifti, an Acoma kiva, I78-179 See SQUASH KIVA Shiutimuty, Acoma personage, 177, 236 Sia, affiliations, 65, 67 allies of Spaniards, 251 Buffalo dance of, folio pls. 560, 563 church at, 216 early history, 67 in Pueblo revolt, 69-72, I69 people among Lagunas, 241, 258 population, 259 portraits, 80 pi., 94-98 pi., folio pls. 559-563 pottery, 80, 80 pi., 90 pi., 94 pi., 98 pl., folio pls. 554, 559, 561, 562 Pueblo names for, 252, 260-262 war-dancer, 114 pl. Sickness caused by witchcraft, 93, 97, 130 ceremony to avoid, 205, 235 expelled in ceremony, 213 symbolized in rite, 235 treated by shamans, 131, 245 See HEALING; PURIFICATION Sierra de la Bola, shrines on, 122 Signal. See FIRE; SMOKE SIGNAL Sign-language in Kasari rite, 220-222, 224 in purification rite, 233 of Shiwanna, II-II2, 142, 150, 55, I67 of the Tiwa, 6 of warriors, 129 used in making peace, 170 Sii-ch!aiini. See ANT SHAMANS Singing at corn-grinding, 88, 127 by Rattlesnake shamans, 145 during altar preparations, 132 {view image of page 314} 314 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Singing for good crops, 51-52, 109, 127, 245 for prayer-sticks, I84, 239 for rain, 51-52 in Fiesta de Santiago Cavallo, I58 in Fire society rite, 230 in healing rite, 52, 96-98 in Hunter society rite, 135-136 in initiation rites, 90-9I, I79, 220 in Kapina-ch!aiiiii rite, 212-213 in Kasari rites, 219-224 in Kaifina rite, I82, 184, i88 in K6pightaia rite, 204 in K' sari rite, 139-141 in myth, 59 in peyote cult, 54-56, 58 in purification rite, II9-I20, 232, 233, 235 in scalp ceremony, 113-II6, 130, 214-2I7 in Santo Domingo ceremonies, 126 in Shiwanna dance, 153 in solstice rite, I02-103 See SONGS; WAR-SONGS Sipapu, Hunter society pilgrimage to, 135 mythic place of origin, 28 See SHIPAPU Sip6fene, mythic place of origin, 28 Siusti in Santo Domingo dance, 143 in solstice rites, I03, 148 shamans recruited from, 87 society of Cochiti, 85 See SUTS-CH!AIANI Siusti-nawaya, Cochiti personage, 107-108 dolls decorated by, i6I in Buffalo dance, 137 prayers by, for rain, I02 Skin. See BEAR-SKIN; BUFFALO-SKIN; COUGAR-SKIN; DEERSKIN; FOXSKIN; OXHIDES; RABBIT-SKINS; SKUNK-FUR; WILDCAT-SKIN Sko'yu society, origin of, 173 See GIANT SHAMANS; SHKOYU SOCIETY Skunk clan of Santo Domingo, 124 Skunk-fur, anklets of, IO9, I6o Sky, sickness expelled through, 213-214 Sky clan of Acoma, 236 Sky Father of Laguna, 247 Slaves, Indian, among Mexicans, 241 Tiwa, of Spaniards, 8 Smallpox, how treated, 132 Smoke-offering in Acoma genesis, 175 to world-regions, 94, 234 See OFFERING Smoke signal in Kafsina rite, I95 of hunters, 133 See FIRE Smoking as punishment, 46 by mask, 207 by war-chiefs, 181-182 for success of hunt, 74, 76 in Acoma ceremony, 237 in council, 16-17 in initiation rite, 89-9I in KIfsina rite, 187, I96-I98 in peyote cult, 54-56, 58 in purification rite, 235 in Shiwanna dance, I56 not employed in healing, 94 See CIGARETTES Snakebite, how treated, 87, 130, 144, 209, 226 Snake cult at Isleta, 27 at San Ildefonso, 163 of the Keres, 87, 209, 245 See RATTLESNAKE SHAMANS Snakes, excrement of, in medicine, 213, 227 in Acoma myth, 177 incised on shamans' rattles, 232 in healing rite, 98, 213, 227 painted on dance kilts, 201 spirits of the east, 233 See BLACKSNAKE; RATTLESNAKE Snow, dance to bring, 24 Snow, people of Taos, 48-52 Soap-plant, scalps washed with, 114 See YUCCA Society, Societies, for game and hunting, 74 of Acoma shamans, 226 of Cochiti, 84-122 of Santo Domingo, 130-I57 of Taos, 47-52 purification of people by, 230-235 shaman, absent at Isleta, 23 See CEREMONIES; DANCE; RELIGION; SHAMANS Socorro burned by Spaniards, 10 Solstice rites, Acoma, origin of, I74-175 Flint shamans participate in, 130 functions of Isleta clans in, 13 {view image of page 315} INDEX 315 Solstice rites of Laguna, 245 of Taos, 51 origin of, I73-174 See SUMMER SOLSTICE; WINTER SOLSTICE Songs, Acoma, origin of, 176 composed for ceremony, IO8, I20 dance, character of, I54-I55 for game in Acoma genesis, I74 in memorial ceremony, I59 in purification rite, 232 in Shiwanna rite, I I I in solstice rites, 146, 245 Kaifina, when not sung, 203 mythic origin of, 173 of Cochiti Shiwanna, I09 of Dance of the Pines, 24 of Isleta dance, 26 of Ow6 dance, 120-121 of Santo Domingo, I68-I69 of Taos warriors, 39 See SINGING; WAR-SONGS Sonora, Cochiti trade in, 74 Soot, paint prepared with, 185 Sorcerers, address by shaman against, 96 appeased in purification rite, 231 beseeched, 214 Sorcery at Cochiti, 99-100 at Isleta, 27 how exorcised, 40, IOI, 117-120, I30, I73, 234-235 illness attributed to, 93, 97, I30 in Taos myth, 60-6I See WITCHCRAFT Sosa, Gaspar Castano de, among Pueblos, 9, 30-33, I22 So6ona, portrait of, 128 pl. Soul represented by eagle-feathers, 243 symbolized by corn-ball, 234-235 See SPIRITS South cacique of Taos, 45, 49, 51 S6wi-ch!aiiani. See RATTLESNAKE SHAMANS Sowi-kcma, Acoma shrine, 181 S6yana. See RUN-AROUND SHiWANNA S6yana-feikuyata, Santo Domingo gods, I50 Spaniards, Pueblo relations with, xiii, 4-10, 29-34, I69-171 See CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE; CORONADO; FRANCISCANS; MISSIONARIES Spanish influence on Pueblos, I5, 43-45, 69, 85, 125-I26, I53, I57-I59, 236, 238, folio pls. 550, 552, descr. Spatyimity, Acoma personage, I77, 236 Sp6tyi-paiyatyama. See MOCKINGBIRD BOY Speech. See ADDRESS Spirits, Cochiti belief regarding, 83 food-offering to, 44, 82, 159-161, I66, 218, 238, 243 of dead placated, i66 prayers to, 44, 51-52, 89, 91, 126, I37, 218-2I9 termed mother, 90, 92 See ANIMAL SPIRITS; DEITIES; GODS; SOUL; WORLD-REGIONS Spitting in ceremony, 212-213, 228-229 in medicine, 222 Springs, home of spirits, 52 pilgrimages to, 102, 146 prayers to, 102 prayer-sticks offered to, 24-25, IOI, 239-240 Pueblo concept as to, 1o6 water from, in rite, I54, I90 Spruce, ceremonial kilt of, I79 corn-ear borne in, 246 on personator's staff, 246 rod in Fire rite, 229-230 See DOUGLAS SPRUCE Squash clan of Keres, 85-86, 124, 236, 241 salt-gathering by, 225 Squashes raised at Taos, 43 Squash kiva, ceremonies in, 87, 142-I43, I57 See SHOTYONiTSI Squash moiety, animal dance of, 137 clown members of, 130 drums of, 168 in Owe ceremony, 120-121 in scalp ceremony, 116 Isleta correspondence with, 13 Ki'sari woman recruited from, I39 Kwi'ranna recruited from, 103, I43 of Cochiti, 86, 121-122 of Santo Domingo, 124, I26 represented in fiesta, I57 Squash-seeds used in mask painting, i85 Squirrel. See YELLOW SQUIRREL Star clan of Santo Domingo, 124 {view image of page 316} 316 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Stars described in dance, 22I prayers to, 102, 239 See MORNING STAR Stevenson, M. C., cited, 96, 163 Stone fetishes of cacique, 149 fetishes used in rites, 96, 99, II9, 135 -136, I39, I56, I60 images of Cochiti, 88 images of cougar, 132 implements of Taos, 42 medicine-bowl of, 232-233 See FETISHES; FLINTS; HANDICRAFT; IMPLEMENTS; ROCKS Stones in medicine, 233 shrines built of, 122, 133 Storage-jar, Laguna, 242 pi. Stor6ka, Laguna personage, 246 Streams, prayers to, IOI-IO2 Strong, C. M., acknowledgment to, xiv Sucking, healing by, 52, 91, 93, 97-98, 119, 144-145, 228, 231, 235 Summer cacique. See SOUTH CACIQUE Summer clans of Isleta, 12 Summer Kaiifna dance of Acoma, 180-189 Summer people, Isleta correspondence with, 13 Summer Shiwanna, painting and songs, IO9 Summer solstice, retirement of societies at, 145-148 rites of Cochiti, 101-103 See SOLSTICE RITES; WINTER SOLSTICE Summer Warbler people of Taos, 48-49 Sun clothed in ceremony, I74, 204 described in dance, 221 faced by warrior in rite, 116 infants held to, 77, 162 invocation to, 102-103, I80-I8I, 193, 205, 239 meal-offering to, 25, 133, 156, 174 origin of offerings to, 174 represented with manganite, 133-134 shrines of Santo Domingo, 122, 133, I37 singing for, in rite, 233 time of rites regulated by, 208-209 See SOLSTICE RITES; SUMMER SOLSTICE; WINTER SOLSTICE Sun clans, Keres, 85-86, I24, I72, 236, 241 Sun Father, children not held to, 43 in scalp ceremony, 115 Sun House people of Taos, 40, 48-49 Sd' ii Shiwanna, dance personage, I07 Sun shaman in Acoma myth, 177 Laguna, altar of, 209 Sun Youth in Keres cult, I33, 139-140, 142, I77, 214, 218-219, 222, 247 Supplication by Isleta clans, 13, 16-19 of spirits by Taos, 29, 51-52 with songs, 26 See PRAYERS; SINGING; SONGS Sudf-ch!aiani of Acoma, I80 the Shiikami, 226 Sudfi-ch!aiani. See SIUSTI Suyuki, Zunii ogre, 245 Suyuku, Hopi ogre, 245 Sweat of horses in peace-making, 170 Sword-swallowing at Laguna, 245 in Acoma Fire rite, 229-230 Symbolism, color, of world-regions, 184, 226, 233, 268, 276-277 in Pueblo churches, 216 of animal spirits, 233 of clouds, 107, 147, 154 pl., I60, 168, 206, 231-232, 246 of cross, 129, 156, I60, 170, 210-2II of Ku'sari decoration, 140 of lightning, 107, 150, I55, 235 of lizard medicine, 243 of mountains, 201, 2II of peace, 6 of rain, 107, I54 pl., i60, 226 of rainbow, I40, I5I, 154 pi., 172, 182, 244 of rain-god masks, 147 of sickness in rite, 235 of soul, 234-235 of Sun Youth, 133 of the Kwi'ranna, I43 of the lizard, 243 of wall-paintings, 154 pi., 225, 227-228 of warriors, I29, 155, i6o on kiva ladders, 104, 182 on medicine-bowls, 232-233 on shamans' rattles, 232 sexual, 104, 161 See ANIMALS; CARDINAL POINTS; COLORS; WORLD-REGIONS Syohoemetiwa, Cochiti sorcerer, 99-1oo {view image of page 317} INDEX 3x7 Tablitas in ceremony, 44, 109, 140, 151, 204 pl., 218 pi., 220 pl. See COSTUME; DANCE Taboo by Fire shamans, 227 by initiate, 89 of meat and salt, 204 of names of dead, 84, 243, 246 See CONTINENCE; FASTING Taifaiina, mythic personage, 29 Taihlana, a giant, 60 Ta'inan, Taos self-name, 28, 264 Tajique, a Tiwa pueblo, 4 Tano and Keres enmity, 69 Pueblos composing, 3 Tanoan stock, population of, 259 Pueblos composing, 3 vocabularies, 266-274 Taos, account of, 27-6I intercourse with Plains tribes, Io4 names for Indian tribes, 261 names of the moons, 252 population, 259 Pueblo names for, 252, 260-261, 264 portraits, 40 pl., 44 pl., 46 pl., 52-58 pl., folio pls. 544, 545, 547, 548 relationship terms of, 254-255 religion held secret at, 12 threshing at, 42 pl. views of, 28 pl., folio pl. 546 vocabulary, 266-274 See TIWA Taos rebellion. See REVOLT Tdpa, portrait, 44 pl. Tawii, Tewa name of Taos, 28, 260 Tegua, Tehua. See TEWA Terraces, clouds symbolized by, 107 Tesuque, population, 259 Pueblo names for, 260-261, 263 Tewa and Keres hostility, 65, 68-69 and Taos caciques compared, 45 in Pueblo revolt, 69-7I population, 259 Pueblo names for, 252, 260-262 Pueblos composing, 3 Sosa among, 9, 3I-33 Texas and Taos trail, 38 Isleta hunting in, II Theft of songs, I69 Theft, packrat's relation to, 267 Threshing at Taos, 42 pl., 43 Thunderbird. See FLINT WING Tigua. See TIWA Tiguex, the Tiwa country, 3, 263-264 Ti'mu, portrait, 78 pl., folio pi. 555 Tiwa, account of the, 3-61 and Keres proximity, 65 on Potrero Viejo, 69 population, 259 Pueblo names for, 260-261, 263 pueblos abandoned in revolt, 69 See ISLETA; PICURIS; SANDIA; TAOS Tiwesh, Tiwa form of Tiguex, 3 Tobacco offered by initiate, 89 used in healing, 94-95 See CIGARETTES; SMOKING Tobacco clan of Santo Domingo, I24 Tohlata, locality in myth, 60-61 Tohwatdna, locality in myth, 6I Tomasito leads murderers of Taos, 34-36 Topography of Taos region, 27 Torches, cactus-stalks for, 222-223 pine, in myth, 6 See FIRE; FIRE-ROPE; JUNIPER-BARK Tornado represented in Kaifina battle, I95 suggested in Acoma myth, 175-176 Tortoise-shell rattles worn by dancers, 1O9 See TURTLE-SHELL Torture inflicted by Penitentes, 50 See ORDEAL T6takorifsi, kiva of Acoma, 178-I79 Totemism unknown to Santo Domingo, I24 Towakwa, Jemez village, 252 Trade at Taos, 33, 38, 40 of Cochiti, 73 of Comanche with French, 37 of the Keres, 262 Trails at Acoma, 170-17I, 177, folio pls. 567, 570 for animal spirits in rite, 233 sand, of Kapina-ch!aiinii altar, 210-211 trading, to Taos, 38 See MEAL TRAIL Training for K6pishtaia rite, 205 of boys as Kafsina, 178 of Cochiti children, 77 of Taos caciques, 50 {view image of page 318} 318 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Training. See DEDICATION; INITIATION Travoix,, meat transported on, 137 Trees, Keres names for, z81 Tanoan names for, 273 See ASPEN; CEDAR; CHERRY; COTTONwood; DOGWOOD; DOUGLAS SPRUCE; JUNIPER; MAPLE; OAK; PINE; PLUM; SPRUCE; WILLOW Trespass, initiation through, 13 1, 180, 226-227, 231 Trinidad., Colo.,. on Taos trail, 38 Tsai',tyuw~Oa, Santo Domingo deity, I51 Tsa-iyafl!a, portrait of, 82 pl. Ts!aiyatuwe6!a, Cochiti personage, I07 Tsamcihiya,, effigy of, i6o, 192, 209-2I3 patient whipped by, 99 Tsanawei ii, Laguna personage, 247 Tsi"nawa't in Shiwanna rites, I50 Ts~wa'ri, former Tewa pueblo., 263 Ts-e'fleka-paiyatyama, Acoma personage., 219 Tshiquite, Pecos s0 called, 32 Tszimu'na, Laguna village, 258 Tsipiai, Sia potter, 98 pl. Tsiskiski, Laguna personage, 247 Tsif6ty1'nako, Laguna personage, 247 Ts!itshniaW! father of the Kfi~ina, 75 '79, '94 in Kfigina rite, I199-201 in K6pi~htaia rite, 208 Laguna personage, 246 songs from, in scalp-dance, 214 Tsl'ukchan~o', Laguna personage, 247 Tsiyima Laguna village, 258 traditional Acoma village, 1 76 Tsi'yana, Santo Domingo deity, 151 Ts'yatWn0a in Shiwanna rites, ISO Tsi'yonO, Sia potter, 8o, 8o p1. Tsol6i, portrait of, 24 pl. Tspfnna-kowaiyaityi~ma, cave shrine, 248 Tupatu, Luis, Pueblo chief, 10 Turco. See EL TURCO Turkey clans of the Keres, 86, 124, 236, 241 Turkey-feathers carried by I1Iwi'ranna, 143, of Acoma wapanii, 181 of prayer-sticks, 149, 184, 226 on masks,9 107, 147, 246 worn in ceremony, 204, 221 Turkeys, Acoma kiva named from, I78 Turkeys hunted by Taos, 43 not raised at Taos, 29 Turquoise beads deposited in shrine, 248 grinding-stones in song, 121 with prayer-sticks, 226 worn in dance,) 154 Turquoise clan of Cochiti, 8S-86 of Isleta, 12 of Laguna, 241 Turquoise dance of Taos, 52 Turquoise kiva, I~if'sari meetings in, 87, 139, 142-I43 Sh'iwanna dance in,, 109, 157 used in scalp-dance, 129 Turquoise moiety, Buffalo dancers from, I37 clown members of, 103, 130, 139 drums of, i68 in Ow6 ceremony, I20-I21 in scalp ceremony, IO Isleta correspondence with, 13 of Cochiti,' 86, 12 1-I22 of Santo Domingo, 124, 126 Turtle-shell., dance rattles of, 140, i6o, i8S worn by clown, 105 See TORTOISE-SHELL Ti'vahe', portrait, folio PI. 553 Tzuwakwa. See ToWAKWA Twelfth Night. See DiA DE LOS REYES Twitchell, R. E., cited, 36, 37, 69, 17I TyaifOkotyum?. See PIRON MOUNTAIN DWELLER Tya-j'uin-den-a., named as Jemez village, 252 Tyimi-k6wa[?esuma, Acoma shrine, i8i Ty~pi(O!iy~ma, traditional Acoma village, I76 Tyasoliwa, Jemez village, 251 Tye-0, Laguna personage, 247 Ty6' o' iii, Keres traditional village., 6S-67 Ty6' o'iii Shi'wanna, ancestral deities, 107 mask of, 108 pI. Tyuonyi. See TY6' o':ii Ud-hcitza-e. See WXI4ATfSAA Ululation by Taos in war-dance, 39 in scalp ceremony, 113 See WAR-CRY Umbilicus. See CHILDBIRTH; NAVEL CORD Underworld in Acoma belief, 172 represented in rite, I112-II3 {view image of page 319} INDEX 319 Urine in medicine, 222 Urraca. See LA URRACA Urrea, Lope de, with Coronado's army, 8 Ute and Taos resemblance, 28 hostility of, 36-37, 65, 241 joined by Keres, 68 Jfiftityi in Acoma genesis, 172 See SKY FATHER Uyuiyewi, war-god and chief, 172, 177, 194, 214, 219, 236, 240 See OYOYEWA Valladolid, Taos so called, 30 Vargas, Diego de, reconquers Pueblos, 34, 36, 69-74, 171, folio pl. 551 descr. Vargas, Eusebio de, in Pueblo attack, 70, 72 Vessels offered to sun, 174 sacrificed in planting rite, 127 See MEAL-BOWL; MEDICINE-BOWL; POTTERY Vetancurt, A. de, cited, 4, 32 Victory-dance of Cochiti, 113-117 of Laguna, 244 See SCALP-DANCE; WAR-DANCE Villages, ancient, of Jemez, 251-252 legendary, of Acoma, 176, I89 of early Keres, 65-69, I69 of the Lagunas, 240, 258 of the Tiwa, 3-4, 261 Village-sites, prayer-sticks deposited at, o10 Villagran, G. de, cited, I03 Vision in peyote rite, 57 See DIVINATION; QUARTZ CRYSTAL Vocabularies, Isleta, Taos, Jemez, 266-274 Laguna and Cochiti, 274-281 Vomiting, purification by, I18, 120, 122, 132, 139, I73, I87, I89, I92, 204, 208, 214, 218, 227-228 Vulva symbolized, 104, I6I APabakwa, Jemez village, 251-252 Waconda, Turivio, portrait, 230 pl. WYdiatfaa, application of name, 252 Wahpaaii used in ceremony, 107, 115, 129, 150, 152 See WAPANI Wailing for Laguna dead, 243 See WEEPING lYaiyos Kafiina, Laguna personage, 246 Walapai, Cochiti name for, 252 Wall-painting of Fire lodge-room, 227-228 Santo Domingo, I54 pl. Walsenberg, Colo., on Taos trail, 38 Walvia, portrait of, 46 pl., folio pl. 547 Wdmbakwa. See WABAKWA Wands used in rites, I94-195, 199-200, 228 See PRAYER-STICKS; WAHPANI; WAPANI Wapani used in ceremonies, I81, I86, 194, 199, 230-231, 239-240 See WAHPANI Waputyufi!iyama, Laguna village, 258 Warbler. See SUMMER WARBLER; YELLOWWARBLER YOUTH War-chiefs, duties and functions, I4-15, 17 -19, 24-26, 43-46, 74-76, 79, 84 -85, 88-90, 92, 96, 99-I04, 107-112, 114-I15, II7-I2I, 124-126, I33-I34, I37, 140, I46, I49, I53-I56, I65, I74, I77-I83, 188-I89, 191, 203-206, 208-210, 213, 215, 221-222, 225 -227, 230, 232, 235-240, 243-244 in Acoma legend, '75, I77 See MASEEWi; MASEWA; MASEWI; 6YOYEWA; UYUYEWI War-clubs of Pueblos, 42, 114 pl., 176 See WEAPONS War-cry in ceremony, 75, I29-I30, I99, 215 -216 of Cochiti, 117 See ULULATION War-dance of Pueblos, 38, 52, 114 pl., 247 See SCALP-DANCE; VICTORY-DANCE Warfare of Acoma, I70-I7I, 175 of Taos, 38-4I Tiwa and Spanish, 4-9 See BATTLE; HOSTILITY; REVOLT War-gods, images of, 132, 164 in Acoma genesis, 172 See MASEEwi; MASEWA; MASEWI; OYOYEWA; TSAMAHIYA; UY6UYEWI; YUIMAHIYA Warriors, crosses the symbol of, 129, I55, i60, 210-211 functions of, I96-198 of Cochiti, 113-117 painting of, 151 {view image of page 320} 320 320 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Warriors. See KAS2~RI; OPE"; OPI; SCALPDANCE; SCALPERS; WAR-CHIEFS Warrior society. See KAPiNA-CH!AiA&4I; OPT Wfar-songs in Kas~iri rite, 224 in Kiffina rite, 193 in K6pi~htaia rite, 205 See SINGING; SONGS W~ashing of corpse at Laguna, 243 of scalps, I114, 128 See BATHING; HAIR-WASHING; PURIFICATION WdspaAhdka, traditional AComa village, 176 See SAGE POND Wfatchtower at Laguna, folio Pl- 577 at Paguate, 244 PI-, folio PI. 579 W~ater, sacred, in ceremony, I02, 149, 154, 190, 209 See IRRIGATION; LAKES; MEDICINEWATER; RAIN; RIVERS; SCALPWATER; SPRINGS; STREAMS W~ater clans of Keres., 85-86, 236, 241 Water-jar borne by L~ifiina, 190 buried for dead., 160 race by women for, I159 See POTTERY W~ater kiva of Taos, 51 Watermelon rind shaped like vulva, 104 Water people of Taos., 45, 47-49 W~ater-shell clan of Isleta, 12 Wvater-supply of Acoma, 170, 202 pI., folio pis. 568, 571 Wd~yosa Ki[?ina of Acoma, 178 Wfeapons asperged in ceremony, 2I2 carried in ceremony, 115, 118 diminutive, in Shiwanna dance, 156 given by Kigfina, 183-184, I88 how used in childbirth,, 162 in Kapina-ch aiinii rite,3 211 in K~iffina, rite,, 192-I93., 195-I98, 200 in purification rite, 234 of god personators, 151-I52, 246 of guards in rite, 97 of Hunter society, 134-135 of scalp-dancers, I29 of the Ki' sari., 141-I42 of war-chief, 137, 146, 238 See ARROWS; Bows; LANCES; QUIVERS; WAR-CLUBS; WHIPS Weasel, warriors pray to, 39 Weaving not practised at Taos, 41 See CLOTH; COTTON; Hopi W~eeping before ceremonial battle, 195 in purification rite, 235 in Sh'iwanna rite,, 156 See WAILING Wik&Thaiii., Cochiti ceremony, I17 Wviiiima compared with We'nyid6, 24 home of cloud-gods, io6, 123, 128, 143, 147., 152-I57 Wf~eiimaf?i,, beliefs regarding, 83, 172, 175-176, I82-I84, 191, 193-195, 203, 214 WeP'yid~, Isleta deity, i6-i8, 24, 26 See WE'IMA West kiva, food supplied for, 120 See SQUASH KIVA W'heat introduced by Spaniards., 43 Wheat clan of Parsons, 241 Whipper shamans of Cochiti, 87, I07-108, I II-I 12 Whipping in ceremony, 75, 106, 136, 150, I74, 192, 213 in initiation., 86, I07-I08, 139, 152, 175, I78-i80, 246 of Navaho captives, 113 of patient in rite, 99 punishment by, 46, 79, 85, 110, I53, 167 Whips of eagle-feathers, 13 of yucca in ceremony, io6l, io8, 110,$ I35-I36., 15I-I52, 174, 179, 207,o 210-2I3, 219, 246 snake, of Rattlesnake shamans., 145 See WEAPONS W'hiskers, a Pecos head-man, 7 W~histle of cane in rite, 227 White Mountain Apache, Laguna name for,, 258 W~hite Mountain people of Taos, 48-49 Whites. See AMERICANS; FRENCH; MEXICANS; SPANIARDS W~ichita., Quivira occupied by, 104 Widows, mourning customs of, 84 W'ikoli, a Kwi' ranna. father, I05 W~ikoru in ceremonies, 143, 151 Wildcat-fur on dance mask., 107 W~ildcat-skin worn by K6maiawaslha, 150 Wildcat spirit in myth, I73 {view image of page 321} INDEX 32I Wildcat spirit, singing for, in rite, 233 Willow, prayer-sticks of, 184, I94, 225 whips of hunt officials, 74-75, 99 See OSIERS Wilson, Lieut., at siege of Taos, 35 Winship, G. P., cited, 9, 29, 30, 104, 170, 2IO Winter clans of Isleta, 12-13 Winter Shiwanna, painting and songs, IO9 Winter solstice, Acoma ceremony at, 203-208 Cochiti rites at, 103 Santo Domingo rites at, 148 See SOLSTICE RITES; SUMMER SOLSTICE Wistyaka-nawaya in Shiwanna dance, 156 Witchcraft, Santo Domingo beliefs in, 163 See SORCERY Wolf clan of Isleta, 12 Wolf images in ceremony, 96, 155 Wolf people of Taos, 48 Wolf spirit in myth, 173 prayers to, 89, 91, I02, 119-120, 134 singing for, in rite, 233 Women, Acoma, 202 pl., 212 pl., folio pls. 568, 573 as witches, 163 Cochiti, form Siuisti group, 87-88 Cochiti, portraits, 78 pl., 82 pl., IOO pl., folio pls. 555, 556 in clown societies, 103, III, 130, 132, I39-I4I, 143, 210, 212, 216-224 in Cochiti ceremonies, 88 in Kafiina rite, 199, 201 in Ow6 ceremony, 121 in peyote rite, 58 in planting rite, 127 in purification rite, 232-233, 235 in scalp ceremony, 113, I 6, 129-130, 214 in Shiwanna dance, 0O9 in solstice rite, 102 in Taos war-dance, 39, 52 Isleta, portraits, 4 pl., 14 pi., 16 pi., I8 pl., 20 pl., folio pl. 550 Isleta, status of, I6 members of societies, 103, 130, 134-135, 138, 18o naming of, in Acoma genesis, 172 of Paguate, 232 pl., 248 pl., folio pls. 576, 578 Pecos, clothing of, 31 VOL. XVI-41 Women, personated in scalp rite, 114 planters' feast provided by, 128 provide food for ceremonies, IO2, III, 113-114, 127, 130, 153, I87-I88, 198, 207, 215, 227, 230-231, 235, 238 races by, 159 Shiwanna, rainmakers, Io6 Sia, portraits, 80 pl., 94 pl., 98 pi., folio pls. 559, 561, 562 Taos, clothing and hairdress, 41 Taos, portraits, 40 pl., 46 pl., folio pls. 544, 545, 547, 548 wailing by, for dead, 243 See CORN-GRINDING GIRLS; KOCHINAKO; MARRIAGE; MEAL-GRINDING; PROSTITUTION; WIDOWS Wood for prayer-sticks, 184, I90, 194, 222, 238 swords of, in rite, 158, 229, 245 Taos utensils of, 41-42 See FUEL; TREES World, how represented, 144-I45, 210, 221, 238, 245 World-centre in Acoma myth, 177 World-regions, animal spirits of, 119, 233 asperging to, I02, I18 children held toward, 23 colors symbolic of, 184, 226, 233, 238, 276-277 dancing toward, 230 food offered spirits of, 218 in Kafsina rite, I94 in scalp-dance, 215 Isleta clans associated with, 13 medicine-bowls for, 245 motions to, in healing, 97 offerings to, 23, 25, 89, 91, 93, 233-234 prayers to, 24-25, 218-219, 222, 227, 232 prayer-sticks deposited in, 101 smoke offering to, 94, 234 songs for, 214 Zuii gods of, 105 See CARDINAL POINTS Worms, disease caused by, 132 Wounds symbolized by crosses, 210 treated by shamans, 216, 226 Wren Boy, a war-chief, 219, 236 See SHIUTIMOTY {view image of page 322} 322 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Wren-feather of Acoma wapifii, I8I Wrens, stuffed, on Kasiri altar, 218-219 Wristlets of the Ku'sari, 144 See COSTUME Yaqui, Matachin dance among, 115 Yarn, corn-ball wrapped with, 234-235 in dance costume, I86, 221, 246 personator's staff wound with, 246 Yellow Maid. See K6CHINAKO Yellow Squirrel in myth, 6i Yellow-warbler Youth, Acoma personage, 219 Ytruta in Shiwanna rites, I5I Y6nik6fkotisa, traditional Acoma village, 176 Y6'siru in Shiwanna rites, 151 Yucca as an emetic, 132 basketry made of, 42 Taos shields made of, 40 whips of, in ceremony, Io6, Io8, IIo, I35-I36, 151-152, I74, I79, 207, 210-213, 219, 246 worn by Hunter socie y performer, 135 See SOAP-PLANT Yucca-fibre, mask vizor of, I07 Yucca-leaves in Kapina-ch!aiinii altar, 210 -211 scalp thrown on, 215 Ytimahiya, effigy of, I60, 192, 209-213 patient whipped by, 99 Yuqueyunque, situation of, 30, 32 visited by Sosa, 33 Zaldivar, Juan de, killed at Acoma, 170 Zaldivar, F. de, at Acoma, 103, 170-171 See SALDIVAR Zarate Salmeron, G. de, missionary, 170 Zenith. See CARDINAL POINTS; WORLDREGIONS Zolatungzezhii named as Jemez village, 252 Zuni and Jemez alliance, 72 and Keres names compared, 77 and Navaho hostility, II belts at Taos, 41 church at, 216 clans represented at Laguna, 241-242 cloud-god of Cochiti, I07 corn-grinding at, 127 discovery of, 170 in Pueblo revolt, 70 K6yemashi of, i8i names for Indian tribes, I70, 261 ogre of the, 245 orientation of dead at, 243 origin of name, 261, 265 population, 259 Pueblo feeling as to masks of, I64 Pueblo names for, 252, 260-261, 265 sacred green paint of, 40 scalp ceremony of, 114 Shumaqe society of, 247 situation of, 169 Zuni, Bautista, governor of Isleta, 21 Zuni Salt Lake, Acoma supply from, 225 THE END OF VOLUME XVI {view image of page List of Large Plates} The North American Indian List of Large Plates Supplementing Volume Sixteen 544 Taos water girls 545 Iahla ("Willow") – Taos 546 North pueblo at Taos Taos consists of two house-masses separated by Pueblo creek. The entire site was formerly surrounded by a protective wall, remains of which are still in place. The north structure is called Hlauoma ("cold elevated"), referring to its situation (north being regarded as up, and south as down). The other is Hlauqima (cold diminish"). 547 Walvia ("Medicine Root") – Taos Walvia is a characteristic type of Taos womanhood. 548 Taos woman 549 Isleta man 550 Francisca Chiwiwi – Isleta In general, an Indian regards his name as a personal possession, and does not willingly reveal it to strangers. Tact and experience usually overcome this reluctance, but in a brief visit at Isleta there seemed to be an understanding that no individual should admit the possession of a Tiwa name. Only Spanish names were recorded. 551 Jemez architecture On account of the comparative inaccessibility of its site on Rio Jemez, a westerly affluent of the Rio Grande, Jemez is annoyed by fewer white visitors than almost any other pueblo. The reticence and the mental sluggishness of its inhabitants do not encourage the ethnologist. The Jemez played a leading part in the rebellion of 1680 and were so severely punished by Vargas that their preference for isolation is comprehensible. They have long been intimate with the Navaho and considerable racial mixture has resulted. 552 Jemez fiscal The office of fiscal, like that of governor and alguacil, is of Spanish origin, and its incumbents are charged with the supervision of activities connected with the church, such as burial of the dead and physical care of the church building. In general the church is an institution superimposed on pueblo life: it has nowhere become an integral part of it. At Jemez several centuries of effort at Christianization have been without tangible result, except that the presence of missionaries has been a more or less beneficial object lesson in a better mode of life. 553 Tuvahe – Jemez 554 Cochiti and Sia pottery The vessel with the bird design was made at Sia, the others are from Cochiti. Sia is noted for the excellence of its earthenware, the best of which is the product of two women. 555 Ti'mu – Cochiti This Cochiti girl married a Sia man, and the photograph was made at her adopted home. 556 Aiyowitsa – Cochiti Carolina Quintana, the most mentally alert Indian woman met in more that twenty years of field work in connection with this series, is a shining example of what Pueblo women can become with a little schooling and instruction in modern housekeeping. She was mainly responsible for the compilation of Cochiti relationship terms given in Volume XVI. 557 Lucero - Santo Domingo Photographing a native of Santo Domingo is comparable to hunting big game with a camera. This pueblo measures its contentment inversely to the extent of unavoidable contact with the hated white race. A guard is detailed to watch the Catholic priest when he visits the village, and the Government has pursued the wise policy of detailing Indian teachers to the local school. The Santo Domingans long resisted the gratuitous digging of wells to be equipped with windmills, continue to deny their sick children the services of the Government physician, and resist the activities of census enumerators. There is no doubt that the death sentence would be past on any individual found guilty of revealing native practices, and if the priestly authorities learned that Lucero sold his likeness to a white man he doubtless had an unpleasant half hour. 558 Kyello - Santo Domingo 559 On a Sia housetop 560 Sia buffalo mask 561 Shuati – Sia 562 Sia street scene Sia is situated on the north bank of Rio Jemez, a few miles below Jemez pueblo. Ancient Sia, having participated in the revolt of 1680, was completely destroyed and a large number of its inhabitants were killed by Governor Domingo de Cruzate in 1689. The pueblo was rebuilt, probably on nearly the same site, and during the remaining years of this troubled period Sia remained actively friendly with the Spaniards. Once a populous centre, it housed only one hundred and fifty-four persons in 1924. 563 Sia buffalo mask 564 Acoma belfry With the possible exception of Sia, Acoma possesses the oldest church among the pueblos. Its bell is dated 1710, but the massive structure may have been erected as early as 1699. (See Volume XVI, pages 170-171.) 565 Feast day at Acoma Franciscan missionaries early in the seventeenth century introduced certain public Christian rites among the Pueblos, which ever since have been performed, with an intermingling of native ceremonial practices, especially on the days of the saints of whose protection the villages were respectively assigned. The day of San Estevan, patron saint of Acoma, is September second. 566 Acoma from the south The large building in the centre is the church, and the walls of the cemetery are visible at its right. In the distance is the vague outline of Mount Taylor. 567 Old trail at Acoma This is doubtless the trail built under the supervision of Fray Juan Ramirez, who established himself at Acoma in 1629 and subsequently built a church and a trail which horses could ascend. 568 Acoma water carriers 569 At the gateway – Acoma 570 Acoma Roadway 571 At the old well of Acoma 572 An Acoma Woman 573 Acoma Water Girls 574 Paguate Paguate is the oldest and largest of ten villages subsidiary to Laguna, the patent pueblo of this group. It appears to have been founded about the middle of the eighteenth century. Laguna itself dates from 1699. The two-story structure at the right, one of the two oldest buildings at Paguate, was a watchtower erected for the defense of the farming population from the roving Navaho, who disputed possession of this locality. 575 Laguna architecture 576 Replastering a Paguate house 577 Laguna watchtower The Navaho caused the people of Laguna considerable trouble up to the middle of the nineteenth century. The latter probably gave a good account of themselves, for they were sufficiently warlike to furnish a band of volunteer scouts in the campaign against the Apache band under Geronimo, for which service they or their surviving relatives were voted substantial pensions by Congress in 1924. 578 Paguate entrance 579 Paguate watchtower {view image of plate no. 544} Taos water girls [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 545} Iahla ("Willow") – Taos [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 546} North pueblo at Taos [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 547} Walvia ("Medicine Root") – Taos [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 548} Taos woman [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 549} Isleta man [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 550} Francisca Chiwiwi – Isleta [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 551} Jemez architecture [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 552} Jemez fiscal [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 553} Tuvahe – Jemez [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 554} Cochiti and Sia pottery [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 555} Ti'mu – Cochiti [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 556} Aiyowitsa – Cochiti [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 557} Lucero - Santo Domingo [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 558} Kyello - Santo Domingo [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 559} On a Sia housetop [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 560} Sia buffalo mask [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 561} Shuati – Sia [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 562} Sia street scene [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 563} Sia buffalo mask [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 564} Acoma belfry [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 565} Feast day at Acoma [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 566} Acoma from the south [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 567} Old trail at Acoma [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 568} Acoma water carriers [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 569} At the gateway – Acoma [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 570} Acoma Roadway [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 571} At the old well of Acoma [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 572} An Acoma Woman [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 573} Acoma Water Girls [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 574} Paguate [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 575} Laguna architecture [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 576} Replastering a Paguate house [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 577} Laguna watchtower [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 578} Paguate entrance [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 579} Paguate watchtower [photogravure plate] |
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Last updated April 9th, 2004
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