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Vol.17. The Tewa. The Zuñi.




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The North American Indian
VOL. xvI-a


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Chid EtftltifV id Limitts ti $ibe ukrunIrrt ettB of tuftich thi ti lumber......


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The cliff-dweller [photogravure plate]


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THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN BEING A SERIES OF VOLUMES PICTURING AND DESCRIBING THE INDIANS OF THE UNITED STATES, THE DOMINION OF CANADA, AND ALASKA WRITTEN, ILLUSTRATED, AND PUBLISHED BYEDWARD S. CURTIS EDITED BY FREDERICK WEBB HODGE FOREWORD BY THEODORE ROOSEVELT FIELD RESEARCH CONDUCTED UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF J. PIERPONT MORGAN IN TWENTY VOLUMES THIS, THE SEVENTEENTH VOLUME, PUBLISHED IN THE YEAR NINETEEN HUNDRED AND TWENTY-SIX


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C 18 Li1 rs COPYRIGHT, I926 BY EDWARD S. CURTIS THE PLIMPTON PRESS * NORWOOD * MASSACHUSETTS PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA


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Contents of Volume Seventeen
ILLUSTRATIONS.... ALPHABET USED IN RECORDING INDIAN TERMS INTRODUCTION. THE TEWA...... I San Juan........ Organization Social and Religious Customs Cacique Societies...... Society of Shamans Clown Societies.. Snake Cult. Public Dances Miscellaneous Beliefs and Customs San Ildefonso.. History and Arts. Games Warfare Hunting Social Customs..... Social Organization..... Government Religious Beliefs and Organization Cacique Societies...... Society of Shamans. Clown Societies.. Okuwa-hyare?, Cloud Dance Okuf-hyare, Turtle Dance Koo-hyare, Buffalo Dance. Koheye-hyare, Tablita Dance Tsei-hyare, Eagle Dance. An-hyare, Foot Dance Tuin-hyare, Basket Dance Anteye-hyarea, Foot-lift Dance Yere-hyiare, Seed-clean Dance Namb... General Customs. Social Organization..... Religion and Ceremonies. Cacique Societies...... Shaman Societies... Clown Societies...... v ~~~~~ PAGE vii x xi 3 4 4 6 II '5 I7 I9 24 27 30 30 32 36 37 37 39 4I 42 46 50 5I 52 54 55 56 58 58 59 60 60 61 61 63 66 66 67....... 70


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vi CONTENTS Ohfiwa, Cloud-gods Propagation Dance. Snake Cult. Miscellaneous Religious. Cus. Customs ZUNI.. History Arts and Industries. Cosmogony....... Games...... Organization...... Social Customs............ Sorcery Warfare... Origin and Migration.... Priesthoods and Fetishes Ka-tikyanne, the Fraternity of God Solstice Ceremonies....... Shaflako Ceremony Owinahe, A Harvest Ceremony Secret Societies..... Initiation into the Medicine Order ternity MYTHOLOGY Poseyemo (Tewa). The War-gods Destroy Tsimayo (Tewa) Antelope Races with Hawk (Tewa). Shiftukye An Telapnawe, Shitfukye His A Youth Destroys Achiyalatapa (Zuni) Tsiuya, Hummingbird (Zuhi). ~~~~~~ ~~~~~~ ~~~~~ ~~~~~~ ~~~~ ~~~ ~~~~~~ ~~~~ ~~~~~~ ~~~~~~ ~~~~ ~~~~~ ~~~~~ PAGE 72 75 77 8o 85 85 95 I04 I04 I05 I07 III III II3 I23 I26 132 I41 I45 146 159 '71 I7I 172 172 I73 176 I79 Personators of Big Fire FraStories (Zuni) APPENDIX TRIBAL SUMMARY The Tewa. The Zuii..................... ADDITIONAL NOTES ON THE HOPI SNAKE DANCE.. VOCABULARIES.......... Tewa Zuii. INDEX............... 185 185 I9I I95 200 200 204 213


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Illustrations
The cliff-dweller Frontispiece A San Juan home 4 A San Juan man 6 Tse-ka - "Douglas Spruce Leaf", cacique of San Juan 8 Good luck dance by San Juan hunters 10 Shrine of Yellow Cloud Man on Tsikumupi - Tewa 12 Winnowing wheat - San Juan 14 Firing pottery - Santa Clara 16 Santa Clara and the Rio Grande 18 A San Juan farmhouse 20 The harvest - San Juan 22 Tewa dance - costume 24 Cleaning wheat - San Juan 26 A kiva at Santa Clara 28 Puye 30 Cave-dwellings at Puye 32 Ruins on the mesa at Puye 34 Oyegi-aye - "Frost Moving", Santa Clara governor 36 Peach harvest - San Ildefonso 38 Pojoaque 40 By the old well at San Juan 42 Tewa war-god effigies 44 San Ildefonso women 46 In Santa Clara 48 Ko-pi - "Buffalo Mountain" - San Juan 50 Okuwa-tsire - "Cloud Bird" - San Ildefonso 52 Eagle dancer - San Ildefonso 54 Tablita woman dancer - San Ildefonso 56 Oyi-sawi - "Ice Terrace" - Santa Clara 58 Tablita dance - San Ildefonso - A 60 Tablita dance - San Ildefonso - B 62


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Tablita dance - San Ildefonso - C 64 Tablita dancers returning to the kiva - San Ildefonso 66 Tablita dancers at the kiva - San Ildefonso 68 Tablita dancers - San Ildefonso 70 A kiva at Nambe 72 Yan-tse - "Willow Yellow" - Nambe 74 Pose-aye - "Dew Moving", profile - Nambe 76 Pose-aye - "Dew Moving" - Nambe 78 Fo-e - "Snow Child" - Santa Clara 80 Zuñi 84 Corn Mountain 86 Onate's inscription 88 Monastery and church at Hawikuh 90 Hawikuh - A 92 Hawikuh - B 94 A Zuñi house shrine 96 Zuñi village at Ojo Caliente 98 Zuñi gardens 100 Zuñi pottery 102 A Zuñi doorway 104 Boy and girl columns at Corn Mountain - Zuñi 106 Ruins on Corn Mountain - Zuñi 108 Zuñi water carriers 110 Shiwawatiwa - Zuñi 112 Zuñi ornaments 114 Siyotiwa, Zuñi kyaqimassi 116 A Zuñi girl 118 Laitsanyasitsa - Zuñi 120 A Zuñi man 122 A Zuñi governor 124 Kuse-pi - "Rock-purple Mountain" - San Juan 126 A San Juan matron 128 Yan-tsire - "Willow Bird" - San Ildefonso 130 Povi-yemo - "Flower Falling" - San Ildefonso 132 Agoyo-aye - "Star Moving" - San Ildefonso 134 A Nambe girl 136


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Kwaa-Povi - "Bead Flower" - Nambe 138 Mowa - "Shining Light" - Nambe 140 A Santa Clara man 142 Agoyo-tsa - "Star White" - Santa Clara 144 Tambe - "Drum" - Santa Clara 146 A Tesuque ancient 148 Shrine and effigies of the elder war-god on Corn Mountain - Zuñi 150


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Alphabet Used in Recording Indian Terms
[The consonants are as in English, except as otherwise noted] a as in father ai e i I o 0 6 oi u u fi h k q as in cat as in awl as in aisle as in they as in net as in machine as in sit as in old as in how as in oil as in ruin as in nut rounded u as in French peu as in push as ch in German Bach the sonant of h a non-aspirated k velar k as kw 1 approaching Fr hi the surd of 1 n as in cation n as ng in sing n nasal, as in French dans p a non-aspirated p r alveolar, approaching d s approaching sr gh as in shall t a non-aspirated t T dental t fh as in thin /f approaching tr ty approaching ch a glottal pause! stresses enunciation of the preceding consonant superior vowels are voiceless, almost inaudible NOTE: 1, s, /, ty are formed with the tip of the tongue retracted and touching the hard palate. x


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Introduction
EXCEPTING alone the Pueblo tribes of New Mexico and Arizona, no Indians now living within the United States whose ancestors came in contact with Europeans in the sixteenth century have preserved their aboriginal customs with any degree of purity. Indeed, few tribes that suffered such early contact are now known even by name; yet the Pueblos have changed relatively little during the intervening centuries, notwithstanding the active efforts made by the Spaniards in early days to lead the Indians toward Christianity by abolishing their native ceremonies. Permanent Franciscan missions were established among them in the first decade of the seventeenth century, and by the time the English colony had been founded at Plymouth, a number of the pueblos of the Rio Grande supported resident friars who not only brought to the villagers their own religion but instructed them in some of the arts and trades of civilization as well. Although resentful that their own faith should be thus assailed, the Pueblos accepted the Christian teachings, but in outward form alone, jealously guarding the native beliefs and continuing secretly to practise them. While the attempt has been made to attribute the causes of the great Pueblo revolt of i680 to conflict between official and ecclesiastic authorities, there seems little doubt that the hatred toward the priests was engendered largely by reason of what the Indians regarded as an overbearing attitude, especially toward their religious practices; hence they avenged the interference by instigating the rebellion and visiting death, with typical savage brutality, on every Spanish missionary whom they could seize. With some exceptions the attitude of the Spanish leaders toward the Pueblos was not a beneficent one, as witness the atrocities perpetrated on these inoffensive people by the army of Coronado in I540, and by Vargas and others during the reconquest of I692. Yet in spite of all this, of the shifting of village-sites following the revolt and of the consolidation of many of the pueblos that they might the more readily be missionized, the Pueblos have clung tenaciously to the religion of their fathers, the overlay of Christianity being superficial indeed. xi


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xii INTRODUCTION Brought more closely under Christian domination, the Pueblos of the Rio Grande and the Rio Jemez, together with Acoma, developed that primitive protective instinct with regard to their rites and ceremonies that Zuni, so long on the frontier of the New Mexico province, does not possess in such marked degree. True, to this day the Zunii will not permit a Catholic Mexican to witness their religious performances which other foreigners may see without let or hindrance, and often they will openly explain sacred beliefs and customs, whereas to exhibit the objects associated therewith would be regarded as profanation. From the information recorded in the present volume, which treats of San Juan, San Ildefonso, and Nambe of the Tewa group of Pueblos, and Zufii which forms a distinct linguistic stock, it is evident that the Tewa especially practised an elaborate snake cult, perhaps with associated human sacrifice, which still survives in certain esoteric rites the end of which seems not far off. Of all the difficulties in procuring information concerning the secret rites and ceremonies of the Rio Grande Pueblos, none has been so troublesome to overcome nor so unprofitable in definitive results as that pertaining to this cult, for, by reason of its strictly esoteric character, the native laymen have little knowledge of its details, and even of these there are few who would risk forfeiture of their lives by revealing what little they know. As mentioned in Volume XVI, in conducting the research on which the present volume is based the writer had the assistance of Mr. W. W. Phillips who made a preliminary field trip in I905, and of Mr. C. M. Strong who spent about eight months in I909 at the Tewa villages. All the material gathered in these earlier years has been correlated and largely augmented by Mr. W. E. Myers, who visited the Rio Grande tribes in I909 and I917, and spent the entire summer of I924 in the same field. EDWARD S. CURTIS


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The Tewa
VOL. XVII-I


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THE TEWA THE Tewa Indians, a branch of the Tanoan linguistic stock, occupy five villages in the Rio Grande valley north of Santa Fe and a single pueblo adjacent to the Hopi villages on East mesa in Arizona. The Tewa pueblos in New Mexico, from north to south, are: San Juan, Santa Clara and San Ildefonso on or near the banks of the river, and Nambe and Tesuque in the broken country where the valley floor gives way to the foothills of the Sangre de Cristo range. Hano, the Tewa settlement in Arizona, was founded by refugees from the Rio Grande after the Pueblo revolt of I680. Pojoaque, another foothill town east of the Rio Grande, still exists, but within the present generation its population has become almost entirely Mexican. Ofnate in I598 mentioned eleven Tewa villages, one of them Yunque, which was voluntarily abandoned by its inhabitants in order to permit the colonizer to establish San Gabriel, the first Spanish settlement in New Mexico. This site is now occupied by Chamita, a Mexican hamlet across the Rio Grande from San Juan. Benavides, a generation later, credited the eight Tewa towns of his day with a population of six thousand. The local census of I924 reported a total of II33. The farther north one goes among the Tewa the more evident it becomes that there is a strong infusion of Plains Indian blood. The resemblance of most San Juan men to the Plains type is rendered the more striking by their habit of dressing the hair in two braids wrapped or tied with strips of fur or cloth, and by their use of hip-length leggings and shirts of deerskin. These garments are of course now worn only on gala occasions. The following data on the customs of San Juan, San Ildefonso, and Nambe make no pretense of completeness. Among the New Mexico pueblos the investigator learns what he can, and is inordinately gratified when the outer portal is left ajar for a few brief moments. The full tale of Pueblo cults will never be told, for knowledge of many a rite will be buried with the last of its devotees, as already is happening. Much repetition might be avoided by presenting these 3


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4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN data as a composite account of Tewa practice, but such a method would involve either generalizing to an extent not warranted by the present state of knowledge of the subject, or a constant reference of specific statements to this pueblo or that, which would tend to defeat the very purpose of a generalized account. San Juan
Organization
THE civil officers of San Juan are the governor, tu"yo ('leader"); two lieutenant-governors u"y6-ko ("leader arm"), who are regarded as the governor's right arm and left arm; the peace-officer, alguacil (Spanish), and two fiscales (Spanish) who are in charge of the local church. The officers of native origin are the Summer cacique, Pfayoo-ke ("summer strong") or Po.a-tu yo ("water-running leader"), the Winter cacique, Oyi-ke ("ice strong"), the war-chief, akono-tu"y6-po ("country leader head"), two assistant war-chiefs, akono-tu"yo-ko ("country leader arm"), and four deputy war-chiefs, akonge (for akono-e, "country little"; plural, ako ngein). The functions of the two caciques, who divide the year between them from one equinox (approximately) to another, are mainly hierarchical. They rule for life, and in consultation with their advisers they select the other officers for the ensuing year. The governor and his staff, subject to the advice and suggestions of the caciques, control the civil affairs of the community, while the war-chiefs have physical charge of ceremonies, guarding the meeting-places of the priests, looking after the dancers, ordering the people to the assembly. Formerly they were appointed for life and were charged with the duty of guarding the village at night from enemies. No fewer than thirty-three "clans," of which twelve are extinct, are named by San Juan informants. Twenty-one clans in a population of four hundred and fifty-eight are not perhaps an impossibility, but the probability of such a status seems remote. These "clans" are patrilineal, but exogamy is an institution now unknown to any Tewa Indian even by tradition.1 The usual explanation offered by natives is that "the clans are just like family names," which of course is a fair description of a clan. But what is to be said of San 1 In 1895 an old man at Nambe informed me that within his lifetime exogamy was the rule at his pueblo. The patrilineal feature of Tewa clans may be the result of Tanoan (and especially Tiwa) connection with the Kiowa. (See Volume XVI, page 3.) EDITOR.


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A San Juan home [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 5 Ildefonso, with a population of twenty-five families and ninetyseven souls, and seventeen clan names exclusive of forty-one extinct? Or of Nambe with a population of thirty-five families and a hundred and nineteen souls, and thirty-four clan names exclusive of thirtyfour extinct? There are two moieties, which are purely ceremonial in function. The Po-towa ("squash people ") are identified with the summer season, and in local parlance are generally known as Summer people. An optional native term is Faye, which is said to mean "piece of gourd" and to be the equivalent of p6mbe ("squash round"), the implement used in shaping pottery. The Kuyan-twa ("turquoise people") are identified with the winter season, hence are generally called Winter people. They are known also as Q _nri (" sticky-gum," "pitch"), referring doubtless to the use of this adhesive in making inlays of turquoise. Probably both Flaye and Qa ri were originally esoteric terms. Normally a child belongs not only to the father's clan but to his ceremonial moiety as well; but an adult individual may change his party affiliation if he finds conditions in his father's moiety uncongenial. The clans belonging nominally to the Summer moiety are as follow: 1 I. Tan, Sun 7. Kun-ifnwan, Corn Blue* 13. Ta, Grass 2. Po, Moon*2 8. Kin-teyi, Corn Yellow* I4. Te, Cottonwood* 3. Agoyo, Star 9. Kuin-pii, Corn Red* I5. Nina, Aspen 4. Ohuwa, Cloud io. Kuin-ftanyi, Corn White* 16. Kei, Badger 5. Nan, Earth ii. Kuin-fedi, Corn Black* I7. Yee, Weasel 3 6. Kun, Corn 12. Po, Squash 2 I8. Kaw6, Eagle 4 The clans belonging nominally to the Winter moiety are: I. Ts!e, Douglas Spruce 6. Kan, Cougar* I I. Tse-pin, Eagle Mountain 5 2. Qan, Oak* 7- Ta, Elk 12. Te, House 3. Ke, Bear 8. Pan, Mule Deer 13. Fe, Wood 4. Ku"y, Wolf 9. Tse, Eagle* I4. Ku-pii, Stone Red 6 5. De, Coyote IO. Tyugha, Chicken-hawk 15. Ku-yan, Turquoise7 1 To the clan name add t6wa, people. The asterisk indicates an extinct clan. 2 The difference between po, squash, po, head, po, moon, po, water, po, trail, is inflectional. 3 The Handbook of American Indians gives Ye, Lizard, D'ye,Gopher. San Juan informants say these should be yii, lizard, yee, weasel. But a San Ildefonso man gives ye, lizard; and a Nambe man ye, a species of poplar. 4 A large eagle that kills rabbits and fawns. 6 The golden eagle? 6 Usually translated coral. But the present informant identifies this "red stone" with a reddish bivalvular shell. He has a very old shell of this kind, an heirloom from his greatgrandfather, with transverse bands of inlaid turquoise and jet. Jet is still obtained from the Navaho country, where it doubtless occurs in the coal measures of that region, and the shell probably came from the Gulf of California. 7 Ku, stone; yan unexplained.


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6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Social and Religious Customs
Marriage was generally arranged by negotiation between the families concerned, and was accompanied by exchange of gifts. Sexual experience before marriage was general, and the birth of "illegitimate" children was regarded favorably. These conditions are still largely prevalent. On the fourth morning after an infant's birth two women who attended the mother and bathed the child return for the ceremony of bestowing a name. During the night certain herbs have been added to a bowl of water, and sacred meal has been laid out in readiness. At the first streak of dawn the two women step outside the house, one with the infant in her arms, the other with a besom and a firebrand. The torch lights the spot and calls the attention of the beneficent powers to this, their newborn child. The woman with the infant tosses a bit of meal to each of the cardinal points, and as she and her companion turn slowly to the left they catch impressions of objects and colors, which suggest a name. Or they may bestow a name esteemed by the parents or suggested by some circumstance or casual occurrence at the time of the child's birth. Having announced the name for the information of the spirit powers, they reenter the house, return the brand to the fireplace, give the infant and the mother a sip of the medicine-water, and then pass the bowl among all those present. Infants are kept laced in cradle-boards which swing from the roof-beams. There are of course numerous pseudo-religious customs and taboos connected with parturition and the care of young children. The water in which a newborn infant has been washed is poured out very carefully, for violence would react on the child and cause it to cry. Puerperal blood was smeared on the tips of arrows used in fighting. A tray of corn is placed at the head of a cradled female infant, and a bow and arrows at the head of a male infant, in order that they may become industrious in their appropriate pursuits. The shed milk-teeth of boys are cast away with a prayer to the sun for strong permanent teeth, and similar supplication to the moon is made by girls. Young children eat bits of the uncleaned intestines of a beef in order to prevent abdominal cramps. The first animal killed by a boy is offered to the head of the society of hunters, who in turn gives him a bow and a sheaf of arrows. In early spring young boys, aided by their fathers, make hair snares and set them on sun


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A San Juan man [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 7 flowers to catch bluebirds, and each boy takes three birds to the Summer cacique. Every child belongs automatically to the ceremonial moiety of its father. Each moiety has a kiva. Po-tee ("squash kiva") is in the southeast quarter of the pueblo and Oyegi-tee ("frost kiva") is in the northeast quarter. Formerly the moieties were known as South People and North People. At the head of these two parties are the Summer cacique, Pa'nyooke, and the Winter cacique, Oyike, who also are the respective heads of two esoteric societies of limited membership bearing the same names. In the latter capacity the caciques may be specifically referred to as Pa nyooke-sendo (" summerstrong old-man") and Oyike-sendo ("ice-strong old-man"). In ceremonies the Summer cacique is usually addressed as "my old woman" and the Winter cacique as "my old man." The Summer cacique is the religious head of the pueblo from the end of February to the middle of October, and his colleague rules during the remaining four months. The Winter cacique is even more deeply venerated than his fellow highpriest. Both hold their positions for life. When a cacique dies, that member of his society who has been occupying the position at his right hand takes his place pending the naming of a permanent successor by Pin-kan ("mountain cougar"), the head of the society that ceremonially controls game animals. Normally the temporary incumbent is confirmed in his position, but if he is in feeble health a more vigorous colleague may be installed. According to his capability a new member of any society is assigned to the last position on the one or the other side of the leader, who sits in the middle of the row, and his only promotion is by gaining a seat nearer the leader through the death of an older member. One cannot move from the left to the right side of the leader. It is only in the societies of the two caciques that Pinka1 selects the successor to a deceased leader; in other cases the right-hand assistant automatically takes office. It is the duty of the caciques to see that the numerous ceremonials are maintained in unbroken sequence. Specifically, the Summer cacique prays for rain and growing crops, employing in his rituals meal made of blue corn, symbolic of the blue summer sky; the Winter cacique prays for snow and fertile seeds, using meal of white corn, symbolic of snow-covered fields. Two days before a cacique resumes his place as head of the pueblo for the coming term, his society retires to the appropriate house to feast on viands contributed by all the women.


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8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Biennially the Winter cacique after praying to the sun gives the war-chief a message to the people, who one and all in their own homes place a bit of pinon-gum on the forehead and on each large joint, a symbol that they will cleave to Father Sun. The activities of the caciques as heads of their respective societies will be discussed later. The Ohuwa ("cloud") are the Tewa equivalent of the Hopi Kachinas and the Keres Kaftina, or Shiwanna. These masked personators of the cloud-gods perform in the kivas, the Summer people in April or May, the Winter people in December. On such occasions neither ceremonial moiety participates out of its appropriate season. All boys and girls are supposed to be initiated into the Ohiuwa by whipping, after which the secrets of the masked gods are gradually revealed to them. Before this, one is like an alien, ignorant of the religious secrets. The rite occurs every seventh year, each party initiating its own children. Boys, but not girls, are stripped to the loin-cloth, and the ordeal consists of four vigorous strokes with bundles of yucca-leaves wielded by two masked men, who represent Ten-ohuiwal and Ts!e-ohfiwa ("Douglas-spruce cloud"). When all have been flogged, the Ohiuwa remove their masks to show that they are only men representing gods. The initiates sit down and are briefly instructed in the cult, and are told that they must now practise dancing. They do so in company with the young men of the kiva, and the elders select the best ones to be the dancers in the coming ceremony. The initiates and others thus selected spend that night and the four following days and three nights in the kiva practising song and dances. In any masked dance of the Winter people there appear always six Ohiwa: Te'-ohiuwa and Ts!e-ohfiwa ("Douglas-spruce cloud"), the two whippers; Tenyo-ohuwa ("white-fir cloud") and Kan-ohfiwa ("cougar cloud"); Ta-ohfiwa ("sun cloud") and Kaanai-ohfiwa ("white-pine cloud").2 Every seventh year, in the dance following an initiation, besides these six are eight others, four of whom dress like women, and the eight dance in two rows. These eight are called Ohiuwa-eniu ("cloud boys") and Ohuwa-afinu ("cloud girls"). The people having assembled in the kiva, two Kosa clowns amuse 1 Cf. tenyo (ten with augmentative yo), white fir. Since three of the characters appearing in company with Ten-ohuwa represent as many species of evergreen trees, it is evident that tel also is some such tree. 2The informant could recall the names of only three Summer Ohuwa: NapoThu6nin ("black mud"), Pa-kafsina ("mule-deer Kachina"), and Tsigowenu ("lightning").


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Tse-ka - "Douglas Spruce Leaf", cacique of San Juan [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 9 them with jokes and antics, perpetrating obscenities in the manner of their Keres confreres, the Ku'sari. The Ohuiwa then make their appearance, scattering seeds among the spectators, and their leader explains by signs the object of their visit, the Kosa interpreting to the two caciques, who stand side by side. After receiving the thanks of these two, the six Ohuiwa perform in pairs, one of each couple remaining nearly stationary while his companion dances around him. After about an hour they retire to the house in which they dressed to remove the masks and resume their clothing. This dance was revived about 1920 after a lapse of nine years, following a division of the people into two factions as a result of the killing of a San Juan Indian who was bringing a bagful of whiskey into the pueblo. On the side of the man accused of the killing (who happened to be innocent but pleaded guilty in order to save the life of his friend, the actual killer, who had an aged mother without other means of support, while he himself had only a young wife able to care for herself) a small group arrayed themselves, and this group happened to include the two men who possessed the winter and the summer masks and costumes. During these years, and even until 1923 or 1924, the annual pilgrimage to the shrine atTsikimunpi1 also was given up, because they could not approach the gods with offerings while their hearts were divided. The annual ceremonial retirement of the societies, however, continued to be observed, for the reason that this is more in the nature of a thanksgiving to Mother Earth for good crops, and if a member or two of any society happened to be in the opposite faction from the others, he remained absent. The two caciques happened to be on opposite sides in this controversy, but neither faction was made up entirely of Summer or Winter people. The difficulty has been patched up. The major religious practices of the Pueblo Indians are intimately connected with esoteric societies. At San Juan there are, or were, eight societies, which all informants name in the order here given. I. Pfnyoo-ke ("summer strong") is composed entirely of men from the Squash (Summer) moiety. Its head is the Summer cacique, in which capacity he is properly known as Poan-tUnyo ("water-running leader"), although he is also referred to by his society title of Pfnyooke. There are now four members of this group. 2. Oyi-ke ("ice strong") is composed entirely of men from the Turquoise (Winter) moiety, and its head is the Winter cacique, Oyike. There are seven members at present. 3. Puf6nu is the society of shamans, who exorcise disease from VOL. XVII-2


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IO THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN individuals and drive away malign influences that threaten the community, especially witchcraft. There are now nine Puf6nu, besides some female lay members who cook for the society and assist in the singing. The principal shaman is called Puf6nu-sendo ("shaman old-man "). 4. Kosa, a group of clowns, has ten members besides a number of women who participate in the dancing of the society. They paint horizontal black stripes on a ground of white around torso and limbs and black ovals about the eyes and the mouth. A close-fitting skin cap terminates in two slender, upright horns The Kosa hold a dance of their own, besides which two members participate as funmakers in all other dances. Kosa-sendo is the title of the chief clown. 5. Qirano, another society of clowns, has now a single member. The Qirano costume is a suit of white deerskin and a skin cap terminating in a single horn. This cult is said to have "come from the south," while the Kosa cult was established by the culture hero Poseyemo. 6. Pin-kan ("mountain cougar"), or Samnyu, is a society concerned with maintaining the supply of game animals. In the recent past there were never more than three or four members, and now there is but one. The title of the chief of the group is Plka1. He has charge of all communal hunts like the "cougar man" of the Keres, and is a leading figure in any of the numerous dances in which animals are simulated, on which occasions he wears a deerskin suit and carries a bow, a cougar-skin quiver filled with arrows, and a stick. 7. Tseoke,1 now defunct, had ceremonial charge of the scalps taken in war. The last member of this group has died since I909, at which time he was custodian of two Navaho scalps, one taken from a white-haired ancient, the other from a young man. Each was stretched on a small hoop. He had also a heart-shape piece of obsidian, a charm against the power of the enemy. * As a measure of good luck San Juan hunters used to perform a public dance in which they repeatedly stepped through large hoops in order to throw evil spirits off their trail. 1 Tseoke is possibly from fti, obsidian, ke, strong, seize, bear (the "strong" one). But to say nothing of the unnecessary change from fti to fie, the interpolated o is an obstacle. The same difficulty appears in the translation of Pinyooke as "summer strong." Summer is panyo. Here the interpolated o might be regarded as a lengthening of the final syllable of panyo, although it is uttered as a fairly distinct syllable. On the other hand, if the second component of these two words is oke, rather than ke, one would expect it to appear in the same form in the similarly constructed title of the Winter cacique, Oyike. With one exception all the numerous Tewa informants were unable to offer an unequivocal translation of the final component of


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Good luck dance by San Juan hunters [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA II Kufin-fnyu-qiyo ("corn blue [plural] old-woman"), now reduced to two members, formerly gave a public dance in which they moved slowly in a sinistral circle with gestures interpreting their songs. They wore moccasins and wrapped leggings, white mantas and white cotton mantillas (segha), which sometimes were embroidered. Their specific function is not known, but the name of the society, if such it was, leads to the inference that they ground corn for the ceremonial use of the caciques, as did a group of females among the Keres. A large majority of the population belong to no society. Such persons are called fenyavi ("weeds"). The head of the female "weeds" is called Snhu~-qiyo, and her male colleague is Sanshunsendo. When the "weed" men (or women) wish to hold a dance, they consult their leader, who asks the war-chief for permission, and that official takes steps to inaugurate the festival. Any non-secret dance may be so initiated, and the male and female performers are selected respectively by S$nfhun-sendo and Sanhun-qiyo. In I909 the Sa~hu~n-qiyo was Juana Maria, a blind young woman, and her predecessor was Francisca Archuleta, Povi ("flower"). Cacique Societies
The Summer society, Panyooke, is said to have been the first society established by the culture hero Poseyemo.1 It is held in very high esteem, for its function is to pray for rain, for the growth of cultivated and wild products, and for the good of the entire world regardless of tribe or race. Disaster would inevitably follow a lapse of attention to this duty. The Winter society, Oyike, performs a similar service in its season of the year. At the summer solstice the Summer cacique, accompanied by one of his subordinates and by two members of each of the other societies except Blue Corn Women (but with four of the Puf6nu, or shamans), makes a pilgrimage to a lofty peak about twenty miles west of the pueblo. On this mountain, which they call Tsi-kfimu'-pi (" obsidian covered mountain"), is the shrine of Yellow Cloud Man, Ohiuwathese words, and the translation proposed by that one was clearly fanciful. It should be noted that most, if not all, of the Tewa pueblos have shamans who were initiated into the cult by their Keres neighbors, and these are known as Tema-ke in distinction to the shamans initiated at home, who are Tewa-ke. These words are ever recognized as signifying "Keres bear" and "Tewa bear." The bear is the principal tutelar of the shamans. As for feoke, Harrington, in his Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians, says that it "is said to mean 'hard metate face' (fte, 'face'; o, 'metate'; ke, 'hard')." The sense of this translation as applied to a scalpcustodian is peculiarly appropriate. Compare our epithets, "granite-face," "iron-visaged." 1 The preeminence assigned to the Summer society is inconsistent with the greater veneration for the Winter cacique.


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I2 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN fieyi-se, the rain-god of the west, to whom they pray and with whom they leave offerings which the deity will distribute among all the cloud-gods and Sun, Moon, Stars, and war-gods.' The shrine consists of a large circle of stones with a main entrance from the east for San Juan priests, and another from the west for the use of the Navaho. Double lines of stones mark the trails leading to these entrances. North of the San Juan entrance is a dimly marked trail reserved for Taos and Picuris, and south of it are four others, almost if not quite obliterated, for other Tewa pueblos. The sequence of the trails corresponds to the relative situation of the pueblos themselves. The Keres and the Jemez visit a shrine on this peak, but whether this identical one or another is not known. San Juan and Navaho pilgrims once met here by accident at a time when the two tribes were bitter enemies; but hostilities on this sacred spot were unthinkable, and the Navaho permitted the others to make their offerings first. The reservation of the principal trail for San Juan worshipers confirms the often-heard statement that in ceremonial matters that pueblo was supreme, not only among the Tewa but among their neighbors. The probable interpretation of this idea of supremacy is that in the southerly migration of the Tewa the more conservative element, which of course would include the priesthood, lingered in the rear and founded San Juan at the northern limit of Tewa territory. The more adventurous, footloose groups were the ones that pushed boldly forward, seeking better homes, and when they finally became sedentary in their present habitat they were compelled to look to the nucleus of the tribe for their ceremonial institutions. The first visitors at the shrine clear the enclosed space and the trails. San Juan priests, making the pilgrimage in 1923 or 1924 after a lapse of nine years, found in the shrine sagebrush and coal, which they supposed sorcerers had placed there for the purpose of preventing rain: for the shrine is regarded as a spring from which the rains proceed, and an accumulation of rubbish will stop the flow. Within the circle the pilgrims erect the Summer society's altar and offer their supplications and feathered prayer-sticks, which are rudely marked with a face on the tip to represent a cloud-god. The only other shrine admittedly visited by San Juan priests is 1 Douglass, Notes on the Shrines of the Tewa and Other Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, Washington, I9I7, calls this "the world-center shrine." Tsikumunpin is in fact the sacred mountain of the west. Offerings to the spirits residing at zenith and nadir are always made at a shrine near the pueblo, whether San Juan or any other.


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Shrine of Yellow Cloud Man on Tsikumupi - Tewa [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA I3 that of Ku-sene ("stone man-that"), the highest peak in the Truchas mountains. In preparation for these pilgrimages, the Summer cacique calls the heads of the societies to his house to discuss plans, and each head then selects the men to represent his group. They leave in separate pairs and assemble at a designated point. While they are absent the societies meet separately and engage in prayer. On the morning of the fourteenth of August, after three days in which they are very careful of their conduct, especially as to continence, the Summer society goes into retirement in the house of their leader, which is guarded by the war-chiefs against intrusion by Mexicans and Americans. They arrange their sacred objects in an altar, and throughout the day and until midnight they are engaged in prayer, sitting naked on rolled blankets in a row behind the altar, with the cacique in the middle. At night the village officers attend, and about midnight, the women of the members' families having brought quantities of fresh fruits and vegetables, the people crowd in promiscuously, seize whatever they can of these products, and go out. Not until this has been done are the people permitted to pluck any fruits of the soil. Immediately after the rites of the Summer society have been completed, their cacique goes to the house of his colleague to notify him, in a formal speech, that it is now his turn to work for the people and that he must make his best efforts. On the fourth succeeding morning, after three days of personal purification, the Winter society meets for a day and a night of prayer, in the course of which they perform the trick of planting corn and almost immediately exhibiting a developed plant. The altar of the Winter society consists of a bed of meal on which certain figures are drawn with colored earths. At each rear corner stands a yiya-qiyo ("mother old-woman"), an unblemished ear of corn covered with feathers of varied colors. All societies have these fetishes except the Kosa, who use stone figurines carved crudely in the likeness of human beings. Excepting the Puf6nu, who have one each, each society has only two yiya, and the head of the group has charge of them. At Zuii and the Keres pueblos each member of a fraternity has one of these fetishes. Between the two yiya is a round medicine-bowl, the symbolic home of the "mothers." Around the altar lie flints, which represent thunderbolts and lightning. This society uses no stone animals like the fetishes of the Puf6nu. The 1 But see pages 44-46 for San Ildefonso shrines.


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I4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN cacique prepares the medicine while the others observe him, and having finished he fills with native tobacco a blue stone pipe 1 with long wooden stem, and blows smoke on the altar and the bowl. He then asperges in the six directions and orders his fellows to prepare for the songs. After chanting a number of their songs, they rest and then sing again. Throughout the day intervals of song are interspersed with prayer and the offering of meal and small feathers to the world-regions, and finally the cacique addresses the members to the effect that their prayers will be heard and they will receive what they have asked. The concluding song follows: Tamun-y6a-enuin, tivihewunu pu'iy-anto s6npa fiigoa-tagiwagi, morning big youths get-ready deerskin porcupine- sparkling much moccasins quills Ho-sonpa ftigoa-tagiwagi, puiye-ant6o fgoa-tagiwagi, fithun-wirinke. leggings dark eyelashes quills T6wa-tinki tewoaaituyi. people all bring to life "Morning Youths, prepare your deerskin moccasins with brightly gleaming porcupinequills, your brightly gleaming quilled leggings, your brightly gleaming deerskin moccasins, your dark eyelashes. Revive all your people." Having finished his rites, the Winter cacique notifies Puf6nusendo, and on the fourth morning thereafter the shaman society retires for a day and a night. In this manner all the societies offer their supplications in turn. At the Winter solstice, in the latter part of December, the Winter society meets again, and on that day, as well as on the four days preceding it, ashes and rubbish must not be removed from the houses. At the end of the ceremony the houses are swept clean and new fires are kindled. On the fifteenth of October, approximately the autumnal equinox, when the Summer cacique gives place to his colleague, he arranges his altar and sends a messenger to Oyike, who builds a fire and sets up his altar. The Summer cacique then enters and delivers a speech exhorting him to do his best, concluding, "I turn over my children to you." On February the fifteenth the Winter cacique in similar manner relinquishes control. Another ceremony connected with the summer solstice takes the form of a relay race in the plaza for the purpose of giving strength to the sun for his return from the north. Formerly the contestants 1 This pipe has been in the possession of the society for very many generations. The material is probably serpentine.


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Winnowing wheat - San Juan [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA '5 were opposed according to moiety affiliations, Winter people against Summer people, but this opposition is said to have been abandoned because the former, tying yucca-leaves to their ankles, consistently defeated the latter, who put their faith in the weaker magic of quickly withering grass. That the race now occurs on the twenty-fourth of June, the feast day of the village patron, Saint John the Baptist, is fortuitous. When the irrigation ditch is opened in the spring, a part of it below the intake is cleared in preparation for the formal opening. The leaders of the societies go to the head of the acequia and stand in the following order: Winter cacique, Summer cacique, Puf6nusendo, Kosa-sendo, Qirano-sendo, Pin.ka, and Tseoke-sendo. The Summer cacique passes around his colleague to the head of the line, and they proceed, walking in the middle of the ditch, to the other end, the Summer cacique scattering meal and fish-scales along the way. In the fall they observe a similar custom at the closing of the ditch, starting at the lower end and proceeding to the source under the leadership of the Winter cacique. In the spring the Summer cacique fills a large deerskin ball with seeds of various kinds, and starting from the plaza two groups of young men representing the two moieties drive it with clubs successively into all the houses. A woman of each household wraps a piece of thin bread about the ball and throws it out, and the young men scramble for the prize. They proceed then to drive the ball over the fields until finally it bursts and the seeds are scattered far and wide. Everyone is eager that the ball be driven over his fields, for not otherwise could he hope for good crops. Sometimes two days elapse before the ball is broken, and the moiety parties alternate in stopping to rest and eat. Society of Shamans
The Puf6nu exercise powerful influence, for the reason that serious sickness cannot be overcome without them, and furthermore because of the fear their supposed power of witchcraft inspires. The Puf6nu-sendo is inferior only to the caciques, and even with them his word has great weight. In I909 there were about fifteen shamans, in I924 the number was reduced to nine. There has been no initiation since about I9I8. A candidate for initiation spends eight days under instruction by the chief shaman, during which period his only food is boiled corn. Early in the morning of the last day he is accompanied by the society


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THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN to the river, where he wades out until the water touches his mouth. He drinks, and spews out the water to cleanse himself, and all return to the leader's house for a feast provided by the initiate's family. Each shaman possesses a yiya ("mother"), his personal fetish in the form of an ear of corn. A covering of the white, under tailcoverts of an eagle is held in place by wrappings of strings of beads, - turquoise, garnet, and quartz, - and the whole is incased in a covering of parrot tail-feathers, nicely arranged and rising from the base up beyond the tip of the ear. Equally prized is a miniature white, soft-stone bear, representative of the animal which most powerfully aids the shamans. The Puf6nu participate as a society in the series of ceremonies at the Summer solstice. What secret rites of their own they may perform is not known, except the public healing ceremony. Requiring the services of the Puf6nu, the father or other relative of a sick person calls on any one of the shamans with a small quantity of meal and tobacco. The shaman so selected at once informs his fellows, and they meet that night at the house of their leader, where the ceremony will occur unless the patient is too ill to be moved, in which case they proceed to his home. Wearing only loin-cloths they at once arrange an altar, upon which they set their stone bears. Here and there are scattered flints and several skins from the forepaws of bears. The shamans sit in a row behind the altar, and their yiya are set upright in a row between them and the altar. In the midst of the altar is a bowl, in which they proceed to mix medicine while singing, each shaman dropping into the water bits of pulverized herbs and roots. Each has in his right hand a gourd rattle and in his left a pair of eagle tail-feathers. While all sing, the chief dips his feathers in the medicine and with an upward flip against his rattle he successively scatters the sacred water in the six directions. After a brief rest another song is begun and two men, one from each end of the row and hence the youngest members in point of service, rise and dance about the room, striking one feather upward against the other as if ridding the place of malign influences. They turn and dance at the outer corners of the square altar, and sit down. During the third song the leader again asperges the medicinewater in the six directions, and a man from the right side of the row takes up two "lightning-stones" (pyrites) from the altar and strikes a spark in each of the directions and then toward each shaman. He next dips a feather in the medicine and draws it transversely between the lips of each one.


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Firing pottery - Santa Clara [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA I7 A fourth song having been concluded, the leader gives to each of his helpers a sip of the medicine and a bit of "bear medicine" from his pouch, which they retain inside the lower lip. This gives them power to detect and drive out sickness. They at once begin to circulate promiscuously about the room, all except the leader, stroking the patient with their feathers. Some have drawn the bear-skins over one forearm and with these they vigorously slap him with a movement similar to that made by a bear. From his body they pretend to extract by suction various foreign objects, such as sticks, stones, thorns, bones, rags, all supposedly injected into his body by sorcerers. All these are piled on a cloth spread on the floor. Now the Puf6nu-sendo announces that witches or wizards are trying to prevent a cure, and the others proceed with loud cries to rummage the house and rush out of doors in search of the evil ones. They return, panting from the desperate struggle, and exhibit a rag doll, which they tear to pieces and deposit on the cloth. They now resume their seats and begin another song, during which they rise and dance about the room, stroking with their feathers the bodies of the spectators. The two men who danced during the second song gather up the corners of the cloth and carry out the objects removed from the sick person, to cast them away outside the pueblo. The shaman originally sought by the family of the patient now gives him his stone bear, which is to be kept on his person four days, at the end of which time it is to be returned to the shaman with whatever payment the family see fit to make for his services. At the conclusion of the healing ceremony, the shamans carry home large baskets of meal for their fee. In August of I924 a sick man was being treated by the Puf6nu. After pursuing the sorcerers, they brought in a rag doll dressed in the manner of a Pi.nkl, with deerskin suit and flowing hair. The sick man was informed that a Pinkan wizard seemed to be oppressing him, and probably if he would promise to join that society the malevolent one would cease troubling him. This was a palpable effort to recruit a member for the important but nearly defunct hunters' society. Clown Societies
The Kosa and the Qirano are societies of fun-makers, and function almost exactly as do the Ku'sari and the Kwi'ranna of the neighboring Keres pueblos. They paint in the same manner as the Keres clowns, the Kosa white with black horizontal bands and black ovals VOL. XVII- 3


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I8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN about the eyes and the mouth, the Qirano white on the face with a black stripe from each angle of the mouth across the cheek. The former are distinguished by dry corn-husks attached to the hair, and wear deerskin caps having two slender upright "horns," which correspond to the Keres arrangement of the hair in two shocks stiffened with white clay. The Qirano are distinguished by hawk-feathers attached to the hair, and a skin cap terminating in a single "horn" like the shock of hair affected by the Keres Kwi'ranna. They wear white deerskin leggings and shirts. The Kosa "came from the north," that is, the society was instituted in the ancient home of the Tewa,1 while the Qirano "came from the south," that is, from the Keres. Of course two such similar cults could not have grown up independently among two neighboring stocks. The suggestion has been made 2 that originally the Keres KCi'sari were a warrior society acquired from the Pawnee, the arrangement of the hair in the Pawnee style and the intimate connection of the Acoma Kasari with the scalp-dance supporting this conjecture. Also a possible etymology of the Keres term has been offered in Tewa Kosa-hyare (" Kosa dance"). As to the origin of the term Qirano: (i) The San Juan and San Ildefonso Winter moiety is esoterically called Qari ("pitch"). (2) The statement is frequently made that the Kosa are Summer people and the Qirano are Winter people.3 (3) At Nambe the Qirano are called Kwawri (Qari) and are recognized as a Keres institution, the Kwi'ranna. (4) The affix na in Kwi'ranna is the regular Tanoan objective. These facts lead to the hypothesis that both of the clown societies were originally, in this region at least, Tewa, one pertaining to the Summer moiety, the other to the Winter; that the Keres acquired both, along with the names, from the Tewa; that for some reason the Kwa ri (Qari) society became defunct among the Tewa, was later revived by initiation at the hands of the Keres society, and became known, at some of the Tewa pueblos, by an adaptation (Qirano) of the Keres adaptation (Kwi'ranna) of the Tewa original. Fun-makers of one society or the other participate in all dances, in the same manner as their Keres counterparts. A secret dance is held annually in the mountains. Whether the Kosa are the only 1 But the Tesuque Kosa are said to be initiated at Cochiti. 2 Volume XVI, pages 103-I04. 3 This is just the opposite of Keres practice. As a matter of fact membership in the Tewa societies is not dependent on moiety affiliation.


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Santa Clara and the Rio Grande [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA I9 performers on this occasion or make merry while the masked personators of the cloud-gods dance, as at Cochiti, is not known; but the latter is probable. In July the Kosa go fishing, and the entire catch is given to their chief. In the non-secret Turtle dance the Kosa performers eat raw, or at least tear apart with their teeth, any chickens the spectators give them; and they are privileged to enter any dwelling, take what they desire, and overturn and break utensils. They are required to eat in a gluttonous manner. Three nights before Christmas day they go through the streets singing and roistering, carrying a small jar of water from which anyone suffering from a malady may drink with benefit, and in many cases such a one vows to join the society if he recovers. In the public dances the Kosa draw a circle with ashes, and anyone caught inside of it is compelled to join. Only in these two ways are members recruited. Snake Cult
There is no doubt that the Tewa and probably other Pueblos formerly and within recent years kept large rattlesnakes in captivity as creatures to be venerated and propitiated. Whether the custom still persists, and whether human sacrifice was made to the reptiles, which many native informants declare to have been the case, cannot be proved. The evidence regarding this cult is necessarily fragmentary, but the witnesses are surprisingly numerous considering the danger attending revelations of this sort. Besides the following quotations, additional evidence bearing on snake worship will be given as applying to Nambe. All the statements of natives were recorded in I909. Prior to that time the only published references to the cult had appeared in the writings of Bandelier: 1 The Sa-jiu 2... is the keeper, in every village where the office exists, of a greenish liquid called "Frog water,"... which the Indians use as an infallible remedy against snake bites.... The common belief in New Mexico, that the Pueblo Indians keep, or at least kept until recently, enormous rattlesnakes in their villages, treating them, if not with veneration, at least with particular care, is not unfounded. Gigantic rattlesnakes are killed now and then, - animals of enormous size. One of these, six feet long, was killed on the lower Rio Grande last year. In 1884, a rattlesnake, the body of which I saw myself, 1 Papers Archcological Institute of America, III, I890, pages 305-307; I, I883, page I26. 2 Sashun, head of the women who are not members of a society. See page II. The present writer has no information regarding the connection of this personage with the snake cult.


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20 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN was killed at San Juan. It measured over seven feet in length. Tracks of gigantic snakes, or trails rather, have been met often. I saw a fresh one in the mountains west of Santa Fe that indicated a very large serpent. But the Indians, though generally reticent concerning these facts, have confessed to me that there exists among the Tehuas a special office of "Keeper of the Snake." This office is in near relation with that of the Sa-jiu, and under her quasi control. Until not long ago (and perhaps to-day) eight large rattlesnakes were kept in a house at San Juan alive, very secretly, and it was the Po-a-nyu,1 or keeper, who had them in charge. When the one that I saw was killed, five years ago, the Indians of the pueblo showed both displeasure and alarm. It is positively asserted that the Pecos adored, and the Jemez and Taos still adore, an enormous rattlesnake, which they keep alive in some inaccessible and hidden mountain recess. It is even dimly hinted at that human sacrifices might be associated with this already sufficiently hideous cult.... It has always been the natural tendency... to make bad look worse and good better than it actually is.... I have previously mentioned that Ruiz had been called upon by the Indians of Pecos to do his duty by attending to the sacred fire for one year, and that he refused. The reason... appears to have been that there was a belief to the effect that anyone who had ever attended to the embers would, if he left the tribe, die without fail. Even Ruiz affirmed that the tale, so far as the Pecos were concerned, was certainly true. He never could get to see the reptile, however. It was a rattlesnake (Cascabel). Mariano Ruiz, from whom Bandelier derived information about Pecos customs, was a Mexican who as a boy became so intimate with the Indians that he was later adopted by them and when the pueblo was abandoned in 1838 he received such of the community land as was not sold. In 1924 an effort was made to obtain from the Mexicans now living near Pecos ruin such traditions as they might have preserved regarding the snake cult. Through the good offices of Mrs. Adelina Otero-Warren a man who, as it happened, was the grandson of Ruiz, was induced to repeat what he had heard his grandfather tell about the Pecos snake; and a dramatic recital it was. The snake, he said, was kept in an underground room in the village, and at stated intervals a newborn infant was fed to it. The elder Ruiz was asked to assume the duty of custodian of the sacred fire, an annual office, which he declined because he had observed that the fire-keeper always died soon after being released from confinement in the subterranean chamber where the fire burned. 1 Pd"nu, rattlesnake.


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A San Juan farmhouse [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 2I1 (Whether the fire and the serpent were housed in the same cell the grandson did not know, but possibly such was the case and the refusal of Ruiz to accept the proffered position was really due to his horror at the idea of spending a year in proximity to the reptile. But there appears to be no good reason why he should not have imparted this information to Bandelier, if such was the case.) Strolling about the environs of the village, Ruiz one day came upon his most intimate friend bowed in grief. To the Mexican's inquiry the Indian responded that his newborn child had been condemned to be fed to the snake, that already he had been forced to yield several children to the sacrifice, and had vainly hoped that this one would be spared. This was the first time Ruiz had heard that children were fed to the snake. He proposed that they hoodwink the priests, and acting on his advice the Indian poisoned a newborn kid with certain herbs, wrapped it up as if it were a baby, and threw it to the reptile. That night terrifying sounds issued from the den as the great snake writhed in its death agony, and in the morning it lay with the white of its belly exposed. The populace was utterly downcast, for this presaged the extinction of the tribe.l About the year I913 Mrs. Matilda Coxe Stevenson published in a New Mexico newspaper certain information she had received from a San Ildefonso man regarding Tewa snake worship, especially mentioning the subject of human sacrifice. Her informant was promptly executed by a Keres delegation from Santo Domingo,2 and such a stringent ban was placed on further revelations of ceremonies that it is now more than ever difficult to induce natives to discuss such subjects, especially the snake cult. Mrs. Stevenson's data have not been published, but the following generalizations appeared: 3 The most shocking ceremony associated with the zooic worship of the Tewa is the propitiation of the rattlesnake with human sacrifice to prevent further destruction from the venomous bites of the reptile. The greatest secrecy is observed and the ceremonies are performed without the knowledge of the people except those directly associated with the rite which is performed quadrennially. Although many legends of the various Pueblos have pointed indirectly to human sacrifice in the past, it was a revelation to Mrs. Stevenson when she 1 If Ruiz really had a hand in doing away with the Pecos snake, he of course would not have revealed the fact to Bandelier, for publication of such a confession would very likely have been his death warrant, even though Pecos itself had been abandoned for forty years. The tradition is here recorded for what it may be worth. The most the writer can say for it is that there seems to be nothing inherently impossible in it. 2 See Volume XVI, pages I63-I64. 3 Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 63, No. 8, 1914, pages 79-80.


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22 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN was informed that this rite was observed by the Tewa at the present time; and, while it is said to exist only in two of the villages, she has reason to believe that they are not exceptions. In one village the subject is said to be the youngest female infant; in the other village an adult woman is reported to be sacrificed, a woman without husband or children being selected whenever possible. The sacrificial ceremonies occur in the kiva. The subjects are drugged with Datura meteloides until life is supposed to be extinct. At the proper time the body is placed upon a sand painting on the floor before the table altar and the ceremony proceeds amid incantations and strange performances. The infant is nude, and the woman is but scantily clad. After the flesh has decomposed and nothing but the bones remain the skeleton is deposited, with offerings, beneath the floor of an adjoining room of the kiva. The entire ceremony is performed with the greatest solemnity. The details of the alleged sacrifice, as given in the preceding quotation, are unconfirmed. A San Juan man, whose name must of course remain secret, says: When I was a youth of about fourteen I herded my father's cattle. It was in the month of August, and just after midday. Going down an arroyo I saw a track as if someone had been dragging a heavy log. Some small bushes were broken. I followed it to see who was dragging this log. It was strange that the track was not in a straight line. I went up on a small hillock to see where the cattle were, and I was just about to jump down the slope on the other side, when I saw in front of me under an overhanging rock a very large snake. I could not run. It was coiled. It had an arrow-head mark on the back of its head and smaller ones on its body. Its head was raised. It did not rattle. It seemed a long time before I could jump back and run home to tell my father and uncle. They did not believe me, and would not go back with me to see. A short time after this a Frenchman was quarrying rock for Samuel Eldodt, and while he was cooking he heard a sound like a man snoring. He investigated, and in a cave saw a big snake. He killed it. He told my society brother about it, and that is how I know. He brought the snake to Eldodt, and only one Indian was allowed to see it. This was Luis Kata, who is now dead. There was no excitement among the Indians, only surprise that there could be such a large snake. The last sentence of the statement was in reply to a direct question. The San Juan snake was killed in 1884 by a Frenchman quarrying rock. He was cooking his supper, and the snake came to the door of his cabin. Almost paralyzed with fright, he seized a sharp pinch-bar and struck. The bar passed through its neck, but the


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The harvest - San Juan [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 23 snake was so large that the implement simply punctured instead of severing it. To make sure that it was dead he cut the body in three pieces with a shovel, and then came to San Juan and informed Samuel Eldodt, who went to the quarry and brought it home in a large packing-case. They found the place from which the snake had come, a small cave in the rocks walled in with stones and pots. The village that night was in an uproar, and Eldodt, though thoroughly familiar with the Indians and not given to false alarms, was uncertain that he and his household would live through the night. The snake was seven feet six inches long and "as thick as a stovepipe." 1 The positive denial of the native informant quoted above that there was any excitement in the village after this occurrence is good proof that in denying the existence of snake worship at San Juan he is equally disingenuous. Both Eldodt and Bandelier, who saw the snake after it was killed, testify to the intense excitement of the Indians. The discovery of the man-made den of the serpent sheds light on the refusal of the old men of the pueblo to accompany the boy back to the place where he saw the reptile: realizing that it had escaped from its den, and unwilling that a child should know this secret, they doubtless went out secretly and drove it back. Another San Juan man says: Snakes were formerly kept in the hills and fed by the people of the village. There were two snakes, but one went away and was lost, the other was killed by a man who was quarrying rock in the hills east of San Juan. It was so large that he became afraid to stay there afterward. The Indians were much incensed that the snake had been killed. It was fed tortillas and meat by Juan Pedro twice daily, early in the morning and late in the afternoon. There used to be a man here who, on seeing a snake, would wave his hat over the reptile until it became passive and could be handled. An old Mexican who as a boy spent so much of his time among the San Juan Indians that he still, in I909, spoke the language like a native, said that he once accompanied two playmates on burros to a wild nook in the hills, where his companions threw meal and small tortillas bearing the snake symbol into a small cave filled with a writhing mass of rattlesnakes. Some years ago freshet water rushing down the acequia flooded the village of Santa Clara. Early in the morning a white neighbor, 1 Information from Samuel Eldodt, 1924.


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24 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN entering the village to secure help in repairing her roof, found the men crowded about a kiva at the edge of the elevation on which the pueblo stands. Some were bailing water from the subterranean room. They motioned her away, and appeared greatly concerned lest she approach closer. The man she sought said that he could by no means leave at the moment. Some time after this she was told that the Santa Clara snakes had been drowned; and though her informant did not say that the event had taken place at the time of the flood, the supposition is that such was the fact.' In 1924 the same observer saw in the road a mile or two from Santa Clara a rattlesnake gaily decorated with stripes of red paint. This recalls the Zufii custom of adorning a rattlesnake caught in a cultivated field and releasing it outside with supplications for its good-will.2 The Santa Clara Indians say that by inserting into a snake's mouth the tip of a twig moistened with saliva they can render the reptile unconscious. In order to convince a skeptical American neighbor a young man caught a non-venomous snake, secured a toothpick, placed the tip in his mouth and then in the snake's mouth, which he distended by pressing a forked stick on its neck. The reptile almost at once became lethargic, and soon was as motionless and limp as a piece of rope. It lay in the patio some hours before disappearing unnoticed.3 Public Dances
Numerous dances, or portions of ceremonies, are performed publicly, not because they are mere entertainments (for the religious element is always present), but because neither esoteric rites of a secret society nor vulgarities objectionable to American spectators are involved. In some of these dances game animals are personated, and on such occasions, which fall only in winter, Pikan, the head of the hunters' society, is the master of ceremonies. The underlying thought of the animal dances is to increase the supply of game. Other dances occurring in spring and summer have for their purpose propitiation of the rain-gods and influencing the growth of crops. Besides these there are numerous dances, mainly for enjoyment, in imitation of the tribal celebrations of Comanche, Ute, Apache, Navaho, Kiowa, and Mexican Indians. 1 Terrestrial snakes of course are not helpless in water; but the captives may have been too closely confined to keep their heads above water, or they may have been so recently fed as to be too torpid to swim. 2 See page I55. 3 Information from Miss Clara D. True, 1924.


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Tewa dance - costume [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 25 One of the most prominent of these public ceremonies is Okuhyare ("turtle dance"), which takes place annually on Christmas day. In the month of October, in preparation for the Turtle dance, the village women congregate in groups in various houses and grind corn while several men sing for them. This meal they will give to the dancers in reward for their service to the community. On Christmas day the dancers file out of the kiva and dance in a row, first on the east, then on the south, last on the north side of the plaza. They are painted black from neck to ankles, and wear white and black loin-cloths terminating in a tail, moccasins with skunk-skin anklets, and turtle-shell rattles on the right ankle. Below the left knee is a yarn band with bells or rattles depending from it, around each biceps is a green band with spruce sprigs thrust fanwise under it, and on the head are upright eagle-feathers and transverse parrot-feathers. In the right hand is a gourd rattle, in the left a bunch of Douglas spruce. The Kosa clowns dance grotesquely behind the line, and between dances circulate about the village collecting bread in the blankets wrapped about their loins. With them are two men called Savi-yo ("Apache big"), wearing respectively a white and a black mask. Appearing only on this occasion, they represent cannibal giants from the mountains, and are supposed to catch young men not participating in the dance and to frighten children into good behavior. Ko6o-hyare ("buffalo dance") is celebrated early in January. The performers are two men, a girl, and the head of the hunters' society. The men are painted black above the waist, white from waist to knees, yellow below the knees. Small bells and eaglefeathers dangle from yarn leg-bands. On the head, but not concealing the face, is a striking mask of buffalo-hair and horns. The girl is fully clothed in native costume, including white leggings and moccasins with skunk-fur anklets, and a black manta. On her head is a pair of small horns, and down the back hangs a band of turkeyfeathers terminating with an eagle-tail. This is a very strenuous dance, and the performers, of whom there are two sets which appear alternately, are under training with the singers and the war-chiefs for five nights in the kiva. The dance is a striking one. Scarcely moving from their places, the performers portray the actions of the buffalo, hunted, stampeding, charging, drooping with exhaustion, reviving for another effort to escape, all this in faultless accord with the sudden changes of tempo in the songs. Before they finish they are dripping perspiration, and the seasoned observer of native dancVOL. XVII-4


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26 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ing, astonished that an Indian girl, usually the personification of deliberation in movement, can use her feet with such incredible rapidity and vigor, wonders even more at the source of her stamina in keeping the rhythm during the four repetitions of a rather extended song. Watchfully guarding the Buffalo is Pinkan, with his deerskin suit, his cougar-skin quiver and cougar-claw necklace, and his baldric of deerskin. In the Deer dance, Pa-hyare, the performers wear horned headdresses of deerskin and the usual accoutrement of dancers, and have the face blackened. They first appear in the hills and come warily into the village and disappear in the kiva. Soon they emerge and perform in imitation of deer, leaning forward and partially supporting their weight on short canes, one in each hand. The Eagle dance, Tse-hyare, usually occurs in January or March, but is not given annually. Two men have their arms completely covered with broad bands of cloth on which eagle-feathers are sewed, with which they give a convincing imitation of an eagle using its wings. Tail-feathers are worn behind in a fan-like band, and the hair is arranged in a ridge with an overhanging point, suggesting a beak. Stepping slowly, raising the feet high, peering here and there, flapping their wings, they portray the actions of the great bird which all Indians revere. In the Basket dance, Tu-fihyare, which occurs in February or March, the principal feature is presented by the women, who, in a row opposite the male dancers, kneel on blankets, place the ends of short sticks on inverted baskets, and rub notched sticks across them, thus simulating the sound produced in grinding the corn for which they are praying. The blankets are spread by Qirano-sendo, and watchfully guarding the performers is Tseoke, the scalp custodian, holding under his robe his heart-shape obsidian charm to ward off the evil spells of enemies. The juniper sticks used by the women are the property of the scalp-keeper. In February, at the time when the Summer cacique resumes his ceremonial control of the village and just before the opening of the acequia, the Corn dance, Kfin-hyare, takes place. Slightly in advance of the row of dancing and singing men are two women, separated by a space equal to about half the length of the row. At a certain point in the song they dance forward, holding aloft in each hand an ear of blue corn. Soon they turn and dance toward each other, pass, turn again and dance back toward the men, having thus exchanged places. Coming the second time from the kiva, the men are accom


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Cleaning wheat - San Juan [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 27 panied by a new pair of women, who dance with yellow corn-ears, and on the third occasion another pair dance with white ears. These women are appointed by Sanhun-qiyo. They paint the face red, have an upright fan of eagle-feathers on the head, and wear a broad, white baldric. What is popularly called the Corn dance, or the Tablita dance, is known to the Tewa as Koheye-hyfare. Koheye is the head-piece worn by the female dancers, a broad, thin piece of wood curved at the lower edge to fit across the crown of the head, terraced at the upper edge, and painted with symbols of clouds, lightning, rain, and flowers. The dramatic and colorful spectacle occurs on the thirteenth of June. The men have moccasins, skunk-fur anklets, a tortoiseshell rattle behind the right knee, bells at the left knee, Douglas spruce twigs in the arm-bands, the skin of a fox or coyote swinging from the belt in the rear, a ceremonial sash, an eagle-feather upright in the hair, forearms and lower legs white but the rest of the body black, the face streaked with red from the corner of the eyes. The performers are equally divided, male and female, and dance in various formations to inspiriting songs suggesting the approach of clouds, lightning, thunder, and rain. The singers, uncostumed, stand in a separate group about the drummer, and with impassioned gestures interpret the significant phrases that intersperse the vocables, while the Kosa clowns here and there dance with exaggerated care and from time to time make gestures appropriate to the song. Miscellaneous Beliefs and Customs
Belief in the existence of sorcerers is a part of the very fabric of Pueblo Indian life. These malevolent creatures are human beings, usually resident in the village which they afflict with their magic, who are able to assume the form of an animal or a swift-flying ball of fire. When a witch-animal is shot, the human individual is found to be wounded and thus the identity of the evildoer is fixed. In I909 no fewer than five members of the shaman society at San Juan were suspected of using their occult power for evil. In the course of several seasons among the Pueblo Indians the writer has listened to some scores of "witch stories" told with bated breath and apprehensive glances into the outer darkness. Very many of these tales were palpably ex post facto attempts of credulous minds to account for two entirely unrelated occurrences: I shot an owl one night, the next day a man in the pueblo had a severe pain in the side and died suddenly, therefore he was a wizard who went


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28 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN to his nefarious business disguised as an owl. But when the narrator embroiders his tale with thoroughly sincere statements of conversation held with the owl, who answered to the name of the man that subsequently died, how shall we account for it? First, there is the tendency of man to exaggerate his unusual experiences and eventually to believe his own fabrications; second, there is the phenomenon of dreams remembered as actual events. There is a smaller class of witch tales that suggest the possibility of hypnotism. My uncle professed that he did not believe in the Puf6nu and witches. In the course of a healing ceremony he was sent as one of two guards with two of the Puf6nu on their search for witches. At the edge of the bluff on the upper side of the pueblo one of the shamans moistened his fingertip with saliva, rubbed it across my uncle's eyes, and commanded him to look down the slope. At the bottom he saw a number of people in the pool of water dancing about the two shamans, who were fighting against them. At last the shamans caught one of the sorcerers and dragged him up the slope. He rubbed his fingers across my uncle's eyes, and the scene disappeared. The writer has heard but one witch story that can stand on its own feet: A Santa Clara young man some years ago saw a strange light outside the window of his isolated ranch house. By all the rules of the game this should have been a wizard. But the young man happened to have the courage of his conviction that the native religion was largely nonsense. At the same time he exercised commendable caution. He fired first and investigated afterward. He found an old man lying in the field with a bullet-hole in his chest. "Well," his victim gasped, "you got me!" After a time he staggered home, and a day or two later he died, but not before he had admitted to the young man that he had produced the ghostly light by rubbing a bunch of phosphorus matches on the palm of his hand, his purpose being to frighten the apostate into belief in sorcerers and the native gods. When the evidence against him, or her, is sufficiently convincing, a sorcerer is flogged or hung up by the arms. Formerly such a malefactor might be confined in the stocks, a Mexican inheritance, until death ensued.1 1 For witchcraft trials by the local Spanish authorities see Twitchell, Spanish Archives, II, index, s.v. Sorcery, Witchcraft. Bandelier (Papers Archceological Institute of America, III, I890, page 35) mentions witchcraft as a cause of the reduction in the population of some of the pueblos, including Nambe and Santa Clara.


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A kiva at Santa Clara [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 29 Outside the pueblo of San Juan, facing the cardinal points, are four stones about thirty inches high. The one on the north is painted blue, the one on the south white, and around the base of each are small white stones and offerings of turkey- and eagle-feathers. The other two are not painted, but the one on the east side is pitted with numerous small holes. At the winter solstice the war-chief early in the morning visits first the northern then the southern shrine and sprinkles sacred meal. At the summer solstice he reverses the order. On the preceding and again on the following night all the people assemble while a guard is posted on the housetop. What occurs on this occasion is not known, but it may be assumed that the war-chief addresses them, urging good conduct and attention to religious duties. It is said that in former times every individual made meal offerings each morning at the four shrines, and many still do so. White wood-borers from mountain trees are eaten in order to keep the teeth white and firm. Borers from soft, lowland trees would not have this effect. Some observe a custom said to have been borrowed from the Apache and Navaho, never turning cooking meat with a knife lest it injure the teeth. When a hunter brings home a deer he invites the two caciques, Pinkan, and Sa.hu -qiyo, head of the non-society women. After the meal the three men advise the hunter regarding his future conduct and foresightedly encourage him to kill more deer. Three days later the woman sends him a basket of meal with a twig of Douglas spruce thrust into the mass. The significance of the spruce is not known. Douglas spruce of course is used in nearly all ceremonies and is held in high regard as the chief of trees, and in this case it probably is a good-luck token. In former times when a successful buffalo-hunter returned, a bag filled with the dried meat was laid on the floor and the principal men were invited. They stroked the bag reverently and sang two songs of the Buffalo dance, and the hunter opened the bag and distributed the meat. After the feast, the guests thanked him and gave him good advice and encouragement. Hunters returning from a communal rabbit-hunt are met outside the village by the women, who snatch the rabbits from their hands. Later they reward the involuntary donors with baskets of bread. Facial and pubic hair is removed; and in order to keep it out of the hands of evil shamans who might use it for sorcery against one, it, like parings of the nails, is thrown away secretly or burned. Removal of the eye-brows is thought to improve vision, and of the


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30 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN axillary hair to prevent local perspiration. The presence of pubic hair is believed to be injurious, and some women apply the blood of a bat as a preventive of growth. San Ildefonso
History and Arts
SAN ILDEFONSO is near the east bank of the Rio Grande, seven miles below San Juan and eighteen northwest of Santa Fe. According to Tewa tradition the ancestors of San Ildefonso lived at Otowi (Po-fiu-wii, "water sink gap"), on a mesa beyond the river and seven or eight miles west of the present village. From Otowi came the builders of Tsankawi (San-ke-wii, "Opuntia sharp gap"), on a mesa two miles southeastward, and these later rejoined their former townsmen, who meantime had abandoned the parent village and founded Perage (Pera-ge, "kangaroo-rat at"), just across the river from present San Ildefonso. Both Otowi and Tsankawi were constructed of stone, Perage and San Ildefonso of adobe. The material used was of course the one most easily obtained in the locality, stone on the mesas, clay in the valley. Otowi was a large pueblo of terraced houses estimated by Hewett to have contained seven hundred and fifty rooms. In I924 the San Ildefonso population numbered only ninety-seven. With the other Tewa San Ildefonso participated in the uprising of i680, but, more fortunate than some of the Keres, they escaped severe punishment when Vargas reclaimed the territory twelve years later. Nevertheless it was not until 1694 that they were finally induced to surrender. Taking refuge in temporary homes on the top of Huerfano (Spanish, "orphan," referring to its isolation),1 an impregnable rock two miles north of the village, they defied three * The community known as Puye (Pu-ye, cottontail-rabbit assemble) consisted of a large stone pueblo on the mesa above the cliff here pictured (see plate facing page 34), and numerous cave-dwellings in the face of the precipice. The material of the cliff is a soft, gray-white tufa, known geologically as tuff. The row of holes above the caves supported the ends of beams for the sun-porches of the cave-dwellers. 1 This formidable rock of black basalt the Indians call Tinyo, which Harrington translates "very spotted," referring to the "large greenish spots" on the northern cliffs, adding that "no etymology for the name usually exists in the minds of the Indian users." But the present writer obtained the same interpretation, unsolicited. Another perfectly good translation is "basket large," referring to the resemblance of the rock to a great, inverted basket. This landmark is known to many Americans as Black mesa. The English-speaking natives, however, and many Americans, apply that name to the mesa known in Tewa as Sh6ma, the beginning of the cafion wall on the east side of the Rio Grande about two miles south of San Ildefonso.


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Puye [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 3I successive attempts to dislodge them. The precipitous sides of the mesa forbade assault, and after three separate threats against the position the general laid siege and in five days, during which the Indians attempted several more or less costly sorties, he induced them to surrender. Two years later they imprisoned two priests in the church, which had been established about eighty years previously, and after closing all openings set fire to the building. The priests and several other Spaniards lost their lives.1 The aboriginal arts of basketry, pottery, and weaving are still practised at San Ildefonso. Twined baskets for winnowing and washing grain and for gathering fruit are made of willow, as the name yan-tun ("willow basket") indicates. Kuzn-tu" ("sumac basket") is the name of a coiled meal-basket made entirely of Rhus trilobata for rods and wrapping. There are some very capable potters. The material is a mixture of clay and hyuinya", or tierra azul (Spanish, "blue earth"), a blue-white earth which, soft in its native state, becomes hard after moistening and drying. The decoration is red and black on a whitish ground, or black on a red ground. Red is produced with yellow ochre, which changes color when oxidized in the kiln. Black is the dried residue of a decoction of the leaves of hwai, or guaco (Mexican Spanish, the Rocky Mountain bee plant (Peritoma serrulatum). Within recent years a highly polished black ware has been developed at San Ildefonso, which finds ready sale at good prices to amateur collectors. It is really a revival of an ancient phase of the potter's art, for Coronado's chroniclers observed ware of the same kind. The remarkably smooth pebbles used for polishing the surface of pottery are found in small clusters among or near deposits of fossil bones. They are the stomach pebbles of dinosaurs. Tewa women, and probably all Rio Grande Pueblo potters, cherish them inordinately, refuse to part with them, and anticipate very bad luck if one is lost. Little weaving is done by the modern Tewa. Belts and hairbands for women are made, but mantas have long been purchased from the Keres and the Hopi. Some years ago several Tewa young men began to attract surprised attention to their water-color drawings of episodes in native ceremonies. The best of them was, and is, a San Ildefonso man known as Awaffire. More recently others have enthusiastically taken up this new art, girls as well as youths, and at other than Tewa 1 Bandelier in Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America, IV, 1892, page 82.


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32 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN pueblos - Cochiti, Santo Domingo, and Jemez. The work is commonly held to represent native, undeveloped ability. Such however is not the case. Native Pueblo paintings are found on pottery and in the churches, and it is crude indeed. Miss Esther B. Hoyt, a capable artist, was in charge of the school at San Ildefonso from about I898 to I908, and most of the young artists of this pueblo learned drawing under her instruction. She wisely held them to native design and feeling. Many of these students, after seven or eight years at San Ildefonso school, continued their studies with Miss Gertrude Ferris, a competent public-school art instructor at the Government school in Santa Fe. At Cochiti day school under Mrs. Luella S. Gallup several pupils of both sexes developed into fairly good painters. For many years the Prang system was compulsory in the Indian schools, and all pupils received instruction in drawing and design.l Untutored genius may be more spectacular than developed ability, but its product is certainly less creditable; and the work of these native painters deserves the highest praise for its fidelity to color, detail of costume, and the posture and grouping of figures - a fidelity all the more remarkable in that they use no models, relying solely on their wonderful power of photographic observation. Among the primitive implements were arrows tipped with obsidian or flint, simple bows of cedar, cherry, oak, or elk-antler, obsidian knives and lance-heads, stone axes and metates, flint-pointed firedrills operated against a flint (or pyrites?) hearth, stone war-clubs with wooden handles either bent around the head and lashed fast or attached to rawhide shrunken tightly on the head, slightly curved rabbit-sticks for small game, leather slings, wooden drums with leather heads, wooden flutes, pump-drills for piercing beads. Aboriginal garments included woven cotton dresses, robes, belts, and sashes, deerskin moccasins and leggings, winter caps of buffalo- or rabbit-fur. The principal native products of the soil were corn, beans, squashes, pifion-nuts; berries of cedar, juniper, and sumac; acorns, yucca seedpods, Opuntia cactus fruit ("prickly-pears"), and numerous roots and pot-herbs. Games
San Ildefonso has preserved most of the aboriginal games, which include shinny, the kicking-race, and contests of skill resembling pachisi and checkers. 1 Information from Miss Clara D. True, I924.


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Cave-dwellings at Puye [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 33 Puna-be ("stick ball") is played by men in two parties of equal, but no definite, number. The ball is laid in the centre of the plaza and one party strives to drive it to Huerfano mesa two miles away, the other to Shuima mesa equally distant in the opposite direction. The game has no ceremonial significance, and is played for wagers laid between individuals. Women sometimes play shinny in the plaza. Hwive-chanu ("missile throw-with-the-foot") is the kicking-race. A round bit of wood about two inches long, the hweve, is decorated with black marks, and with hummingbird-feathers to make it go swiftly. The contest is not between kivas nor between ceremonial moieties, but since it is believed to have been played by the war-gods it has ceremonial significance. It may be held at any time, not merely once a year. The contestants start in the plaza and follow a route to the hills or around Huerfano mesa or to Black mesa, according to previous agreement, each party sending its hweve forward by inserting the toes under it and giving a vigorous kick. The losers must sponsor a dance of a kind agreed upon, such as a war-dance or a Kiowa or Navaho dance. E-/e ("game wood"), or popoyige-e ("cup game"), called by the Mexicans cafiote (from canla, cane), is played in the kivas in spring. Four round, hollowed blocks of wood, the popoyege, are thrust, base first, into a heap of sand, and a small bit of wood, the fe, is secreted in one of them. The openings are then covered with sand, and the leader, who places the marker, throws off the blanket under which he has been working. His opponents then guess which cup contains the marker. If it is in the first one indicated, the guesser's side loses ten of the one hundred grains of corn that compose a common fund of tallies, and his rivals set the cups again. If, however, the first cup is empty, the guesser then indicates a second choice, and if this holds the marker he loses six and again the same players set the cups. If the second choice is empty, a third is indicated, and if this contains the marker the guesser's side wins the inning, but if not they lose four and the inning remains where it was. The "in" party constantly sings, and the others study long which cup they will select. For nan-ta-e (" earth paint game") a square bisected by two diagonals and two perpendic- ulars is marked on the ground. One of two players sets a pebble on each of any four intersections, and the other deposits four bits of VOL. XVII-5


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34 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN wood on any four of the remaining five intersections, provided that he may not completely blockade his opponent. The first player then moves any pebble to an adjacent unoccupied intersection, his opponent follows suit, and the game proceeds on the principle of checkers, except that there are no kings and a marker may move in any direction, until either pebbles or sticks are all captured. Similar in principle is pu'-wou-e ("rabbit hunt game"), in which the diagram consists of three squares, concentric and parallel, and two diagonal and two perpendicular bisectors extending through the two outer squares but only touching the sides of the innermost one. On any twelve adjacent intersections a player sets twelve pebbles, the hunters; and on any one of the remaining twelve his opponent deposits a wooden marker, the rabbit. One of the hunters is advanced to an adjacent intersection, then the rabbit. The latter may leap over, and thus capture, any hunter occupying an intersection next to him, provided the one beyond is unoccupied, and a similar rule applies to the hunters. The object is for the hunters to capture or pen up the rabbit so that he cannot move, or for the rabbit to capture all the hunters. If the odds seem to be overwhelmingly against the rabbit, they are nearly equally so in the communal hunt which the game represents; and the play was probably devised with the idea of exerting a lucky influence on the important rabbit-drive. Another mimic rabbit-hunt is tosoge-e ("pen-up game"), the diagram for which is a four-pointed star bisected by two diagonals connecting the obtuse angles. The hunters / occupy any four adjacent outer angles, the \ / -/ rabbit takes any other angle, the central intersection is left open., --- 5 -- Pa"-wo"-e ("deer hunt game") is a little more involved. A square is divided into sixteen blocks, and two diagonals and an inscribed square with the angles touching the sides of the large one complicate the figure. The five intersections on one side are game-pits, the two adjacent sides are the impassable brinks of high precipices, and along the


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Ruins on the mesa at Puye [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 35 fourth side of the mesa are twelve hunters: a double row of five, and two executing a flank movement about the deer, which occupies the centre of the field. The deer moves first, along either a perpendicular or a diagonal line, and a hunter pursues, the object being to corner the quarry in such a position that his only possible move is into a game-pit. As the two precipices are impassable, the deer's only escape is straight ahead through the ranks of the hunters, apparently a very remote possibility. The local form of pachisi is ku'-e ("stone game"). Forty pebbles are arranged to form the sides of a square, in the centre of which is placed a flat stone. Each of the two players has a stick four or five inches long, which he ~ I "Q~Qo Q o places in any of four openings left at the ends o o of the sides. After the first player has placed o 0 his marker, his opponent may place his at the u O same opening, or at either adjacent side, or at o o the opposite side. The start is made by agree- o o ment. The first player casts perpendicularly on 0... r*oi Qo0o 000 I( the flat stone four half-round wooden dice, marked on the round face with transverse lines, respectively ten, four, three, and two. He moves his marker in either direction the number of spaces indicated by his total cast, and continues to cast until he fails to score. This occurs more frequently than one would expect, because the sticks have a tendency to fall on the rounded surface. His opponent then casts, and moves in either direction, either pursuing the first man or going in the opposite direction. If his total cast, or any combination of his integral counts, brings him to the space already occupied, the first player is thus "killed" and must return to the starting point, and he himself does likewise. He then casts again, and to his total count adds the number by which he overtook the first player, which is the same as if he remained on the spot of the killing and then made his cast. Once having started in a certain direction, a player may not reverse his movement in order to catch an opponent. Thus, if the second player should wish to move in the direction opposite to that taken by the other, then after they have once passed each other the game becomes simply a race for home without the possibility of one being killed. In a similar game ninety spaces in groups of ten are indicated by a circle of radiating straight lines on the ground or on a skin, and there are three half-round dice. The bark side is called black, the flat side white. On the round side of one are four black crosses. A


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36 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN cast of one white and two black scores two; one black without crosses and two white, three; all white, five; all black, ten; two white and one black with crosses, fifteen. A score of ten or fifteen entitles the player to another cast. After covering half of the route a player may go forward or turn back. In the local variant of the wheel-and-pole game a group of archers shoot simultaneously at a rolling black-rimmed hoop of twined willow-bark or yucca-leaves. He whose arrow strikes nearest the black spot in the centre takes all the arrows. Warfare
The Tewa, within the historical period, seldom left their shelter to make forays, and when foes threatened, messengers were sent to the other Tewa villages for assistance. The principal enemy in these later days was the Navaho. The Tewa, Ute, and Jicarilla Apache were allies at one time against the Kiowa and Comanche. A battle once took place near Jemez, probably about I870, between the Jemez people and the Navaho on one side, and the Tewa and the Jicarillas on the other. The latter captured several Navaho boys, one of whom was still living at San Ildefonso in I909. Prior to the Spanish entrada the Tewa were persistent enemies of the Keres, whom they forced farther and farther south. A few miles below San Ildefonso the Rio Grande enters White Rock cafion, an impassable gorge separating Tewa and Keres territory. But the Tewa, not to be deterred by geographical obstacles, would make a long detour and cross the river below the canion in the vicinity of present Cochiti. They finally attacked in force the village Kuapa in the Cafiada de Cochiti, occupied by the ancestors of the present population of Cochiti and San Felipe, to such effect that a portion of the Keres fled southward and established Katishtya (old San Felipe), while the remainder took refuge on lofty Potrero Viejo overlooking the Cafiada. Even here they were attacked by the Tewa, but the position was too strong for successful assault and the northerners were driven across the Rio Grande with great loss. Scalps were taken in war and given into the custody of the Tseoke society, which consisted of men who had taken scalps. The trophies were kept in a room of the house occupied by the leader of the group, a cell called Po-wiika-kegi (po-kowa, head skin; wika, -; kegi, room). It was the duty of Tseoke-sendo to see that each of the departing warriors was equipped with proper weapons. During their absence the Powinka women remained almost constantly in the scalp


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Oyegi-aye - "Frost Moving", Santa Clara governor [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 37 room praying for their good luck. A woman became a member of this group by reason of a pledge made during sickness. After the return of the victorious party, the warriors, the Tseoke, and the Powinka held a "captive dance" (Pan-hyare) around a pole from which the scalps dangled. Hunting
The communal rabbit-hunt is announced four days in advance by Tseoke-sendo or, if he is unable to act because of sickness, by the war-chief. Early on the appointed day Tseoke-sendo offers a prayer that the game may be plentiful and unable to run fast, after which he sets out, and the hunters immediately follow. Sometimes women accompany the men. Tseoke-sendol takes his place at the starting point, and two of the war-chiefs proceed in opposite directions along the circumference of a large circle. The other war-chiefs direct the hunters in placing themselves at the proper intervals, and finally all move toward the centre, driving before them whatever small game may be found in the enclosure. If women are present, as soon as a rabbit is struck they run to the lucky hunter, and the first arrival receives it. In return she must later give him meal or rabbit-stew. If women are not present, the returning hunters are pounced upon and the game is taken from them at random. Once a year a hunt is held for the benefit of the two caciques, and again for the other officers and principal men.2 Social Customs
Having spoken to a girl about marriage, a young man, according to native custom, sought the consent of her parents; and after ascertaining her mind they called on him two or three days later. Thereupon the two young people, accompanied by their relatives and friends, appeared before the cacique of the season, received a long address of admonition, and withdrew. This was in effect a public avowal of their marriage. The young man's relatives furnished the bride with a new costume, including ornaments, and he became a member of her household.3 If for any reason harmony did not pre1 Elsewhere among the Rio Grande pueblos this duty is performed by the head of the hunters' society. Possibly the chief of the scalpers so functions at San Ildefonso because the hunters' group no longer exists. 2 The informant denied that sexual freedom is proclaimed after a hunt in which the women participate, as is the case at Acoma; but as he did not admit the existence of promiscuity at any time, he perhaps was concealing a fact. 3 The residence of the husband with his wife's people and the ownership of houses by the women point to an earlier system of matrilineal descent.


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38 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN vail, the man could take leave or the woman could pile his personal effects outside the house, a mute dismissal. The levirate was unknown. Husband and wife own property in severalty, and bequeath their possessions equally between the children on the one hand and the surviving spouse on the other. Every individual of either sex is supposed to receive a plot of community land as a wedding dower, and possession of sufficient ground to sustain life does not prevent the acquisition of additional land. A certain typical family has between four and five acres lying in five widely separated tracts. Under such circumstances of course efficient farming is impossible, but the Pueblos of the Rio Grande uniformly refuse to face the vexing problem of consolidating their respective individual holdings and making small farms out of what are now scattered gardens. Desiring more land, a man makes application to the governor, who brings it to the attention of the council. If the applicant is in good standing, orthodox in the belief and practice of native rites, and the plot in question is not being sought by another in greater need, he receives permission to clear, cultivate, and fence it. If he fails to use the land within a year or two it reverts to the community; but once having worked it he possesses a proprietary interest that can be extinguished only by continuous neglect for five years, or by an order of the council issued as a punishment for heresy. In return for his use of community land every man must do his share of such public work as repairing ditches and participating in dances and secret ceremonies; but exemption from physical labor in the common interest is granted to the two caciques, the governor, the first warchief, and former governors. In preparation for burial a corpse was washed, clothed, and covered with a blanket by members of the family, and carried out to a shallow grave in the hills (now by the fiscales to the churchyard). It was laid on the back with the head southward, the feet directed toward Sipo6fene, the place of the mythical emergence of the people upon the earth, and a package of food was placed under the left arm. Such personal possessions as bow and arrows were broken and left on some hill, so that their counterparts would return to Sipo6fene for the individual's use. They were broken so that no living person would appropriate them (or perhaps so that the spirit essence could escape). The relatives washed themselves four days later and put on fresh clothing as a symbol that mourning was ended, sorrow forgotten. Small bits of food are even yet placed in a dish and


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Peach harvest - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 39 taken outside the village at night by an old man, who addresses the departed by name and says, while tossing the food toward the north: Hawi nan-kus6, tubi-han, g6n"ko. Niari winunmonpi. Owe hn unmd P6qin -g?. now this food you spirit eat here not you belong far yonder you go lake at "Now, you spirit, eat this food. Here you do not belong. Go far yonder to P6qinge." 1 The hair was not cut nor the face blackened, and there was no taboo of the names of the dead. Three days after a death occurred the relatives and friends, before eating, cast away bits of food for the spirit of the departed. Before each meal food is still tossed aside from the right hand for Poseyemo and all the gods, with a wish for rain and crops and good luck in everything, and from the left hand for the spirits of all the dead. Social Organization
The names of fifty-eight so-called clans have been recorded at San Ildefonso, of which seventeen were still represented in I924. These are nominally divided into two ceremonial moieties, but members of the same clan may be found in both the larger divisions. These "clans" are patrilineal and not exogamous. A certain woman, an Eagle by birth, married a Sun man, and now regards herself as a Sun woman, which of course is impossible if these groups are really clans. As elsewhere among the Tewa the only explanation offered by the natives is that they are "like family names." The existence of such a large number in a meager population is a baffling problem, and the true nature and function of these groups will probably remain in question pending the happy union, in the person of one native, of adequate schooling, knowledge of native lore, courage to defy the elders, and desire to contribute to the store of published learning. The present investigator, after painstaking efforts at all the Tewa pueblos, as well as at Isleta and Taos, confesses that he has been unable to formulate a satisfactory outline of Tanoan sociology. Discussion with Tiwa (Isleta and Taos) informants leaves one with the conviction that so-called clans are in reality religious groups; but all attempts to harmonize with this theory the statements of Tewa informants end in doubt. The two ceremonial moieties are respectively Pfayo-t6wa ("summer people"), or Pfayo-geriin-towa, and Tenunriin-t6wa ("winter [plural] people"). Esoterically they are called fHyet-towa 1 P6qinge, a sacred lake on Lake peak. The reference of course is to the lake at Sip6fene. Poqing/ has become so thoroughly identified in ceremonial practice with that fabled lake of the north, that only in referring to the origin myth are the two differentiated.


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40 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ("gourd-shell people") and Qa ri-towa ("gum-sticky people"), and the correct native names were probably, as elsewhere, the equivalents of Squash and Turquoise people, rather than Summer and Winter people. The clans nominally belonging to the Summer moiety are:1 I. Tan, Sun 2. Okuwa, Cloud 3. Agoyo, Star 4. Agoyo-soyo, Star Big* 2 5. Pinyo, Summer 6. Po, Water* 7. Qan, Rain** 8. Tsigoweno, Lightning** 9. Qantin, Thunder** io. Qan-t6m-be, Rainbow* II. Poqin, Lake** 12. Pin, Mountain* 13. Po, Squash* 14. Ts!e, Douglas Spruce 15. Tse, Eagle** I6. Tyugha, Chicken-hawk* 17. Ka-ftire, Leaf Small-bird** 3 I8. Se, Jay*4 I9. Tee6, Oriole* 5 20. Kn, Cougar 21. Ke, Bear 22. Kuny6, Wolf* 23. Kea, Badger* 24. A, Bow* 25. Su, Arrow* 26. Tsi, Obsidian* 27. Nan, Earth* 28. Ku, Rock* 29. Fe, Wood** 30. Te, Cottonwood* 3I. K6o, Buffalo 32. PAn, Mule Deer** 33. Ohun, Whitetail Deer** 34. Ta, Elk** 35. Fa, Fire** 36. Kun, Corn* 37. Kun-fendi, Corn Black 38. Kun-Sfinwan, Corn Blue 39. Kun-pi, Corn Red 40. Ku n-fa n, Corn White 41. Kun-fseyi, Corn Yellow 42. Kun-ini, Sweet-corn I. F 2. C 3. C 4. ( 5. 6. I The clans nominally belonging to tne Winter moiety follow: on, Snow* 7. Kwaa-ftanyi, Bead White** 12. Ye, Lizard** )yi, Ice 8. Tse-kan-qiyo, Yellow Dim 13. De, Coyote** )yi-sannafi, Ice Crystal* Old-woman* 7 14. Hwan-pi, Tail. )yegi, Hoarfrost* 9. T!ihini, Pleiades* I5. Oku, Turtle** ~u-pi, Stone Red 6 I0. Hwiriini, Orion's Belt* 16. Paiiun, Snake uya n, Turquoise I. T!6un, Antelope** Red** 8 * For ceremonial purposes these clans are said to fall into eight groups, evenly divided between the two moieties. The Summer moiety consists of: I. Sun, Cloud, Star, Morning Star, Summer, Water, Rain, Lightning, Thunder, Rainbow, Lake, Mountain (because clouds gather about the peaks), Squash, Douglas Spruce (used in ceremonies for rain), Eagle, Chicken-hawk, Summer Warbler, Jay, Oriole (the feathers of all these birds being used in the prayer-plume offerings for rain). II. Cougar, Bear, Wolf, Badger, Bow, Arrow, Obsidian, Earth, Rock (because the animals of this group live in caves and burrows), Wood (used by hunters for cooking), Cottonwood (in which game is hung out of reach of animals). III. Buffalo, Mule Deer, Whitetail Deer, Elk, Fire (used for the smoke signals of hunters). IV. Corn, Black Corn, Blue Corn, Red Corn, White Corn, Yellow Corn, Sweet-corn. 1 To the clan name add t6wa, people. A star indicates a clan extinct in I909; a double star one that became extinct between I909 and 1924. 2 That is, morning star. 3 That is, yellow summer warbler. 4 Interpreters usually translate this "bluebird." 5 The word seems to contain the element te, cottonwood, the tree favored by this bird for its nesting. 6 Usually translated "coral," but identified by some natives with a red marine shell. 7 That is, evening star. 8 That is, redtail hawk.


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Pojoaque [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 41 The Winter moiety groups are: V. Snow, Ice, Ice Crystal, Hoarfrost. VI. Red Stone, Turquoise, White Bead. VII. Evening Star, Pleiades, Orion's Belt. VIII. Antelope, Lizard, Coyote, Redtail Hawk, Turtle, Snake.1 The clans never meet singly, but always in groups. The SunCloud group assembles for the purpose of assisting the Summer cacique in offering prayers for rain and in making and depositing at numerous shrines feather offerings to Okuwa-f6anwaayi-se ("cloud blue man"), the rain-god of the north, who distributes the prayers and plumes among all the other deities. Various religious personages are mentioned in connection with these groups: with the Sun-Cloud series, the Summer cacique, who is always of the Summer clan, and the head of the Cloud clan, who is ceremonially called Blue Cloud Man; with the predatory animals, Pi —kan ("mountain cougar"), also called Kag-sendo ("cougar oldman"), head of Samanyu, the hunters' society; with the game animals, Koo-sendo ("buffalo old-man"), presumably head of the Buffalo clan and assistant to Pilkan; with the Corn group, Blue Corn Woman, presumably head of the clan of that name, who also holds the office of Nayi-hwan ("dust sweep"), head of the Powinka (female scalp-dancers) society and in charge of the propagation dance for young girls; with the Snow-Ice group, the Winter cacique, who is always of the Ice clan; with the Shell-Bead group, an individual known as Red Stone Man; with the Star group, Yellow Dim Old Woman; with the Antelope and associated clans, Antelope Old Man, leader of the clan of that name. This grouping of clans is on the authority of a single informant, but Taos information tends to confirm it. Government
The dual system of government prevails at San Ildefonso. The officials of native origin are sacerdotal, and include two so-called caciques and the war-chiefs. The Summer cacique, Poan-tunyo ("water-running leader"),2 or Pfayoo-ke ("summer strong"), con1 "A coyote barking on a hilltop is regarded as a messenger from the antelope, hence the two names are associated. When Antelope Old Man wishes to summon his clans he sends the message by a Coyote man. Lizard, Turtle, and Snake are supposed to carry messages to the underground people, and Hawk to visit the creatures of the air." This explanation of apparently incongruous associations appears to be an afterthought. 2 Harrington, Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians, Twenty-ninth Annual Report Bureau of American Ethnology, translates poan "to preside at a ceremony." The translation given above is not only appropriate and distinctive, but is supported by the title of the Taos Summer cacique, Water Person. VOL. xvII-6


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42 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN trols religious activities, and, by his dominance of the governor, civil affairs as well, from the end of February to the middle of October. The Winter cacique, Oyi-ke ("ice strong"), rules during the remaining four and a half months. Each highpriest is head of a secret society, and each chooses and trains his own successor, whose identity is known only to the other members of the society. The caciques do no physical work of any kind, not even on their own farms. On the civil side are the governor, tzu"yo, his two lieutenants, known respectively as his "right arm" and "left arm," five fiscales (Spanish), who take care of the church and of burials, and the alguacil (Spanish), a peace-officer. The caciques alternate in naming the governor and the first warchief. On some day in June they meet in a kiva and make prayersticks, which they take into the hills in supplication for health, strength, and a good heart for the men whom one of them has chosen. Three days before the end of the year the war-chiefs assemble all the men in the round kiva, and the names of the new leaders are announced. On New Year's day the new officials are installed and a dance is held, and on the sixth of January the caciques retire to the Summer kiva to offer prayers for the governor and to make prayersticks which they carry to various local shrines. While the governor is regarded as the temporal head of the village, he is largely the mouthpiece of the ruling cacique. No important question can be settled without reference to the council, and this body almost invariably agrees with the opinion of the caciques. Such a matter as setting aside community land for a new head of a family must be decided by the council and ultimately by the caciques. A white man coming to the village for information may ask the governor for permission to make investigations, but the cacique will decide the question, although of course the visitor will not come into his presence. If the governor thinks that prayers should be said for the people, he requests the cacique to act; but the latter, of course, does not have to wait for such a request. The council meets in the governor's house and consists of former governors and old men of proved ability, who are called "elder brothers." Religious Beliefs and Organization
There are three kivas at San Ildefonso. A round, partially subterranean kiva in the plaza, called simply tee ("kiva"), is used when there is an assembly of the people, as when the men gather


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By the old well at San Juan [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 43 to hear the names of the new officers or when the Tablita dance is performed. On the north side of the plaza is a square, isolated room used by the Summer moiety, the Summer people being allocated to the north side because the sun is farthest north in midsummer. On the south side is the Winter moiety's kiva, a room in one of the houses. Adjoining it are two rooms used respectively by the Ko6sa in their secret rites (their public dance is in the round kiva) and by the Buffalo dancers. The two square kivas are called Hayetee and Qnritee, from the esoteric names for the Summer and Winter moieties respectively. All the kivas are entered through the roof. The principal deities are: Pose-yemo ("dew falling"), a culture hero of miraculous conception; Okuwa-fanwanyi-se ("cloud blue man"), rain-god of the north; Okfiwa-fieyi-se (" cloud yellow man"), rain-god of the west; Okiwa-pinun-se ("cloud red [plural] man"), rain-god of the south; Okuwa-tfiaiu-se ("cloud white [plural] man"), rain-god of the east; Okuwa-fage-se ("cloud all-color man"), rain-god of the zenith; Okfiwa-oki-se ("cloud steam 1 man"), or Okiwa-fendi-se ("cloud black man"), rain-god of the nadir; Towa-e-ta.wayi-se ("people small blue man"), war-god of the north resident at Pimpiye-sip6fene 2 ("north black-spring"), and five other Towa-e, designated by proper color-adjectives, living respectively at West, South, East, Upper-firmament, and Lower-firmament Sipo6fene; Tan-sendo ("sun old-man"); Po-sendo ("moon oldman");3 Agoyo-soyo ("star big"), the morning star; Tse-ka"-qiyo ("yellow dim old-woman"); Kiu-fawa ayi-ianu ("corn blue maid") and five other Kufi-anu ("corn maids"), designated by the usual color-adjectives and associated with the cardinal directions. The Okuwa are the Tewa equivalent of the well-known Kachinas. The Towa-e, of small stature but immense strength, play the same role as the twin war-gods of other Pueblo mythologies. In addition to the deities named above, many natural phenomena such as thunder, lightning, and whirlwind are personified, and of course animals have preternatural powers and must be propitiated and supplicated for aid. Furthermore every object is conceived to be the abode of a spirit, to be possessed of a soul, and consequently 1 Oki, steam rising from moist ground under the rays of the sun. 2 A San Ildefonso man translates: si, gut; po, road; fene, blow; and refers to the mythic emergence of the people, when a powerful leader blew his breath and opened through the crust of the earth a round hole like a piece of gut. The true etymology is apparent in the cognate Taos form, Chi-pa-f6n-ta, eye water (that is, spring) black at. 3 Bandelier has "Moon Old-woman."


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44 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN prayers may be offered to anything that has power to benefit or to injure mankind. Before cutting a tree, a prayer is uttered and a plume laid under it, that the tree may not fall on the workman. Prayers and plumes are offered by one going through a forest, to prevent trees from toppling on one. Similarly, before passing under an overhanging rock one dismounts, prays, and deposits a feather to the spirit of the rock. Prayers and feathers are offered to streams and springs by any who may feel so inclined, that the water may not fail. After starting on a hunt and before game is found, similar supplication is made to trees, rocks, and all animals, to lightning, thunder, and storms. Offerings to the gods consist of sacred meal, especially ground for the purpose and carried in small pouches or cloth packets, and bunches of feathers bound with cotton string, each bunch containing a feather of a goose, a turkey, a magpie, an eagle, an oriole, a summer warbler, and a duck. These messages to the spirits are supposed to be carried by eagle, hawk, and hummingbird. The meal is tossed in small pinches, either in the general direction of the supposed abode of the deity addressed or directly on the sacred objects representing the spirits. The Tewa apparently do not practise vomiting in preparation for ceremonial activities, as do the Keres. The gods of rain and the gods of war are associated with various shrines, those of the former being situated, except in one instance, on lofty peaks because of the prevalence of clouds in such localities. San Antonio peak, Ke-pin ("bear mountain"), just south of the Colorado line and about seventy-five miles from San Ildefonso, is the site of the shrine of Blue Cloud Man, rain-god of the north. On the top of Tsi-kfmun-pin ("obsidian covered mountain"), twenty miles northwest of the pueblo, is the shrine of Yellow Cloud Man, rain-god of the west.1 Pelado (Spanish, "bald") peak, Sanhyun-pin ("pigeon mountain"), twenty-five miles west of San Ildefonso, is the home of Red * The two effigies shown in the plate are in the private collection of Mr. Samuel Eldodt of San Juan. That they represent legendary warriors is evident from the incised crosses on their bodies as well as from the black paint with which they are covered. Probably they are the effigies of Tsamihiya and Y6mahiya, or the Tewa counterparts of these Keres hero-gods. 1 There is confusion in the names of the second and third peaks mentioned. Some of this is due to the over-frequent use of Pelado and its English equivalent, Baldy. Maps of the United States Land Office have Pelado as the outstanding peak of the mountains at the headwaters of Jemez river (the nomenclature adopted above), and Pedernal as the most prominent peak of the mountains southwest of Abiquiu (the site of the west shrine). In his Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians (op. cit.) Harrington gives Pelado, Baldy, and Santa Clara peak as names of the highest point in the Abiquiu group, the one known as Tsik6munpin; and Pelado, Baldy,


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Tewa war-god effigies [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 45 Cloud Man, rain-god of the south. Pelado summit is more than eleven thousand feet above the sea.l On Lake peak, Agachani-pi" (Agachani, name of a lake), or Tamu-yoge-poqi -ge ("morning big-at lake at"), near the head of Nambe creek, is the shrine of White Cloud Man, rain-god of the east. This mountain attains an elevation of more than twelve thousand feet. Nan-sipo-ge ("earth centre at"),2 a low hill about half a mile southeast of San Ildefonso, is the abode of All-color Cloud Man and Black Cloud Man (or Steam Cloud Man), rain-gods of the zenith and the nadir. All the Tewa are said to recognize the four mountains named above as the homes of the cloud-gods, but the central shrine is localized near each pueblo. The Keres are said to have shrines of their own on Pelado. On the south side of the precipitous basaltic hill called Tuiyo, two miles north of the pueblo, is the shrine of the war-god of the north.3 Panhwan-pin ("deer tail mountain"), west of the Rio Grande, is the home of the war-god of the west; Okufi-pi ("turtle mountain"),4 south of the pueblo, has the shrine of the war-god of the south; Povi-0pin ("flower mountain"), southeast of the village, is the abode of the eastern war-god; and Ku-fta-qiyo ("rock white old-woman") is the shrine of the war-gods of the zenith and the nadir. This last is about a mile southeastward, the others approximately two miles distant from San Ildefonso. In each of the wargod shrines is a hard, shiny stone of the appropriate ceremonial color, the visible image of the god. These objects, as well as the stone fetishes of a society or an individual, are called kuhaye, which Redondo, and Jara as names of the Jemez peak. Douglass calls the latter La Sierra de la Bola. The maps also have a Baldy east of Nambe and north of Lake peak, and another northwest of Taos. The nomenclature of the mountain ranges in New Mexico is even more confused. An authoritative fixing of geographical names in this region is highly desirable. 1 Harrington (op. cit.) gives Sandia mountain, Okui-pin ("turtle mountain"), as the sacred mountain of the south. The statement is not irreconcilable with the paragraph above. Assuming that Sandia is the sacred southern mountain of Tewa cosmogony, it is possible that physical difficulties led to the establishment of the actual shrine of the south rain-god on a peak nearer home. The San Ildefonso informant who named the sites of the shrines for the present writer certainly knew their true locations; and there was no reason why he should identify three of them correctly and give misleading information as to the fourth. 2 Sipo, translated "centre," is possibly for Sipofene, the fabled lake at which the people issued upon the earth. Harrington has sipu, "the hollow at each side of the abdomen below the ribs," from si, belly, pu, base; which probably is what the present informant had in mind when he gave "centre." 3 Douglass visited and sketched nine shrines on the flat summit of Tinyo. See his Notes on the Shrines of the Tewa and Other Pueblo Indians of New Mexico, Washington, 19I7. 4 This is perhaps the same as Harrington's Oku-tuwAn-yo, hill height great.


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46 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN may be a Tewa word (ku, stone) but probably is a misapplication of Keres kohayu ("bear"), the magic bear-paws used by shamans. There is no shrine for Poseyemo, which is consistent with the supposition that he is simply a culture hero, the deification of an outstanding leader who had actual, historical existence. San Ildefonso has the same secret organization as San Juan. Cacique Societies
The Summer cacique, who controls ceremonial affairs from the end of February to the middle of October, is the head of a secret society called P'nyoo-ke ("summer strong [one]"), and as such he has the title Panyooke, or P ayooke-sendo. Although he himself must be of the Summer clan, the members of his society may be of any clan; but they are of course from the Summer moiety. In I909 there were fourteen members, including the cacique, besides seven female associates concerned with supplying and preparing food. Only two or three of the men were Summer clansmen. In 1924 the membership had been reduced by death to three men and three women. The Winter cacique is head of the Oyi-ke ("ice strong [one]"), and as such is called Oyike-sendo. He is necessarily of the Ice clan. Entrance into either society is the result of a pledge to Poseyemo that the petitioner will join if he recovers from the sickness that afflicts him. Having recovered, a man prepares seven bunches of feathers, one each of the feathers of the goose for the north, the turkey for the west, the magpie for the south, the eagle for the east, the oriole for the zenith, the summer warbler for the nadir, and the duck for all directions (that is, the duck, which flies in all directions, will assist in carrying all the prayers to the gods in every quarter). Holding all together he drops a pinch of meal in the midst of them and takes them to the Summer kiva, where he finds the male members, each with a similar bunch. The cacique sits near the wall, and the others are in a curving line at his right and left, the older members sitting next to him. In front of himself the cacique makes a rectangular altar, sifting out with thumb and forefinger fine black sand, yellow corn-pollen, and white meal. No praying nor singing precedes the making of the altar, and during this work no word is spoken. The altar finished, the cacique lays six turkey-feathers in a row in front of it, beginning at his right. Another places a goose-feather on the first turkey-feather, the second lays one on the next, and so until a goose-feather lies beside or on each of the six turkey-feathers.


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San Ildefonso women [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 47 Then in the same manner follow feathers of the magpie, eagle, oriole, summer warbler, and duck, so that there are six groups of seven feathers. A short cotton string is placed on each pile. The fourth bunch is then tied by the cacique, and the others by his men, and all are placed in a bowl that sits in front and to the left of the opening of the altar. Without the aid of the cacique the other members then make six more piles of feathers, bind them, and place them in the bowl; and in the same way are made six more, and six more, twenty-four in all. Next the cacique lays in front of the altar a number of corn-husks, all in a row, one for each man excepting himself. Beginning at the left he lays a bunch of feathers on each husk, then comes back to the left end and deposits the remaining feathers as far as the twenty-four reach, removing them from the bowl in groups of six. He now fills a straight pipe, smokes, and passes it along the line. Each member ties one of the husks, inclosing one or more bunches of feathers, and lays it in the bowl, after which the cacique prays to Poseyemo, the six gods of rain, and the six gods of war, begging them to send rain, to cause the crops to grow and ripen, that the people may be fed. This prayer may vary in its wording according to the fancy of the cacique, and it occupies as much as fifteen or twenty minutes. The prayer finished, the members rise and seat themselves around the wall of the kiva and eat the food which the women have brought. After the meal the cacique resumes his seat, effaces the altar, and gives one bundle of prayer-plumes to each member, bidding him take it into the country and offer it to the gods. They go in various directions, open the husks, and deposit the bunches of feathers on the ground, naming Poseyemo and all the twelve gods and asking for rain. The husks are brought back and burned in the fire at home.' The new member undergoes no ordeals, and simply takes his place as one of the members. Four or five times annually the Summer cacique summons his society for instruction. He tells them about the sun, moon, and stars, how they are to conduct themselves honorably, how to pray. As to the sun, he says that each day it comes out of East Sipofene, and goes down into West Sip6fene; that in summer it returns from the south to make the earth warm and produce crops, and in winter 1 This of course is the merest outline of the ritual of initiation. The subject is one the natives are reluctant to discuss, and few can be induced to tell even the meager details given above. The informant says nothing about corn-ear fetishes, which the members undoubtedly possess, nor about other sacred objects used in connection with the altar.


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48 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN goes southward to bring snow and rain and thus store moisture in the soil. The moon, he says, follows the same course as the sun, and though sometimes he shows only a little light, he is always there unchanged in size. When the cacique teaches his fellows how to pray, they sit silent, listening, not attempting to learn his prayers verbatim. On the day before the sun reaches the point farthest north he prepares an altar like that used when a member is initiated, and the priests observe the same procedure as upon that occasion, each one finally taking his prayer-feathers out as an offering to the sun, praying that it will return. Each day at the solstice season the cacique stands on the roof of his house looking anxiously for the sun to start on his return. The Winter cacique and his society have a similar ritual at the season of the winter solstice. His altar stands during the four days when the sun is supposed to remain stationary, resting after its long journey southward. Ashes and sweepings must not be removed from the house, lest the rising dust obscure the trail and prevent the sun from starting back. All rubbish is brushed aside, to be removed with general good-feeling and happiness on the fourth day. The kindling of a new fire at this time is said not to be practised at San Ildefonso. The first three of the four nights preceding the resumption of control of affairs by a cacique are spent in a rehearsal of songs, all the males of the season's moiety, Summer or Winter, assembling in their kiva to practise for a masked pantomime, Okfiwa-hyare ("cloud dance"), on the fourth night. The same dance occurs in the kiva in June. Four songs are used by the Summer party on such occasions, two of them in the Tewa language, one in Keres, and one being wordless. The first two follow. Sov-okuwa, okutwa, qan-p, pose poqin dink6. fog cloud rain dew lake have water Sov-okuwa, okuwa, qan-p6, pose onu'in dink6. village "Fog, cloud, rain, and dew have a lake. Fog, cloud, rain, and dew have a village." Towe pimplye okuiwa ndip. Towe ftamply? okuiwa ndian. yonder north cloud emerge west come from Towe akompiyg, towe tampiye okuiwa ndin p6visa. south east have flowers "Yonder in the north clouds arise. Yonder in the west clouds approach. Yonder in the south, yonder in the east, billowy clouds arise like flowers." These four forms of moisture are believed to inhabit a lake under the earth, all springs and other visible bodies of water being openings into it.


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In Santa Clara [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 49 On the first morning in March, at the beginning of the Summer cacique's resumption of control, the men and youths of the Summer moiety assemble in their kiva and don the customary dance-costumes. Over the loin-cloth is a cotton sash, fringed at both ends, each separate cord hanging from a small ball of corn-husk covered with cotton webbing. Just above each moccasin is a band of black and white skunk-skin. At the right knee is a turtle-shell rattle, in the right hand a gourd rattle and in the left a bunch of Douglas spruce sprigs. Tips of spruce are thrust fanwise beneath the arm-bands. The torso is painted black, the thighs and forearms are white and the lower legs black. Thus apparelled they climb out of the kiva and march in single file to the plaza, while the cacique, in ordinary garments of the best kind, takes a position on the roof of the kiva. On the west side of the plaza the dancers form in line, shoulder to shoulder, facing eastward, and lift the feet alternately, striking the ground vigorously and shaking the rattles in time to the first song used by the Summer society in its ceremonies: Fog, cloud, rain, and dew have a lake. Fog, cloud, rain, and dew have a village. They turn, each where he stands, and repeat the song while facing the west, then turn again to the east, again to the west, and a third time to the east. Then in single file they march to the right, turn at right angles on the spot where their leader stood, face northward on the south side of the plaza, and chant the same song, thrice facing the north and twice the south. In single file they proceed to the right and take a position facing westward, exactly opposite their first station, and repeat the song five times, reversing each time. Finally they stand on the north side of the square and after repeating the song five times they return to the kiva, where they remain about a quarter of an hour, resting and rehearsing the next song in low tones. When they reappear they take the first position on the west side and chant five times the second song: Yonder in the north clouds arise. Yonder in the west clouds approach. Yonder in the south, yonder in the east, billowy clouds arise like flowers. Passing the south side of the square without stopping, they dance and sing as before in the third position, then pass the north side on their return to the kiva. At noon intervenes a long period for rest and food, after which VOL. XVII-7


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50 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the dancers come forth again and passing along the west side take their place on the south, where they chant five times the Keres song mentioned before. This they repeat five times on the north side. On their fourth appearance they observe the same procedure as on the first, repeating twenty times the last song of the series. During the dancing and the intermission following the first and the third performance the cacique maintains his dignified stand on the roof of the kiva. On the first of November the members of the Winter moiety perform in a similar manner. At the summer solstice the Summer cacique with three or four fellows of his society visits the shrine of the north rain-god on San Antonio or of the west rain-god on Tsikfimupin, alternating between the two. The Winter cacique in his season makes a pilgrimage to the shrine of the east rain-god on Lake peak one year and to that of the south rain-god on Pelado the next. Each cacique annually visits the central shrine. Before departing from the kiva on these pilgrimages the cacique and his companions bathe prayerfully. At the shrine they remove their clothing and carefully clear any accumulation of rubbish from the entrance and from the enclosed space. Inside the enclosure they prepare an altar of black sand, pollen, and meal, and after making and asperging the medicine-water and praying not only for their own people but for all Indians and the entire world, they spread out twelve bunches of feathers, one for each rain-god and each war-god. The local deity is supposed to distribute these among his fellow gods. Then taking up their sacred objects they withdraw, leaving the altar design undisturbed. In the entrance to the shrine they make a ceremonial trail of meal, pollen, and feathers for the use of the clouds on their way from the shrine to the village fields. Society of Shamans
1 The Puf6nu performed a public healing ceremony in the autumn. Their altar, a bed of sand and meal, behind which stood a row of corn-ears decorated with feathers, one ear for each member, was made in the Summer kiva. These yiya ("mother") were addressed as Blue Corn Woman. Bear-paw skins, flints, and stone figurines representing bear, cougar, wolf, badger, eagle, redtail hawk, and rattlesnake (these being the real puf6nu), lay about the altar, and a 1 In I909 there were six members of the shamans' society, but in I924 there were only two and consequently the society no longer was active.


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Ko-pi - "Buffalo Mountain" - San Juan [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 5I round medicine-bowl stood in front. After singing while preparing medicine in the bowl, the shamans, all except the leader, Puf6nusendo, passed about among the audience and slapped the people with the bear-paws, which they wore on the right hand, and sucked the sickness from them. They did not carry their flints, as do the Keres. After sucking at a person's body they spat into the bowl a small quantity of cattail-down, and at the conclusion of the rites one of them emptied the bowl in the river. In the course of the proceedings the shamans rushed from the kiva and at various points outside the village they shouted and fired their guns in combat with the sorcerers (tyuge). After a time they came in simulating great exhaustion and exhibiting a small effigy of rags or fur, which they at once burned in the fire. When an individual needs a medicine-man he sends for any one of the Puf6nu. The shaman brings a bowl and other sacred objects, prepares the usual altar, and proceeds to sing, make medicine, rub the patient with a bear-paw, suck out the sickness, and spit cattaildown into the bowl. Though the treatment may not be successful, it is not repeated. If the shaman feels that the case is hopeless, he refuses to attempt a cure, and no criticism is offered if a patient dies after treatment. The shaman is rewarded with a bowl of meal. In a secret meeting in the Summer kiva before the spring planting the Puf6nu arranged their altar and prayed that the seed might sprout, and that no disease or plague of insects beset the young plants. Before the harvest they prayed that the food to be garnered might suffice until the next year's crops were gathered. Shamans of two kinds existed at San Ildefonso. The Tema-ke ("Keres bear") were recognized as derived from Cochiti (and probably were initiated there), while the Tewa-ke ("Tewa bear") were supposed to be of local origin. Whether these were simply two classes within the ranks of the Puf6nu society, or two separate societies, does not appear. Clown Societies
In I909 there were three male and five female Kosa, in I924 three male and two female. They meet in the Winter kiva and hold a dance either in the spring or in the autumn, while at the same time the Kwiraina perform in alternate dancing, using the Summer kiva. Membership in these societies is independent of moiety affiliation. The Kosa have the hair tied up with corn-husks, paint the body white with black horizontal stripes, and have black ovals about


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52 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN eyes and mouth. The Kwiraina have hawk-feathers in the hair and paint the body and face black, white, red, yellow, as the individual fancies. Stripes and spots are much in evidence. In Tewa the Kwiraina (an adopted Keres term) are called Sanhyu ("pigeon").' Besides their own society dances, in which they act much like the Keres clowns, the Kosa and Kwiraina participate as fun-makers in all public dances. In November the two clown societies perform publicly in Qantembe-hyare ("rainbow dance"), popularly called the Koshari dance. Each Kosa woman wears over her ordinary dress a black manta, and across the crown of her head a bow-shape device painted with the colors of the rainbow and having several parrot-feathers dangling at each end. The men are painted and accoutered as heretofore described. Emerging from the Winter kiva they dance in two parallel rows, and the Kwiraina, coming from the Summer kiva, form in line between them. Then the Kosa form two concentric circles, the men outside, revolving again and again, while the Kwiraina dance at random here and there. Next the men form two parallel lines, kneeling and facing each other, and the women dance between them, forth and back, twice in each direction. All this is repeated again before the noon meal, and twice more in the afternoon. The sense of the songs is: The clouds come, and rain, and while it rains they put a bridge, the rainbow, from one mountain to another. When the rain is gone, fogs spread over the mountain and yield moisture, to make our crops grow and ripen. We are happy. Okuwa-hyare, Cloud Dance
Masked personators of the cloud-gods dance in the kiva in June and also on the night before the Summer cacique takes office in February. All the performers, numbering about twenty-five, are of the Summer moiety. While they are dressing in a room adjoining the kiva, the men and boys of the pueblo are sitting expectantly around the walls of the ceremonial chamber, and two Kosa enter. One of them takes ashes in his left palm and claps his right upon it, causing a puff of white dust to fill the air, and he gazes to the north, saying, "I see nothing." 1 This is the term used by San Juan informants to describe the group of individuals who join no society. The two statements appear to be irreconcilable. It is to be noted that the Tewa have been persistent borrowers of Keres ceremonial practice, and it is not impossible that transplanted customs assumed different forms in different localities. Thus some of the Tewa associate K6sa and Kwiraina (Qirano) with the Summer and the Winter kiva respectively; but San Ildefonso reverses the association, agreeing with the rule at Cochiti (Keres).


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Okuwa-tsire - "Cloud Bird" - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 53 He bids his companion look, and the latter follows his example, peering westward and repeating, "I see nothing." Alternately they repeat this act, looking in succession to the south, the east, the zenith, and the nadir. The first Kosa then makes puffs of dust in each of these six directions and cries, "I saw a large lake!" The second claps his hands toward the north, looks, and says, "Yes, I saw the lake." The first makes a puff in the same direction and exclaims, "I saw clouds coming!" The other repeats the act and the statement. Again clapping his hands and looking northward, the first says, "Well, then, the clouds are coming with rain, with lightning, with thunder, to make our crops grow, to make us happy, to give us good luck." Again he urges his companion to look, and the latter announces: "Yes, I saw the clouds putting a rainbow over to Ke-pi1 ['bear mountain' - San Antonio peak]. They are coming on the rainbow." He bids the first man look, and the latter declares: "Yes, I see them coming on the rainbow. They are putting the rainbow from Bear Mountain to Kuia-po ['mountain-sheep water' - Tres Piedras]." 1 And he commands the other to look. "Yes, they are coming, they are putting the rainbow from Mountain-sheep Water to Tsin-wiri ['dark promontory' - Black mesa west of Embudo]." "They have left the rainbow now, and are walking! They are running to Te-soyo-ge ['cottonwood big at' - between San Juan and Santa Clara]." "They are coming at Kai'po [Santa Clara]." "They are coming at Tu nyo [the hill near San Ildefonso]." "They are coming at Po-sin-bu ['water clear-blue hole']." "They are coming here close to the wall of the kiva!" "They are on the roof!" Then a noise is heard overhead, the first Kosa cries, "Come in!" and the masked men, the Okiuwa, come down the ladder, one by one. They arrange themselves in a line, and sing and dance. Each carries a number of ears or stalks of corn. In singing the Okuwa use no words, merely repeating the vocable hun, hu", hu". After a while they follow their chief up the ladder, having deposited their corn at the left of the fire in a corner of the room. The two Kosa distribute the ears and stalks among the spectators, advising them to plant the grains; and the cacique delivers a speech urging his people to act honorably, not to steal, to inculcate honesty in their 1 Also called K6a-ku ("mountain-sheep rock").


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54 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN children, to plant and care for the crops industriously. This done, all depart. Outsiders are not permitted to observe this ceremony. Oku-hyare, Turtle Dance
The Turtle dance is one of numerous performances given in the plaza and open to spectators. Its name, referring to the turtle-shell rattles of the participants, is by no means distinctive, inasmuch as these objects are a part of the regulation dance-costume. Like most of the public dances it has a religious purpose, in this case the bringing of clouds and rain, although apparently no secret esoteric rites are involved. The Winter cacique has charge, but he calls on his colleague for the assistance of his young men. Illogically the performers make use of the Summer kiva. On the two nights preceding Christmas day the men and boys of both moieties practise dancing and singing in the Summer kiva. The four songs used in the secret society of the Summer cacique and in the dance following the resumption of control by a cacique are employed also in the Turtle dance. On the morning of Christmas day the men and boys who have been chosen by the war-chief go into the kiva and dress and paint in the manner of participants in the cacique dance. They emerge in single file and dance on the four sides of the square, as previously described. In the Turtle dance, however, the line of performers is led by K6sa-sendo, who appears in everyday dress and stands, without dancing, at the end of the line. When the performers appear the second time, the other Kosa come running out of their Winter kiva and dance to the east of the imaginary square around which the other dancers take their successive positions. When Kosa-sendo leads his dancers to their second station, that is, on the third or east side of the square, where they face the west, the Kosa rush at him as if to frighten him, and he retreats into the kiva. They then make a circle of ashes inside the dance-ground and dance in it. Should anyone else enter this circle, it is a sign that he means to join the society. The male Kosa are naked, except for the loin-cloth, and painted with alternate bands of black and white, and the hair is covered with a cap of buffaloskin, which rises in two horns. The women wear dresses. When this second song is finished, they go as far as the steps of the Summer kiva, and after the others have disappeared they return to the circle of ashes and dance again. After the noon intermission, during which the clowns go about


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Eagle dancer - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 55 begging bread and collecting it in the folds of their blankets, the dancers reappear, dance at the south and the north of the plaza, and retire. Then again the clowns dance. The dancers come out the fourth time and dance in the four positions, while the clowns stand still, and after the former have withdrawn the Kosa obliterate the circle of ashes and retire. Koo-hyare, Buffalo Dance
The Buffalo dance occurs on the twenty-third of January, the feast of San Ildefonso. Before dawn seven maskers selected by the war-chief meet at a spot behind two hills near the village. Two men and a girl have head-dresses of buffalo-fur and horns, two men wear deer-antlers, and two others antelope-horns. With them is a man who simulates a herder. He probably is, or represents, Pi.kan, head of the hunters' cult. Grouped about a small fire, they wait until at sunrise come five or six singers in ordinary dress, singing a call for the animals to enter the village. The maskers now come out between the two hills, first having given notice of their approach by a cloud of smoke. The singers stand in a line facing the hills, and when the animals are seen drawing near, the dancers come out from the village and stand at the sides of the trail near the singers, forming in two opposite ranks extending toward the pueblo. The maskers with characteristic movements pass between the ranks of the dancers, and thus in three parallel files preceded by the singers the party dances into the plaza. There they finish the first dance, maintaining the same formation, all facing the east, the dancers in single files forming the north and south sides of a square, the singers shoulder to shoulder forming the east side, the maskers in three ranks between the dancers, first the three Buffalo, then the two Deer, last the two Antelope, the watchful herder standing near the Buffalo. The first song finished, the dancers form two lines on the south side of the plaza, flanking the door of Buffalo House (the residence of Koo-sendo, head of the Buffalo clan), and between them the maskers retire. In single file the dancers, followed by the singers, enter a room above the Winter kiva. Breakfast is eaten, and the singers and the general population repair to the church. After mass the dancers are joined by an equal number of women and by the singers, and soon the latter take their place in the plaza. The dancers follow in single file, men and women alternating, and form two lines from the door of Buffalo House. The men have black faces, white throats, black torsos, white waists and thighs, and black


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56 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN calves; on the head is a pair of buffalo-horns. Women have beaded head-bands, eagle-feathers on the head, blue-black mantas, white deerskin boots. Between the lines the maskers come out, and in this formation all march through the west end of the plaza and halt in front of the church, standing in the same relative positions as in the early morning performance. They dance and sing, then return from the church to the plaza and repeat the song three times, after which the maskers return to Buffalo House and the others to the room above the kiva. At their next appearance following the noon intermission the singers stand at the east of the plaza looking westward, while the Buffalo face north and the others east. Then, while the singers, the Deer, and the Antelope face west, the others turn south. Next the dancers and the Buffalo face north, but the singers west and the Deer and the Antelope east. In the fourth dance the singers first face the east, the dancers and the Buffalo north, the Deer and the Antelope east. Next the dancers and the Buffalo look north, the Deer and the Antelope west, the singers still facing east. Four songs, one for each separate appearance of the performers, are used, two of which follow. Far away in the Red River 1 mountains and valleys, Buffalo Old-woman, Buffalo Oldman, get up. With all your people, get up quickly. With your clouds, get up, with your lightning, get up. With your thunder, get up, with your rain, get up. Thanks, my dear old Poseyemo, that you ripen crops. Bring rain, my dear one, make the corn drink. Cause Cloud Boys to bring rain, to ripen the wheat for my dear little ones. Cause the snow to bring springtime; then when we plant, cause the crops to grow. Koheye-hyare, Tablita Dance
The Tablita dance, popularly called Corn dance, occurs on the thirteenth of June and the sixth of September, except when the Summer cacique decides to have the Foot dance, which then takes place on the earlier date. Ten to fifteen men and an equal number of women, selected by the war-chief from both moieties, spend a part of four nights in the Summer kiva, practising the four songs * The upper edge of the head-dress has the terraced design emblematic of clouds. The crescent in the centre represents the moon, the oblong spaces at the sides are for rain, the downy feathers are for white clouds. 1 Reference is to Canadian river, known also as Red river, in eastern New Mexico


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Tablita woman dancer - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 57 and the dancing, the singers grouped about the fire, the women, when not dancing, sitting along the east wall and the male dancers along the west wall. On the fourth night the dancers bring feathers with which the cacique makes prayer-plumes, and when the singing is ended each man takes six of these offerings and deposits them in as many different localities a few hundred yards from the pueblo. The women place their offerings at the altar, which is secreted in a small excavation in the plaza and covered with a flat stone. The altar is the same as the one used by the Summer society. It is concealed to avoid profanation by the numerous American and Mexican spectators. About the middle of the following morning the male dancers enter the kiva and don the customary ceremonial dress and painting, after which the women join them and adjust their koheye. These are broad, thin, wooden head-dresses (Spanish, tablitas), nowadays sometimes made of shingles. They are painted with symbols of clouds, rain, lightning, thunder, and flowers. The lower edge is concave, so as to fit across the crown of the head. When all are ready, the singers come out and stand in a circle near the south entrance of the plaza, and, led by Kosa-sendo, the dancers follow, men and women alternating. These form two files, one on either side of the circle of singers, and all looking northward. After a song, they march to the plaza, where the singers form a circle in the southwest quarter and the dancers make two lines extending east and west, facing each other and looking north and south. The song is repeated, and the dancers, merging into a single line, retire into the kiva, followed by the singers. After an interval of rest, they repeat the same procedure, except that in the plaza the two lines of dancers extend north and south, facing each other. The second song finished, they retire for the noon interval, the men remaining in the kiva to partake of food brought by various women, and the female dancers departing to their several homes. Later the war-chief leads them back to the kiva, and the dancers make their third appearance, repeating the acts of the first occasion but employing a different song. The fourth dance is a repetition of the second, but the song is a new one. The ceremony concluded, they retire to the kiva, and the war-chief bids them cast into the river the Douglas spruce tips which they have been holding in their hands, and then wash themselves in the stream. VOL. XVII-8


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58 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Tse-hyare, Eagle Dance
The Eagle dance is performed on the sixth of January. As in other winter dances of a public nature the Winter cacique authorizes his colleague to bid the war-chief select the dancers. Accordingly two men are named to simulate eagles. The hair is made into a stiff braid that projects in front like an eagle's beak, and the head is covered with cloth on which eagle-feathers are sewed. A long strip of heavy cloth is covered with wing-feathers, and at each extremity is a hole through which the dancer passes a finger, the strip crossing his shoulders and concealing his arms. The tail is represented by a piece of cloth covered with tail-feathers, which is attached to the loin-cloth at the back. The body is painted black, yellow, and gray, conforming to the eagle's coloring. Half a dozen singers and the two dancers come out of the house in which the latter have been dressing, and proceed to the plaza, performing as they go. They make two appearances. This dance apparently has no special significance, except as "we believe in the eagle, he can give us good luck." A-hyare, Foot Dance
When the foot-race is to be held instead of the Tablita dance of June thirteenth, those youths of both moieties who have been chosen by the war-chief to participate in the contest spend four or five afternoons practising running outside the village. They are usually twelve to fourteen in number on each side, and from fifteen to twentyfive years of age Sometimes, in these days of depleted population, mere children participate. On the morning of the thirteenth the two parties, which are not divided along moiety lines, are assembled by some of the war-chiefs in two houses at opposite sides of the plaza, where they strip and paint themselves according to their individual fancy. Then one party takes its place at the west side of the plaza, the other at the east, and each party, in two lines facing each other, dances sidewise past the other to the opposite end of the course and back again. Half of each band then walk to the other goal and stand beside their opponents. Between the two parallel courses for the runners are planted at each goal two cottonwood boughs, one a pace or two in advance of the other. Beside the farther of each pair stand two rival racers, and simultaneously with the beat of a drum they leap forward. When one of them reaches the first bough at * Sniwi is the zigzag design that represents a cloud.


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Oyi-sawi - "Ice Terrace" - Santa Clara [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 59 the other end of the course, the umpire at that end strikes his drum and a waiting member of the same team starts out. The runners strive their utmost, not only for the honor of winning but because they are thus giving strength to the sun for his return journey from the north. In conclusion the racers again dance sidewise forth and back over the course. Tu-hyare, Basket Dance
The Basket dance, a prayer for rain for the planting, is performed in March. The Summer cacique bids the war-chief select men and women dancers from both parties, and these meet in the Summer kiva to practise on four nights preceding the day of the dance. On the first of these nights the cacique makes prayer-plumes which the men deposit outside the village, and on the fourth night more plumes are made, to be taken next morning by two or three dancers to the mountains and left there as offerings to the spirits of Douglas spruce. They return to the village in the afternoon with spruce boughs, which they take into the kiva without formality. On the following morning the cacique makes medicine-water, with which he asperges the branches, and the dancers commence to paint and dress. They have black torsos, white waists and thighs, black lower legs, faces unpainted. The costume is the usual one: loin-cloth, sash, moccasins, skunk-skin at the ankles, fox-skin hanging behind, yarn arm-bands with inserted sprigs of spruce, yarn bands below the knees, turtle-shell rattle behind one knee, spruce tips in the left hand, gourd rattle in the right. The women have mantas and boots, spruce in the hair behind the head, a bunch of spruce in one hand and a basket in the other. Both sexes have eagle-down on the hair, symbolizing clouds. Led by Ko6sa-sendo they proceed from the kiva to the plaza and dance in two parallel files, the men in one, the women in the other. From time to time they turn and face in the opposite direction. At various intervals the women invert their baskets on the ground, then each places on her basket the end of a short stick, across which she rubs a notched stick, thus producing a sound representing thunder. The act symbolizes the grinding of meal which they hope to have as a result of this year's planting. Four songs are used, that is, the dancers make four appearances, two in the morning and two in the afternoon. Kosasendo participates only in the first dance. Thereafter the performers are taken in charge by two other Kosa, who dance about the line as if to keep intruders away.


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60 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Ateye-hyare, Foot-lift Dance
This so-called Thunder dance sometimes takes the place of the Basket dance, or it may occur about September. In the one case it is a prayer for rain for the planting, in the other a thanksgiving for crops that have matured. The men are painted and dressed as in the Basket dance, but have turkey-feathers, quill to quill, across the top of the head. Two women participate, each having a squashshell in one end of which a hole has been cut large enough to admit the hand for removing the fleshy interior. These are dried, so that when struck they produce the drumming sound responsible for the popular name of the ceremony. The preliminary making of prayer-plumes and practising of songs occur on four nights, and prayer-plumes are made and deposited for the spruce spirit, as in the Basket dance. Kosa-sendo leads the dancers at their first appearance, and thereafter two other Kosa have them in charge. During the four dances the women sit and beat the squash-shell drums, while the men dance one behind another. Yere-hyare, Seed-clean Dance
For some unknown reason this ceremony is called by local Americans the Snowbird dance. It occurs in March. In the usual way the cacique tells the war-chief to select his dancers and singers, songs are practised, prayer-plumes are made and offered to the gods, and spruce boughs are brought from the mountains. The men wear moccasins, skunk-skin anklets, deerskin or cotton leggings, yarn legbands, sash, fox-skin behind, deerskin or cotton shirt, a fan of turkeyfeathers at the back of the head. In the left hand is a bunch of spruce tips, in the right a gourd rattle. The face is unpainted, and turtle-shell rattles are absent. The women, about equal in number to the men, wear boots and mantas; their hair, hanging loose, is flecked with eagle-down, and in each hand is a bunch of spruce. The Ko6sa do not participate. Both men and women make motions of raising the hands to the shoulders and bringing them down forward, in simulation of the act of planting, the purpose of the ceremony being to keep the seed free from disease and pest. Such are the public ceremonial performances of San Ildefonso, so far as they have survived; but there is little doubt that before the Spanish missionaries in their zeal made every effort to abolish all native practices that were repugnant to their teachings, Tewa ceremonies were far more numerous and elaborate.


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Tablita dance - San Ildefonso - A [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 61 Nambe
General Customs
NAMBE 1 is situated in the lower foothills of Truchas peaks, a spur of the rugged Sangre de Cristo range, sixteen miles north of Santa Fe and on Nambe creek, an easterly tributary of the Rio Grande. Like San Ildefonso it is painfully decadent. The population in I924 was one hundred and nineteen, and of course the native religious rites were largely obsolete or seriously impaired by the paucity of priests and dancers. Nambe culture differs little from that of other Tewa pueblos; but the following data are recorded because they either corroborate statements heretofore made, or present new details, or refer to subjects avoided by individuals of other localities. Of the last class is the interesting propagation ceremony, which undoubtedly exists at all the Tewa villages but was repudiated by all informants except those at Nambe and Tesuque. Incidentally, a San Ildefonso man, under some pressure it is true, showed such familiarity with the Tesuque rites that he reluctantly repeated the songs; and his version tallied exactly with records made fifteen years before by a Tesuque informant. But he would not admit that the custom ever obtained at his own pueblo. Marriages at Nambe are still arranged by the family council. Having decided to marry, a man approaches the war-chief, who calls on the girl's parents to acquaint them with the proposal. A few days later the family solemnly assembles, and each one, beginning with the father and the mother, asks the girl if she is willing to marry her suitor. If she consistently refuses, and the consensus is that the match is advantageous, gentle pressure is brought to bear and generally her consent follows sooner or later. Actual compulsion of a girl sufficiently inflexible to withstand continuous argument and persuasion, a rare thing in an Indian maid, would hardly be attempted. Having secured her assent, they fix a not distant day, on which the bridegroom's parents bring to the prospective daughter presents of trifling value. In aboriginal practice the actual wedding was probably unceremonious mating. It has long been a function of the church. The bride is at once taken into her husband's family. 1 Nam-b&e signifies "earth round," referring to the numerous sandstone and clay turrets and cones that are a conspicuous feature of the surrounding scenery. A round object is called be, and the added syllable e is perhaps an elision for ge, the locative affix. Harrington gives be'e, equivalent to begi, "smallness and roundishness."


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62 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Adultery is said to have involved a unique punishment. The guilty man was made to stand all day on the roof of a kiva with a heavy gun at his shoulder as if about to shoot, while the woman swept the plaza with a short besom and without a moment's respite in which to rise from her strained, stooping posture. When, thoroughly exhausted, they begged forgiveness, they were severely reprimanded and released. Before her child is born a mother selects another woman to sponsor and name it. This godmother attends when the infant is delivered, and she cuts the umbilical cord by pressing a knife against a bit of wood. She then bathes the child, and repeats the act daily until the fourth day, when she comes before dawn to give it a name. Carrying the infant and leading the mother, she passes outside and tosses meal in the six directions, asking Poseyemo to grant health and long life to the child that is about to be named. But she does not then utter the name. If the infant is a female she takes it to a certain shrine and prays to Saya ("grandmother").1 Sometimes there are several godmothers, each of whom gives a name; but godfathers rarely act in this capacity. Returning into the house, the godmother places the infant in its swing-cradle and deposits beside or beneath it two ears of blue corn, saying, "These Corn Mothers will care for you." These remain beside the child until the next planting season, when they are used for seed. In a new bowl especially made for this occasion the godmother now mixes water, meal, desiccated blue flowers of a species native to high mountains, and scrapings of what appear to be a white shell and a bone. These last are really carved out of a soft white mineral, which is not the gypsum used in making whitewash. The meal is to give sustenance to the infant, the scrapings of the "shell" hardness, the "bone" a sturdy, symmetrical body. The purpose of the blue flowers is obscure. Having prepared the "medicine," the godmother takes a sip from the "shell," injects a small quantity from her own mouth into that of the child, and at the same instant utters for the first time the name she has chosen. The bowl is carefully preserved by the mother as an article indispensable to the wellbeing of her offspring. The child belongs automatically to the ceremonial moiety of the father; and not many days after the bestowal of the name many of the principal persons of that division come to make medicine in the 1 Nothing has been learned as to the identity and character of this personage.


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Tablita dance - San Ildefonso - B [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 63 manner described and inject a few drops into the unoffending infant's mouth. Several times annually the governor reports to each cacique the number of children added to his moiety. Personal names frequently refer to prevailing conditions of weather or season. Thus, a certain woman born in November has two names: Oyi-he-fitnwan ("ice thick blue") and Tamun-yegi ("morning hoarfrost"); and her husband, also born in the autumn, is Poyo-taa ("pumpkin ripe-color"). Every seventh year in the spring the Summer society meets in its kiva for twelve days, during which time all girls who have not previously been initiated into the Ohiuwa ("cloud") order are taken in charge by an old woman of the Summer party. She keeps them for portions of each day in a darkened room, where they receive daily a small quantity of unsalted mush. They use wooden scrapers, never the nails, in scratching body and scalp and spend a large part of the time grinding corn. They do not remain constantly in the room, but are frequently dismissed with orders to return at a certain time. Uninitiated boys are kept in another house by one of the Summer men. They also are limited to a small quantity of mush and are frequently sent out to bring wood for the cacique, or to hunt rabbits and birds under the charge of their custodian. They must not touch a female. On the twelfth day the children are brought to the Summer kiva, where they receive medicine-water and are whipped by the masked Ohufwa. They are now regarded as members of the ceremonial organization of the tribe, and the boys are fitted to participate in the masked dances. During the initiation the members of the Summer society perform magic feats of planting seeds of melons, piiions, and corn, and causing it to appear that they sprout, grow to plants, and produce ripe fruit, which they distribute among the spectators. Social Organization
No fewer than sixty-eight so-called clans are named at Nambe, and of these exactly half were said to be represented in I924, when the population was smaller than four times the number of existing clans. The clans nominally belonging to the Summer moiety are:' 1 To the clan name add t6wa, people. A star indicates a clan extinct in I924. In explanation of discrepancies in assigning clans to the ceremonial parties, as exhibited in comparison of various Tewa lists, it should be said that every informant is uncertain in some few instances with which moiety a name should be associated.


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64 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN I. Tan, Sun 2. Ohuwa, Cloud* 3. Agoyo, Star 4. Agoyo-soyo, Star Big* 1 5. Ts6-kan-qiyo, Yellow Dim Old-woman* 2 6. T!ighini, Pleiades* 7. Hwiriini, Orion's Belt 8. Po, Moon* 9. Tsigoweno, Lightning Io. Qantan, Thunder I. Qant6mbe, Rainbow 12. Po, Water* I3. Po-chun6, Waterfall I4. Qan, Rain 15. Poqin, Lake I6. Panyo, Summer 17. Ta, Grass I8. Ye, Poplar 19. Tenyo, White Fir 20. Nana, Aspen 21. Te, Cottonwood 22. Kawo, Pine* 3 23. Po, Squash 24. Hun, Corn* 25. Hun-fendi, Corn Black* 26. Hiun-fisnwan, Corn Blue* 27. Hun-pi, Corn Red* 28. fHun-ta n, Corn White* 29. Ifun-fsyi, Corn Yellow 30. Nan, Earth 3I. Ku, Rock 32. Tsi, Obsidian* 33. Kwia-fSAnyi, Bead White* 34. Ka-fsire, Leaf Small-bird 4 35. T6fe, Oriole 36. Se, Jay* 37. Oki, Turtle 38. Paniun, Snake* 39. Kei, Badger* 40. A, Bow* 41. Su, Arrow* The clans nominally belonging to the Winter moiety follow: I. Oyi, Ice 2. FOn, Snow* 3. Oyi-sunyon, Ice Slippery* 5 4. Oyegi, Hoarfrost* 5. Pin, Mountain* 6. Fa, Fire* 7. Fe, Wood* 8. Kuyan, Turquoise 9. Ku-pi, Stone Red 6 IO. Qan, Oak I. Ts!e, Douglas Spruce 12. Qan-ri, Gum Sticky* 7 13. De, Coyote 14. Ke, Bear I5. Tsi-ke, Obsidian Bear* 16. Huny6, Wolf* 17. Kan, Cougar* I8. Tse, Eagle 8 I9. Kawo, Eagle* 8 20. Tse-pin, Eagle Mountain* 9 21. Tyugha, Chicken-hawk 22. HwAn-pi, Tail Red* 10 23. T!6un, Antelope* 24. p/n, Mule Deer 25. Ohun, Whitetail Deer* 26. Ta, Elk 27. Kon, Buffalo The clans are patrilineal and not exogamous, and are divided between two ceremonial moieties called Turquoise people and Squash people, which are identified respectively with winter and summer. The clan apparently has no function whatever at present, and no informant has heard of a time when conditions were different. The clan names are said to be "just like your family names," and in fact such they appear to be, though of course they are not actually used as surnames of individuals But "when they send for a shaman, they mention the clan name of the sick person." And when a new official or a performer in a dance is selected, his name is announced and also his clan; as, "Morning Flower of the Water People." Normally a child belongs to its father's moiety, but an adult person may join the opposite party. This sometimes, but not often, occurs, the usual cause being the presence of close friends in the 1 That is, morning star. 2 That is, evening star. 3 Species? 4 That is, yellow summer warbler. 5 Oyi-sunyo, Ice Slippery, is apparently the same as San Ildefonso Oyi-sAnina, Ice Crystal, though the informant thought not. 6 Red Stone is commonly supposed to be for "coral." 7 That is, pitch. 8 Species? 9 That is, eagle of the mountain. 10 That is, redtail hawk.


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Tablita dance - San Ildefonso - C [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 65 other moiety, or a quarrel of the individual concerned with some member of his own party. The Summer cacique and the members of his priesthood are chosen from any of the Summer clans, and the Winter cacique and his fellows from any of the Winter clans. In no other society does membership depend on moiety or clan affiliations. Participants in dances, whether secret, masked ceremonies or public celebrations such as the Turtle or the Buffalo dance, are not chosen exclusively from the ranks of the moiety associated with the prevailing season; Summer men, for example, may be appointed to perform in the winter Ohfiwa dance. There are only two kivas: Panyo-tee ("summer kiva") and Oyi-tee ("ice kiva"). The former is a circular and partially subterranean structure at the west side of the plaza; the latter is simply a room in a dwelling on the east side, but it is devoted exclusively to ceremonial use, having a door on the street level for arriving and departing spectators and an entrance through the roof for participants in the rites. In the order of their relative importance the officers are the Summer cacique, the Winter cacique, the governor and two lieutenants, the two war-chiefs and three subordinates, and two fiscales to manage the practical affairs of the church and to bury the dead. At Nambe the Summer cacique, Pfayoo-ke ("summer strong [one]"), or Poan-tunyo ("water-running leader"), is more important than his colleague, Oyi-ke (" ice strong [one]"). He controls the ceremonial cycle from the end of February to the middle of October, and at the former date he and his fellows, the Summer society, remain in their kiva twelve days praying for the people and eating, each one, a single piece of thin bread daily. The penitents are said to be very weak at the conclusion of their fast. The Winter cacique performs a similar service in November, but his daily ration is an ear of corn. The governor and the two war-chiefs are appointed annually by the caciques. The governor is the civil head of the village, but he follows the instructions of the caciques in matters of any importance, using his own unsupported judgment only in circumstances that we would consider of small concern. Nevertheless the position is one of great honor, besides conferring the coveted lifelong exemption from manual labor for the community. The war-chiefs are the secular managers of native ceremonies, naming the participants in dances, seeing that the people assemble whenever there is occasion to do so, guarding the kivas or houses in which secret rites are in progress. VOL. XVII-9


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66 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN About the year 1914 the Summer cacique died, having failed, like his colleague, already deceased, to train a successor. The officers in power perforce continued in office, since there was none to appoint new ones. After some years an appeal was made to the caciques of Tesuque, who proceeded to instruct two men in the lore of the highpriesthood. In 1924 it was expected that the period of instruction would terminate in that year, and the new caciques would appoint successors to the officers so long in power. Religion and Ceremonies
The ceremonial organization as it formerly existed included nine secret societies. I. Panyoo-ke ("summer strong [one]") were a priesthood centering in the Summer cacique, whose title, as its head, was the same as the name of the society, or more definitely Pinyooke-sendo ("summer-strong old-man"), while as the village highpriest he was Poantunyo. 2. Oyi-ke ("ice strong [one]") were a similar group headed by the Winter cacique, Oyike. 3. Ke ("bear"), or Puf6nu ("shaman"), the society of shamans, still rid individuals and the community of occult disease and sorcerers. Formerly they were specifically called Tewa-ke in distinction to the following. 4. T6ma-ke (" Keres bear") were a society, now extinct, of shamans initiated by the Keres.1 5. K6sa, the society of fun-makers, sometimes called Tewa-k6sa in allusion to their supposed origin among the Tewa, are still active. 6. Qan-ri ("gum sticky," that is, pitch), recognized as equivalent to the Keres Kwi'ranna and therefore sometimes differentiated as Tema-k6sa, are another society of clowns. 7. Samanyu were the priesthood charged with the duty of insuring abundance of game animals. At other Tewa pueblos, and probably here, they were also called pin-.kan ("mountain cougar"), which also was the title of their head-man. 8. Hun-fainyun-qiyo ("corn blue [plural] old-woman") were a society of women whose function probably was the ceremonial care of growing crops and the grinding of sacred meal for the caciques. 9. Tseoke were the society of scalpers. Their leader, having the same title, played the part of guardian of the performers in public dances. Excepting Tseoke, the societies fall naturally into four pairs: two cacique priesthoods that pray for the return of the sun; two groups of shamans; two societies of clowns; and two priesthoods concerned with food supply. And if Nambe like other Tewa pueblos, had Powinka, the female scalp-dancers, there were two societies concerned with war. Cacique Societies
It has already been observed that the Summer society about the end of February, and the Winter society about the middle of October, spent twelve days in their respective kivas doing penance by fasting, 'The shamans of Santa Clara are Win-ke ("Jemez bear"). Their initiation is begun at Jemez and finished at Agichani lake on Lake peak east of Nambe.


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Tablita dancers returning to the kiva - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 67 praying, singing, making offerings to the fetishes disposed about their altars, and depositing prayer-plumes about the pueblo, all for the purpose of compromising the religious derelictions of the people. At the June solstice the Summer priesthood performed certain secret rites, at which time the first fruits of the fields were brought to the cacique, and only thereafter was it permissible to garner such products. Prayer-plumes made on these occasions were thrown with meal on the surface of Nambe creek and then deposited at shrines. At the December solstice the Winter society retired, and during four days it was prohibited to cast refuse out of doors. Shaman Societies
In I909 there were seven Puf6nu, or members of the society of shamans. The group known as Tema-ke (" Keres bear") was then defunct. In their capacity of healer by herb remedies, which they employ for sickness diagnosed as due to natural causes, in contradistinction to those maladies supposed to be visitations of witchcraft, the Puf6nu are called wokandi. Requiring the services of a shaman for a sick relative, a man calls upon any one of the society and addresses him somewhat as follows: "I am bringing meal in behalf of one of my family. Will you receive it and cure him? He has aching bones, he falls down aching. Go, with mouth and feathers, and remove sickness." The shaman answers: "Yes, my son, with our mouth and our feathers we will go. We are willing to help you." The shamans may treat an individual patient in his own home or as a part of a general public ceremony in the house of their leader. In the former case the only spectators are the immediate relatives of the patient. The war-chiefs stand guard.1 On the night of a public healing ceremony the people assemble 1 Some years ago, when Joaquin Tafoya, now dead, was chief of the Pufonu, the shamans were in their house preparing for the public healing ceremony. The guards were posted as usual, but a Mexican from a neighboring hamlet, unaware that secret work was in progress, happened to pass them unseen and entered the house in which the shamans were engaged with their kuhaiyk. When he saw what was going on, he stood transfixed with astonishment. The head-man ordered him to stand still, and issued some instructions to his men. They seated the intruder and gave him a handful of parched meal. Just as he placed a quantity in his mouth the medicine-men rushed upon him, simulating bears. In his fright the Mexican choked on the pinole and died, doubtless with such assistance as was required. They wrapped the body, and at night carried it into the hills and set it upright under a tree, placing in the hands a quantity of juniper-bark, so that it would appear that the Mexican had frozen to death while trying to start a fire. Luckily there was that night a fresh fall of snow, for which the medicine-men gave themselves full credit. To this day Mexicans and Indians generally believe that the man met his death by freezing, but the informant thinks the medicine-men choked him to death.


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68 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN at the house of the chief Puf6nu, and the patients (there are usually more than one) are placed in the middle of the room. Male patients wear only a loin-cloth, and women are naked above the waist. The side opposite the door is reserved for the shamans, who when they enter are entirely nude, except that they wear loin-cloths and moccasins. A small deerskin bag containing medicine and a stone bear hangs from the belt. They have already placed on the floor numerous stone figurines of the bear, and a medicine-bowl. The figurines are called kuhaiye (Keres, "bear"). The only light is furnished by a small fire. Two of the men offer meal to the images with a prayer: H6ma!' Binko, navi - sndo! Sighia - ke- nami. eat my old man make bear me Ivi- pi - napahema, navi - sndo, wiripenipi. your heart take-to my old man cast not away "Eat, my venerable one! Make a bear of me. Take to your heart my prayers, my venerable one, cast them not away." The shamans sit in a row along the wall, and smoke long pipes when not praying. The "bears," as the shamans are sometimes called, begin to sing in a low voice, holding a gourd in the right hand and eagle-feathers in the left. After the song two of them step forward to the fireplace, from which each takes a handful of ashes and places it in a separate heap on the floor. They stand then in front of the sick people and dance, while the others sing. The two scatter the ashes over the heads of the people in all directions, dance facing the medicine-men, and return to their places in the row along the wall. On the floor are numerous baskets of meal brought by the women of the audience, and at some time during the ceremony two of the men fill their hands with meal, which they hold before the mouths of the patients, who one by one breathe on it. The meal, thus filled with impurities and evil influence, is then thrown into the fire. The chief Puf6nu never leaves his place behind the altar, but sits with lowered head, chanting and praying; but his companions now circulate among the patients and with a long eagle-feather in each hand stroke their bodies with a deliberate, downward gesture and then sweep the feathers upward and outward. Returning to their places, they draw them between their fingers as if to clean them and expel breath in order to blow away the sickness. In addressing any spirit or fetish one draws the hand from it to the mouth, inhaling through that organ, and exclaiming, "H6ma!" Thus one takes into the heart the power and "long life" of the personage so supplicated.


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Tablita dancers at the kiva - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 69 Each shaman except the chief now inserts a hand and forearm into the skin of a bear's forepaw, and they rise and sing after depositing inside the lower lip a bit of medicine taken from the small individual bags. This medicine, sa"wo, transforms them into real bears, and only thus can they exorcise sickness. Following is the song used at this time: Kati plys ya - gim-a sov-otiiwa nin-ya-giman. Kati to in we go fog down in we go Qantn-yann an, a, p6se yai-gimn". thunder flash rain dew in we go "To Kati 1 in the midst of fog we go down, in the midst of thunder-flash, rain, and dew we go." The shamans begin to growl and otherwise imitate their tutelar, and approach the patients, slapping them with the bear-paws and sucking their bodies, pretending to extract thorns, sticks, bones,2 frogs, rags, which they expel within a circle of ashes. They return then to their places, and another song is chanted. Now the chief shaman announces that a sorcerer, tyuge, is hindering their work, and he commands that it be caught. Sometimes this is done by cornering it in the room, but usually the shamans troop out of doors in pairs and rush about the streets with loud cries as if engaged in a fierce struggle. Each pair is followed by a war-chief or one of his deputies. At last the witch is brought into the room, a doll of rags, and the shamans tear it to pieces and burn it. In its efforts to escape the shamans the witch flees to the church, to the underworld, to the sky, but they project their spirits even to these remote regions. The singing is resumed, and simulated lightning is struck from flint and pyrites. Then two gather up the objects extracted from the sick persons and throw them into the river. After another song and a prayer the shamans take up their images and other sacred objects and depart, and the spectators crowd forward to rub over their bodies the meal with which the images had been fed. The baskets of meal are taken in charge by the war-chiefs, one for each ordinary shaman and the remainder for their leader. 1 Kiti, a lake on Baldy peak, ten miles east of Nambe. 2 A person from whom a bone is thus removed cannot live. In general it is not until after death takes place that the occurrence of this fatal omen becomes known, the Puf6nu then announcing that they had been aware of the impending misfortune. But Miguel Padilla is said to have died three days after a shaman, to his knowledge, removed a bone from his body. This is easily credited, for death resulting from suggestion, or at least hastened by it, is certainly not unknown among Indians.


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70 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Clown Societies
The two societies of fun-makers are Kosa and Qanri. The Kosa wear deerskin caps having two upright conical horns, to which corn-husks are attached. The naked body is white with horizontal black bands, and the eyes and mouth are encircled with black. The loin-cloth terminates in a long "tail," and at the right ankle is a turtle-shell rattle. On the chest, strung on a cord passing over the right and under the left shoulder, are numerous rings of flat bread. The female members have the same caps and the same painting, but they wear ragged mantas which leave the arms, one shoulder, and the lower legs exposed. The Qanri are recognized as a Keres institution, the Kwi'ranna, and a new member takes the first steps of initiation either at Santo Domingo or at San Felipe, where he receives medicine-water, a short baton, a feathered ear of corn (his "mother"), and a stone bear (kuhaiye). With these objects he returns to Nambe, where the initiation is completed. In I924 there were only three members, two men and a woman. They paint in the manner of the K6sa, wear a cap with a single horn and hawk-feathers (both of which are symbols of the Keres order), and have on the back a small bundle of mature grass stems hung on a cord passing over one shoulder and under the other. Members of either society participate as clowns in public dances as well as in the secret masked performances, in the latter case functioning also as interpreters for the cloud-gods. As clowns they perpetrate the vulgarities that everywhere characterize the actions of the cult. Each society also presents a public dance of its own on the fourth day of its initiation rites. Initiation comes as the result of trespass on the members when engaged in their practices or of a vow exacted by the shamans from a patient. Most people are reluctant to join the Kosa because the members are compelled to devour large quantities of food when performing as clowns in conjunction with a public dance, and because of the duty to summon the cloud-gods, many persons fearing too close intimacy with these beneficent but dreaded personages. A new Kosa is taken by the male members of the society, guarded by two war-chiefs, either to Agachani, a body of water on Lake peak, which is at the head of Nambe creek, or to Kati, a lake on Baldy peak a few miles north of Lake peak. Agachani seems to be preferred. They plan to arrive at dawn, so that no Mexican may


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Tablita dancers - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 7I observe them. Just before reaching the lake they strip, then go on, and each individual casts into the water prayer-plumes, corn-husks, meal, and tobacco. The novice then wades into the lake, having about his waist a belt to which is attached a rope held by some of the initiators. He must completely submerge his body, and on rising he must not blow nor wipe his face. The others bathe, then gather various kinds of medicine, and return by night. One of the "medicines" sought at this time is a red blossom, which they wear next the skin as they come down the mountain. In a short time, as they say, this causes giddiness, and the flowers are discarded. In such years as no candidates offer themselves the society nevertheless makes the pilgrimage to Agachani or Kati. The Qanri have the same custom. In their kiva the initiators find their chief waiting behind his altar. They feed their kuhaiye (bear fetishes), make medicine in a bowl, secrete their sacred objects, and bid the war-chief summon the populace. The people crowd in, and a Kosa carries the bowl among them, holding it up for each to take a sip. Part of it is swallowed, the rest is spewed into the hands and rubbed over the chest and arms. Any young men ambitious to be fearless fighters or tireless hunters ask for a special medicine, which is given them. Others desire instruction in tracking animals, and are told to return on the following night, when they will find the floor covered with sand or ashes on which various kinds of footprints are indicated. (This used to be the duty of the now defunct Samanyu.) During these activities the novice attentively observes his instructors, but takes little or no part. Shortly after an initiation the new member is taken by one or two of his fellows to a certain secret place in the mountains, where a soft black mineral is found. Out of this they make for him a small bear, furnishing it with greenish turquoise eyes. This represents the personal tutelar of the new member, and will be kept in his own house, carefully guarded from sight and touch of others. When a Kosa or a Puf6nu dies, the head-man of his society comes at once and claims the kuhaiye. Whether he buries it in a secret place or adds it to the kuhaiye of the society is not known. A feature of the initiation rites is the calling of the Ohfiwa, the cloud-gods. After singing and dancing in the kiva in the presence of the people, the Kosa make clouds of ashes by clapping the hands together and announce that they see people coming. When this has continued for a time, the masked personators of the gods enter and dance, finally distributing fruits of the fields before departing.


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72 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN On the fourth day of an initiation the Ko6sa make their appearance here and there on the housetops about the plaza, sing there for a time, and then come down into the square to dance in two opposing lines between which one of their women dances forward and back. Then they dance in a group, and their female relatives, especially those of the novice, throw bread, corn, and various fruits among the crowd. The Kosa make four appearances, dancing to four different songs. Ohuwa, Cloud-gods
About the end of February, that is, approximately the spring equinox, the Summer society meets in the cacique's house, and the people, regardless of their moiety affiliation, bring firewood and pile it outside, and also hold a rabbit-hunt for the benefit of the cacique. At midnight the war-chief (or a deputy) goes to the house of each man selected by him to personate a cloud-god, raps on the door, and whispers, "You are wanted at the house of the cacique." This is done very secretly, so that children may not become aware that the masked dancers are only men. Knowing what is meant, the men so summoned gather at the Summer cacique's house. The priest makes cigarettes; the men smoke, and are informed why they have been called. They of course assent, and the war-chief removes their clothing. They go to the river and bathe, and place a small pebble under the tongue, where it is kept during the practice singing and dancing, and during the dance itself. It is supposed to help them to remember the songs. Should a man lose his pebble, he must inform the war-chief, and he is then sent again to bathe and select another pebble. After the bath the men return to the cacique's house and spend the rest of the night in rehearsing the songs and dances. They remain at this house during the day, and spend the following two nights in rehearsal. The war-chief's deputies stand guard outside, and the dancers are permitted to go out only when the guards have made certain that no one is in sight. The absence of the dancers from their homes is explained to the younger members of their families in various matter-of-fact ways. Each day the men go to their homes and secure food, which they bring back to the house, so timing their calls that nobody will be at home when they arrive. On one of these three days the dancers are sent out to hunt. Whatever game they kill is brought secretly at night to the cacique's house, and in the dance one of the maskers will carry it in on his back.


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A kiva at Nambe [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 73 On the three preliminary nights the war-chief summons to his house a number of young men to practise dancing without masks, and on the fourth night, when all the people of both sexes have assembled in the kiva, they entertain the people, coming in four times to dance while waiting for the Ohuiwa. As they finish their last dance, two or three Kosa enter the kiva, and the dancers cease. The Kosa leader touches his palms to the ashes in the fireplace, claps them together, and holds the right hand above his eyes, peering into the distance through the cloud of dust. He is looking toward Agachani, the sacred lake on Lake peak at the head of Nambe creek, and toward Kati, on Baldy peak, or toward other lakes or waterfalls where the Ohuiwa live. He turns toward W(nyima,' an unidentified place in the southwest. He says, "I see the water at Agachani moving." Another Ko6sa claps his hands and peers under the right hand, declaring, "I see something coming out of the water." So they continue to clap their hands, raising small clouds of dust and peering into the distance and describing the appearance of the Ohuiwa and their approach, naming various local landmarks and finally announcing with much excitement that they are nearing the pueblo, and at last are on the roof of the kiva. Then the masked dancers come down the ladder. Among them is one dressed like a woman, Pfnyo-ohfiwa ("summer cloud"). He carries a basket filled with seeds, which he scatters through the hatchway from the roof. The maskers make signs which the Kosa interpret, and each Ohfiwa gives to them whatever game or produce of the field he is carrying; and these gifts the Kosa deliver to the persons for whom they are intended, having previously visited the cacique's house so as to arrive at an understanding with the maskers as to the identity of these persons. The maskers then stand in a line, shoulder to shoulder, and dance and sing while shaking their rattles. Sprigs of Douglas spruce are in the left hand, in the arm-bands and leg-bands, and around the neck. The masks are all of one kind, covering the entire head. The Kosa go about watching them carefully, as if to see that no mistake is made. The Tsiwi2 dance rapidly about here and there, also watching the Ohfiwa, and if any makes a mistake in the step or the song they 1 Keres, Wffiima, home of the cloud-gods since their severance of association with the human race. 2 Tsiwi, from Keres Shiwanna. In the Nambe dance this name is applied to their equivalent of the Santo Domingo "run around" Shiwanna. See Volume XVI, pages I50-15I. VOL. XVII-IO


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74 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN strike him with their yucca whips. Their masks also cover the head, but are of different kinds. Some of the principal Tsiwi follow: I. 3Thu, so called from his cry, is the father of all the Tsiwi. Now and then, by signs which the K6sa interpret, he addresses the people, urging obedience to their officers in all things. 2. Kakanydn ("greasy") has the body smeared with grease and then painted black with white spots. His yucca whips are thrust in his belt. 3. Pun-rdu ("bell spotted") has bells on his belt and leg-bands, a long, black beard, a body red with a white hand back of each shoulder. 4. Wa-sinydn ("egg throw") wears a white native-woven shirt, white cotton leggings with red yarn bands below the knees, a white deerskin across the left shoulder and under the right arm like a mantilla. If he detects a child peering too closely and curiously between the heads of the elders, he hurls an egg, as if intending to strike the child, but really smashing it against the wall near by. There are various others of the Tsiwi, not all of whom are necessarily represented in every masked dance. They correspond to what at some of the pueblos are called "whipping Kachinas" and at Santo Domingo "run around" Shiwanna. If they observe a dancer making a mistake they whip him. If the Ko6sa, by feigned forgetfulness, fail to carry out their instructions made known by signs, they whip the clowns. Sometimes they direct the Ko6sa to reprimand some individual in the audience for improper conduct in daily life, and the reproved individual is dragged forth by the clowns and punished by the Tsiwi. The Ohiuwa dance one song on each side of the kiva, beginning at the north and ending at the east. Then they stand in line, while the Tsiwi and Kosa dance here and there, and one of the principal men in the audience addresses the people, imparting the message the Ohiuwa have brought, enjoining obedience and good conduct. As he finishes, the Ohiuwa shake their rattles simultaneously and go out one by one. The Tsiwi follow, Uhu going last of all. The Kosa then gather up whatever food has not been distributed to specified individuals, divide it among the people, and depart. About the first of October the Winter society meets in the house of their cacique, and the dance is repeated. On this occasion a conspicuous figure is Pose-tfin ("dew basket"), a masker dressed like a woman and carrying a basketry vessel of sacred water, from which each spectator drinks. When the Ohuwa depart, P6setui drops a small Douglas spruce tree, which the people eagerly pounce upon and strip of its leaves, rubbing them on their bodies for the strength of the chief of trees. A masked dance of this kind may be held at any time of the year, either in the kiva or, in former times when there were few Mexicans


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Yan-tse - "Willow Yellow" - Nambe [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 75 about, in the plaza, or nowadays at a secret place in the hills. Aliens are rigidly barred from observing the dance or the masks, and if it occurs outside the kiva guards are stationed to prevent intrusion. Such a dance is inaugurated by a group of young men going to the war-chief and making known their desire. He sends them on a hunt, they take the game to the cacique of the season, and the warchief apprises him that they wish to "call the Ohfiwa." During their four preliminary days the chosen dancers must practise continence. In the times when there were no Mexicans near the village and guards were unnecessary, a dancer once slipped away from his companions, ran down a narrow street behind the church where some old houses stood, and met his lover, a married woman. He took off his mask, cohabited with her, and hurried back to the dance, adjusting his mask as he ran. When the dancers returned to the kiva, where the cacique was waiting, they removed their masks, made the usual four circular motions with them toward the cardinal points, and set them down. But the guilty man found that his mask would not come off. The others tried in vain to help him. They began to cut it with a knife, but blood spurted. Then he confessed, and they realized that for his transgression he had been transformed into a real Ohiuwa. So they bound him with ropes and that night took him to Agachani and threw him into the lake. Sic fabula. Probably the incident actually happened in this manner: The man was observed in his amour, and the others sentenced him to death in the lake of the Ohiuwa, inventing the mythical part of the story in order to impress the people and account for the disappearance of the transgressor. Propagation Dance
Intimately associated with the Ohiuwa cult is a ceremony called Koyi'-pinan-hyare (" seed power dance"), the principal figure in which is a woman having the title Nayi-hwa. ("dust sweep"). This official is charged with the duty of supervising the sweeping of the village streets and especially the plaza four days before any ceremony. For example, when a masked dance is to be given, one of the Ohiuwa impersonators suddenly appears in the village four days before the time set, and amid great excitement a Kosa is summoned to ascertain what he desires. The K6sa, painted and dressed as usual, comes running and interprets the signs of the visitor, announcing that he desires the women to clean the village. The Ohiuwa carries an armful of besoms, which he delivers to the Kosa, who in


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76 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN turn hands them to Nayihwa1, and she distributes them among the women and directs them in the work. The last incumbent of the office died about I9IO. The propagation dance occurs when the trees begin to leaf. The war-chief summons to his house a number of unmarried girls, each of whom is required to name a male companion for the dance. On the fourth morning the girls dance alone in the plaza four times while Nayihwa- sings, and at night they perform in the kiva along with the men they have chosen. After the dance they carry baskets of meal to the homes of their partners, and the men return the baskets, filled with meat, to the respective homes of the girls. Both men and girls then return to the kiva and join the spectators. Then begins the significant part of the ceremony. There are seven unmarried girls who compose a pseudo-society under the leadership of Nayihwa1. A new member is recruited by appeal to the mothers of the village whenever one of the number dies or marries. The fire having been allowed to grow dim, these seven girls dance in the kiva, practically nude, and from time to time Nayihwan administers mild blows with a bundle of yucca-leaves. After a time the Ohiuwa and the Tsiwi enter and dance. A Kosa asks each of the Ohiuwa in turn how many children he is going to make for one of the girls, naming her, and the masked man, holding bow and arrow in the left hand and rattle in the right, advances in a vigorous manner toward the girl and retreats, and finally raises his extended fingers five times, indicating fifty. In conclusion, spectators and Nayihwan depart, leaving the girls and the masked men together for the night. In I909 two women, Pepita Pefia and Pepilla Anayo, were indicated as having acquired, respectively, two and three children in this manner. Of course no stigma attached to them. At Tesuque, where the custom still prevails, the dance is called Inyan-taa-hyare ("smoke grind dance"). In I909 half a dozen mothers were pointed out as former participants. Silveria Suwaso and Nostasia Romero were two of them. There were several infants said to have been begotten in the ceremony of I908. Of course not every unmarried mother is a member of the cult, which is limited to seven at one time. Illegitimacy during the first few years of a girl's puberty has always been encouraged. Four days before the ceremony Nayihwa1, entirely nude, stands on her roof and issues a summons to her seven followers, who quickly respond. If any is dilatory, she goes with a yucca whip to hasten the tardy one. They remain in her


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Pose-aye - "Dew Moving", profile - Nambe [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 77 house until the dance begins. On the last of the preliminary days they grind corn which they have received from the cacique for the men who are to dance, while a fire of juniper boughs gives forth a black smoke. It is from this circumstance that the Tesuque name of "smoke grind dance" is derived. The girls who dance in the plaza have men's clothing, deerskin shirts and leggings, buffalo-fur head-bands, an upright turkey-feather in the flowing hair, faces painted white. Following is one of the songs used in the dance: Tamun-yo-ge Poqin-gel inpinun ohiuwa pinqaigh Othuwa-enun dii'an. morn- big lake at in-midst cloud high-up cloud boys come ing at Nawi dipaari. Nafngihityan - pore, ivi-hiyair. here they are we rejoice much we dance Tamunyog? P6qingg Ohiuwa-enun Aiun, yagiw6o Poqingp ohtiwa rinko. girls beautiful we have very "At Big Morning lake, high up in the midst of clouds, come Cloud Boys. They are here. Greatly we rejoice, we dance. Cloud Boys and Girls at Big Morning lake, we have clouds at the beautiful lake." In the dance in the kiva at night the woman beats a drum and sings, and from time to time whips the girls. The song used at this point seems curiously inappropriate to an occasion when the begetting of children is the desideratum: Far eastward, Old Sun, we are friends. Old Sun, we your children are dancing. Our enemies, they came to whip us; Then we went to drive them down at the plum trees.2 Then the masked men come and dance while the girls rest. The Ohfiwa depart, the spectators go home, and the girls are sent to the cacique's house to remain with the maskers. Snake Cult
All the Pueblo Indians used to believe in snakes. The only men who now take part in the Snake dance at Nambe are Francisco Tafoya, Agustin Vigil, Gabriel Trujillo, Lisetto Vigil, Seresivo Vigil, Salvador Garcia, Teodoro Pefia, and Jose Ascension Pefia. All belong to the Winter people, and all except Agustin Vigil and Lisetto Vigil are Puf6nu [shamans]. Juan Trujillo, who is dead, used to be one of them, and his son should take his place; but the younger people do not feel as their elders do, and so drop out. There is a "man" 1 Timunyog6 is another name of the lake at Lake peak, the home of White Cloud Man, rain-god of the east. 2 Be-pii, round red, that is, plum.


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78 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN snake in one of the houses in this pueblo. If there were a "woman" snake there would be many people. The snake is fed [ceremonially] with cornmeal and pollen. When they practise for the dance they feed meal to the feathers they wear on their heads, also to their drums. The dancers are kept shut in a house for four days, during which they are not permitted to see or touch a woman. When the dance is ended, they must bathe in the river. Santa Clara has two snakes, and two women who are called Snake Mother. The wife of Victoriano Cisneros is one. She walks as if she had no bones. When a Snake Mother is with child she says, "This is for the snake." She lets her children die by not tying the umbilical cord; then she takes the infant in a jar to the snake. Here at Nambe Juan Tafoya's mother was a Snake Mother. When she died the "woman" snake died, and since then there has been only one snake here. When we make bread cakes with snake symbols, we bring them to the kiva and feed them to the snake, which has been taken there. The women are not permitted to see it. It is black and white, thick and long. It has a rattle. When the snake becomes old and will not eat, they take it away and get another. This is done in October, very early in the morning, and the men are absent three days. A watch is placed, that no Mexicans may see them. If a spy is caught, he is killed. If the cacique did not take care of the snake and released it without getting another, the people all would die. This is why we believe in the snakes. When the men go to work in the fields they first chew a weed and spit it in the thick grass, so that the snakes will not bite them. If one kills a snake, he kills it completely and puts its head where the ants will eat it; for otherwise it would follow and spit its poison on him, and he would swell and die.' There used to be snakes kept in Nambe, and the Snake dance, a relic of this custom, is still given once a year. The Summer cacique had charge of the man snake, the Winter cacique of the woman snake. There is a little door in each cacique's house, which nobody was allowed to touch, and these led to the dens of the snakes. The present Summer cacique did not believe in the custom and let his man snake go. The other had died or gone away,2 and for a long time there had been but one in Nambe, which was the cause of the steady decrease of the population. When two snakes were kept the village was flourishing. Tesuque, Santa Clara, Santo Domingo, and others keep snakes. Other villages used to feed children to the snakes. In Santa Clara the wife of Victoriano Cisneros is a Snake ' Information, I905, from a Nambe woman. 2 The disappearance of the female snake is consistent with the known fact that the office of Winter cacique had for some years been unfilled.


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Pose-aye - "Dew Moving" - Nambe [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 79 Mother; her children when born are allowed to die by neglecting to tie the umbilical cord, and they are fed to the snakes. She walks like one who has no bones in her body. We do not kill snakes, and when we encounter one we throw cornmeal to it and address a prayer asking it to go to the mountains and not harm us: "Snake, my old one, take this meal; go away. Do not help yourself to the children, my old one. You have large hunting grounds." The Snake dance occurs about New Year's, and at present only three men take part. They do not handle snakes, but imitate as much as possible the former ceremony in which snakes were used. In preparation for this dance the men are confined four days and nights in the house of the war-chief, and during this time they must not touch a woman. If one is bitten by a snake, or has any kind of wound, and a woman looks at the wound, it will become very bad. During the retirement of the dancers, singers are being instructed by the cacique at night in his house. The dance begins about the middle of the morning, when the singers stand on the south side of the plaza and the dancers come out of the house into the middle of the plaza and dance. They come out four times, returning to the house to rest. They imitate snakes as much as possible in the movement and bending of their bodies. After the fourth appearance they go to the houses of the village and receive food, which they carry to the war-chief's house and then go to the river, where they throw meal into the water and then bathe, first asking the river to take away all sickness and to give them good health. They return to the feast. The men wear white moccasins and a white loin-cloth terminating in a long tail, and their faces are painted half white and half red or blue. The hair is left with the side locks hanging, and eagle-feathers are made into a peak on the top of the head. Colored yarns hang from the arms at the elbows, and bells or shells are attached to their ankles. Their legs and arms are white, and feathers hang from yarn bands below their knees. In the right hand they have a gourd rattle and in the left a painted stick with eagle-feathers at the ends and in the middle. Two Nambe Snake songs are translated: Acting like snakes, you are sent as snakes. Come, do what you were sent to do. We are real snakes born of a snake mother. You are the grandchild of a snake mother.1 In I924 a Nambe man stated that two snakes were kept in the pueblo a good many years ago. This was the only evidence bearing on the cult procured in that year, excepting numerous references to the great snake at Pecos. Everyone is willing to admit the former existence of serpent worship at that pueblo, for no harm can come from referring to an extinct community. 1 Information, I909, from a Nambe man, now deceased, and his wife.


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80 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Once upon a time a handsome youth came into a house and asked a girl to be his lover. She consented, and he told her to keep him secreted in a large jar. She locked him in an unused room, but when she returned to visit him he was not to be found. Remembering his words, she peeped into a vessel and saw a large snake coiled there. In due time she gave birth to two snakes. Her father angrily reproved her, and took the snakes into the hills, released them, gave them meal, and begged them not to harm the people. It is in memory of this incident that the village of Tesuque keeps two snakes. All the pueblos used to do so. The present custodian of the snakes in Tesuque is Alario Vigil. Formerly each cacique kept one of the snakes, but now they appoint a Panfiun-pufonu ["snake shaman"], or Pafnu -ke ["snake strong"], for this duty. He feeds them three times a day with meal,' and prays for their good will. It is his duty to catch a new snake when one dies. The snakes are brought together for breeding, and the young are released in the mountains with prayers, meal, pollen, and feathers. They are asked to send rain, to remain in the mountains away from the village. We do not kill snakes. We give them meal and ask them to go into the mountains and not harm us. A man who is bitten by a snake goes at once to the Summer cacique, who knows how to cure him with herbs. He is kept in seclusion until he recovers, and he must not be seen by a woman nor come in sight of fire, lest he die.2 Miscellaneous Religious Customs
At the edge of the village are some rough stone slabs, set on end and tinted with the ceremonial colors appropriate to the several directions which they face. Prayers, feathers, meal, and tobacco are frequently offered by individuals at these shrines, particularly by departing hunters. The sacred feathers are those of the turkey, eagle, duck, summer warbler, jay, and parrot. Miniature stone fetishes representing animals, especially bear and cougar, are very common but highly revered. An informant secretly and with bated breath exhibited one of these, a bear made of red stone with greenish eyes. Her mother "fed" it regularly in the early morning. It had been inherited from an uncle, a shaman. During the winter of I908-I909 some of these kuhaiye were being made by the Puf6nu, who confined themselves for twelve days in the cacique's house. On this occasion some children of the faction that no longer adheres to the native religion pelted the house and the guarding war-chief with stones. A serious brawl ensued. Within 1 All informants mention meal, and usually pollen, as the food of the snakes. It must be supposed that they refer to ceremonial food. 2 Information, I909, from a Tesuque man.


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Fo-e - "Snow Child" - Santa Clara [photogravure plate]


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THE TEWA 8i the very recent past such an occurrence would have resulted in severe punishment, even death, for even passive skeptics were quietly put out of the way by the hierarchy.' At various times the women bake flat bread cakes bearing the symbols of the snake and the reproductive organs. The participants in the Snake dance and the propagation dance eat the cakes, and in the ceremonies of the masked Ohfiwa the Kosa distribute them among the female spectators so that they may multiply with the ease and rapidity of snakes. Some of the most conspicuous stars and constellations are named and supplicated, notably the morning and the evening star. The rising sun is addressed somewhat as follows: "My old Sun, here, eat this. Give health to me and my village. Give me deer, game, long life. This I ask for myself, my old Sun." In praying to this allpowerful one "we hold the sun in our left hand and take from it with the other and draw its life into the mouth, asking for help." The moon is said to be supplicated by men, and the prayer is for its intercession with the sun, dispenser of health and long life. The Summer cacique is said to possess a white stone figurine about ten inches high, representing a female deity. Belief in the dread power of wizards and witches is ever present, and has been an important factor in reducing the population of Nambe and other pueblos. The superstition is subjective as well as objective. For example, more than a generation ago there was a well-authenticated case, the records of which are said to be in the archives of the Archbishop of Santa Fe. Many children having 1 About the year 900o there was an old man at Nambe who, as it was commonly reported in the village without attempt to conceal the facts, had been blinded by a burning stick because he had promised to lead some white men to a gold mine abandoned by Spanish colonists in the revolt of I680. Of the existence of a deposit of placer gold in the vicinity there is little doubt. In 1924 an informant told of a relative, then deceased, who never worked but always had money, which he obtained at Santa Fe in exchange for nuggets. The informant had seen the gold. Three old men, now dead, possessed the secret of the mine's situation. The tradition is generally known, but local white people fear to search for the mine for the reason that more than one explorer are said to have failed to return. It is commonly thought that they met death at the hands of the Mexicans of a certain wild, mountain hamlet, who are supposed to know about the deposit. Some years ago Pedro Cajete and another man of Santa Clara, having heard a detail of the tradition to the effect that the Spaniards had marked the trail by driving sticks into holes bored in the trunks of trees at the height a mounted man could reach, were "grubstaked" by Frank Bond, of Espanola. They returned from the expedition with a report of failure, but subsequently they informed a trusted American friend that they had found and followed the trail, had observed that it extended a long distance, but, becoming panic-stricken by the thought of what would happen if they were discovered, had retreated. They offered to lead their friend in from the north, thus avoiding watchful eyes at Nambe. VOL. XVII-II


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82 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN died, two men and an old woman were accused of witchcraft. They readily admitted the charge and showed where they had kept their black feathers concealed between two walls. The men were at once executed, the woman was publicly exposed in the stocks until she died. Nambe has the same numerous public dances as the other Tewa pueblos.


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Zuni



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Zuñi [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI History
E-UNI,1 lineal descendant of the glamorous Seven Cities of Cibola so eagerly sought by the conquistadores, occupies a portion of the site of Halona, one of those all but prehistoric towns, a site on the north bank of Zuni river in the extreme western part of New Mexico not far from the Arizona boundary. Tillable lands of considerable area border the river-course (which is almost dry during the summer), and smaller valleys of pleasing aspect are traversed by the affluent creeks, Nutria, Pescado, and Ojo Caliente. Away from the valleys the surface is broken by low hills and beetling mesas, and from an elevation one descries in the east the dark, shadowy outline of the pine-forested Zuii range. The lower levels are characterized by semi-desert conditions, but in the mountains are dells and meadows which, favored by the stored moisture of a fairly heavy snowfall, afford a refreshing contrast. A hearsay report of the existence of populous villages in the north was brought to New Spain in I536 by Alvar Nufiez Cabeza de Vaca and his three companions, who near the end of their stupendous eight-year wanderings from the Texas gulf coast to the Sinaloa shores of the "South Sea" were told about them by the natives of Corazones valley in Sonora. This confirmed a story that had been extant for six years. Says Castafieda in his account of the events leading up to the expedition of Coronado: In the year 1530 Nufio de Guzman, who was President of New Spain, had in his possession an Indian, a native of the valley or 1The name Zuiii was first recorded by Antonio de Espejo, who visited the "province" on his way from Acoma in I583 and noted that it was known to the Spaniards as Cibola. Zuii is from Keres Sdfii (with the locative affix fzi), which itself is an adaptation of Tewa Sdinyun (with the locative affix ge), a rock slide or coasting-place for children. Cibola is believed to be primarily from fhiilM, meat, the plural of which, Shiwi, is the native term for an individual of the tribe. The plural of this is Ashiwi, the collective is Shiwinnaq&. The pueblo is called Shiwinna ("meats at"), the country Shiwinnaqin. Shiwinna, transmitted to the Spaniards from the lips of Piman Indians of southern Arizona or Sonora, became "Cibola," or "Civona." 85


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86 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN valleys of Oxitipar, who was called Tejo by the Spaniards. This Indian said he was the son of a trader who was dead, but that when he was a little boy his father had gone into the back country with fine feathers to trade for ornaments, and that when he came back he brought a large amount of gold and silver, of which there is a great deal in that country. He went with him once or twice, and saw some very large villages, which he compared to Mexico and its environs. He had seen seven very large towns which had streets of silver-workers. It took forty days to go there from his country, through a wilderness in which nothing grew, except some very small plants about a span high. The way they went up through the country was between the two seas, following the northern direction.1 Guzman headed an imposing but abortive expedition in search of these fabulous riches, and the "Seven Cities" remained undiscovered. Interest was revived by the story of Cabeza de Vaca to such a pitch that the new viceroy, Antonio de Mendoza, purchased the Barbary negro slave, Estevan, one of the four wanderers, and in I539 attached him in the capacity of guide to the Franciscan friar Marcos de Niza, a Savoyard, who was to investigate the truth of the report. On nearing the goal the priest sent ahead Estevan and about three hundred Mexican Indians who had followed him from various villages encountered on the march. A few days later messengers brought news of the death of the negro at the hands of the Cibola Indians. He told me that, one day previous to reaching Cibola, Estevan sent, as he was wont to do always, his gourd, in order to show them in what quality he was coming. The gourd had a few strings of rattles and two plumes, one of which was white and the other red. When they reached Cibola and presented the gourd to the person whom the lord has placed there in charge, he took it into his hand, and, seeing the rattles, with great wrath threw the gourd on the floor, and said to the messengers that they should forthwith leave the town, that he knew what kind of people those were, and that they should tell them not to enter the place lest they should all be killed. The messengers returned and reported to Estevan what had happened, who said that this was nothing, - that those who at first displayed anger always received him in the kindest manner. So he continued his road until he reached the city of Cibola, where he met people who refused to allow him to enter, and placed him in a large house outside, taking from him all he carried of objects for exchange, turquoises, and other things received from the Indians on the journey. There he was all night, neither food nor drink being 1 Winship, Coronado Expedition, Fourteenth Ann. Rep. Bureau of Ethnology, pages 472-473.


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Corn Mountain [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI 87 given to him nor to his escort. On the following morning this Indian 1 felt thirsty, and went out of the house to get a drink of water at a stream near by, and a short while afterwards he saw Estevan endeavoring to escape, pursued by the people of the city, who were killing some of the people of his company. Seeing this, this Indian concealed himself and crept off stealthily up the said stream, and finally crossed over to take the road through the desert.2 In spite of these ill tidings, the friar pressed on. "With my Indians and interpreters I followed my road till we came in sight of Cibola, which lies in a plain on the slope of a round height. Its appearance is very good for a settlement, - the handsomest I have seen in these parts." 3 At last he beheld one of the Seven Cities, gleaming in the sun and making such a brave showing in the distance that his subsequent report was entirely misleading, interpreted as it was by minds predisposed to the superlative by what had been found in Mexico and Peru. According to Cushing, Zuii tradition has it that the "black Mexican" was killed at the pueblo Kiakima, which was at the southwestern base of Corn mountain 4 and about four miles southeast of ancient Halona and present Zuni. But Friar Marcos, coming from the south and viewing Kiakima from an elevation, could not have failed to notice Halona with its tall terraced houses in the midst of an open plain. Moreover, the priest says nothing of Corn mountain. Bandelier finds no difficulty in reconciling the friar's description with the surroundings of Kiakima. But it is inconceivable that the discoverer of Cibola, had he been speaking of Kiakima, should have failed to mention the beetling cliffs of Corn mountain towering nine hundred feet above that village at its base, a striking landmark even when viewed "in its southern width, not at its full length." The village Hawikuh, on the other hand, was "in a plain on the slope of a round height," was exposed to the south, and was the most southerly of the Seven Cities. Since it was the first village in the line of approach from the southwest and its surroundings entirely satisfy the requirements of the friar's Relacion, it may be concluded that Estevan lost his life at Hawikuh. This conclusion is supported by the narra1 The one who was making the report to the friar. 2 Bandelier in Papers Archceological Institute of America, V, I890, pages I50-152, quoting from the Relacion of Friar Marcos. 3 Ibid., page I6I. 4 That is, TAwa-yalanne, incorrectly translated "Thunder mountain" by Cushing. See footnote, page 90.


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88 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN tive of Captain Juan Jaramillo, a member of Coronado's force, who says: "From here we went to another river, which we called the Red river, two days' journey in the same [almost northeasterly] direction, but less toward the northeast... From here we came in two days' journey to the said village, the first of Cibola... This was where they killed... the negro." 1 This clearly refers to the ascent of Zuni river and the arrival at Hawikuh. In their precarious wandering life among various tribes Cabeza de Vaca and his companions had more than once saved their lives by posing as medicine-men, and it was natural that the negro on entering the Zuni village should make much of his shaman's rattle. But the symbol, theretofore so potent, proved his undoing; for the Zuii priests, enraged by the presumption of the alien, possibly suspecting him of being a sorcerer, decreed his death. The existence of a strange race in Mexico was already known to the inhabitants of Cibola through the Sonoran Indians, who regularly visited the pueblos for the purpose of buying turquoise and buffaloskins. Coronado reported to the viceroy: "They declare that it was foretold among them more than fifty years ago that a people such as we are should come, and the direction they should come from and that the whole country would be conquered." 2 Either the traditionists or Coronado exaggerated the age of this prophecy, for fifty years prior to I540 antedates the discovery of America. At any rate the Zuni shamans took prompt steps to discourage the threatened invasion. Friar Marcos returned by forced marches to New Spain, and his report aroused such roseate expectations that there was a bitter * Inscription Rock, or El Morro (The Castle) as the Spaniards called it, a striking landmark on the trail from Acoma to Zuii, preserves on its perpendicular faces numerous records left by the leaders of various Spanish expeditions. Ofiate's inscription, the oldest of all, reads: "Paso por aqi el adelantado don Ju de ofnate del descubrimento [sic] de la mar del sur a 16 de abril ao I606." - "Passed by here the adelantado Don Juan de Oinate from the discovery of the sea of the south on the i6th of April, year I606." Bandelier was of the opinion that the final figure of the year date shows evidence of having been altered from an original 5, and he quotes Zarate Salmeron to the effect that Ofiate left San Gabriel on October 7, I604, and returned on April 25, 1605. The evidence of such alteration is not now apparent, but there is no question that the return journey was made in 1605. Lummis (Mesa, Caiion and Pueblo, 1925, page 470) says, "A curious shadow in the cliff makes the last figure of Oiate's inscription look in the photograph exactly like a 6; but in fact the inscription is a 5, and is correct - for this wonderful march was in 1604-1605." On this expedition Ofnate visited Acoma, Zuiii, the Hopi villages, Colorado river, and the Gulf of California. The large figure near the centre of the plate is an ancient Indian petroglyph representing the human form. 1 Winship, op. cit., page 586. 2 Winship, ibid., page 56I.


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Onate's inscription [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI 89 contest before the Crown for the right of conquest, Mendoza, Cortes, and Hernando de Soto urging their claims. But while argument and counter-argument were being presented to the royal officers in Spain, the viceroy was busily organizing an expedition under Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, governor of the province of New Galicia. In February, I540, there assembled at Compostela on the Pacific coast a force variously stated by the viceroy and Spanish historians of later date as numbering from I50 to 260 horsemen, 70 to 200 footmen (the viceroy is silent on this item), and 300 to more than a thousand Indians. The wide variance in the estimates of the Indian allies is easily understood, for reinforcements undoubtedly attached themselves to the little army in its northward march. Pedro de Castafieda, a member and annalist of the expedition, and some other early writers speak of 300 horsemen. Practically all of the Spaniards were adventurers newly arrived in the country. The expedition set out near the end of February, and marched to Culiacan, capital of Coronado's province of New Galicia. After a halt of nearly four weeks the general left the main body, which was to follow in a fortnight, and himself went forward at a more rapid pace with about seventy-five mounted men and twenty-five on foot. Early in July while ascending "Red river" they were met by four Indians, who professed friendly intentions but were actually scouts, as the general seems to have suspected. For he sent a detachment ahead to occupy "any bad passages which the Indians might be able to defend;" and the advance guard successfully resisted an attack that night. "The next day," says Castafieda, "they entered the settled country in good order, and when they saw the first village, which was Cibola,l such were the curses that some hurled at Friar Marcos that I pray God may protect him from them. It is a little, unattractive village looking as if it had been crumpled all up together. It is a village of about 200 warriors, is three and four stories high, with the houses small and having only a few rooms." 2 So they arrived at Hawikuh, and wellnigh famished, their friendly 1 Coronado in his letter to Mendoza makes it plain that "Cevola" was the name of a "province," and each of the seven towns had a name of its own. Zarate Salmeron, writing in 1629 of Ofiate's journey of I604-I605, says, "the largest pueblo and head of all is the pueblo of Cibola, which in their language is called Havico." For the evidence of the identity of the first of the Seven Cities seen by Coronado (who named it Granada) and Hawikuh, see Hodge, The First Discovered City of Cibola, American Anthropologist, VIII, Washington, I895. 2 Winship, op. cit., page 483. VOL. XVII-I2


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90o THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN overtures spurned, the Spaniards could not be long restrained. At the first charge the Indians broke and fled. The walled town was then attacked on two sides, but here the defenders had the advantage of the hunger-weakened Spaniards. Stones and arrows were showered from the housetops, several of the attackers were wounded, and the general himself, a tempting target in his gilded and glittering armor, was twice struck to the ground, only his "very good headpiece" and the assistance of his maestro de campo saving him from serious injury. But in less than an hour the inhabitants evacuated the main portion of the village and the Spaniards took possession. Food was badly needed, and they found sufficient stores. Three days later, says Coronado in his letter to Mendoza, "some of the Indians who lived here came to offer to make peace. They brought me some turquoises and poor mantles." But the general's efforts to explain the benefits to be derived from knowing "the true God for their Lord, and His Majesty for their king and earthly lord," though apparently successful, really came to naught; for "suddenly, the next day, they packed up their goods and property, their women and children, and fled to the hills, leaving their towns deserted, with only some few remaining in them." This was the first recorded flight of the Zufi Indians to the top of Taiwa-yalanne ("corn mountain"),1 an imposing mass a few miles east of Zufii. The mesa is about nine hundred feet in height, a mile long from north to south, and about half a mile in width. Its flat top is reached by four difficult trails. Its precipitous walls of varicolored sandstone, here and there eroded into massive columns and pinnacles, make it an impressive landmark. From Cibola Coronado sent Pedro de Tovar to the seven Hopi pueblos of which the Zuii told him, and later the army-master * This view of the remains of the monastery and church at Hawikuh is from the east. Some of the walls of Hawikuh itself are seen on the summit of the knoll in the distance. 1This translation is perfectly simple. The commonly accepted derivation prior to the work of Mrs. Stevenson from tdwawanannO, thunder, was unnecessary, as everybody at Zunii is aware that the name of the mesa is Corn mountain. According to a sacred legend the ancient people fled to the mesa to escape a deluge, carrying with them large stores of corn. The water rose higher and higher, threatening to overwhelm the mountain, and at last the principal priest, the rain-chief of the north, decided to make the sacrifice that seemed to be demanded. He dressed his youthful son and daughter in the finest garments and ornaments, and they stepped over the brink into the water, where they became the two striking columns now seen at the west side of the mountain. The water was checked, but in the long years before it receded from the plain the people had to remain on the mesa, where the power of their chief priest made it possible to raise small crops. It is in memory of this episode that the priest of the north now has the esoteric title of Twa-ghiwanni ("corn chief") and the mesa is called Twa-yalanne ("corn mountain").


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Monastery and church at Hawikuh [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI 9I Cardenas to discover the Grand Caion of the Colorado, about which the Hopi had told Tovar. He also commissioned Hernando de Alvarado to explore eastward, and this officer crossed the continental divide a few miles distant (an effortless feat at this latitude), discovered Acoma, the Tiwa pueblos of the Rio Grande, and Pecos, and proceeded along a southeasterly-flowing river to plains swarming with "humpback oxen." Coronado's advance force assembled at one of the Tiwa villages in the vicinity of present Bernalillo to prepare winter-quarters, and soon they were joined by the main "army" from Culiacan. The siege of a Tiwa village and slaughter of its surrendered defenders,' the futile search for gold on the plains of Kansas, the disillusioned retreat to New Spain in 1542, did not directly concern the Zuni. It is sufficient to say that Coronado, with great expenditure of effort and money, had accomplished notable geographical discoveries, had failed to find treasure, had left the Pueblo Indians with an ineradicable hatred of the race that respected not its word and burned at the stake those who foolishly put their faith in it. After Coronado's entrada the Zufii were visited in 1581 by Chamuscado, in 1583 by Espejo, and in I 598 by Ofnate, each of whom found but six pueblos: Aguicobi (Hawikuh), Canabi (Kianawe, which Cushing gives as the original name of the ruin now called Kechipauan), Aquinsa (Kiakima), Halonagu (Halona), Coaqueria (Kwakina), and Macaque (Matsaki). Evidently one of the "Seven Cities" had been abandoned. 2 In I629 a mission with three resident priests was established at Hawikuh, probably with a visita at Halona, a populous centre twelve miles distant. Like all the other Pueblos the Zuii did not take kindly to the efforts of the frayles to discourage the native religious customs, and in 1632 they murdered Letrado, a new missionary, and Arvide, a priest passing through the country with a Zuii escort. For three years thereafter they lived on Corn mountain. In 1672, according to Vetancurt, or 1670 according to Bandelier, who bases his date on "manuscripts in my possession," Hawikuh was sacked and burned by Apache and the priest was killed. Apparently the place was then abandoned, for when the Pueblo revolt broke out in I680 the Zufii were occupying only three towns, Halona, Kiakima, and Matsaki, all within a radius of three miles. Once 1 See Volume XVI, pages 5-9. 2 The names given are those noted by Oiiate. Pinawan has been associated with Ofiate's Aquinsa; but it is easier to believe the latter to be an imperfect spelling or a misprint of Kiakima.


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92 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN more the Zufii killed their priest and established themselves on Corn mountain, where Diego de Vargas, the reconqueror, found them in I692. Vargas was well received. He climbed the trail, which he found difficult, and he and the "cacique" sponsored the baptism of two hundred ninety-four persons. "My fellow godfather, and the captains asked me to mount further and in a room on the second floor and a balcony I entered and found an altar with two large curtains burned by wax candles and retaining some bits of ornament." With the altar of the church the Indians had preserved and carried away to their stronghold three effigies of Christ, a painting of John the Baptist, a reliquary, three silver chalices, an enamelled chalice, a missal, seventeen other books, two brass candlesticks, two bells without clappers, and a "tiny little bell."' This record of what seem to be mere trifles, which the Spanish chroniclers were wont to note so meticulously, is not without the semblance of importance, for the Zuni still relate a story of one of the missionary priests whose life was spared at the time of the revolt of I680 on the promise that he would take unto himself a Zuii wife. He therefore, according to the tradition, accompanied the tribe on its flight to Tawayalanne, where he remained during the revolution and until Vargas appeared on the scene in 1692. The Zuni say that it was the priest who wrote the message with charcoal on a skin and cast it to the soldiers below. While the Spanish accounts make no * The plate entitled Hawikuh (a) looks northwestward across a group of the ruined dwellings. Note the beam-holes in some of the walls. The excavations were conducted in the years I917-I92I and 1923 by the Hendricks-Hodge Expedition of the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation. The enclosed rooms were completely excavated, but were filled again with earth and debris from adjacent excavations. 1 Twitchell, Extracts from the Journal of General Don Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan Ponce de Leon, in Old Santa Fe, I, April, I9I4. According to the version by Sigiienza y G6ngora (Mercurio Volante, 1693, reprinted in Mexico, 1900, pages I7-I8), Vargas reached the Penol of Caquima (i.e., Kiakima, referring to the pueblo at the southwestern base of Corn mountain), whither they had retired for safety from the Apache, who had reduced their five pueblos to one. The Spaniards were met outside the town with the greatest courtesy and affection, "and there was not one of those places that had been reduced to obedience where such attention had been shown them as in the present case and where they encountered the only signs of primitive Christianity." Noticing some of the Indians maintaining a guard, with some signs of reverence, on a room which belonged to a certain woman, Vargas entered and found on a rude altar, where two tallow candles were burning, an image of Christ, a painting of St. John, various sacred vessels, the shrine of the holy sacrament, and some missals, all covered with pieces of ornamentation. "This unexpected treasure trove caused considerable display of tender devotion among some of the head men who had also entered the room, and they embraced the chiefs of those Indians, assuring them that in the future they would receive special friendship from them in return for giving them the chance to see these things." - EDITOR.


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Hawikuh - A [photogravure plate]


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93 allusion to the presence of a priest, the fact that the sacred appurtenances of the church had been preserved by the Indians who had murdered practically all the Spaniards on whom they could lay hands, and even effaced every vestige of civilization, gives the story verisimilitude. Vetancurt says that of the two Zunii priests, one, Fray Juan de Bal, stationed at Halona, was killed, while the other, who ministered at Hawikuh, escaped - but, strangely enough, his name is not mentioned.' It was subsequent to the reconquest that modern Zuiii was erected on a part of the ruins of Halona, and here the entire population of the tribe was concentrated. In a century and a half the "Seven Cities" had disappeared. In I703 several soldiers were killed for certain excesses, and for the last time the stone houses on Corn mountain were inhabited. Two years later the refugees returned to their pueblo, which from that time has been uninterruptedly occupied. Within recent years the former summer villages of Ojo Caliente (Ky'ap-qaina, "hot-water come-out"), Nutria (Taya-qfn, "planting place"), and Pescado (He's1hakta-ftina, "ruin picture"),2 have become more or less permanently inhabited, their people moving to the parent settlement only for ceremonies and festivals. As at all other pueblos, historical tradition at Zufii is strangely wanting, and what little is offered is likely to be a melange containing a pellet of fact enveloped in a mass of typical native mythology. Well-informed men profess never to have heard of the negro Estevan. The capture of Hawikuh appears to be an unknown episode. A queer tale is told of a virgin from the City of Mexico, who miraculously conceived and then became a native goddess of fructification. This condition can hardly be the result of reticence, for it would be extremely illogical to impose the law of silence on such secular affairs as the dramatic arrival of the Spaniards while opening the door fairly widely on sacred ceremonial customs. The native atti1 W. W. H. Davis (El Gringo, page 79, New York, 1857) mentions the tradition in the following words: "It is said that the priest stationed at Zuii neither was killed nor fled, but saved himself by abjuring his faith and turning Indian. That when the Spaniards went there at the time of the reconquest, about the year 1690, they inquired for the Padre, who answered in person that he was there; but, being dressed and painted like an Indian, they failed to recognize him, and asked him if he could write. He answered that he could, but had no paper. The Spaniards then passed up to him upon the rocky height where the pueblo then was situated a skin, upon which he made letters with charcoal. This satisfied them of his identity, when they demanded and received a surrender of the place. This is the tradition of the Indians, but is not correct, as I find, by any examination of the manuscript record of the times, that the Zuiiians killed their priest at the time of the rebellion." 2 H'shakta-fina is built on the ruins of a prehistoric village, on the walls of which are ancient petroglyphs.


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94 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN tude in this respect is so well set forth by Kroeber as to justify quotation at length: 1 I have never heard from a Zuni the least reference to a historic event. They may possess a stream of semi-historical tradition, distinct from their mythology and schematized conceptualizing of the past; but if so, it drains but a minute fraction of their minds. I have waited two summers for a spontaneous manifestation of something of the kind. Direct inquiry probably would reveal certain traditions; but they would not be the kind that the natives habitually tell each other. The Zuii are intensely interested in the scheme of structure of their society, and in its divine institution; but their invariable assumption is that since its institution this society has remained a constant unit, unchanged except for little irregularities that come with the wear of time. Such minor variability they seem to regard as obvious, trivial, and not particularly worthy of attention; and such are the conquest of Coronado, the establishment of a mission in the heart of their town, and other actions of the Spaniard with reference to themselves. As a matter of fact, any change imposed on the social scheme is very quickly absorbed into it; a generation or two suffices, the alteration has become fixed, and is reckoned as perpetual as the structure, though perhaps obviously incongruous. An example. The Zuii are professedly anti-Catholic and antiChristian. During the summer of I916, the proposed establishment of a Catholic mission incurred the displeasure of the whole tribe except a small minority of individuals standing in special relations to Mexicans. In the meeting at which the affair was brought up, the sentiment of the overwhelming majority was so vehement that the negative decision was unanimous; and the result was received not only with general satisfaction but open rejoicings. Yet every Zufii that has died within the past two centuries lies buried in the unkempt little graveyard that was first consecrated by Catholic fathers, and in the center of which a constantly renewed cross rears its beam. The mission church in the heart of the town is to us the ever impressive reminder of the Christian influence imposed on the nation for many long generations; to the Zufii it is anything but a symbol of the alien religion which they struggle to ward from themselves. They make attempts, mostly ineffectual, it is true, to roof and preserve the crumbling structure of adobe. Some years ago, a wider passage was wanted between its altar end and the nearby houses. The western wall was therefore torn down. But it was re-erected in its entirety, a few feet farther in! The northern face gives evidence of having been similarly shifted. This by a people that resent the coming of the priests, that will not tolerate a Catholic Mexican within view of their religious observances, and from among 1Zuni Kin and Clan, Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, I917, XVIII, pages 203-204.


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Hawikuh - B [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI 95 whom only playing boys, hens, and hogs trouble to enter the edifice which they toil to preserve. We face here a strange conservatism indeed; but it is a conservatism of the present, with no feeling for the past. The church, the graveyard, the cross are not Catholic; they are Zuni; therefore they are clung to and treated as things integrally and inherently Zuni. The habitual attitude of the Zufi, then, is unhistorical. He derives satisfaction from recognizing his national system, and from thinking of it as fixed since its first establishment. In everything else his interest is but intermittent and perfunctory. That now and then he may preserve fragments of a knowledge of the past that approximate what we consider history, is not to be doubted. But it is equally certain that such recollection is casual and contrary to the usual temper of his mind. From these conditions we must conclude that the shape of these recollections, and even the very selection of their content, is likely to be randomly fortuitous in our sight, whenever it is not wholly determined by the Zuni's prevailing and sufficient systematization of his narrowly encompassed world. Arts and Industries
Even in prehistoric times the pueblos of Cibola maintained constant communication with other and relatively distant people. A well-marked trail led eastward to the Rio Grande valley and the Tiwa villages, with a northerly branch to Sia. Another extended to the Hopi and on to the Grand Cafion. Indians from the Gila valley and Sonora were regular visitors, trading bright feathers and marine shells, and laboring in the fields for turquoise and buffalo-skins, the latter product reaching Zuni through the hands of the Tanoan people of the Rio Grande, who hunted buffalo on the plains of eastern New Mexico. There was also direct communication with the Yuman tribes along Colorado river, for when Alarcon in I540 discovered that stream he talked to an Indian who had recently visited Cibola and described its appearance and the customs of the people with some detail. The killing of the negro Estevan was mentioned, and while the conversation was going on the report was brought to the boat that two men had that moment returned from Cibola with the news that white men with firearms and horses were even then at the pueblos. This was early in September, two months after Coronado captured Hawikuh. The trail to Cibola, as Alarcon was informed, could be covered in forty days.1 1 Winship, op. cit., page 405. There is also good evidence that pilgrimages were made from Zufii to the Gulf of California for the purpose of procuring sea-water for use in ceremony


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96 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Of Zuii clothing Castaieda wrote: "They cover their privy parts and all the immodest parts with cloths made like a sort of table napkin, with fringed edges and a tassel at each corner, which they tie over their hips. They wear long robes of feathers and of the skins of hares, and cotton blankets. The women wear blankets, which they tie or knot over the left shoulder, leaving the right arm out.1 These serve to cover the body. They wear a neat well-shaped outer garment of skin. They gather their hair over the ears, making a frame which looks like an old-fashioned headdress." Coronado reported to Mendoza, "Most of them are entirely naked except the covering of the privy parts, and they have painted mantles." This was in midsummer. Rabbit-skin blankets have been made within recent years. Bundles of yucca-leaves were laid beside a fire, and when softened by the heat were doubled up into balls, which were exposed at night to freeze. In the morning the frozen balls were put into boiling water, and after a thorough cooking the leaves were distributed among the members of the household, who sat about and chewed them, sometimes swallowing the juice if food were scarce. The women took the collected mass to the river and washed out the fibres, which were used for a warp through which strips of rabbit-fur were twined. Rope also was made of yucca-fibres. Before the Zufii had sheep they got cotton from the Hopi and wove it into blankets and dresses. According to present-day native informants they raised no cotton, but the site of an ancient Hopi pueblo is still known to them as Cotton-fields.2 The armless mantas mentioned by the chroniclers are still common possessions and are much used as over-dresses. In primitive times the material was cotton, later wool, and the color nearly black. and Pacific shells for ornaments. Thirty-five years ago there lived at Zuiii an old man nicknamed "Calipornia" by his tribesmen because he had journeyed to the Pacific and back on a burro. * Every Zuiii house has its teshqinne ("taboo-it") suspended from a roof-beam. The one here pictured represents the mythic creature called Knife Wing, a patron of the Big Fire society of which the head of this household is a member. As the object hangs in place, a prayer-stick consisting of two pieces, "boy" and "girl," is attached behind each wing. These sacred objects were removed by the owner when he brought the emblem down to be photographed, and the entire proceeding was carried out with the utmost secrecy and with bated breath. 1 This is probably an error. All Pueblo women fasten the dress above the right shoulder. 2 "They do not raise cotton, because the country is very cold... Some cotton thread was found in their houses." - Coronado to Mendoza, in Winship, ibid., page 558. Vetancurt, on the other hand, says they raised and wove cotton in I680. Of course Coronado's reason for the alleged want of native-grown cotton is erroneous, the Zuni country being no colder than the Hopi. Excavations at Hawikuh have revealed many human skeletons covered with the remains of cotton clothing.


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A Zuñi house shrine [photogravure plate]


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97 White cotton robes draped over both shoulders were added for ceremonial dress. Moccasins, which neither Castaieda nor Coronado mentions, had uppers of tanned deerskin and rawhide soles of elk- or buffalo-skin. Men wore knee-length trousers of deerskin or fabric open at the sides from knee to mid-thigh. Both sexes had footless, close-fitting, blue woollen stockings reaching to the knee and held down by cords passing under the feet. In 191o native stockings were still commonly worn by women, but in I924 commercial shoes and stockings were general, the greatly increased cost of deerskin and the stringency of game laws making that product practically unobtainable. On special occasions women wrap an entire white deerskin round and round the lower leg. The modern ordinary dress of a Zuii man consists of white cotton trousers, a cotton shirt hanging unconfined, a loin-cloth, and sometimes moccasins. Recently commercial garments - dark cotton shirt, denim overalls, and coarse shoes - have done much to eliminate the picturesque from a Zufii street scene. Women wear kneelength cotton dresses, or a sleeveless woollen garment of the primitive kind over a cotton dress, and a native woollen belt several inches wide tightly drawn twice about the waist. When footgear is worn it is almost sure to consist of American shoes and stockings, always black, a mode decidedly unromantic when the wearer "toes in" as all native women do. The hair brush is the stiffer end of a besom of grass stems, or, in late years, of broom corn. The hair of men is parted from ear to ear, and the back portion is doubled up and wrapped with a red woollen string or band, much in the Navaho fashion. The front portion is banged, and a head-band keeps it out of the eyes. Women allow the hair to hang loose in front, so that usually the face is half hidden by a bang that extends to the level of the lips. Castafieda's reference to the "hair over their ears, making a frame which looks like an old-fashioned headdress," suggests the well-known "squashblossom" of unmarried Hopi girls. House walls are constructed of stones, or in modern times occasionally of adobe, plastered over with clay and whitened on the inside with gypsum wash. Plaster is applied with the bare hands and the wash by means of a fleece mitten. The outer walls are replastered usually once a year, and the inside walls are whitewashed two or three times annually. In the ruins there is evidence that often the stones were shaped. Heavy log rafters support willow branches, VOL. XVII-13


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98 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN over which a quantity of brush thatching and a substantial coat of earth are spread.l Formerly there were no rectangular openings in the walls, the lower entrance, when there was one, being merely a round hole which could be effectually barricaded with a heavy stone slab. Every house had an entrance through the roof, and when the ladders leading from the ground to the roof and from the roof to the interior were removed, enemies were almost helpless to attack. The living-room, where most of the family sleep and where as a rule all the cooking and eating are done, is usually three times longer than wide. All around at the base of the walls extends a low masonry ledge, about twenty inches high and equally broad, which serves as a seat and a shelf. The fireplace, beneath the stone chimney in a corner, is protected from drafts through the door by a wall extending out from the house wall, and the exterior chimney is a tier of bottomless earthen pots. The trough of the mealing-stones, of which there are three, graded in fineness and in separate compartments, is usually in the living-room, but sometimes in a small rear room where the baking also is done. The houses are arranged in terraces, which in one place, at the centre of the pueblo, rise to a height of four stories.2 In the early eighties there were six well-defined stories, the uppermost consisting of a number of rooms. The former compactness of the village is being much impaired by the younger generation, who are building separate outlying houses, some of which are several hundred yards from the village proper, whereas in I889 there were only three or four houses not directly connected with the main group. It is not difficult to foresee Zufii pueblo as a tale that is told. The cultivated plants were corn - white, yellow, black, blue, purple, red, and varicolored, - beans of the same hues, and squashes. To these the Spanish missionaries added wheat, watermelons, cantaloupes, peaches, grapes, and chile. Alfalfa is now an essential crop. Irrigation is practised, but many fields depend entirely on stored moisture and rainfall. Ripening crops are protected from birds by scarecrows or by watchers sitting under leafy bowers on shaded platforms. A favorite opening for Pueblo myths of a certain type is a scene in which a handsome young stranger makes love to a beautiful maid guarding the cornfield while her father is at home enjoying a late and well-earned breakfast. 1 Since the establishment of lumber mills within comparatively easy reach, the willow branches have been superseded by boards. 2 The fourth story, a single apartment, was removed in I9I9.


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Zuñi village at Ojo Caliente [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI 99 Wheat is threshed by the hoofs of a number of horses driven round and round over an enclosed floor of beaten earth, and is winnowed by tossing into the air from baskets. Sometimes goats are employed. When a small quantity is required quickly, the flail is used. Corn is spread on the roofs to dry, and the husked ears are stacked in the house. Squashes and cantaloupes are preserved by drying, the former being cut into long strips, the latter seeded through a hole in one end and peeled. Watermelons are kept until midwinter by covering with moist sand in a cool inner room. The fruit of the little peach orchards found in the sheltered dells at the foot or in the very walls of the mesas and among the low hills and dunes is usually not permitted to ripen, but is eaten fresh while still hard and to our palate tasteless. Quantities of this fruit are dried in the sun at the orchards, where a few tiny stone cells shelter the harvesters, or on the village roofs. Owing to the encroachment of the cattle of whites many of the peach orchards have been destroyed. Among a very large number of foods prepared from corn the following are typical. Mu-ky'ap-awe ("bread hot-water cornmeal") is made with meal that has passed over the two coarse stones. The meal is mixed with boiling water, colored a faint green with water of slaked lime (the limestone being obtained near Nutria), and shaped into large balls, which are dropped into boiling water. Meal mixed with cold water and salt (and, if color is desired, with lime-water) and baked on a flat stone in cakes about ten inches square becomes the bread called heya-honiwe. Chiqeya-honiwe (chiqa, sweet) is heya-honiwe in which the salt is replaced by a quantity of wheat flour fermented by saliva added in the process of mastication by the women. At the present time the desired result is gained by permitting wheat to sprout, making flour from it, and mixing the flour with cornmeal. Kase-mzulawe ("salt bread") is made by mixing meal, water, salt, and ground squash-seeds, wrapping the batter in corn-husks, and baking in the oven. A batter of meal, salt, and lime-water, rolled into small balls the size of marbles, and dropped into boiling water, produces a thickened mass called mu-kyaliwe ("bread honey"). Hominy (chzfiqanawe) is prepared by boiling shelled corn with ashes for three hours and then washing it, when it is ready for use. Chfitfiqana-muwe- ("hominy bread") is a tamal of hominy meal wrapped in corn-husk and boiled. At the winter dance Ka/yup


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IO0 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN chonakya every household must make hominy bread. Sometimes dough of this kind is baked on the stone. Dough made of a mixture of meal and pulverized squash-blossoms is rolled about green corn-leaves and dropped into boiling water. The leaves impart a sweetish taste to this atea-muwe ("squashblossom bread"). Balls of dough placed inside a corn-husk, which is wrapped with yucca-fibres at the ends and between each two balls, are boiled. Tamales of this kind are mzisukiwe. Alleqiwe is parched corn. The grains are dropped into a pot with clean sand (to prevent it from popping) and stirred with several long thin rods, and are then transferred to a shallow basket. Near by is a bowl containing salted water and pieces of cob, by means of which the water is sprinkled over the parched corn. This is an almost obsolete dish at ZuFi, though common on the Rio Grande. Hepachiwe ("hewe incised") is like a Mexican tortilla. Flour and salt are mixed with warm water into a stiff dough, a piece of which is rolled into a ball and then on a flat surface (originally a stone) worked into a disc. The edge is pinched with thumb and forefinger into scallops, or the nails are drawn zigzag over the surface. Some women puncture the cake with an awl in about a dozen places, others wait until it is baking and then if bubbles form they prick the cake with a wooden pin. At the present time many women work a small quantity of baking powder into each cake as they knead it; others occasionally add a bit of tallow. The tortillas are baked one at a time on a circular stone over a slow fire. Hewe, or heteahla, is the well-known wafer bread, for which the finest grade of meal is used. After leaving the first stone the coarse meal is toasted in a bowl, and then passed over the next two stones. Mixed with cold water and then stirred into boiling water, to which a little lime-water is added, it is cooked to a mush. A small quantity of meal is made into a thin, cold batter, which is mixed with some of the mush. A small handful of the resultant mass is spread thinly over the surface of a flat stone, where it quickly bakes. After a few sheets of this paper-like bread have been laid aside, they are placed back on the stone, and after becoming warm they are folded into small packets. Pink hewe- is made with the meal of red corn, and yellow by the addition of ground squash-blossoms to the batter. Naikyayuwe is boiled green corn on the cob. Millawe is roasted green corn. The unhusked ears are thrown upon a mass of coals in a pit and covered over with stones upon


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Zuñi gardens [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI IOI which coals are heaped. They steam over night. Quantities of corn so treated are stored for the winter, the husks being partly stripped back to prevent mildew, and the ears are boiled in preparation for eating. Takunawe1 is popcorn, which is prepared by placing it in a pot over the coals and stirring it with a stick. Mullawe is wheat bread baked in hemispherical Mexican ovens out of doors. The oven is built of stones, is plastered inside and outside with clay, and has an opening at the base for the insertion of fuel and bread, as well as a small vent in the top. When wheat bread is to be made, a piece of dough kept over from the last baking is softened in water and a little flour is added, the whole being beaten into a batter with the hand. This is set away to rise over night, and in the morning it is turned into a large bowl. Water and salt are added, and then flour is worked in. The dough receives a very thorough kneading, the mass being literally torn to pieces in the process, and is shaped into small loaves. Meanwhile the juniper fuel has been piled in the oven and the flames are shooting out the upper vent, the lower opening being nearly closed. When the fuel is completely consumed, ashes and coals are cooled with water and removed with a wooden shovel. The floor is then swept with a small branch of green juniper tied- to a long handle, the temperature is tested with a sprinkling of meal, and the loaves are quickly pushed in on the shovel. The lower opening is covered with a piece of sheepskin and a flat stone. The product is excellent. A fermented beverage similar to the Apache tiswin, made from sprouted corn, is not unknown. Among the principal edible wild products are various pot-herbs, acorns, pinion-nuts, yucca seedpods, and Opuntia fruit. Yucca seedpods, fuHpiawe, are laid away in a warm place to become soft, when they are peeled and the pulpy seed-covering is stripped off with the teeth, masticated, and deposited on a basket. The seeds are discarded. The mass is then boiled until it turns brown, and is spread on the roof to dry, after which it is moistened and made into rolls about eight inches long and half as thick. It is then called fuzpachi. In winter a slice cut from the roll is broken up in boiling water and the sweetish mixture is used as a beverage with the meal. The fruit of the prickly-pear cactus is eaten both fresh and preserved. Salt is obtained by the Zunii, as well as by the Navaho, Apache, Cf. takunn?, bead.


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102 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN and Hopi, and by the people of Acoma and Laguna, at a salt lake forty-two miles south-by-east of Zufii. The annual pilgrimage is accompanied by religious observances.- Only men are eligible, and as the lake is sacred, the abiding place of Salt Mother, Mal-akyafi ("Salt Old-woman") and of the war-gods, no one is permitted to visit it without the consent of the Shiwanni of the north. The party is usually led by one of the six principal AMhiwanni and the two Bow Chiefs, these three going afoot while the men who are in need of salt follow on horses or burros or in wagons, sometimes with packanimals. Each person who intends to join the expedition makes prayer-sticks for Salt Mother, Sun Father, Moon Mother, and Corn Mother, which the leader, the Shiwanni, receives, and, when they arrive at the lake, deposits. The Bow Chiefs deposit prayer-sticks to the war-gods. Antelope, deer, rabbits, and hares were the principal game animals. Beef and mutton have been a part of Zuii diet so long that they may almost be said to be primitive foods. Turkeys were plentiful and were domesticated for the sake of their feathers. Most Zunii families have three meals daily. Formerly they had breakfast after the morning's work was done, and supper after the close of the day. Spinning and weaving were and are well-developed arts. Wool is drawn into yarn by means of h7atanne, a spindle with a wooden or stone disc near one end. The loom is perpendicular. The principal woven articles are women's dresses, men's ceremonial shirts, kilts, and loin-cloths (all black or dark blue and of diagonal weave), women's belts, and blankets. Garters and hair-bands are now rare. Blue-black pottery clay is obtained principally on Tawayalanne, or Corn mountain, and also on mesas near the village of Pescado. So much of the deposit on Corn mountain has been removed that it is necessary now to mine it, and the several burrows are so small that one enters on hands and knees. Some years ago a young woman was buried alive by a collapse of the roof. Only women dig the clay, and men are not permitted to approach the pit. The material soon hardens by exposure to air, and is then ground and mixed with a small quantity of pulverized potsherds. After water has been added and the mass thoroughly kneaded, a ball of it is worked with the fingers into the proper shape for the base of the vessel to be made. Then ribbon after ribbon of clay is added, until finally the vessel has been built up completely. A paddle of gourd-shell is used to smooth the joints and pat the utensil into the required shape. After drying


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Zuñi pottery [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI 103 indoors for a day it is washed (unless it is to be a cooking-pot) with gypsum dissolved in water, which is applied with a bit of rabbitfur. While the surface is still moist it is carefully polished with a smooth pebble, and after the wash has dried conventional designs in black, brown, and yellow ochre (which fires red) are applied by means of a thin strip of yucca-leaf chewed at one end. The paints are all mineral, and are prepared by pulverizing the material in stone mortars and mixing with water and yucca-fruit syrup. The entire bee plant (Peritoma serrulatum), except the root, is boiled and the residue after partial evaporation is mixed with black pigment. Juice of the cactus known as chzuntpa is likewise used. The decorated vessels are grouped on stones or on fragments of discarded pottery so as to be slightly off the ground and not in contact with one another, and cakes of dried dung from the corrals are built up around and over them. Fire is applied, care being exercised to avoid too sudden an application of the intense heat that is finally developed, and to maintain perfect combustion so that unconsumed gases will not blacken the ware. About two hours are required for firing. The Zuni do not make the black ware seen in the Rio Grande valley.1 Basketry is not a well-developed art, the product being solely utilitarian, without decoration or beauty of form. Willow winnowingbaskets and yucca baskets for holding wheat and flour are common forms. The best baskets in recent times were obtained from the Apache and the Havasupai. The manufacture of discal shell beads by means of a steel-point pump-drill occupies much of the time of some men. For these the Olivella biplicata is the favorite. A string containing hundreds of beads is sold to the local trader for a sum so paltry that the workman's chief compensation must lie in the satisfaction of the creative instinct. Turquoise and coral ornaments are much in evidence. In recent years some of the men have become adept in silver-working, an art learned from the Navaho, who in turn derived it from the Mexicans as late as about I880. The process of preparing one of the stones on which wafer bread is baked is an exacting one. At the western end of Corn mountain a gray sandstone occurs in slabs about two inches thick, two or three feet long, and a little less in width. The woman of the household, having been provided by the men with one of these slabs, laboriously rubs one side smooth with a stone. It is then laid upon two rows of stones in the fireplace, and is very gradually heated by 1 For the kinds of vessels made, see the Vocabulary, page 207.


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Io4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN a fire beneath it. When it has become well heated the cotyledons of squash-seeds are masticated and rubbed on the stone, which as it cools turns black with the oil of the seeds. Now the greater part of the embers is withdrawn, and a quantity of piiion-gum is applied. As it melts it is rubbed into the stone, the process continuing as long as the gum is absorbed. Then a bunch of pine twigs is swept across it once, to remove the excess of gum, and a second and a third bunch are used in like manner. With another bunch the woman rubs the surface vigorously, and juniper twigs are used to give the final polish. As in all stonework among Indians, no word must be spoken aloud during the entire process, lest the stone break. The native weapons and cutting implements were of the usual kind: oak or cedar bows, stone-tipped arrows, stone-headed and entirely wooden war-clubs, buffalo-hide and probably basketry shields, skin quivers, obsidian and other stone knives, and stone axes and hammers bound to wooden handles. The lance, judged by its Spanish name, was of later introduction, but the dibble-like wooden sword for fighting at close range was a primitive implement. Cosmogony
According to Zuiii conceptions the earth is flat and firmly joined at the edges to the sky. Below it are four other similar worlds with diminishing degrees of light, until at the lowest there is absolute darkness. The visible sun is a bright shield borne by Sun Father. In the east Sun Father breakfasts in the house of his sister, and then holding up a fox-skin he brings dawn. He holds up a parrot's tailfeathers and makes daylight. Then he rises above the horizon behind his shining shield. At noon he stops for dinner, and in the west goes down into the ocean to the house of his grandmother, who feeds him before he travels on beneath the earth to his sister's house. The moon is a shield behind which Moon Mother travels. The stars also are in the same category, and a falling star is a star man on his way to the home of a lover. The more conspicuous constellations are named. Orion's Belt is fpilakya ("single file"); the Pleiades are Qilelikyaqe ("seven ones"). Groups of very faint stars are called flthapa-ma'yachuwe ("manganite stars"), because they remind the Zufii of the shining mineral particles dusted over the painted faces of dancers. Games
Many Zuiii games are of a ceremonial nature, that is, they are played at certain seasons with the thought of rain. Such are Ahdliwe,


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A Zuñi doorway [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI 105 a dice play in which four halved bits of reed are employed; iyankolowe, the object of which is to guess which of four wooden cups do not contain the stone marker; and tiqawe, the familiar kicking-race. This last is a contest held annually just before the planting season, once between kiva-parties and again between clans. The affair is in the hands of the Bow Chiefs, and the course, two miles southward and back, is supposed to extend to the home of the war-gods. In the contest between kivas each party, numbering three to six runners, represents one of the two war-gods. A similar race over a twenty-mile course or for shorter distances is held for betting purposes. The wooden missile kicked forward by the contestants is called tiqanne (plural, tiqawe). Tasholiwe is the well-known Southwestern variant of pachisi, in which three stick-dice are cast on a stone disc surrounded by forty evenly spaced pebbles, over which the "men" are moved. Organization
The civil government is of the form generally imposed upon the Pueblos by Spanish influence. The governor, tapupu, and the lieutenant-governor, filpalaa-{h'iwanni ("Mexican chief"), are appointed annually by a priestly group consisting of the six so-called rainpriests (AMhiwanni) associated with the world-regions, the two warchiefs or Bow Chiefs, and Shiwan-akya ("chief old-woman"). The office of Shiwan-akya has long been vacant, and that of the priest of the nadir has for many years been filled by the elder-brother Bow Chief, so that the appointing body now numbers seven men. It is probable also that the Bow Chiefs are present only as executives of the Afhiwanni. When the nominees are notified of their selection, they promise to give an answer the following day. Invariably they pretend reluctance, on the ground that the offices are thankless ones. Having finally yielded to persuasion, each names his assistants, peyenaqe ("talkers"), who are usually called tenientes. Governor and lieutenant-governor have no direct dealings with the people in minor affairs, except in rendering judgment in disputes; their assistants attend to all details. It is said that in the recent past the term of office was four years, and satisfactory incumbents were retained indefinitely. An informant says that he himself was governor continuously for eight and six years with an intervening period of'four years. The real power in the community is vested in four hierarchical groups: the six Aghiwanni, the principals in the Ka-tikyanne ("god VOL. XVII-I4


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Io6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN fraternity"), the Apiflan-shiwanni ("bow chiefs"), who until recently had, or at least executed, power of life and death in cases of supposed sorcery, and the shamanistic fraternities. The most important individual is the North Chief, usually called Kyaqi-massi ("house chief"), who in general corresponds to the so-called caciques of the Rio Grande pueblos. Zufii clans are as follow: I. Pichiki, Dogwood 2 9. Shhita, Deer 3 2. Kyikyali, Eagle io. Takya, Frog 3. Tdnna, Turkey I. Yitakya, Sun 4. Kalakta, Sandhill Crane I2. Tawa, Corn 5. PayI, Roadrunner I3. Anna, Tobacco 6. Tanashi, Badger I4. Aiyaha, Tansy-mustard (Sophia halictorum) 7. Suski, Coyote 15. Tahlupfsi, Yellow Wood 4 8. Ailshe, Bear I6. Qinnaqa 5 The Pichiqe are by far the most numerous clan, having rather more than four hundred members. There are perhaps half as many Eagles, and the Turkeys, Badgers, Suns, and Corns are well represented. 1 To the clan name add qf, the collective affix, except Pichika, Pichiqe. Some of the clans here named may now be extinct, as several of them were almost so in I9I0. 2 Cushing and Hodge call this the Parrot or Macaw clan. Mrs. Stevenson (Twenty-third Annual Report Bureau of American Ethnology, I904) calls it Dogwood, and Kroeber (Zuii Kin and Clan, Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History, XVIII, I917, page 95) agrees with her: "My Zufii informants were unanimous that this clan is named after a shrub or small tree... The Mullakwe or Macaw people are a division of the Pikchikwe." According to Hodge, Mullaq6 is almost invariably given as the name of this clan. A man well-versed in esoteric lore informed the present writer with much positiveness that pichika (the writer has never detected a k in the first syllable) was the ancient word for mulla, parrot, and referred to that incident in the migration legend where one division of the people chose the more attractive of two eggs, that of a raven, and became known as K6kkoqe ("raven people"), while the others, selecting the uglier egg became the Millaq6 ("parrot people"). These two clans, he said, now compose the Pichiqe. The tree pichik-hlawe (a smaller variety of which is called pila-hlawe) he described as a large willow, but to his ear there was a distinct difference between the first syllable of this compound and the name of the clan. Hlipichiqe, a perversion of pichik-hlawe, is a term of derision applied to members of the clan. It is probable that the informant who translated Pichiqe as "Parrot People" erroneously read this meaning into the term as a result of his knowledge of the myth above referred to. The tree pichika is Svida stolonifera riparia Rydb., dogwood. As to the identity of the parrot whose feathers are of so great ceremonial importance to Zufii and other pueblos: "Another species, found in the United States along the Mexican border, is the thick-billed parrot (Rhynchopsitta pachyrhyncha), a Mexican species, occurring in considerable numbers sometimes in Arizona." - Encyclopedia Americana. 3 The Ma'wiq6 ("antelope people") are a division of the Deer clan. 4 Tahlupfsi (taiwe, wood; hlupftina, yellow) was identified by Mrs. Stevenson as Berberis Fremontii. 5 The Qinnaqaq6 (qinna, black) in i9I0 did not exist as a clan, a few remaining females of this group being classed with the Corn clan. Perhaps it was never more than a division of the latter. The name is commonly translated Black Corn, but the Zufii element for corn is not contained in it.


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Boy and girl columns at Corn Mountain - Zuñi [photogravure plate]


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I07 Zuii clans are matrilineal and exogamous. An individual is known as the "child" of the father's clan, and the law of exogamy extends with scarcely less force in this direction. A newly married man becomes a member of his mother-in-law's household, and remains in that status so long as he maintains relations with his wife. Separations are of frequent occurrence, and there is no recourse from the decision of either spouse. Social Customs
Houses, though built by the men, are the absolute property of the women, who may sell or trade them within the tribe without legal hindrance from husband or children. Daughters are the preferred heirs of the landed possessions of their father and their mother, and sons are only heirs presumptive. Men obtain the use of land in their own right either by inheritance (when there are no sisters to claim it), or by occupying and cultivating unused community ground, or by purchase and exchange. The crops harvested from a man's land are stored in his wife's house, along with the yield of her own land. Personal property is divided among the children. The attainment of puberty by girls is not always marked by prescribed behavior, inasmuch as marriage not infrequently occurs before that age. When an unmarried girl has her first period, her mother brings to the house either the paternal grandmother or a paternal aunt of the child. The older woman leads the girl to her home, where the child spends the day in vigorously grinding corn. The purpose of the practice is to insure ease of menstruation and to inculcate industrious habits. When a man has obtained a girl's promise to marry, and she has secured the acquiescence of her parents, he goes with her to her house, where the mother bids the girl serve him with food. While he eats, she sits facing him, and the parents discourse on the duties of a husband. After spending five nights there, sleeping alone in a room apart from the family, he reports to his parents and soon returns to his bride with a new dress given by his mother. The girl now prepares a quantity of meal, and on the next day with a basket of it on her head she accompanies her husband to his parents' home. She partakes lightly of food placed before her by the mother-in-law, and the father-in-law gives her a deerskin for new moccasins. Together the couple repair to the bride's home, the girl carrying on her head a basket of wheat given by her mother-in-law, with the folded deerskin spread over it.


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Io8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN A pregnant woman must not look on a dead person, nor sprinkle water on a fire, lest her child have convulsions and sore ears and eyes. She must not roast food, nor steal, nor lie. She must not cohabit, even with her husband, or the child will be bald. There are no restrictions as to food. Her husband must not kill a snake. Some men refuse to kill anything; others, when they go rabbithunting, take some of the blood of each animal killed, and after the birth of the child the blood is mixed with water, which is rubbed over the infant's body and given it to drink. The father must not steal, or the child will have discharges at the ears and sores on the face. Certain herbs are employed to prevent conception, and abortion is accomplished by pressing on the abdomen. After miscarriage a woman lies ten days face downward on a bed of sand covering a layer of hot stones, drinking quantities of hot water containing herbs and roots. In parturition the woman lies on her back. A midwife aids the labor-pains by rubbing and pressing on the abdomen. In cases of delayed delivery the head-men of the Big Fire society of shamans are summoned, and they shake their rattles, sing, and give the woman hot drinks and a cigarette of native tobacco wrapped in corn-husk. This is said to be infallibly successful in causing the expulsion of the child. The effect of the warm drinks in expanding the muscles and the nausea of the tobacco probably have a good effect. When a child is about to be born, a woman well known as the mother of many healthy children is summoned to sit up all night with the expectant mother. As soon as the child is delivered, this godmother receives it, in order to impart good luck and long life. If the infant is a male, cold water is poured over the generative organ in order to forestall over-development, an act of kindness for his future wife. If it is a female, a new gourd is split in halves, and the open side of one half is rubbed over the vulva in order to enlarge the organ. The child is then wrapped in cloth and lashed to a cradleboard provided with three wooden hoops, which can be covered to protect the head from sun and flies, and women of the family prepare a bed of sand over heated stones, on which the mother and her infant lie for ten days. The heat is renewed as often as may be necessary. The placenta is wrapped up and secretly buried, for if an animal should devour it the woman would lose her life. The navel-cord is severed with a knife, and the stump is covered with a pad of wool on which is placed a mixture of ground squash-seeds, pinion-gum, garlic, and fossil bivalves. When after several days the stump


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Ruins on Corn Mountain - Zuñi [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI Io09 sloughs off, the father of a male infant buries it and the pad in a wooded place in the hills, and the mother of a female buries these objects beneath the floor behind the mealing-stones. This is to give the boy success at hunting and the girl a liking for the labor of grinding meal. A name is chosen or invented for a newborn child by members of the family. At dawn on the tenth day the mother or other female relative of the infant's mother takes it outside, holds it up just as the sun appears, and casts sacred meal toward the orb, begging long life for the child. She brings it back into the house, and they wash its head with soap-plant and its body with cold water. Then they bathe the mother in the same way. During the day the godmother comes to bid the woman be ready at dawn on the next day. Before daylight therefore she is dressed and sits waiting, holding the child in her arms. The godmother comes and stands outside the door, and just before the sun comes up she calls out: "Siyotiwa [for example], come out! I want to see you!" The mother opens the door and gives her the infant, and the godmother holds him up to the sun, repeats the name, offers meal, and prays for his health and long life. There is no superstitious disapproval of twins at Zufii. Some years ago a woman had triplets, all of which died, and it was thought that she must have been promiscuous to conceive so many children. All boys at about the age of puberty are initiated into the Kaitikyanne ("god fraternity"), and thereafter they are capable of participating in the masked dances in which the gods are represented. There is no corresponding occasion in the life of Zufii girls. An unmarried youth ambitious to become a good hunter climbs the difficult trail to the base of the two conspicuous columns on the western side of Corn mountain. These represent the son and the daughter of the Corn Chief who sacrificed them to the angry watergod in order to check a deluge. Pointing an arrow at a cleft in the column representing the chief's son, he prays, with drawn bow, for good luck, and releases the arrow. If it sticks in the cleft, he knows that his arrow and his prayer have reached the heart of the sacrificed youth. If it fails, he tries as many as three times more. Whether successful or not, he may make the pilgrimage again and again. An unmarried girl secures clay from the top of Corn mountain, makes a miniature pot, fills it with meal ground by herself, and places it at the base of the column representing the chief's daughter. This is to make her prolific and industrious. If a girl is too lazy to


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IIO THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN undertake the arduous trail, her father may bring a bit of sandstone from either of the columns, and she grinds it and drinks water in which the dust is stirred. Her children will be male or female according as the sandstone came from the "boy" or the "girl" column. There are several places where stones resembling female or male organs are put to a similar use. One of these is in the valley west of Corn mountain, where a rounded, elongate stone weighing perhaps thirty pounds lies close beside a little-used road. A low wall has been built around it on three sides. Cohabitation at such places for good luck in achieving pregnancy is not practised. When a Zufii dies, the members of the clan and of the spouse's clan are immediately notified, and with other relatives and friends and his fraternity godfather they quickly assemble in the house. Even while the body is being prepared, female mourners begin to enter and set up a disheartening wail. The corpse is stretched out with the feet to the west. It is washed with soap-plant suds, dusted with meal, and clothed in fine garments, each of which is cut in order that its spirit may emerge and clothe the ghost. Then, wrapped in a blanket, the body is carried to the grave and interred with the head toward the east. For a very long time burial has been made in the little churchyard of the dilapidated and disused structure in the centre of the pueblo, the females on the north and the males on the south side, until now after thousands of bodies have been deposited there, bones are unearthed close to the surface whenever a grave is dug. Sometimes, it is said, a very perceptible stench arises from the place.1 After the interment the surviving spouse is ceremonially purified by a bath administered by his or her female relatives. When a Shiwanni lies dead, his son or successor rubs meal on the hair and body, but not on the face, of the corpse. The lower part of the face is painted with the very carefully guarded black clay that is kept with the priestly fetish called Pttonne, supposedly brought up from the lower world. The upper part of the face is dusted with corn-pollen. Black stockings are drawn over the lower legs, and a ceremonial blanket is placed around the shoulders. It is believed that the spirit lies lifeless four days after the burial. Then on the fifth morning it arises and goes to Kdi-hluala-wa ("god village at"), in the sacred lake near St. Johns, Arizona, the reputed home of the Kakka ("gods"). There, and in all other lakes, springs, and rivers, the shadow people dwell. 1 At the present time (I926) the old question of abandoning the campo santo and establishing another north of the pueblo is being agitated.


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Zuñi water carriers [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI III Sorcery
As at all other pueblos, belief in witchcraft plays an important part in Zufii life. The following experience in this connection was recounted by a man who since the occurrence has several times been governor of the village. In 1891 I was suspected of witchcraft because a woman gave up a rich husband for me, a poor young man. His sister made the first suggestion that I must be a sorcerer, and a Hopi visiting at his house made medicine and said I must be a sorcerer because I had learned English without going to school, while many others came back from school unable to speak the language. The two Bow Chiefs came for me at the store where I was working. I ran down into the cellar with a gun. They wanted to come down for me, but the owner of the store warned them that I would surely shoot them. Naiuchi, the elder-brother Bow Chief, then asked if he could come down and talk to me. I told him to come alone and without a gun, and he did so. He tried to persuade me to go with him, but I refused. That night I got a horse and went to Gallup. Later I returned to the pueblo, and one of the Bow Chiefs after many efforts got me drunk and took me to the kiva. I was hung up by the wrists, and so was my brother. He confessed falsely, and was cut down, and after a long time I was cut down. I sent my father to Gallup to notify the United States marshal, who brought troops from Fort Wingate and arrested Zuii Dick, Wewa, and two others. Wewa was released. He had been arrested because Naiuchi advised it. Three men served ten months in jail. A long time I lived in Gallup, then Naiuchi and the people begged me to return. I came back, and they wanted me to be governor, but I refused. But in 1895 they appointed me. Two weeks later a woman was hung and killed as a witch. Naiuchi and four others were arrested and put in jail for eighteen months. Naiuchi paid a hundred sheep to some Mexicans for his release. Very recently [prior to I9IO] old women have been hung as witches, but only poor, uninfluential people are so treated.l Warfare
The principal enemy of Zuii was the Navaho, who made many attacks on the village and twice actually entered the streets. On both occasions the inhabitants fled to the housetops and repelled the 1 As a matter of fact the informant, Zuni Nick, was punished because he boasted that he was a sorcerer, that he was a Mexican, not a Zufii; and the troops came from Fort Wingate in response to the plea of a missionary resident at Zuii. The first Zufii children to go to school away from home were sent to Carlisle, in the early '8o's, where two or three of the five died. The others knew English, but could hardly be persuaded to use it. - EDITOR.


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II2 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN first attempts of the enemy to mount the ladders, but the marauders succeeded in entering some of the houses and destroyed much property. In earlier historical times the Zufii suffered from the forays of the Wilaftuqe, or White Mountain Apache, who on one of their raids burned Hawikuh and compelled its abandonment. Warfare was in charge of the Bow Chiefs, a fraternity of warriors headed by the representatives of the twin war-gods. When an expedition was about to be organized, these two issued a call for volunteers. Nobody could be compelled to take part. Those who wished to enlist made prayer-sticks of cottonwood, the material employed in fashioning ceremonial images of the war-gods, on each of four days. Then on the morning of the fifth day each man with a full equipment of bow and arrows, food, blanket, and reserve moccasins, started up the ladder from his house. His wife seized him and pulled him back, embracing him and crying. Four times this was done, and then the fifth time the warrior went out and proceeded into the house of the North Shiwanni for his blessing. He started back up the ladder, and the women of the household pulled him down as if unwilling to let him go. Four times they did so, and the fifth time he went out and into the house of the West Shiwanni, where the same thing was done. Then he proceeded in the direction of the enemy's country to a place about three hundred yards from the pueblo, where all the warriors congregated. When a large party was being organized, these preliminaries occupied the entire day. When all had assembled, the six Ashiwanni (priests associated with the world-regions) joined them and made two mounds of sand, one lying north of the other. Between these "mountains" they dug a hole, and extending eastward from it they drew a line of sacred meal with four shorter lines crossing it at right angles. The two Bow Chiefs stood up, one on the north, the other on the south of the two mounds of sand, and each extended his arm and grasped the hand of the other above the mounds. Then all the warriors with their weapons passed in single file along the line of meal, under the hands and between the two "mountains," and each dropped a bit of bread and meal into the hole. This was a ceremonial feeding of the deceased Bow Chiefs and a supplication for their aid. The Aihiwanni returned to the village, and the warriors went on a few miles and made camp. The elder Bow Chief then withdrew a few hundred yards westward and made two mounds of sand with a hole between them, and drew a large circle of meal around them. He returned to the party, and after they had eaten, all proceeded to


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Shiwawatiwa - Zuñi [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI II3 the mounds, each man carrying a juniper-bark torch. They gazed fixedly at the space enclosed by the circle of meal. If there were any tracks of horses or sheep, it was a sign that they would capture animals of that kind. If there were bear or cougar tracks, it was taken as an omen that they would have a difficult time with the enemy. Then each warrior put a prayer-stick in the hole and dropped meal and wafer bread upon it. The two Bow Chiefs obliterated the mounds and filled the hole with the sand, and all returned to camp, sang a while, and lay down to sleep. When the scouts discovered a Navaho camp, a halt was made and the party lay hidden. In the night the two Bow Chiefs crept down to the very edge of the camp on the north side and deposited prayer-sticks. They returned over their trail and crept forward from the west with more prayer-sticks. This was repeated on the south and on the east, after which they rejoined their men. Just before dawn the party sang war-songs in a low voice, and then advanced and rushed upon the camp. If no considerable number of stock were captured, they went on for more booty; for it was disgraceful to return with only a few sheep or horses. The wounded were carried along, and so were the dead. No matter how long the party was on the march, the dead bodies of their comrades were carried with them, wrapped in blankets, to be buried at Zufii. Origin and Migration
There were four worlds beneath the earth. All was darkness. The people could not see one another; it was as if they were blind. They would step on one another, spit on one another, urinate on one another, all because they could not see. They brushed their sweepings on one another. So H6na-tach-illaponna ["our fathers guardian"], who were warriors, decided to take the people out where there was light. They pondered, and sent Kwalafhi [raven] around the north side of the world to find if there was a hole through which they might escape. Raven went around from the north to the west and on to the starting point. Four times he went around the world in narrowing circles, until he returned to the people, who were assembled at the centre; but he could not find an exit. The great fathers then sent Pipi [chicken-hawk], who started in the west and passed to the south and so on around the world four times to the centre, but he also failed. Next they sent Anefiawa [sparrow-hawk], who started in the south and passed around the world four times, but he also returned unsuccessful. Muhuqi [owl] VOL. XVII-15


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II4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN was the next. He started in the east, but went four times around the world without finding a passage into the world above. Then Pishla-4hiwanni ["north chief"] said to the great fathers, "Go to my brother, West Chief, and to the other Chiefs of the South, the East, the Zenith, and the Nadir, and ask for their advice." Then the two Bow Chiefs, the great fathers, went to the west and asked Ky'alihi-hiwanni ["pearl-shell chief"] to come to the centre of the world with his ettonne.1 They went to Allaha-Shiwanni ["coral chief"] in the south with the same invitation, to Temakohan-Shiwanni [" lightsalt-white chief"] in the east,2 to Iyama-4hiwanni ["above chief"], and last to Manilama-hhiwanni ["underworld chief"]. So the six AJhiwanni met in the centre of the world, each with his ettonne, and the two Bow Chiefs, our great fathers, asked for their opinion: "Is it better to go up to the light, or to remain here? We are willing to take you out to the light, if you wish it." The North Chief answered, "I should like to go to the light, but I do not know what my brothers think." The others agreed, and the two war-chiefs went on, "Well, how shall we get out?" The Ahiwanni replied, "Get our great old grandfather." So the two Bow Chiefs brought Chiumali [a small locust] to the people in the centre of the world, and Chiumali asked, "What do you wish to say?" The chiefs answered, "We wish to get out of this world and go where it is light." He said: "Is that what you wish of me? Then I will try it." Chufmali began to bore through the roof of the lower world, but when he came out at the top of it, all was still dark. He went back to report that he had found a new world, but it was dark, and the war-chiefs said, "You must go farther." So Chuimali bored through another earth, and saw a faintly gleaming light. But the war-chiefs said: "You must go still farther, and you will see the sun. Then come and tell us." So Chumali bored through the third earth, and returned with the report that he had seen light but not the sun, and that the air was not warm, but cold. The war-chiefs said: "You must see the sun. We wish to find the place where the sun is." Then Chiumali bored into the fourth earth, but when he was a very short distance from the top he was exhausted. When he made his report the two chiefs said: "We must go out to the sun. What shall we do?" 1 A priestly fetish. See pages 125-126. 2 In the names for the Shiwanni of the west, the south, and the east, the first component is an esoteric word. Ky'clishi is probably abalone.


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Zuñi ornaments [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI I15 They found a cane and pushed it through the hole made by Chumali, and the sharpened point broke through the ground like sprouting corn. They returned to the people and said: "We have seen the sun. Let us go out." They planted a Douglas spruce beneath the first hole to serve as a ladder. North Chief asked, "What shall we call this place where we have been living?" It was decided to call it Lfhotikyapina, because they had been unable to see. Then all the people climbed up the tree through the hole to the second world, where they remained four years. After this period had passed, the two Bow Chiefs said: "Well, what do you think? Shall we stay here always?" North Chief replied: "We cannot expect to remain here always. We must see the sun." The Bow Chiefs said, "Get ladders and we will go." It was decided to call that second world Annosiyan-tehula ["soot world"], because it was black as soot. So the two Bow Chiefs planted a jack-pine for a ladder, and all went up to the third world, where they could see very faint light. Four years were spent there, and then the Bow Chiefs said, "Well, are we going to remain here always, or shall we go up?" "We must go up. We wish to see the sun," the others said. The Bow Chiefs planted an aspen tree beneath the passageway made by Chumali, and after naming that third world Tepahaiyantehula1 all climbed up to the fourth world, where they found light. They could now see one another and distinguish the features, and the Bow Chiefs said: "You people may do as you please. You may sing and make fraternities if you wish, or you may do whatever you like." So they assembled and sat down in four concentric circles, and the six AShiwanni in the centre began to sing. Those in the first circle heard well, those in the second circle faintly, those in the third circle only intermittently because of the wind blowing through the grass, while those on the outside heard nothing at all. That is why some people cannot sing, and do not try to learn the sacred songs and the religious accounts. It was at this time that the Bow Chiefs instituted the first fraternities: Shiwannaqe, Neweqe, Saniakyaqe, and Hleweqe. In each case they appointed a man and a woman, who selected their members. After four years the Bow Chiefs said, "Are you going to remain here, or go on?" They answered, "We must go on and see the 1 Tepahaiyan, to see someone indistinctly without recognizing the features.


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II6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN sun." So the two planted a yellow pine, and the people, after naming that fourth world Lata-tehula,1 because there they had seen the light of the sun though not the sun itself, climbed up into this world. The sound of their coming forth was a low rumbling, like distant thunder, or the buzz of swarming bees, and the earth was shaken with their footsteps. The place was Chimikyannapkyatea. The earth was already inhabited by the people who built the villages that stood on the sites of the ruins now found in the country, but these old ones fled eastward. The people who came up from below, the Aghiwi, were all green. The hair projected out from the forehead in a long, cylindrical mass, and was green like rock slime, and they had tails like horses. At the place where they emerged they remained four years, and then the Bow Chiefs said, "Is it best to remain here, or to look about for the centre of the earth?" Said the Aghiwanni, "We will look for the centre of the earth, and place our ettowe [plural of ettonne] there." All the ittowe of the Ashiwanni were laid in a row. North- Chief said: "We do not know which one is the highest of these. We will send for Yanowolfiha." This man had supernatural power. The Bow Chiefs told him their difficulty, and he promised: "When we go to those people, I will tell you about the ettowe. For I was in that lower world and I could see there in the darkness. Therefore I know the ittowe in the order of their greatness." So he went with the Bow Chiefs and stood before the row of fttowe. Directed by Spider, who crawled up and perched behind his ear, he pointed to one and said: "This is Ky'a-ettonne ['water ettonne'] and the next one to it is Chiu-ettonne ['seed-corn ettonne'], and all these others are younger brothers and younger sisters of these two." The Bow Chiefs said: "It is well; you are wise. Which man shall take this Ky'a-ettonne?" "North Chief shall take Ky'a-ettonne, and he shall be Kyaqimassi2 ['house chief']. And West Chief shall take Chu-ettonne, and the other chiefs shall take the others, one each. Whenever water becomes scarce and you want rain, lock yourselves up in a room with this Ky'a-ettonne and pray and sing for eight days." The Bow Chiefs said, "You are a wise man, and you shall have the care of the sun: you shall be Peqinne." 3 1 Ltate, the beams that precede the sunrise. 2 For KyaqI-massanna. 3 Though the myth mentions both a Zenith Chief and a Peqinn6, in practice the Chief of the Zenith is the Peqinne or Sun priest.


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Siyotiwa, Zuñi kyaqimassi [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI I"7 The people were about to start eastward in their search for the centre of the earth, when they heard a rumbling sound, like thunder. They paused, and saw a man coming up through the hole. His hair stood out from his head. In his hand was an ear of corn. With him was a woman of like appearance. The people said: "This is a hahEiqi [sorcerer]. We do not want him to go with us." But the sorcerer replied: "This which I have is Corn. It is good to eat. If you do not let me go with you, you shall never have this to eat; you will have to live on weeds. Besides, if there were no sorcerers among you, you would increase so rapidly that you would be like ants, and there would not be room enough for you." So the Bow Chiefs agreed that he and the woman should join them. Now the people started eastward, and they came to a spring where they remained four years The Bow Chiefs washed their bodies and removed the green slime with which they were covered, and then bathed all the others. They named the place Awi~hoky'aya ["green-scum spring"]. Then they resumed their journey, the Bow Chiefs always leading. At another spring they spent four years, calling it Tamehlan-ky'aya ["wood-big spring"], because there they placed a very large, long prayer-stick in the spring. They moved on eastward to another spring, where they lived four years. Again the Bow Chiefs washed themselves and all the people, and here they cut off the great shocks of hair that projected from their foreheads, and the hairy tails. They called the place Upuyilema, because here they cut off their hair and put it into the spring. The next spring they reached was the place where they invented the game tiqawe,l in which foot-racers kick sticks before them. It was played to bring rain. At the end of four years they put the gaming-sticks into the spring, whence they gave it the name Yamunky'aya. At another place they stopped four years, and here was first played a woman's game, ftZko-tiqawe, in which they ran a race, each one throwing a small hoop by means of a stick. So they named the place Tsiko-tiqawe. Thus they journeyed, stopping at many springs. At Shipololo-qln ["fog place"] certain maidens remained when the others started on. The two sorcerers were following behind the people as usual, and came upon the maidens. "Who are you?" they asked. "We are Corn Maidens." "But you have no corn. That is not right." To one they gave 1 Plural of tiqann?, the missile. See page 105.


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II8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN an ear of yellow corn; to another a blue ear; to others severally an ear of red, of white, of varicolored, of black, and of sweet-corn, and beans and squash-seeds. The Yellow Corn Maiden then arranged her sisters in two lines facing the east, and all night they danced. In the morning the sorcerers went on, leaving the Corn Maidens there at Fog Place. As the people journeyed, the Bow Chiefs said: "We must be near the centre of the earth. We will ask Kyaqimassi what he thinks. It is better that his son Siwilu'siwa and his daughter Siwilu'siefga take the lead, for we are becoming worn." So it was arranged, and the people continued eastward. One day the youth said to his maiden sister, "I will go to the top of yonder hill to see how far we will travel tonight." While he was absent, she fell asleep, the people being some distance behind. When the youth returned and saw his sister reclining, he became amorous and lay on her. The instant he touched her, she cried out, and their faces became like masks. Almost at once ten children were born, one of them normal, the other nine with grotesque faces like that of their father. In their changed condition the young woman was K6mo-kyafi [" dance old-woman"] and the youth Komoyemshikyi.l Descending from the hill, K6moyemghikyi drew two furrows in the sand with his foot, and scraped out a small hollow, forming two rivers and a lake.2 When the people came up and saw what had happened, they said, "It is too bad that our leaders have turned into these creatures." The youth and his sister talked volubly, urging the people to cross the stream. But whenever a mother carrying a baby on her back got into the middle of the stream, the infant, touching the water, would become a water-snake, a fish, a turtle, or some other waterdweller, and would bite the woman's shoulders and back until she dropped her burden. The Bow Chiefs observed this with anxiety. Half of the people were on one side and half on the other, and those 1 This is said to be the original form of Koymaishi and to mean "dance old-man." From this is the adopted Western Keres word Komaiyawashi. K6-yemaihi is sometimes said to mean "god husband." These masked clowns are the Zuii counterpart of the Rio Grande clowns variously known as Kd'sari, Kasari, K6sa, and like them perform various antics designed to excite sexual desire and so promote fecundity; although the myth recites that their prototypes, the transformed youth and his nine misbegotten sons, were impotent. In view of this function of the K6yemAshi the translation "god husband" seems logical, but the form K6moyemshikyi and its Keres equivalent are an obstacle. Probably K6ymalshi is an adaptation due to folk etymology applied to the earlier form. 2 Zuii river, the Little Colorado, and the sacred lake near St. Johns, Arizona.


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A Zuñi girl [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI II9 who had crossed were weeping for their lost children. After a time the Bow Chiefs said: "Let the rest of the people cross, and if the children turn into snakes and turtles, do not let them go, but hold fast. Perhaps when you have crossed they will become human once more. If they do not, we cannot help it." The people agreed that this was the only thing to do. They began to cross, and the children became water creatures, which bit the women. But the mothers, crying, held on, and as soon as they had crossed the stream the water creatures turned again into children. K6moyem~hikyi, Komokyafti, and their ten children went down into the lake, where they were joined by the water creatures, now transformed into Kakka ["gods"].1 The nine Koyemafhi children were: Peqinne [sun priest], Pihllanghiwanni ["bow chief"], Ehafiti [bat], Muiyapona ["two-small horns"], Posokki ["small mouth"], Na-hlaghi ["grandfather old"], ffiepagha ["fun-maker"], Ky'a-lufsi ["water drinker" - shrew], and Tsa-hlafhi ["youth old"]. The first-born son was Kd/-kakshi ["god good"]. The people named the lake Hatin-ky'aya ["listening spring"], 1 The following quotation from Frank Hamilton Cushing (Century Magazine, 1883, Vol. XXVI, pages 45-46) shows how the Zufii regard the aquatic animals in the sacred lake: "A procession of fifty men went hastily down the hill, and off westward over the plain. They were solemnly led by a painted and shell-bedecked priest, and followed by the torchbearing Shu-lu-wit-si, or God of Fire.. 'They are going to the city of the Ka-ka and the home of our others.' "Four days after, toward sunset, costumed and masked in the beautiful paraphernalia of the Ka-k'ok-shi, or 'Good Dance [Ka-kakshi, god good],' they returned in file up the same pathway, each bearing in his arms a basket filled with living, squirming turtleQ which he regarded and carried as tenderly as a mother would her infant. Some of the wretched reptiles were carefully wrapped in soft blankets, their heads and forefeet protruding, - and, mounted on the backs of the plume-bedecked pilgrims, made ludicrous but solemn caricatures of little children in the same position... "The governor's brother-in-law came in. He was welcomed by the family as if a messenger from heaven. He bore in his tremulous fingers one of the much-abused and rebellious turtles. Paint still adhered to his hands and bare feet, which led me to infer that he had formed one of the sacred embassy. "'So you went to Ka-thlu-el-lon [Kah-lualawa], did you?' I asked. "'E'e,' replied the weary man, in a voice husky with long chanting, as he sank, almost exhausted, on a roll of skins which had been placed for him, and tenderly laid the turtle on the floor. No sooner did the creature find itself at liberty than it made off as fast as its lame legs would take it. Of one accord, the family forsook dish, spoon, and drinking-cup, and grabbing from a sacred meal-bowl whole handfuls of the contents, hurriedly followed the turtle about the room,... praying and scattering meal on its back as they went. At last, strange to say, it approached the foot-sore man who had brought it. "'Ha!' he exclaimed, with emotion; 'see, it comes to me again; ah, what great favors the fathers of all grant me this day,' and passing his hand gently over the sprawling animal, he inhaled from his palm deeply and long, at the same time invoking the favor of the gods. Then he leaned his chin upon his hand, and with large, wistful eyes regarded his ugly captive


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I20 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN and the village of the Ka'kka in its depths Ka'-hluala-wa ["god village at"].' On this side of the river the people lived four years, and then North Chief said to the Bow Chiefs: "We must go on and find the centre of the earth. But you must first go into the water and see where our children are. See if they are alive or dead." So the Bow Chiefs went down into the water of the lake, where they found a large house filled with men, while women and children laughed and played outside. They said: "Tell our mothers and our fathers that they are not to grieve about us. We will never die, but always will stay here. Our parents will die sometime. Their spirits will come to this place and live with us. Tell them that they are now near the centre of the earth. You will reach it in a day and a half. When the earth begins to dry, make a prayer-stick and come to this lake to pray, and we will give you rain. In the summer, when North Chief or West Chief or any other Shiwanni has been in retirement four days, and the people begin to dance, then we will come to your village and dance." When they were ready to proceed on their journey, the two Bow Chiefs said to two of the Newerqe fraternity, "Take the lead; we are weary." But these responded, "No, we cannot do it; we are vicious; perhaps we would do something wrong; perhaps we could not find the centre of the earth." But the other insisted, "It makes no difference how vicious you are, or whether or not you wish to as it sprawled about blinking its meal-bedimmed eyes, and clawing the smooth floor in memory of its native element. At this juncture I ventured a question: "'Why do you not let him go, or give him some water?' "Slowly the man turned his eyes toward me, an odd mixture of pain, indignation, and pity on his face, while the worshipful family stared at me with holy horror. "'Poor younger brother!' he said, at last; 'know you not how precious it is? It die? It will not die; I tell you, it cannot die.' "'But it will die if you don't feed it and give it water.' "'I tell you it cannot die; it will only change houses to-morrow, and go back to the home of its brothers. Ah, well! How should you know?' he mused. Turning to the blinded turtle again: 'Ah! my poor dear lost child or parent, my sister or brother to have been! Who knows which? May be my own great-grand-father or mother!' And with this he fell to weeping most pathetically, and, tremulous with sobs, which were echoed by the women and children, he buried his face in his hands. Filled with sympathy for his grief, however mistaken, I raised the turtle to my lips and kissed its cold shell; then depositing it on the floor, hastily left the grief-stricken family to their sorrows. "Next day, with prayers and tender beseechings, plumes and offerings, the poor turtle was killed, and its flesh and bones were removed and deposited in the little river, that it might 'return once more to eternal life among its comrades in the dark waters of the lake of the dead.' The shell, carefully scraped and dried, was made into a dance-rattle, and, covered by a piece of buckskin, it still hangs from the smoke-stained rafters of my brother's house." 1 The lake itself is now generally referred to as Kailualawa.


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Laitsanyasitsa - Zuñi [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI 121 do it; you must do it." So the two Neweqe took the lead. At Hanhlipinkya 1 they halted the people and went forward to search out the way. About halfway to Ojo Caliente 2 they came upon two women washing something in the water. The Nwerqe killed and scalped them. Some of the people of the place saw this act and pursued, but the Neweqe enveloped themselves in a cloud of steam and hurried away through the air to their people. "We have killed two women," they said. "We cannot help it, for this is our nature. That is why we did not wish to take the lead. Perhaps something evil will come of it." But the Bow Chiefs replied: "No, that is all right. Good may come of it. Perhaps we shall have rain because of it." And in fact it soon began to rain and continued four days and four nights. The water fell in torrents. A waterfall came tumbling down over the rocks near by, and in the spray at the bottom the Bow Chiefs saw two small boys. Feathers grew out of their nostrils. The boys said: "Our father, Sun, sent us to help you fight. Nobody will be able to stand against you with us helping you." These two boys were ahayuta ["spray"], and the elder was named Uyuyewi and the younger Maasewi.3 The people started eastward once more, the twin warriors accompanying them. At the same time the Ky'anaqe,4 the people whose women had been killed by the Neweqe, were coming to meet and fight the Aghiwi. The eastern people were led by a very large female, who walked up and down along the line to prevent anyone from running away. In her hand was a rattle, which she constantly shook. She had no weapon. The Ashiwi and the ahayuta filled her with arrows. Blood ran, but she did not die. The fighting continued four years. They secured the help of the gods at Kh-lualawa, but the leader of the enemy made three of them prisoners: KSkakShi, fitepagha [one of the KoyemaShi], and Saia-hlia ["horn blue"]. Finally the twin war1 About ten miles west of Ojo Caliente. 2 Mrs. Stevenson's version of the myth places this event at "KIa'makia.. an extensive ruin about 50 miles south of Zufii and a little off the trail to the Zuii salt lake... Hundreds of te'likinawe, offered by the Zufiis to the departed Kla'nakwe, dotted the canyon walls about the springs." - Op. cit., page 39. 3 All the Keres use these two names in the reverse order for the twin war-gods and their earthly representatives, the war-chiefs. The writer has no evidence bearing on the etymology of the names. Maasewi is undoubtedly the origin of Maiso5, a local deity of the Hopi pueblo of Walpi. The name also occurs in songs of the Hopi Snake fraternity. Mrs. Stevenson gives Matsailema as the name of the younger war-god, and Cushing has respectively Ahaiiuta and Matsailema. Ahayuta is certainly a generic term for the twin gods, and Matsailema may be an esoteric disguise for Miasewi. 4 Perhaps from ky'aw~, water. Cf. the heavy rain after the women were killed and the rain-making secrets of the Ky'anaqe priesthood. VOL. XVII-I6


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I22 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN gods decided that the younger should go to their father Sun, and ask where the leader of the enemy carried her heart. For they had pierced all parts of her body in vain. When Maasewi asked his father this question, Sun replied: "I thought you were wise, but I see that you are not. Do you not know that she carries her heart in that rattle? Shoot the rattle, and she will die." He gave his son two rabbit-sticks, one of turquoise and one of coral. "Take these. Give one to your brother. Throw them at the rattle. Do not try to strike her body, but aim for the rattle. If you miss, perhaps your brother will hit it. If you strike it and crack it, her heart will fall out." Maasewi returned with the sticks to the warring people. He hurled a stick at the enemy, but missed. The missile flew up into the sky and the Sun took it. Then the other war-god scoffed at his brother, and threw his stick. It struck the rattle, which broke, and the woman fell. Then the Ky'anaqe fled, but many were killed and scalped. The Aghiwi opened the gates of the walled enclosure in which this woman had imprisoned all the game in the world, and the twin gods directed them to hold the first scalpdance.1 In their pursuit the Ahiwi came to Hawikuh, a village of their enemies.2 Every house seemed to be deserted, and the people went into them to gather booty. In one they found an old woman, a youth, and a little girl, all sitting grouped around a urinal. They had cotton in their nostrils, and in the vessel were yellow, blackcentered flowers floating on the liquid. The three were holding their noses close to the vessel, in order to escape the evil, sulphurous odor that had clung to the A.hiwi since their emergence from below, an odor that was sufficient to kill the people of this earth when it came close to them. Some of the Aghiwi wished to kill the three, but the Bow Chiefs restrained them: "Do not kill them. It must be that they know something." The three were taken back to Hanhlipinkya, and there was held the first scalp-dance. Some of the Aghiwi said, "These three shall be our slaves." But 1The war with the Ky'inaq6 is commemorated quadrennially when masked and whiterobed personators of these ancient enemies enter the village and dance. Their leader represents a female and wears the mask called Chaqena. The captive Kakakghi is personated by a character called Ka-hlanna ("god big"), a man who dresses and comports himself as a woman, because the Ky'inaq6 compelled him to dance in a woman's costume. The songs used in the dance of the Ky'anaq6 are said to be in the language of Sia, whence we may conclude that the historical basis of the legendary episode was a war with people of the Keres family. 2 Interestingly enough, archeological excavations have shown that a prehistoric settlement existed very near Hawikuh before the latter pueblo was built.


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A Zuñi man [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI 123 North Chief remonstrated: "No, they shall not be slaves. Perhaps they know something. They have ettowe." North Chief retired into his house to pray for rain, and after four days there was a light shower. Then the old woman, the boy, and the girl went into a house to pray for rain, and in four days there was a tremendous downpour and the streams ran full. The people now prepared to move on toward the east. The Crane clan and the Hleweqe fraternity said to the others, "We will go around to the north and meet you at the centre of the earth." So they proceeded in that direction, and stopped at Shipapulima,' while the others went on eastward and came to Halo-na-ittiwanna ["red-ant place centre"]. North Chief ordered Ky'anastepi ["waterskipper"] to measure and see if that was the centre. Ky'anastelpi stood with his heart over Halona and stretched out his legs in all directions. In every direction the feet rested on the edge of the world, and so it was proved that this was the centre. The war-chiefs made a heap of stones to mark the place, and the people built their houses around it. They became discontented, because they had nothing to do for amusement, and the Bow Chiefs told them to count the moons, and forty-nine days after the tenth full moon there would be a great dance, Shalako, which the gods themselves would attend. So it happened. Other dances also the gods instituted, and they always came from the lake to participate. But it was noticed that after each dance, when the gods left the village, some of the people died. So it was decided that the old men should closely observe the gods and should make masks in their likeness. The people that travelled around by the north lived at Shipapulima four years, and then moved to Taya [the present village at Nutria], and while they were living there they chanced to meet a man from Halona and a mutual discovery of identity followed. Priesthoods and Fetishes
Zufii ceremonies are of two kinds: those in which masked personators of the gods at Kdhlualawa appear, and those of the secret shamanistic fraternities. Some of these latter organizations are usually concerned in a minor role in masked ceremonies. Participants in rites of the first-named class may conveniently be separated into two classes: various priestly bodies whose principal 1 The fabled place of emergence of the Rio Grande people.


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124 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN function is to retire and fast for rain, and the KS-tikyilli, members of Ka-tikyanne ("god fraternity"), the masked personators of the gods. Six of these priestly orders pertain respectively to the six worldregions, eight are clan cults.1 Membership in each case, with one exception, includes a leader and a few associates, the total membership in 190o being forty-eight. In the order in which they retire for fasting and prayer at the winter and the summer solstice these orders are: I. Pighlh-ashiwanni, North Chiefs 2. Ky'alishi-ashiwanni, Pearl-shell (i.e., west) Chiefs 3. Allaha-iahiwanni, Coral (i.e., south) Chiefs 4. Temakohan-iahiwanni, Light-like-the-whiteness-of-salt (i.e., east) Chiefs 5. tyama-shiwanni, Above Chief 6. Manilama-ashiwanni, Underworld (i.e., nadir) Chiefs 7. Kyakyaliqe, Eagle People 8. Pichiqe, Dogwood People 9. Tawaqt, Corn People Io. K6lowisi, Plumed Watersnake (associated with Corn clan) 1. Sh6maq 2 12. Yatakyaqe, Sun People 13. Ky'anaq6 (associated with Corn clan) 3 I4. Kyikyaliqe, Eagle People 4 Comparison of this list with that of Mrs. Stevenson, recorded from observation in I89I, shows a few discrepancies, which however can be easily reconciled. The man responsible for the list above said that Pichiqe (8) and Ta'waqe (9) now retire simultaneously. If we assume that Tawaqe is here out of place and transfer it to the position following Ky'anaqe (now I3), and assume further that Kyakyaliqe (I4) is now so called because its present head is of that clan whereas formerly the position was filled by a Corn clansman, the two lists will agree perfectly. North Shiwanni, most important of all Zuni priests, is generally known as Kyaql-massi (for Kyaqi-ma'ssanna, house chief). Strictly speaking, this title may be applied to the head of any of the first six sacerdotal groups excepting the one associated with the zenith. 1 It is not meant that the priests of these cults must be members of the clans to which, according to Zuiii feeling, the cults belong. Since a priestly office generally passes from father to son or other male relative, the clan affiliation of the incumbents is not constant, Zufii clans being matrilineal. 2 The priests of this group are members of the Sh6maqe fraternity and have charge of the Sh6maikuli masks, a Laguna cult. 3 This group possesses the rain-making secrets of the three captive Ky'anaqe. See pages 121-122. 4 Group 14 is entirely distinct from Group 7.


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A Zuñi governor [photogravure plate]


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125 The "house" referred to is the ceremonial chamber where the priest keeps his sacred fetish. Zenith Shiwanni, who is always referred to as Peqinne, has no associates and must be of the Pichiqe clan. He is supposed to be a celibate like his prototype, Yanowoluha of the origin myth. If this rule was ever observed, it is no longer in effect. It is his duty to observe the rising of the sun (which he addresses in prayer and offers prayer-meal mixed with pulverized abalone-shell), and thus to determine various seasonal changes, especially the incidence of the solstices. He rises while it is yet dark to greet the sun with prayer, and in the evening he observes the sinking orb in the gathering gloom. He goes out into the field while the people yet sleep, and again after all have returned from their farms and are engaged in their evening meal. It is for this reason that he is called Peqinne (peye, to talk; teqinne, darkness).1 The head of each priestly group named above, except Peqinne and the head of the Shuimaqe, as well as many of the fraternities and clans, possesses a venerated fetish called ettonne (plural, ettowe), which is supposed to have been brought from the lower world by his prototype. The sacred object consists of two parts: ky'a-ettonne ("water ettonne"), a bundle of four short pieces of cane filled with water and plugged at the ends with clay, the whole being wrapped with native yarn, but the ends of the canes being uncovered; and chu-ettonne ("seed-corn ettonne"), a similar bundle of eight bits of cane filled with the various kinds of seeds on which the Zuiii depend for sustenance.2 An -ttonne examined by Mrs. Stevenson contained in one of the sealed cylinders a diminutive live toad. Each fetish is kept, when not being used ceremonially, in a sealed jar in a small sealed room of its custodian's house.3 A priestly office usually passes from father to son or brother, except in the case of Peqinne, hence it is not a clan perquisite. Following the summer solstice the various priesthoods retire in the order named above for a period of either eight or four days, which they spend in partial fasting and in prayer over their respective 1 Information from Mr. F. W. Hodge, I926. 2 According to the origin myth, ky'a-4ttonnr was assigned to North Shiwanni and chuifttonni to West Shiwanni. 3 Two ittowg were found in a jar, covered with a flat stone, in a crypt partitioned off from a room of one of the houses of Hawikuh during the excavation of its ruins by the HendricksHodge Expedition of the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, in I92I. Each httonn? was wrapped in a coarse fabric, probably of yucca-fibre, of native weave. The covering of one is still intact. On removing the cover of the other, its contents were found to consist of


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I26 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN altars. These consist essentially of a cloud-design of meal and pollen, and numerous fetishes such as the ettonne of the priesthood, ears of corn tied in bundles of four, fossils or stones of peculiar shape, a medicine-bowl with the terraced cloud design at each of the four quadrants of the rim, and feathered ears of corn, these last being the personal fetishes of the priests. At the winter solstice the period of retirement is only one day and night. Ka-tikyanne, the Fraternity of God Personators
The gods at Ka-hluala-wa ("god village at") in the depths of the sacred lake Hatinky'aya are personated in an exceedingly long and complicated series of ceremonies by masked actors corresponding to the Kachinas of other pueblos. All Zuni males belong to an esoteric order called Ka-tikyanne ("god fraternity"), and the deities of Kahilualawa are imagined as being its prototype. The principal gods of this group are Pautiwa, Kyaklo, Shulaawifi, Saia-taaha ("horn long"), Yamuhakto, Hututu, Salimop a, Saia-hlia ("horn blue"), Shiftukye, Qelele, Hehea, Annohoho. At Kahlualawa there are also the ten Koyemaihi, that is, the nine malformed sons begotten of a brother and a sister, together with their father.1 In ceremonies these are represented by masked buffoons corresponding to the well-known clowns of the Keres and the Tewa. Unlike the latter, however, they wear head-masks with round, protuberant mouth, eyes, and ears, and with grotesque knobs on the head. The masks are almost exactly like those of the Hopi, who borrowed the cult from Zuni. The Koyemaihi personators are appointed annually in rotation from the ranks of one of the fraternities. Formerly the fraternities so honored were Neweqe, Shaiweqe,2 Kashiqe, and Makye-hlannaqe. But the last-named had not, in I924, furnished the Koyemam hi for some years, their chief being deceased and the society reduced to half a dozen members. The Koyemas hi participate in all masked ceremonies, and on such occasions, while not actively engaged, they remain in their house, where their wale three pieces of cane, each containing a fine brown powder and one of them a turquoise bead; eight prayer-sticks of varying sizes, each of which had been feathered and some of them painted; five twigs of evergreen, perhaps spruce; a tiny spherical stone that may be quartz crystal. Waihusiwa, the old priest, after reverently examining them in the condition in which they were found, said that the ettowP were similar to those in his keeping, but aside from this both he and the Peqinne evidently regarded the objects as too sacred to be discussed. - EDITOR. The K6yemAghi are named on page I 9. 2 The Shaweq ("cane people") are said to have been a fraternity of ceremonial players of the gambling game called fhdliwP ("canes"), from the dice employed in it. They are no longer a fraternity, but simply an aggregation of devotees of the game.


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Kuse-pi - "Rock-purple Mountain" - San Juan [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI I27 ("boiler") cooks for them and performs other services of like nature. At the end of their ceremonial year they receive abundant presents of food from the populace Koyemaghi actors are also sometimes appointed for temporary duty in a single dance from the membership of a kiva. According to the myth, Pautiwa, the KA-massanna ("god chief"),1 directed his Peqinne, Kyaklo to prepare the people for a visit from the Kakka ("gods'). So Kyaklo was carried from Kmhlualawa to fttiwanna on the backs of the K6ye'mahi, and after repeating to the people the story of their emergence from the lower worlds and of their wanderings in search of the centre of the earth, he told them to build six kivas in which to receive the Kakka eight days later. The six kivas were built, and Kyaklo returned on the backs of the Koye.mahi and visited each chamber in turn. Then Pautiwa and the other gods came to the north kiva, where the Aghiwanni were assembled, and instructed them how to form a fraternity in imitation of the gods. And so men from certain clans were chosen for the officials: Ka-mssanna ("god chief"), K,-peqinne ("god talker-indarkness"), Kd-pihian-ghiwanni ("god bow chief") to Kdmssanna, and Kapihilan-ghiwanni to Kapeqinne. Kamassanna then assigned the males of the village to the six kivas irrespective of clanship, and the gods were likewise divided. But after the dance had been observed several times, it was noticed that many deaths occurred following each performance, and the gods decided that it would be better to have their faces represented by masks, and to have certain men take the place of the gods. As the kivas were created for the use of the god fraternity, so their most important function is still connected with the rites of this organization; but they are used also by the other fraternities at certain times, and by the Ashiwanni. All male children are initiated into the fraternity in a quadrennial rite. The kiva to which an individual will be attached is necessarily that of the husband of his godmother who becomes his ceremonial father or sponsor, conducting him through the initiation and later instructing him in the cult. Since a large membership for one's kiva is a universal desire, there is much rivalry among women seeking the honor of receiving newborn infants. Quadrennially in the month of March on the sixth day after the 1 Since the gods at Kailualawa are imagined as having an organization which is the exact prototype of the Zufii fraternity of god personators, the titles applied to officials of the fraternity are applied also to the corresponding gods themselves.


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I28 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN new moon a man personating Kyaklo is carried into the village on the backs of the Koyemaghi, one relieving another. He is painted all over with pink clay of the kind obtained in the vicinity of Kah-lualawa, his supposed home. His dress includes a Hopi kilt held up by a woven ceremonial belt, fringed deerskin leggings from ankles to hips, moccasins, a white ceremonial robe, and a rawhide mask covering the head. In his right hand he carries a stuffed duck. The Koye-mahi sing as they approach he village before sunrise. One of them carries the god up the ladder to the roof of the south kiva and deposits him on a blanket, and Kyaklo descends the ladder into the kiva, where he finds the six Aghiwanni, the Kamassanna and his Kapeqinne, and all the south kiva men. While the K6yema'hi on the roof repeat the last of their twelve songs, Kyaklo walks slowly to his seat. Then he repeats very rapidly (and indistinctly, owing to his mask) an exactly worded synopsis of the origin and migration legend. The sentences are largely only suggestive; that is, the recital is not a detailed narrative, but consists of little more than mnemonic captions uttered in chanted tones. At noon Kyaklo is carried to the west kiva, and there he repeats his myth. At sunset he is borne to the east kiva, at midnight to the kiva of the zenith, at the rising of the morning star to that of the north, and at daybreak to that of the nadir.1 Early in the morning he is carried away to the west toward the sacred lake. At each kiva after Kyaklo departs the head-men select those who will personate gods in the approaching ceremonies. Each kiva is represented by two Salimopia gods, and in addition the west kiva has four Saiahlia, the east two Annohoho, the north two Hlelashaktipona, the zenith a Shuilaawifti, and the nadir two Upo'yona. At the same time each kiva except He'kyapawa (kiva of the nadir) selects a fraternity to have charge of the singing during the ceremony. The Makye-hlanna-qe ("fire big ones") always act in this capacity for the kiva of the nadir. All the men chosen to personate the gods meet in their respective kivas and make prayer-sticks, and early in the afternoon all go together toward the north to a shrine of the war-gods. They deposit the prayer-sticks beside a stone which is believed to be the head of a creature killed by the war-gods, and then proceed northward to a place where there are some stones bearing a fancied resemblance to the male organs of generation. Here each one swallows a pebble. Next they gather cactus-thorns, the points of yucca-leaves, and 1 No reason is assigned for this violation of the ceremonial sequence.


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A San Juan matron [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI 129 needles of pine and spruce, all of which they take back to their kivas and place in bowls of water. They remain in the chambers eight days and eight nights. Each morning before the people are stirring they visit a small arroyo west of the village and on the level ground above it they run a race, each set of men running apart from the others. After one race they return to their kivas, drink some of the medicine-water containing thorns, and vomit. Then they eat sparingly. After this they take axes and ropes and go into the hills a long distance, as much as fifteen or twenty miles, for fuel for the kivas, returning at night with fagots on their backs. On the fifth night, after eating, they strip to the loin-cloth and smoke. Then one after another they go to the foot of the ladder, stand on the head on the stone fireplace with the back against the ladder, and by hooking the toes behind one rung and the knees over another, with the hands holding the sides of the ladder, they mount to the roof. Some of them attain remarkable speed. They visit some other kiva and in the same manner descend into it, after its occupants have come up feet first and departed to another kiva. They remain there for a time, then come out feet first and exchange with the occupants of another chamber; and so it goes until each group has occupied each kiva, when they return to their proper quarters. This is repeated on the sixth and the seventh night. On the morning following the seventh night each individual engages a man to take a jar and bring water from the spring at Ky'apqaina (Ojo Caliente), fifteen miles distant. These men start on foot early in the morning, and as soon as they reach the spring they plant prayer-sticks in the water, fill their jars, and gather bundles of rushes. One, necessarily a Badger clansman, places a fire-drill and its hearth in the water to soak while they eat. After the meal he takes the sticks from the water, and fills the hole in the hearth of the fire-drill with mud, and any others of the Badger clan, as well as the sons of Badger men, gather around to help him make fire. Whoever happens to be working the drill when fire appears lights the juniper-bark torch and carries it back toward the pueblo. In the meantime the priest in charge of the cult of Kolowisi, the plumed serpent,1 has taken the effigy of this monster to a secluded spot on the trail to Ojo Caliente. This deerskin effigy is about six 1 A priesthood in charge of the plumed serpent cult, which is associated with the Corn clan, takes part in the cycle of retreats following the solstices. VOL. XVII-17


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I30 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN feet long and eight inches thick. A red tongue hangs from its open, toothed jaws, a fox-skin encircles the neck, and a bunch of feathers rises from the head.1 Toward evening the masked actors from the kivas proceed to the place where the Kolowisi is waiting, and they are joined there by the young men with their water-jars led by the torch-bearer. He gives his torch to the masked Shulaawifi, who is painted with varicolored spots. A procession now forms for the return to the pueblo. Shfilaawifii, bearing the fire, leads; then come two men supporting a tablet, the upper edge of which is cut into the terraced cloud design. Through a hole in the centre protrudes the plumed head of Kolowisi. Its body is hidden by the tablet and by shading spruce boughs carried by two men. The tail is supported by the custodian of the effigy, who at the same time sounds a constantly reiterated note on a large shell trumpet, representing the voice of the serpent. Behind the group are the water-carriers, white blankets on their shoulders concealing their jars. Each of two men in the procession has a long pole with a carved wooden bird attached by strings. These fetishes are Sfitikyi, the bird that announces the coming of Kolowisi. When the procession comes to the village, these two men go from one kiva to another, peering down and thrusting their poles through the opening. By pulling the cords they cause the birds to move around the poles, like a woodpecker on a tree. The Kolowisi effigy also is thrust down into the kivas. The last kiva visited is that of the nadir. This they enter, and the effigy is laid north of the altar of the Big Fire fraternity, shaded by the spruce boughs. The gods go into their respective kivas, and all night there is dancing, the gods visiting the kivas in rotation. At the same time that the young men went for water from the spring at Ojo Caliente, some of the members of Big Fire visited the 1 An effigy of K6lowisi in the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, was possibly made to order, although, in spite of its framework being covered with cotton cloth of trade, it has the appearance of considerable age. It is less than three feet in length. The upper body is black, with rude crescents in blue-green and yellow, thus: (). The under body is white, bordered with a blue and a white line from neck to tail, and the tail is circled with blue bands. The head is inserted in the body, and is painted black with irregular blue patterns at the angles of the mouth and at the upper part of the end that is inserted in the body. The somewhat open mouth extends for three-fourths of the length of the head, and the lips are bordered with hematite paint. The teeth are wooden pegs of irregular shape. The eyes, which are of white calico, are quite globular, with large, black-painted pupils. A pair of bluepainted, stuffed, calico horns project forward from the neck-joint, and above them, also extending forward, are several feathers and wisps of horse-hair. Protruding from the mouth is a red-painted deerskin tongue. The K6lowisi which I saw dimly at night at Zuii many years ago was about six or seven feet in length. - EDITOR.


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Yan-tsire - "Willow Bird" - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


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ZURI I3I stream near Black Rock and captured whatever water-creatures they could - small fish, frogs, water-skippers. These, placed in a gourd of water along with a quantity of water-moss, are brought back in the evening. On the following morning the Salimopia and the other gods all go to the eastward, not necessarily all together but in groups, and plant prayer-sticks, the color of which corresponds to the quarter of the world represented by their kiva. They remove from their hair the woodpecker-feathers, symbol of the bird Siutikyi, which have been tied there, and now they no longer fear to see a woman. (Anyone with woodpecker-feathers on his person avoids females.) In the morning Kyaklo and the other gods come from the south, and his companions dance in the plazas. In the plaza for the nadir two of them dance before Kolowisi, whose head protrudes through an opening in the wall of the kiva. Then the party goes away to the west. Afterward the gods go about the village with yucca whips. They are not permitted to strike anyone who carries an ear of corn or a vessel of water, or who lies on the ground or presses against a wall. Nor can they touch a Big Fire man. If they disobey these rules, complaint is made, all the whippers are assembled in the kiva, and the offender is punished by having each of the others strike him with all his strength on each arm and leg. The punishment is so severe that the limbs become greatly swollen. Then the gods take their position in a line in the plaza, and the boys who are to be initiated are carried past them on the backs of their godfathers. They are well protected with blankets, and each god strikes the child forcibly four times with a bunch of yuccaleaves. The godfather then carries the child to the roof of the kiva of the nadir and down the ladder; but if the child is old enough, it walks down the ladder. There the children receive a drink from the bowl of water brought from Black Rock, and they are carried to the plaza and whipped again. The child is now one of the Katikyilli, as the members of Ktikyanne are called. As soon as he is old enough to appreciate the importance of the matter and the nature of his duties, he makes up his mind to undergo what may be called the second initiation. This is usually at the age of puberty. The six principal Aghiwanni, the Kaimissanna, Ka'peqinne, four Saiahlia, and ten Koyeimahi, are the principal actors in the second initiation. Accompanied by their godfathers the boys enter the kiva.


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I32 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Each one, with a deerskin and one blanket over his back and shoulders, passes before the four Saiahlia, each of whom strikes him four times, drawing reluctant groans. Then while the godfathers blindfold the boys with their hands, the Saiahlia remove their masks and the boys are permitted to discover that the gods are really only men. With a boy in front of him, each of the four Saiahlia places his mask on the initiate, who then passes along the row of floggers and strikes each actor on each wrist and ankle. This is continued until each initiate has worn a mask. Then after a feast the boys and their godfathers pass out, and the Saiahlia go to the plaza, where they flog the people with their yucca whips. There is dancing by the Ki-kakghi ("god good"), a variety of rain-gods, and members of the Neweqe fraternity perform their antics, conspicuous being the alleged drinking of urine and eating of excrement. In September there is a series of masked dances called Wt-temhla ("creatures all-kinds"), in which gods of various kinds are represented. This corresponds to the Kachina dances of other pueblos. The dance may be repeated from six to nine times according to the temper of the people. In December the Massanna ("director"), Peqinne ("talker in darkness"), and Pihlan-Thiwanni ("bow chief") of Ki-tikyanne ("god fraternity") decide which kiva shall perform in the masked dances of the next autumn. The K6yemaghi participate as funmakers, and the line of maskers is led into and out of the plaza by Kaipeqinne. The purpose of the ceremony is to bring rain. In all public masked dances the Koyermahi clowns perpetrate obscenities in the manner of the Rio Grande clowns; or at least they used to do so. Sometimes in their frolic they snatched the loincloths from one another and exposed themselves to the spectators. Protests by American visitors caused the suppression of this and similar acts, but whenever outsiders are not present the old fashions are revived. Solstice Ceremonies
The Zufii year begins with the winter solstice, at which time occurs the ceremony called Yatakya-ittiwanna-qin-techikya ("sun middle-at place arrives"), or Te'ftina-wittiwa ("winter middle").' The movements of the sun are observed daily by the Peqinne, chief of the zenith. In the six winter months, December to May, he goes at sunrise to a petrified stump just east of the village, and with offerings of sacred meal he prays to the rising sun and notes its 1 The initial w of wittiwa is interpolated for euphony.


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Povi-yemo - "Flower Falling" - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI I33 position with reference to certain permanent natural marks on the horizon. But in the six summer months he goes to the ruin of Matsaki two miles east of Zuii and prays to the setting sun while standing within a semicircular stone shrine and making note of the position of the sun on Yalanne —lanna ("mountain big"),1 a high mesa northwest of Zufii. When in November the rising sun coincides with a certain mark on Ta/wa-yalanne, Corn mountain, he so informs the Apihlan-ghiwanni ("bow chiefs"), the war-chiefs, who in turn bear the news to the other five Aghiwanni, and these highpriests assemble at once in the house of the Kyaqimassi, Shiwanni of the north. Beginning on the next morning Peqinne at intervals of four days plants feathered prayer-sticks (always four in number) alternately at a shrine on Corn mountain for Sun and Moon, and in the field for his deceased predecessors, until he has thus made offerings thrice to the celestial deities and the deceased sun priests. This planting of prayer-sticks covers twenty-one days, and during the period, as well as the four days preceding and four following it, he practises continence. On the twenty-second morning he goes to the housetop and announces that on the tenth day thereafter the sun will arrive at Ittiwanna-qin (" middle-at place"), a certain point on Corn mountain, and they will then celebrate his arrival and his four days' sojourn there before turning back to the north. The four days preceding the solstice are filled with the making of prayer-sticks by fraternities and priesthoods, and by the individuals of families. An image of the elder and of the younger war-god is prepared, the former by a man of the Deer clan and the latter by a man of the Bear clan. The varied accoutrement of the war-gods is prepared by especially appointed members of the Bow Chiefs, the fraternity of scalpers. Kyaqimassi (North Shiwanni) appoints a man of the Badger clan, or one whose father is of that clan, to prepare new fire; and on the afternoon of the day preceding the solstice this man makes the rounds of the village, receiving from each family a small quantity of fuel, which he carries, load after load, into the north kiva. Then he obtains embers from the adjoining house, builds a small square crib of his fuel, and ignites it as the sun sets. This is makye-tsAhqi ("fire taboo"). At night the images of the war-gods are brought solemnly into the kiva, the six AShiwanni and the Bow fraternity being the principal 1 The name is usually clipped to Yala-hlanna.


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134 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN ones present, the latter having left the meeting of the various shamanistic societies to which they belong. After a night of prayers and offerings, the images are taken back to the houses where they were prepared, and after the morning meal the elder Bow Chief with an assistant carries the image of the elder god and deposits it at the war-god's shrine on Uhana-yalanne, southwest of Zuii; and the younger Bow Chief carries the other image to the shrine on Corn mountain.' On the day named as the solstice each household as a unit goes into the fields to plant prayer-sticks. Each member of the family, regardless of age, sex, or connection with fraternity or priesthood, places one prayer-stick or more (usually several) in a small hole dug out by the head of the household. The prayer-sticks are intended for various deities and for deceased ancestors. Beginning with the day observed as the solstice no fire is permitted outside the houses for a period of ten days, except under shelter, as in a covered wagon, or, in a shepherd's camp, within a circle of meal. During this period also no rubbish may be swept out of the houses. For four days no meat is eaten, for eight days there is no sexual intercourse, for ten days there may be no trading nor feeding of grain to the horses. Some families do not grind corn, nor comb the hair, nor kill a sheep for ten days. The strictness with which the various taboos, except that of fire, are observed, varies somewhat among the different households. During the first four days of the period of abstinence, the people make clay images of horses, burros, sheep, et cetera. Women who desire children make images of babies, male or female according to their wish. Some cook cornmeal in the shape of peaches, melons, or other fruits. Sometimes a woman embeds the base of a branch of a peach tree in a ball of clay and fastens cornmeal peaches to the twigs. On the fourth night all these things are placed before the altar of some fraternity, and the next day they are taken away by their owners. The images of animals are deposited in the corral of the maker, in order to give him large increase of stock during the year; those of babies are placed in a niche of the wall at the head of 1 On December 24, I923, the image of the elder war-god was carried to a shrine (see plate facing page i50) on Corn mountain, and the image of the younger god was placed in a shrine on Uhana-yalanne. In I924 the procedure would be reversed, the image of the elder god being taken to a shrine of his own on Uhana-yalanne and that of the younger god to a shrine of his own on Corn mountain. There are still other shrines on these mesas containing lightningstruck pine images of the gods, placed there at the conclusion of the scalp-dance of the Bow fraternity. See pages I58-159.


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Agoyo-aye - "Star Moving" - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI I35 the suppliant's bed, the niche being sealed and the images left there forever; the cornmeal fruits are eaten. On the night of the fifth day following the solstice a few headmen of each kiva wait in their ceremonial room, and at midnight a masked man of the Corn clan, or the son of a Corn man, having been selected for the position the preceding day, comes running and dodging into the village, personating Pautiwa, one of the principal gods at Kahlualawa. He goes up the ladder of each kiva in turn, drops a pinch of sacred meal through the opening, and draws four lines of meal across the beam as a sign that there remain only four days of taboo. He leaves toward the west after performing this act at each kiva. On the ninth day following the solstice the six Aghiwanni, the KdmSssanna, and the Kipeqinne, select men to personate Qelele, Shiftukye, and four Saiahlia (warrior guardians of Pautiwa), as well as the god-personators in the Shalako ceremony. Two of the Saiailia go now among the people, seeking men who will receive Shalako in their houses the coming autumn. Most of them refuse on account of the expense, and seldom are the required eight found at this time. Those who do consent are brought into the kiva and receive prayer-sticks, and thus the people know that they will be the ones to have their houses dedicated by Shalako. Then two other warrior gods seek four unmarried girls and four unmarried boys to dance on the tenth day following. Each of these receives two bluebird-feathers. During the night there is singing in the north kiva and dancing by the masked Qelele and Shiftukye, which ceases on the appearance of the morning star. Then, the tenth morning after the solstice, the head of the Kakka-hlanna ("gods big") order of Big Fire fraternity, with his Peqinne,1 and QeIele (who also is of Big Fire) go into the kiva and with yucca sticks well soaked in water proceed to make fire by drilling. A bit of wet clay is pressed into the hole of the base stick, in order to increase the difficulty of the process. The head of the order does the work, with relief at intervals by his Peqinne. This is done in the presence of Big Fire fraternity and all the various religious officers and anyone who has been initiated into Ktikyanne, the order of masked dancers. Women are not present. When after a long time fire is produced, the head of the Big God order makes a torch of juniper-bark and gives it to Qelele, and the principal actors 1 Peqinn/ as used in this connection must not be confused with the village Peqinne, who is the sun priest, the zenith Shiwanni. As here used the word simply means assistant to the official with whose name it is coupled.


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I36 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN leave the kiva in the following order: Shifgukye; fiupal-llonna ("ember guardian"),' the officer who has been taking care of the new fire in the north kiva during the past ten days; Peqinne, the sun priest; Pautiwa; four Saiahlia, or warrior guardians of Pautiwa; and Qelele with the torch at a considerable distance behind the others. They go about half a mile to the east, and the fire-custodian deposits on the ground the burning embers which he has brought from the fire in the north kiva. They return to the kiva, Qelele still carrying his extinguished torch. While they are thus engaged, the people carry out the rubbish, ashes, and some of the burning embers from their houses, and throw them away. The man of the family carries the rubbish in a blanket on his back, women bear the embers and ashes in bowls on their heads, children have a burning brand in the hand. The mother of the family takes in her hand the "mother corn," a flattish, double ear with a line of depression down the middle, or the "father corn," an ear with the tip well covered with grains. Both of these have phallic significance in their shape. About half a mile in any direction from the village (though most of the people go eastward) the man empties his blanket and the women pour their bowls of ashes and coals beside the heap of rubbish. Each child lays its burning brand between the two piles, and the mother of the family carefully inserts the ear of corn on the heap of rubbish deposited by the man. The latter then sprinkles sacred meal on it, and all return home. While pouring out the rubbish, they always look eastward and say: "I throw you out, rubbish. In a year you will come back to me as corn." While pouring out the ashes they express the wish that it return in a year as cornmeal. In the kiva the four Saiahlia, Qelele, and Shiftukye now dance until sunrise, while spectators crowd about. Then all except the six dancers leave for breakfast. As soon as the sunbeams become visible, but before the sun itself appears, all the young males take sacred meal in small bowls and go about sprinkling meal on the heaps of rubbish and ashes. There is no prescribed number of piles to be treated by an individual, all depends on his piety. The belief of the orthodox is that the more one does of this the more loads of produce he will carry home from his fields in the coming year. During the day those who are to personate gods in the Shalako ceremony are visited by the elder Bow Chief, who gives prayersticks to each one. They follow him back into the kiva, and he gives 1 Tsupal, an obsolete word for ember.


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A Nambe girl [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI I37 to each certain symbols prepared from sticks, paint, and feathers. The masked personators of Shifsukye and Qelele dance on the roof throughout the day, and in the afternoon throw corn to the people. Then Paiutiwa is seen approaching from the south. Besides his mask with its tubular mouth, he wears moccasins and deerskin leggings, and four very heavy ceremonial blankets with the cloud design. Regardless of his finery, he wades through the river, which may be up to his knees. He goes around the village, and coming for the second time to the north side where a circular hole half an arm in depth has been dug, he plants a prayer-stick in it. He goes on around the village, and coming again to the north he passes on to the west and plants another stick in a similar hole. So he does on the south and the east, passing once and a quarter around the pueblo between each two plantings. Then he goes to the stick on the north side and drops sacred meal on it, and next to the west, the south, the east, without a complete circuit of the village intervening. Next he goes to a house on the northern side of the pueblo, where there is a sealed niche in the outer wall containing numerous fetishes from previous performances of this rite. If the personator of Pautiwa is a new performer, a certain man of the Pichiqe clan stands there to show the precise location of the niche. This man is the one who dug the hole on the north side, and has opened the niche. Pautiwa deposits a new pair of wihewe ("babies"), two round sticks the length of the first two joints of the middle finger, with rude faces carved on them and with eagle-feathers and the tail-feathers of some summer bird attached to them. The sticks are bound together, one representing a male and the other a female.1 As soon as Pautiwa leaves, the woman of the house reseals the shrine. He goes on around the village, and coming the second time to the west he finds another niche which has been opened by another Pichiqe man, and here he deposits another pair of "babies." This he does also at the south and the east side of the pueblo. He goes around the village again, and from the south passes directly through on the street that extends in front of the churchyard. He goes around on the west side and through the narrow alley that leads under what until a few years ago was a covered way, and comes into the plaza just north of the churchyard. In the meantime Shiftukye and the others have been dancing on 1 Similar fetishes have been found in cave dwellings of Cafion del Muerto in Arizona. Their use is for the purpose of increasing the population. VOL. XVII-I8


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I38 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the roof of the kiva and throwing ears of corn to the people. As soon as Pautiwa appears in the plaza, Shifeukye runs into the kiva, takes his bundles of wafer bread, and goes out. Pautiwa throws into the kiva a bunch of a certain kind of brush called h7la-ftitanne, with an owl-feather and a raven-feather attached to it. The dancing and the singing cease. Immediately the people in the kiva throw meal upward toward the roof as a blessing to Pautiwa. Everybody is pleased, for the people like the great Pautiwa. With sacred meal he marks in four places the beam that lies behind the top of the kiva ladder, thus signifying that they will dance four days more. Then someone in the kiva tosses up a bunch of brush, and Pautiwa, after pushing it four times with his left foot, takes it up and passes it in a circle four times from north to west, south, and east, before his face. Before picking it up, he has planted a long Shalako prayerstick and two smaller ones on the roof behind the beam. Then Shifgukye comes back and leads Peqinne, who in turn leads Pautiwa, down from the roof into the plaza, and then to the west plaza, where these acts are repeated in the local kiva. They are followed by Qelele. Next they go to the south plaza and kiva, then to the east, then to the kiva of the zenith, and last to that of the nadir. From there Pautiwa departs westward about half a mile, where in a hollow out of sight of the people he removes his mask. Shifgukye and Qelele go about a quarter of a mile ahead of him to unmask. In the kivas Shiftukye, Qelele, and Shuimaikuli cannot remove their masks; and if they were to expectorate in one of these chambers it would cause sore throats. After unmasking, Pautiwa comes to the house of one of his father's clanswomen, where are assembled all the women of that clan, and one man. They wash his head and hands and feed him. Then in answer to the man's questions, he utters favorable prophecies for crops, and the man thanks him and speaks hopefully of the future. Finally all clasp the hand of Pautiwa, and he goes home. On the night of the next day, two of the four girls and two of the four boys who were chosen for the dance select two other maids and one boy, and take them to any one of the kivas, where the people associated with it are assembled. These seven dance, while the people sing and beat the drum, for three or four hours. This is repeated on the next seven nights. On the fifth night of this period the Hleweqe and the Makye-hlannaqe fraternities go into their respective houses, where they remain four nights and four days, sitting most of the time with knees drawn up; and on the last three


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Kwaa-Povi - "Bead Flower" - Nambe [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI I39 nights of their participation they visit whatever kiva the dancers are entertaining and perform the sword-swallowing feat. On the eighth night the people dance in the kivas until morning, and the four girls and the four boys chosen at the beginning of the solstice ceremony sit there watching them. Occasionally they dance in a circle, holding hands. Just before sunrise they go out and from the various Afhiwanni they borrow ettowe. Then two girls with a boy between them dance in the plaza, each girl holding an ettonne in her hands. After a while they are relieved by three others, and so until each boy has danced and each pair of girls has appeared twice. This is in the plaza in spite of the wintry weather. When these have finished, they return to their homes for breakfast, and after the meal the Hleweqe and the Makye-hlannaqe dance in the plaza and perform the sword-swallowing act. That night the etto-illaponna ("ettonne guardian" -those, including the Aihiwanni, who possess these fetishes) meet in one of the kivas. But some of them send an old woman in their stead. With each ettonne are associated several unmarried girls, who as young children have been selected by the keeper of that fetish and continue in this position until they are married, when others take their place.' These girls also are in the kiva on this last night, as well as the four girls and the four boys. Men are now permitted to enter, but only at the cost of having their clothing completely torn off by those others standing on the roof, who thus endeavor to restrain them. The scene is always one of violence. After a time someone on the roof empties a jar of water or drops a quantity of snow on the fire below, and the kiva is in sudden darkness. The greatest confusion now prevails, imitative of that in the underworld of darkness in the origin myth. There is no speaking. The four boys make efforts to relight the fire, but if they succeed it is again extinguished. The people in the kiva are jostling one another, crowding, and causing as much confusion as possible. Some of the young men attempt intercourse with the ettowe girls. Then on the roof appear a number of men called upsThuwa'naqe (usually about six Neweqe and six Makye-hlannaqe), rudely masked with cloth draped about them. They call: "Great mother, great father, I want to enter! If you wish me to come in, I will do so. If you do not, I will not." The four boys and the four girls chorus: "Yes, enter! I want you to come in." Immediately all confusion ceases, and a 1 If the custodian of a fetish cannot provide four girls, the proper number, he secures as many as he can.


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140 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN light is struck. The upfhuwa'naqe (the name refers to the fact that they cause confusion and uproar to cease) go down the ladder, and begin to make suggestive gestures toward the ettowe girls and to caress them. Then they dance, and suddenly everybody spits at them and they rush away. After the first appearance of these men and the cessation of the uproar, any man on the roof may descend the ladder without interference. The reason many go down at the risk of losing valuable clothing is that they are young and impetuous, and wish first choice of the girls. Any man in the kiva may now go to one of the ettonne custodians, or to the old women acting for them, give him or her a string of turquoise beads as long as the circumference of the thumb, and indicate which one of the ettowe girls he desires. The girl is thereupon ordered to accompany him. The two climb the ladder and go apart from the village, remaining away for about an hour. The girls exhibit no shame in passing up the ladder before the crowd of watching men, nor is there any jeering or laughter. When the couple return to the kiva, the girl is again subject to requisition. This continues all night, while the Hleweqe and the Makye-hlannaqe dance in their fraternity quarters. Just at dawn the ettowe are taken out to the plaza and danced with by the girls, each pair with a boy between them. The dance ends at the appearance of the sun. This episode occurs at the January full moon, and at the next full moon it is repeated. It is called Chimikyannapkyatea in allusion to the similarity of conditions when the people came out of the underworld at that place. No disgrace attaches to a girl who becomes pregnant and bears a child, and she remains a ceremonial prostitute until she marries. 1 Yatakya-techikya (" sun arrives"), or Oloikyana-wittiwa ("summer middle"), is the ceremony of the summer solstice. As this season approaches, Peqinne, making his observations of the setting sun from the shrine at Matsaki, notes when the orb coincides lThe informant professes uncertainty that ceremonial prostitution still exists, because, being a member of Big Fire fraternity, he is necessarily in his lodge-room at the time. He himself participated in the orgy in his younger days. It is of course impossible that he would be unaware of the abandonment of the rite, and it is therefore practically certain that the custom still flourishes. At the time of the scalp-dance PNqinnt used to make a public announcement: "If you people will beget children in dark, dirty places, we will be glad. For this will produce strong, hardy babies, who will become reckless warriors." So during the night there was much promiscuous cohabitation among the corrals and the rubbish-heaps. There has always been much prostitution at Zuni, especially at the time of such ceremonies as Shalako, when the village is crowded with visitors.


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Mowa - "Shining Light" - Nambe [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI I4I with a certain point on the mesa called Yalanne-hlanna ("mountain big"), and conveys the information to the elder Bow Chief, who notifies the other five Ashiwanni; and these, with their colleague Peqinne, meet at night in the ceremonial room of the Shiwanni of the north. In the manner observed at the winter solstice, Peqinne plants prayer-sticks alternately on Yalanne-hlanna and in the fields. The principal feature of the ceremonies of this season is a pilgrimage to the sacred lake Kahlualawa by the head of the Ka-tikyanne ("god fraternity"), his assistant, the Kapeqinne, the attendant K6yemaghi, and those who are to personate gods in the Shalako ceremony. Prayer-sticks are deposited at shrines on the two neighboring hills and in the lake itself. Fire is ceremonially kindled with a drill that has been soaked in water, and as the procession returns to the village one of the men, bearing a torch, fires every combustible thing in their path in order to create clouds of smoke symbolic of rain-clouds. In the village dancing follows their return. Immediately after the summer solstice begins the cycle of ceremonies involving successive retirement for prayer and fasting by the six priesthoods of the A.hiwanni and by eight groups associated with clans or fraternities. The priesthoods associated with the four cardinal directions are in retreat eight days each, one following another, and the others either four or eight days. Shalako Ceremony
The autumnal ceremony of Shalako centers about the consecrating of eight new, or newly repaired, houses by various personators of.gods, the individuals acting in this capacity having been selected by the six principal Ashiwanni and the Kamassanna (head of the "god fraternity") and his Kapeqinne, during the ceremonies of the winter solstice. These actors represent the principal gods: Pautiwa, Kyaklo, Shfilaawifti, Saiatagha, two Yamuhakto, Hututu, and two Salimopia; as well as six Shalako and ten Koyema.hi. At this time also are chosen the men whose houses are to be constructed or rebuilt during the summer, and each receives a prayer-stick which is kept in his house; and at the end of the Shalako ceremony all these prayersticks are planted in the fields by the Koyemaghi. The workers on each house are appointed from the members of the kiva of the Shalako god who is to consecrate it. But the workers on the two houses to be dedicated respectively by the principal gods mentioned above and by the Koyemaghi are of the kivas represented by the personators


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I42 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of these deities. During the building operations the masked actors (except Shalako) hover about, to see that none shirks and to reprove recalcitrant or lazy children. The harvest work of each man whose house is being built is performed by a body of men appointed by the foreman in charge of the building operation. These laborers, as well as the builders, are fed by the owner of the house.1 During each month between the winter solstice and the time for the dedication ceremony those who are to personate the gods visit one of a number of spring shrines and deposit prayer-sticks in the water. On the evening before the day on which the eight new houses are to be consecrated, the principal gods assemble at Hepatina, the shrine that marks the centre of the world. They cross the river and enter the village, and after depositing prayer-sticks in various places they go into the house they are to dedicate, where the altar of the householder's fraternity has been set up. Here they spend several hours in responsive prayer, after which a feast is held. On this evening also the Shalako personators, each with a wale ("boiler," that is, cook, servant), are met at Halona (old Zuii) on the south side of the river by the principal Aghiwanni, who sprinkle meal on them. After the Aghiwanni have returned to the pueblo, the Shalako men repair to a smoothed, beaten plot of ground representing the traditional resting place of the A.hiwi at the end of their journeys in search of the centre of the world. Two pairs of Shalako stand on opposite sides of this ground, and the remaining two, one at each end, run the length of the plot, passing and repassing. This is continued until each Shalako man has thus performed. Then the party goes to the pueblo and each Shalako with his wable enters the house to be dedicated by him. The wawe (plural), and not the Shalako, wear, or rather carry, the Shalako effigies, which are about eight feet high. The costume consists of a large mask and a skirt of native white cotton blankets with embroidered margins, arranged on a frame. It is borne by the wale (later by the Shalako himself) by means of a pole inside the frame, the base of the pole being supported by a leather attachment on the belt. There is a small opening in the front of the effigy at the height of a man's eyes. The mask has a long, tubular mouth, a pair of horns curving upward 1The informant spent eight hundred dollars in I908 for food and other remuneration for the builders and harvesters. Generally great pride is taken by one who can afford to build a "Shalako house." This practice is probably responsible for the fact that Zuiii houses are more commodious than those of other pueblos, as there seems to be a good deal of friendly competition.


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A Santa Clara man [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI I43 from the cheeks, staring eyes, a fan-shape band of eagle-feathers, upright and transverse, at the back, and a feather ruff about the neck. In the house to be dedicated the altar of the fraternity represented by the head of the family has been erected,' and his miile (corn-ear fetish) stands in place. Behind a blanket held up to prevent spectators from seeing the man emerge from the effigy, the bearer sets it up by thrusting the end of the pole in a crevice in the floor. Then the curtain is dropped. Several men now hold up a ladder in the middle of the room, and the personator of Shalako, unmasked, climbs up and fastens a prayer-stick, consisting of two pieces representing boy and girl, to the house shrine that depends from a roof-beam. This sacred object, tefhqinne ("taboo-it"), may represent a mythical being, a celestial body, or a natural phenomenon such as rainbow or cloud, or it may be a symbolically painted box representing the house of the clouds.2 After a season of prayer the curtain is raised again, the wale gets into the effigy and dances. On account of its height he must bend his knees. Parties of dancers representing the six kivas go from one to another of the eight new houses, and dance for the benefit of the throngs of spectators. At midnight a feast is served, and then the dancing is continued until day breaks. When the Shalako men and their wawe leave Halona to cross the river into the pueblo, they are followed at a brief interval by the Koyema-shi, who go through the village, pausing to dance and sing at the foot of the ladder of each house in which a Shalako party is present. Then they enter the house to be consecrated by themselves, where the altar of the fraternity represented by the head of the family has been erected and the members of the fraternity are present. After a ceremonial smoking of cigarettes, the Father of the Koyemaghi recites a prayer of great length, in which the migration of the Aihiwi is recounted, and a feast is followed by dancing. Late the following morning the Shalako proceed one by one across the river to the plot of ground heretofore mentioned. Each is preceded by a procession of his fraternity fellows and by his alternate, a man who at the winter solstice was appointed to personate 1 Provided the owner of the house was the first Shilako entertainer of his fraternity to greet Saiatasha and present him with a bag of sacred meal when the god came to announce the dance for the fourth day following. Any other Shilako entertainer of his society must expose his miile on the altar in the fraternity house. 2 See illustration (facing page 96) of the character called Knife Wing, Achiyalitapa. This personage is a patron of the Makye-hMlnnaq6 fraternity in connection with their feat of sword-swallowing, the head of the household where this shrine hangs being a member of that society. Knife Wing does not pertain exclusively to the MakyS-hilnnaqe.


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I44 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the Shalako if his principal should be unable to act. Each Shalako is followed by a procession of the members of his kiva, some of them playing long flutes. On the ceremonial plot are to be dug fourteen holes about twelve inches square for the reception of prayer-sticks. These holes are in two parallel rows some distance apart and extending north and south. At the south side of the space to be enclosed by the rows of excavations the Shalako halt, and each kneels on a spread blanket, facing the pueblo. The six Shalako are in an eastand-west row, behind which their followers group themselves. At their left Kamassanna, Ka'peqinne, and two Kapiflan-Shiwanni, all of whom are officials of the "god fraternity," station themselves, and still beyond these four are the six principal Aghiwanni. After all have taken their positions, the wawe of the Shalako dig the holes; but the one at the southern end of each row is made by the wale of Saiatagha. Then the principal gods make their appearance under the leadership of Shilaawifi; and performing various evolutions about the plot enclosed by the excavations, Shfilaawifti, Saiatagha, and Hututu deposit prayer-sticks and sacred meal in the two holes dug by the wale of Saiatagha. Then all the principal gods except the two Salimopia, who remain on the ground, file past the row of the Shalako, the Kama'ssanna and his fellows, and the Ahiwanni, and the last two groups follow them for a short distance to the south, the gods being on their way to the house in which they dress and undress. Kama'ssanna and his fellows and the Aghiwanni return to the village. When the gods and priests have left the ground, one of the Shalako, the one representing the north kiva, rises and runs to the second hole in the eastern row and there deposits a prayer-stick, then he crosses the ground to the opposite hole and deposits another, constantly keeping up a clatter with the long wooden beak of his mask. As soon as he leaves the first hole, the personator of the Shalako of the east rises and goes to the fifth hole in the eastern row, and crosses to the corresponding one opposite, depositing a prayer-stick in each. This continues until each Shalako has placed two prayer-sticks for the god whom he represents. After returning to his place each one is sprinkled with meal by those grouped behind him, and he then emerges from the effigy, exchanging places with his alternate. After the sixth Shalako has planted his prayer-sticks, the alternate of the first one starts and does just as his principal did, and the other alternates follow. Then, the personators themselves having again exchanged places with the alternates, the Shalako of the north kiva


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Agoyo-tsa - "Star White" - Santa Clara [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI I45 hastens to the two holes containing his prayer-sticks and sprinkles meal on them, and the others follow, running rapidly to and fro. All this symbolizes the function of the Shalako gods, who as messengers of the rain-gods are constantly running back and forth between the six world-regions. The Shalako now hasten from the place, each with his alternate and his wale. After they have obtained a good start, young men pursue them. If a Shalako is caught he casts the effigy down and his captor cries, "I have killed a deer!" This is believed to insure good luck in hunting. The Shalako proceed to the dressing-house in the field far south of the village, and the material of the effigies is brought into the pueblo wrapped in blankets. The day closes with the appearance of the Koyermashi, who dance and play the fool on each housetop in succession. During the next five days there is public dancing in the plazas by fraternities and by groups of masked figures representing the gods. These maskers are twenty-four in all, four men appointed by each Shalako from the membership of his kiva. They are called Molawinaqe. Owinahe, A Harvest Ceremony
This ceremony was formerly observed annually after the harvest, but recently its performance has been intermittent. The Bow Chiefs have it in charge, being assisted by the Haloqe fraternity, and while the time is governed by the crops, the elder Bow Chief selects the actual day. On the fourth day following the announcement certain chosen men go about informing the girls and young women that they are expected to meet on the next four nights in the south and the west kiva, when they will dance and sing until midnight, but on the fourth night until dawn. Attendance is optional. On each night at a certain point in the dance some of the men lead youths over to where the girls sit on the ledge, and each girl, accepting one of them, bathes her face, arms, and legs with water from a bowl held by him. She then chooses another youth, and with the two she passes out of the kiva to participate in phallic practices. A prominent feature of the ceremony is the dancing of men representing Navaho, and the performance of others holding arrows, which they handle in a way to suggest the death of the enemy. The custodian of the scalps plays an important role in the ceremony. The allusion is obviously to the protection of the cornfields from marauding Navaho.1 In the Owinahe great quantities of food are thrown from the 1 Compare the Arikara Corn ceremony and the oration over a Sioux scalp, Volume V, page 72. VOL. XVII-19


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I46 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN housetops into the large plaza, and calico and other trade goods are similarly given away to the assembled multitude. Sheep are often killed on the roofs and the carcasses thrown to the people below. Secret Societies
There are thirteen secret societies at Zufii, all of which except the Bow Chiefs function as shamans in the curing of individuals or the public, besides participating as societies in various masked ceremonies. Most of them also possess the secret of various feats of legerdemain, which are performed at stated terms for the mystification of the people and the consequent strengthening of their confidence in the shamans. I. Shiwannaqe 8. Sh6maqe 2. Ne.weq 9. Maky~-ftannaqe 3. Saniakyaqe Io. K.ahiqe 4. Hltweqe I. Peshaftiloqt 5. Mikye-hlinnaqe I2. Chiky'aliqe 6. Ujhuhuqe I3. Apihian-shiwanni 7. Haloqe I. The Shiwannaqe (h'zwe, meats; qe, collective affix equivalent to "people") are so called because they are one of the two societies exempt from the taboo of flesh food during the ceremonies of the winter solstice. They are never permitted to eat the flesh of jackrabbits nor the leaves of aihla'luh, a leguminous plant. There are three degrees: Onayanakye ("long life"), Ifiepcho ("legerdemain"), and Makye ("fire"). Some of their songs are in the language of the eastern Keres. 2. The Neweqe' 1 are regarded as potent healers, but they are sought only as a last resort, because of the alleged eating of human excrement by them in the initiation rites. (A cured patient must join the society that has saved his life.) The Indians believe that this incredible thing is actually done, and Mrs. Stevenson, who observed the Neweqe initiation in 1884, was convinced. She says: "After joining, the new fellows seem as eager as the others to excel in their disgusting acts... There are thirty men and five boys... The K6kko thla'nna administers the wretched morsel while moving in a peculiar dancing motion, reminding one of a humming bird hovering about a blossom. He advances to a man and whips him with the yucca switches, and then hands the dose to one of the Koyemshi 1 Mrs. Stevenson translates "Galaxy," but there seems to be no foundation for this interpretation of the word.


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Tambe - "Drum" - Santa Clara [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI I47 gods in attendance, who in turn gives it to the person designated by the god. None of the older members of the fraternity seem to shrink from the dose, while some receive it with apparent relish. Occasionally the one receiving the morsel divides it with a man, woman, or child by placing his lips to the other's lips and forcing it into the mouth. The children accept it as a religious duty, but it is evident that they do not relish it... The acme of depravity is reached after the Kokko thla'nna takes his final departure from the plaza. The performances are now intended solely for amusement. The women and girls of the fraternity leave the plaza after the ceremony and take no part in the debauchery. The one who swallows the largest amount of filth with the greatest gusto is most commended by the fraternity and onlookers." A native informant once saw a spectator climb to the projecting end of a roof-beam, remove his loin-cloth, and defecate into the upturned mouth of a Newe'qe. About the year 900o, in response to the complaints of shocked American visitors, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs took steps to check this public debauchery. Since that time the Neweqe have not performed in the presence of outsiders, and the present writer has been unable to observe them. He is frankly skeptical as to the genuineness of these scatologic rites, and suspects that the "wretched morsel" is really excellent food in every respect except appearance. New members become "eager... to excel in their disgusting acts" because of very exuberance of spirit in their relief at the discovery of the true nature of the ordeal; and the female members take no part in the promiscuous "debauchery" in the plaza because they are not safe repositories of the secrets of legerdemain, and perhaps they actually believe that the morsels administered in the initiation are excrement made palatable by the power of the shamans. After all, an Indian's stomach and esophagus are controlled by the same system of nerves as our own; and that thirty-five men and boys and an unspecified number of women and girls could swallow ordure without involuntary revolt on the part of a single one is incredible. The performance of the Neweqe is therefore believed to be no more authentic than the eating of mummies by the Kwakiutl Hamafta society or the handling of fanged reptiles by the Hopi Rattlesnake fraternity. That they do things sufficiently disgusting may be admitted. There is nothing incredible about pouring the contents of a urinal over the head, or rending the body of a puppy with the 1 Twenty-third Annual Report Bureau of American Ethnology, I904, pages 430, 436, 437.


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I48 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN teeth and even devouring pieces of the flesh and the intestines; though even here the substitution of good food for the viscera of the animal is quite possible. It can scarcely be doubted that the Neweqe are an adaptation of the Keres Ki'sari. (a) Some of the members wear close-fitting cloth caps having a bunch of corn-husk ribbons on the top and another at each side. Others have the hair in two shocks wrapped with corn-husk and projecting upward and outward from the sides of the crown. On the back they have painted a human figure representing their patron. The KK'sari arrange the hair similarly (and their Tewa counterparts wear deerskin caps), paint on the chest and abdomen the figure of their patron Osa/2a-paiyatyama (" sun youth"), and use corn-husk as their distinctive insignia. (b) In the Neweqe altar a conspicuous object is the symbol of the sun flanked by two small human figures of Paiatama, with horizontal stripes about the torso and limbs. The Osafa-paiyatyama, children of the sun, were the original Kfi'sari and are the patrons of the Keres society. This character the Zufii have identified with their own Pi'ftifti, a god associated with Father Sun. The horizontal stripes on the two figurines conform with the painting of the Ku'sari. (c) Many of the Neweqe songs are in the language of the Keres. (d) The two societies are similar in their capacity of public fun-makers, and both are gluttonous. The Neweqe have the orders of Onayanakye ("long life"), ffiepcho ("legerdemain"), and Kakka-hlanna ("god big"). It is one of this last order who administers the supposed excrement in the initiation rites and in the subsequent public performance. He wears a bearded mask with upcurving horns at the sides and a fan of eagle-feathers across the crown. The Neweqe possess the secret of three roots which, chewed and applied to the wound, are said to cure the bite of a rattlesnake. 3. The Saniakyaqe, nicknamed Suskiqe (sziski, coyote) and Kyakyaliqe (kyakyali, eagle), are concerned with game animals and with the shamanistic treatment of diseases of the lungs. Their lodgeroom is decorated with paintings of predatory beasts and birds in pursuit of game. When a large game animal is brought to the village, the Saniakyaqe assemble in the house of the hunter and treat the carcass with ceremonial reverence before it may be skinned. The two orders of this group are Saniakyaqe and Makye ("fire"). The raven and its feathers are taboo, but flesh may be eaten at the winter solstice. Some of the songs of this society are in Western Keres,


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A Tesuque ancient [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI 149 hence it may be concluded that in name as well as in function it is simply the Zuii equivalent of the Keres Shaiyaka. The Saniakyaqe hold four rabbit-drives each summer. The first and the fourth are announced four days in advance; the second and the third, three days. Sui-pihlanne ("coyote bow"), as the warchief of the society is called, announces the hunt and has charge of it. The principal officers of the society proceed to the place they have selected for the drive, build a small signal fire, and offer food and prayers to the spirits of all the dead. The hunters, seeing the smoke, join them, and the making of the circle begins. Starting at the signal fire, two men proceed along opposite sides of a large circle, here and there lighting small fires of brush, and at the point of meeting they lay down at right angles, one on the other, their two torches of juniper-bark, which they have ignited at the signal fire. The hunt-ground is thus enclosed in a circle of small fires, the rising smoke of which represents clouds. The other hunters meantime have been following the two leaders and placing themselves at regular intervals about the circle. The leaders, having laid down their torches, utter a shout, which is relayed back to the signal fire, and the hunters begin to close in toward the centre. Each man keeps his own kill. Sometimes, however, it is announced that girls and women may accompany the hunters, in which case the females retrieve the rabbits at random, and the next day they cook food and give a dish of it to each man from whom they took a rabbit. After the four hunts of the Saniakyaqe, four successive hunts under the patronage of the Eagle clan are announced by one of the village Bow Chiefs. Sometimes the Saniakyaqe hunt for the Aghiwanni (rainpriests). In such cases the two Bow Chiefs, who are the village war-chiefs, having decided that there should be a hunt for the benefit of their superiors, so inform Sfipihanne, who then announces the hunt as being for the A.hiwanni. The kill is brought in to the house of North Shiwanni and equally divided among the six Akhiwanni. 4. The Hleweqe (hlewe, sticks) are so called because of their spectacular feat of swallowing wooden swords. They give a public performance in January and again in February for the purpose of bringing snow, and on either occasion new members may be initiated. There are two orders, Hlewe and Kyah-lafiila ("Douglas spruce"), and members of the latter degree insert in the gullet a "sword"


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I50 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN fashioned at the base of a spruce sapling so tall that the tip projects well above the hatchway of the ceremonial chamber.1 The accompaniment of the songs is furnished by six men who rub deer legbones downward across notched sticks held with their bases on a large sounding-box. This use of the typical musical instrument of the Navaho suggests that the cult was derived from that tribe, where sword-swallowing is a standard shamanistic feat. Furthermore, the traditions of the Makye-hlannaqe society definitely state that their rites, including the swallowing of swords, were obtained from the Jicarilla Apache. Nevertheless, some of the Hlwe'qe songs are said to be in the language of Acoma, where the cult is not known to have existed. The Hleweqe never eat the flesh nor the eggs of ducks, and for five days before their ceremony they avoid beans and sweet food. A powerful emetic is taken before the act is attempted. 5. The Makye-hlannaqe ("fire big-ones," that is, big fire people) are so called because of the feats they perform with fire, holding a large ember between the teeth, thrusting the burning ends of a packet of shavings into the mouth and chewing them, and trampling with unprotected feet a bed of glowing coals. Before engaging in these rites they masticate the dried flowers of yarrow and apply it to the skin wherever fire will come in contact with the body. The Makye order of the Shiwannaqe also use this charm. The rites of this society are said to derive from the Ke-pachu ("skin Navaho"), that is, the Jicarilla Apache. Most of the songs are in that language (or in Navaho?), a few in Laguna, a very few in Zufii. The Makye order is said to have a hundred and sixty-seven songs, the Hlewe order a hundred and ninety-seven. There are four orders of Big Fire: Onayanakye, or fwenashnakya ("remove sickness"); Kikka-hlanna ("god big"); Makye ("fire"); Hlewe ("sticks"), or Piannihie ("sword").2 In this, as in other societies, it is the ambition of every initiate to enter at once into the medicine order, which treats sickness; but as this is a very expensive step he more commonly begins as a member of another of the orders. In the Big God order three of the gods at Shipapulima are represented by masked actors: Kdkkahflnna, Shiftukye, and Qelele. Members of this group treat swellings in any part of the body, but especially in the joints. 1 Naiuchi, a well-known Zufii shaman and Bow Chief, permanently injured his throat in a Hltweq~ performance, and spoke with a huskiness to the day of his death. 2 Said to be an epithet of the founder, Nakee.


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Shrine and effigies of the elder war-god on Corn Mountain - Zuñi [photogravure plate]


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ZUNI 15I In the Fire order are those who handle fire and treat diseases that appear to be related to fire, such as fever and inflammations. The Hlewe order, like the society of that name, are swordswallowers, and there are several divisions: Kyahlafgila (Douglas spruce), or Pdifikishi (pinion-bird); Sha-tikyanne ("arrow fraternity"); Wilolona-tikyanne ("lightning fraternity"); and Patikyanne, or Pa-otiwe ("Navaho dance"). All these are concerned with the swallowing of swords of varying forms. The Hleweqe of the Big Fire society participate with the Hleweqe society in the public ceremony of the latter in January and February. The sword of this order is a wooden blade with maximum dimensions of two fingers in width and two spans and four fingers in length. A measured specimen was eleven inches long and only three-quarters of an inch wide. It was firmly bound to a short, round handle with turkeyfeathers rising from its top. Two others recovered in the excavation of an old altar were about eight inches long, and were simply blades cut on the base of saplings. When the sword is attached to a handle, the latter is called the "lightning-stick," and it is sometimes serpentine in form and about two inches wide by two feet long. Before emerging from the lodge-room the sword-swallowers place in the mouth a bit of unidentified root. While singing they hold the "medicine" under the tongue; they then secretly chew it, throw back the head, and rather violently push the instrument down the gullet. In I899 a woman of Hleweqe society, and in I903 a woman of Big Fire, died as a result of this act. Each order or subdivision of a society is simply a group trained in the performance of a particular kind of magic, whether a feat of skill or a ritual for the exorcising of sickness; and the membership of the society is not apportioned among the orders, for an individual may belong to one or several of them. Thus, a certain informant participates in the activities of Onayanakye, Kakkahlanna, Makye, Hlewe, KyaHilafila, Wilolona, and Paotiwe - of every group in fact except Shatikyanne. 6. The Uhuhuqe (uhuhu, the characteristic cry of the shamans) have four orders: 6nayanakye, Makye, Halo ("red ant"), and ffIepcho. They are said to possess some very clever sleight-of-hand tricks. In the course of their initiation, which as in other societies occurs in the winter, the members of the Makye order pursue several masked personators of the Hehea gods through the streets and over the roofs with blazing torches of juniper-bark, pelting them and one 1 Mrs. Stevenson gives Kia'latsilo (Spruce) and P6sikishi.


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I52 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN another with burning fragments. A faction of this society formed the Chiky'aliqe. 7. Haloqe (halo, red ant), or Achiyaqe (achiyanne, knife), treat eruptions of the skin and attendant maladies. Ills of this sort are thought to be caused by ants, which project the sand and gravel of their hills into the bodies of those that harm them. By legerdemain the feathers of the shamans appear to brush quantities of pebbles from the body of a patient. The society has the orders of Onayanakye, Halo, Achiya, and Iffipcho. 8. The Shuimaqe are so called because their officers have charge of the masks of the Shuimaikuli gods, who play a prominent part in the ceremonies of the society. Their services are required for curing convulsions and other nervous ailments. This society has been the custodian of the Shumaikuli masks of the Laguna Indians since I902, and those of Sia for an even longer period.1 9. The Makye-fiannaqe ("fire little-ones," that is, little fire people) are recognized by the Zufii as derived from a Hopi fraternity of magicians, the Yaya, who gave up their practices many years ago. The most spectacular of the Little Fire feats was the dancing on a bed of coals. The rite occurred in March, but not annually, and was last performed about 19IO. Early in the morning a great quantity of wood was piled in and over an excavation three feet deep. Then the flames died away the magicians came out and threw meal into the pit, and it flared up, proving to the spectators that the mass of coals was still very hot. Then one after another they leaped in, barefoot, and danced briefly on the embers, trampling them into bits. It is from this circumstance that the name Little Fire is derived. The feet and legs were bathed with the liquid of boiled yarrow flowers in preparation for this ordeal.2 1 Mrs. Stevenson's account of the Shuimaqe says that the author recognized the songs of the society as being in the Pima language. She offers no example, however, and the statement of the present writer's informant that the language is that of Laguna is more credible. According to Mr. F. W. Hodge, two Zuii men, Weta and Siwatiftailu (both now deceased), visited Salt River valley, Arizona, with Frank Hamilton Cushing in I888 and there learned the only Pima song ever introduced at Zunii, at least in modern times. It is extremely unlikely that a song unrelated to any Pueblo cult was adopted by the society, and it must be concluded that Mrs. Stevenson was mistaken in her identification, or perhaps heard the Pima song being idly practised, as it were, between acts. 2 Mrs. Stevenson (op. cit., pages 564-566) apparently was fortunate enough to observe this fire dance on more than one occasion. Her description of the procedure is detailed, but there is incomprehensible silence as to the physical effect of this wellnigh incredible feat and speculation on the means by which it is made possible. An informant of the present writer, a member of Big Fire society, which gives a similar exhibition, savs that the feet are immersed in a vessel containing water and the flowers and roots of yarrow. The water appears to be very cold, and the feet become so numb that kicking


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ZUNI I53 Io. The KIShiqe (kafihi, Opuntia arborescens) last presented their public exhibition, a mock contest with cactus "clubs," about the year 900o. Although they treated sickness, no women were admitted to membership and they were really something of a warriors' society. They were highly regarded as healers of wounds, and a man who killed, but failed to scalp, an enemy was expected to join the Cactus society. Scalpers joined the Bow Chiefs. As with other societies, a sick man successfully treated joined the group, and in connection with his initiation the public ceremony was given. In preparation for the dance some of the members went to Corn mountain to gather the cactus, from which with grass besoms they brushed off the small hair-like thorns, leaving the large woody spines. They covered the bundles with protective masses of juniper twigs and brought them on their backs to the lodge-room. There the head of the society ejected masticated squash-seeds on the branches and scattered eagle-down on them. The oily mass appears to have had the effect of softening the thorns. With a flint knife he then carefully rubbed the stalk both ways, thus loosening the spines at the base so that, although they appeared to be normal, they would not stand up under pressure. With the knife he then scored the stalks at close intervals, completely encircling them with the cut, so that they would readily break; for the members were to belabor one another until the stalks were completely destroyed. In the dance each member had a small white feather glued to the shoulder, and the others endeavored to dislodge the emblem with their "clubs." In pairs at random they beat one another. Comparatively few thorns penetrated the skin. A youth too faint-hearted to stand up under the blows of his opponent was sometimes replaced by his a stone produces no sensation. When this liquid is applied to the mouth prior to the rite of "eating" fire, the senses of taste and smell are lost. After the dance on the embers, the feet are found to be capable of sensation, but they are not blistered. " I had an opportunity of watching closely a native conjurer of my acquaintance... He smears himself with what is apparently a vegetable oil which renders his skin impervious to flame. I have taken a photograph of him holding a blazing bottle-straw within an inch of his naked armpit. He scorches his skin for as long as you like, and the closest inspection reveals no damage. On one occasion, in the presence of the Bishop of Kilimanjaro, Mr. Bampfylde, and the whole of my family, this native brought a bundle of sticks into my back yard, and under the scrutiny of the afore-mentioned audience he pounded up leaves taken from two trees, mixed the resulting juice with water from my kitchen, and scorched himself as usual. I smeared some of this juice under my own arm and applied the flame myself, closely, for half a minute. I could feel only a pleasant warmth, and felt no pain either then or afterwards. No mark was left on my skin, and even the hair on my arm was uninjured. Both the trees from which he used leaves are common ones." -T. Alexander Barns, Across the Great Craterland to the Congo, New York, 1924, quoting J. B. Bagshawe, a British resident of East Africa. VOL. XVII-20


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I54 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN father, if the latter, as usually was the case, was a member. After the ceremony the participants lay down on the flesh-side of sheepskins and the chief rubbed their bodies with masticated "white medicine." After about three days of this treatment, the thorns worked out of the flesh. Usually not much blood was visible during the mock combat. Many of the Cactus songs are Hopi, and the society is recognized as having originated in that tribe. I. The Peshaftiloqe (pefhafailo, bedbug) are an offshoot of Little Fire, from which they seceded after an internal dispute. The name is based on the trivial circumstance that the quarters adopted by the new society were infested with the insect pest. They differ little from the parent body, with which they formerly alternated in presenting the spectacle of dancing on fire. 12. The Chiky'aliqe (chitalla, rattlesnake; ky'ahTe, water in a container) are an offshoot of the Uhuhuqe. In a dance of the latter society a member accidentally overturned the medicine-bowl and deluged an effigy of the rattlesnake. As a result of the ensuing quarrel the offender and his friends withdrew and formed a new society, which was named from the causative incident. The two groups remain similar in their activities. Both are said to have kept captive rattlesnakes in a new jar during their rites. The reptiles were caught by pressing the neck into the sand with a forked stick, grasping it behind the head, and rubbing off the fangs with a small stick, quite in the Hopi manner. Some of the members would fasten two snakes about the neck and others behind at the waist, and dance with them. They always bound a bit of cloth about the reptile's vent in order to prevent it from voiding on the dancer. On one occasion, it is said, this binding became loose and a snake voided on a dancer, who swelled and died. The use of snakes was then abandoned. These statements may be merely an attempt to account for the name of the "water rattlesnake" society; but since many of the songs of the Uhuhuqe and the Chiky'aliqe are Tewa, and the existence of the rattlesnake cult among the Tewa up to the present time has been well established, it is not improbable that the Uhuhuqe, or an order of that society, were the Zuii custodians of the snake cult.' 1 When Fray Estevan de Perea visited Hawikuh in I629 for the purpose of establishing a mission, he observed rattlesnakes confined in enclosures of wood and was informed by the Zuii that they were kept in order that their venom might be used for poisoning arrows; but the chief purpose may have been a much deeper one.


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ZUNI I55 No fraternity member kills a snake. If a rattlesnake is found in the field of such a man, he grasps it firmly behind the head, and clasps the other hand rather tightly about its neck and draws it downward to the tail, in order to "squeeze out the poison water." The ordure thus ejected is considered to be deadly. As the hand passes the snake's heart the grip is suddenly intensified, and the reptile "hangs like a rope." In this condition of stupefaction it is easily handled. A stripe of red paint is drawn across its head behind the eyes, eagle-down is stuck to the paint, and even a string of coral beads may be placed about its neck.1 The man constantly addresses it as brother, and asks for its good will, for rain and crops; for it is thought that the spirits of all deceased shamans inhabit the bodies of snakes. Finally a trail of meal is made outside the field, the snake is deposited on it, and meal is cast upon the reptile while the man begs it to go away and harm no one.2 An informant, a member of Big Fire society, professes to have done this many times up to some six years prior to the conversation. He had then decided that through his frequent catching of them the rattlesnakes were becoming friendly and appearing too frequently in his fields. A shaman had died from a bite on the finger, and the Big Fire man feared a catastrophe of the same sort. His apprehension that the snakes were becoming too attached to him was intensified by an experience when a very large rattlesnake nearly climbed into his wagon, raising its head to the level of the seat. (It probably became entangled in the spokes.) 13. The Apihlan-ghiwanni (pihlanne, bow; Afhiwanni, chiefs) perform no shamanistic rites, being a fraternity of warriors. It is the only secret society to which boys are not eligible, and the only one besides Cactus that does not receive females. The leaders are the two Apihlan-ghiwanni par excellence, who represent the elder and younger brother war-gods, tJyuyewi and Maasewi. These two important persons are appointed for life by the Kyaqimassi (the North Chief) after consultation with his fellow highpriests. They are the ceremonial executives of the A~hiwanni (rain-priests of the six worldregions), and their fraternity is the custodian of the highly important scalp trophies and the cult of the war-gods. The Bow fraternity in recent years has been in disfavor because 1 See page 24. 2 The bullsnake (utha) is never handled, and indeed dire calamity is likely to ensue, it is believed, if one finds himself near and to the leeward of one of these harmless creatures. It is thought that exposure to such malign influence will cause one "to swell up and burst."


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156 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN of the execution of supposed sorcerers. These victims they hang by the wrists, which are bound behind the back, and then beat their brains out with war-clubs. An execution of this sort occurred in the winter of I9IO-I9II. There were said to be only four members in I923, including a recent initiate. A party returning from war went into camp a few miles from the pueblo, and the Bow Chiefs sought two men for initiation into their society. As a rule nobody willingly offered himself, for the duties of the Bow Chiefs as guardians of the village from enemies and sorcerers were arduous.' After waiting a long time while the men sat about smoking, each hoping that some other would volunteer, the two chiefs deprived them of tobacco and blankets, and compelled them to sit on the bare ground. For no purpose was anyone permitted to rise. Some bowed their heads, but the chiefs came along and roughly pushed the forehead back: "Look up! What are you thinking about?" Finally someone, unable longer to endure the ordeal, said, "Well, I think I will be a Bow Chief." 2 Then someone else followed his example, and there was great rejoicing and general relief. The chiefs now asked the two volunteers, "What clan is your father?" Then, 'What maid do you want to kick your scalp?" Each man named a girl related to his father. "What man do you wish to wash your scalp?" Each mentioned two young men related to his father, and the Bow Chiefs noted the names. The two young men chosen for this duty were called t/ihe-koshonon-achi ("scalp wash both"), and the girl was called ita'tononna, a name applied to anyone who touched a dead enemy without having killed him, as well as to one who carried a deer slain by another hunter. The two Bow Chiefs and two common warriors then set off for the village in the middle of the night. Close to the pueblo they stopped and waited on a hilltop until the first yellow light was seen in the east. Then each one found an ant-hill, knelt beside it, placed his mouth at the apex, and shouted down into it four times to the war-gods and to the deceased Bow Chiefs the news that a Navaho 1 The reluctance probably was due to false modesty, as eligibles were only too eager to join the fraternity on account of the honor attached. The fact that the order is almost extinct is an indication that the actual taking of a scalp was a necessary qualification. No steps are taken to increase the membership. Meku, or "Loco Joe," the most recent initiate, scalped a defunct Navaho! 2 Since scalpers necessarily joined the Bow fraternity, the passage above probably refers to an occasion when no trophies had been won and the dancers would use scalps taken from the scalp-shrine; unless, indeed, the rule that scalpers must become Bow Chiefs was one of those numerous Indian rules as frequently honored in the breach as in the observance.


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ZUNI I57 had been killed. Then they mounted their horses and rode to the village, uttering war-cries in a high, long-drawn voice, like the howl of a coyote. At the same time they shouted: "Hurry! Hurry! A Navaho has been killed!" The first person who heard the cry was not permitted to impart the news to the public, under pain of making an offering to the war-gods in the scalp-dance. As soon as the report became generally known, the people flocked out to meet the four warriors, who had stopped a few yards from the village. Nothing was said. Soon one of the scalp-custodians, Pa-massanna ("Navaho chief"), came, picked up a handful of chips or other rubbish, spat on it, and waved it in a circle four times before the face of each warrior. He went back a short distance on their trail and cast the rubbish down. This was to remove the blood guilt from the warriors and give it to the war-gods. The Pamassanna returned and asked the warriors for the history of their expedition, and they related the whole story, adding the names of the youths and the maids who had been selected to wash and to kick the scalps. Then under the direction of the two Bow Chiefs the people uttered four great shouts. Now, if any Zufi had been wounded or killed, the facts were related, and the people wailed; but if the report was that none had been harmed there was renewed rejoicing. The four warriors returned to meet the others, and all except the scalpers entered the village. The scalpers remained in the field, where later in the day they were joined by the populace. The Peqinne of the Bow fraternity had already prepared two "mountains" of meal-covered sand at the end of a meal trail crossed by four transverse lines, and along this trail proceeded each scalper with his ceremonial father (that is, a Bow fraternity man sponsoring his initiation) and with his female scalpkicker close behind, passing under the uplifted arms of a Deer and of a Bear clansman.' Each scalp-kicker then stood aside, and the sponsor carefully placed a scalp on the toe of her left moccasin. She kicked it forward four times, then seized it with the left hand and ran to and around the pueblo, the burial-ground, and the plaza, followed by her scalper and his sponsor. In various groups the crowd followed, shouting, shooting, running hither and yon in simulation of actual combat. The Pamassanna then attached the scalps to the top of a short pole which he had erected in the plaza. On the night of the fourth day men and women in a crowded circle danced around the pole, moving sidewise to the right, the men 1 The Deer clan has the duty of making effigies of the elder war-god the Bear clan those of the younger war-god.


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I58 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN singing constantly. This was repeated nightly seven times more, the last dance occurring on the night before the twelfth and final day of the scalp-ceremony. These dances were occasions of merriment and sexual freedom. The next day, the fifth, the scalp-washers in pairs procured the trophies from Paimassanna and at a certain place on the river-bank they made yucca-root suds in bowls and washed them thoroughly. Then followed a dance by the scalp-washers, the scalp-kickers, and the Bow Chiefs at the house of the head of that fraternity and around the village, after which Pama'ssanna replaced the trophies on the pole. On the same day certain men of the Deer clan and the Bear clan, after depositing prayer-sticks at various places, went afield to procure wood from a lightning-struck pine for effigies of the two war-gods. Having found it, they left it outside the pueblo until the night of the ninth day, when they secretly brought it in and proceeded to make the images, completing the work on the tenth day. On the night of the following day the effigies were borne to the house of the elderbrother Bow Chief and deposited, facing eastward, at the altar, a meal design already completed by the Peqinne of the fraternity. The night was spent in singing, with occasional dancing by the scalpers and their sponsors. The culminating episode of the ceremony began about noon of the twelfth day, when three columns danced into the plaza. The group included the AMhiwanni, members of the Bow and Ant societies, the scalper (that is, the initiate) bearing the effigy of the younger war-god, his sponsor with the effigy of the elder god, and the makers of the effigies. The Peqinne of the Bow fraternity, who quite early that morning had prepared the ground for an altar by digging holes for the reception of effigies, prayer-sticks, and ettowe, and by outlining a cloud and trail pattern with meal, proceeded now to take from the performers, one by one, the sacred objects they bore. He deposited several ittowe fetishes in a hole at the end of the meal trail, and set the feathered corn-ear fetishes in a transverse row at the rear of the cloud pattern. A war-god effigy he stood in advance of each end of the row of corn-ears, flanking the &ttonne of Kyaqimassi, and he planted a row of prayer-sticks in front of each image. The altar having been completed and the principals having stationed themselves about it, Pamissanna led into the plaza two girls appointed to this duty for four successive years, who proceeded to dance on two planks placed over excavations. From time to time they were relieved by other pairs of girls. At intervals also two


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ZUNI I59 groups of dancers performed alternately, a few women surrounded by a crowd of men who shouted and gesticulated with their weapons. After an interval devoted to feasting, proceedings were resumed late in the afternoon, and during the final dance of the two girls on their planks the elder Bow Chief began to rock the bundle of ettowe from side to side, the Deer clansman who made the effigy of the elder god did likewise with his image, the Bear clansman similarly treated the other effigy, and a man whose father was a Coyote clansman shook the scalp-pole. Finally all these objects were overthrown so that they lay on the ground. The Peqinne returned the sacred furnishings of the altar to their respective custodians. Finally PamSissanna removed the trophies from the pole, and solemnly carried them away on a basket of wafer bread. As soon as he was out of sight he hurried to concealment outside the pueblo, and after dark he deposited them, with the bread, in the "scalphouse." This scalp-shrine, fihel-uppanne ("scalp house-inside"), was a very large jar embedded in the earth. Sticks were either laid across its edge, projecting over the opening, or were thrust through holes pierced in the sides of the vessel. The scalps were attached to the ends of the sticks, dangling inside the jar. Above them a basket was inverted and over this a flat stone was placed. Earth was heaped around the sides. There were two male and two female custodians of the scalps. The last one died in I916, and the shrine has not been attended since that time. On the day following the end of the ceremony the Bow fraternity carried the images of the war-gods from the pueblo and deposited them in their respective shrines on near-by mesas. Initiation into the Medicine Order of Big Fire Fraternity
When the people reached Halona, the two war-chiefs called Wolf for the east, Badger for the south, Bear for the west, Cougar for the north, Eagle for the zenith, and White Bear for the nadir. These in the order named were to be the head-men of Big Fire society. The war-chiefs instructed them in the manner of making and using medicine for the cure of disease, and told them to teach these secrets to the others. The head-men also taught the other members how to "eat fire" and to dance on hot coals. Relative to his initiation into the medicine order of this society, an informant 1 said that, having been cured of a serious illness by the 1 He afterward became a member of Kdkkahlnnna order, and finally of Maky6 and Hltwe.


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i6o THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN shamans of Big Fire society, he was to be initiated as a member. His uncle prepared a quantity of meal, about a double handful, and mixed in with it many small bits of turquoise and shell. The whole he wrapped in a corn-husk, and soon after sunrise he took this to the assembled society, where his ceremonial father, or sponsor, opened the sako-pahlanne ("meal package") and placed a small portion of the contents in the left hand of each person present. About the middle of the afternoon his sponsor came for the initiate, led him eastward from the village on the Shipapulima trail, and planted four prayer-sticks. He told the young man never to urinate in the open, but always in a pile of rubbish where no one could detect it.l That night the novice went to the lodge-room and received a cigarette of native tobacco in a section of cane. He smoked it rapidly, inhaling the smoke. As soon as this was finished, he was given five others, one after another, until he became unconscious. While he was in this state, the Bow Chief put a small bit of crystal into the young man's mouth, and he swallowed it. This was supposed to descend to the pit of the stomach, the seat of the pain caused by the smoking, and revive him. The Bow Chief then drew on a pair of bear-skin gloves (the skin and claws of the forepaws) and rubbed the pit of the novice's stomach. When this did not produce the desired result, he sucked blood from the wrists, or pretended to do so. When consciousness was restored, the ceremonial father held out a pair of eagle-feathers, one in each hand, the hands being crossed at the wrists, and the initiate took hold of the tips of the feathers, lightly. The father turned his back to the initiate, passing his forearms over his own head in the movement and not uncrossing his wrists. The hands and the feathers were now behind his shoulders, and the initiate's hands rested on the shoulders of the elder man. A female relative of the sponsor took her place behind the novice with her hands on his shoulders, and as the three danced four times around the room, she pushed forward on his shoulders alternately. This ended the proceedings for the time. During the next two days the ceremonial father prepared a cornear fetish,2 and three small deerskin bags containing respectively six 1 Probably so that a hostile magician might not obtain the urine and thereby inflict illness on him. 2 Miyrl, or yf'chunanne, is an ear of corn with the base encased in finely woven diagonal basketry, and covered with feathers of various kinds as nicely arranged as the breast-feathers of a bird. Long feathers of the eagle and the parrot project beyond the tip of the ear. Inside the wrappings of varicolored cotton yarn is a turkey-beard. At the lower end is a deerskin bag containing seeds of each color of corn, each color of beans, and of squash, pumpkin, melon,


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ZUNI I6I stones of the ceremonial colors (two of them being arrow-points), a brown pulverized medicine made of the roots of a shrub called aqaahona, and a white medicine consisting of scrapings of stalactites. On the third night after the tobacco ordeal the novice carried to the fraternity house a bundle of gifts for his sponsor. These usually amount to about twenty-five to fifty dollars in value. He returned to his home, and his wife bathed him, combed and arranged his hair, and adjusted his ornaments. Then the ceremonial father came and led him to the lodge-room and seated him at the end of the room opposite the altar, and the male members painted themselves white on hands, forearms, chest, back, and feet, and applied a streak of graphite across the face under the eyes. The women painted only hands, forearms, and feet. Each member had a short eagle-feather dyed red attached in the hair on the crown of the head, and a yucca head-band. By this time the room was filling with spectators, each of whom on entering tossed a bit of meal on or toward the altar. When all had finished dressing and painting, they sat down at one side of the altar, and the head-man of the fraternity (the Ma'ssanna), his assistant (the Peqinne of the society), his Bow Chief, and the ceremonial father of the novice, took the young man into another room, where the sponsor painted him like the others and adjusted a head-band, but tied no feather in his hair. In addition he painted broader lines of black under the eyes, and smeared white on the forehead and the chin and in a circular spot on the crown of the head. On the white paint were stuck white downy eagle-feathers. Around each wrist was placed a band of yucca-leaf with a ravenfeather projecting from under it toward the back of the hand, and an owl-feather was tied across the raven-feather.1 Then the four head-men and the initiate joined hands in a circle, and danced four times around it, the Ma'ssanna intoning a song with closed lips. When they had finished this, the Massanna said: "Now we are going out into the room where the people are, and we will cure some sick person. When we take out the sickness, be very careful. Do not swallow it, but spit it out. Do not fear." Then all passed out by another door than the one through which they had entered. It led out on the housetop, whence they passed down the ladder and watermelon, gourd, and every variety of cultivated plant, as well as of such wild fruits and roots as are eaten, such as yucca, pifon, cedar, grasses of various species. The epithet ye'chunanne is said to signify "draw in the breath." It refers to the fact that the Corn Mother gives the breath of life. The fetish of the informant was briefly exhibited with reverence and secrecy. 1 Feathers of ravens and owls are favorite charms of Pueblo sorcerers. VOL. XVII-21


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i62 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN around to the door of the lodge-room. The Massanna opened the door softly and called: "Our great father in the east is the head-man of this society, Wolf. Is he here?" The members responded, "Yes, he is here." "Our great father in the south is the head-man of this society, Badger. Is he here?" "Yes, he is here." "Our great father in the west is the head-man of this society, Bear. Is he here?" "Yes, he is here." "Our great father in the north is the head-man of this society, Cougar. Is he here?" "Yes, he is here." "Our great father above is the head-man of this society, Eagle. Is he here?" "Yes, he is here." "Our great father below is the head-man of this society, White Bear. Is he here?" "Yes, he is here." "Are they all friends here?" "Yes, we are all friends here." "May we come in?" "Yes, come in." And the shamans began to shake their rattles, while the five entered. In front of the altar was a long line of meal extending toward the other end of the room, and it was intersected in four places by lines at right angles. There was also a dry-painting representing the various animals of the cardinal points, and the constellations. The Ma/ssanna and his followers danced around the altar four times, one behind another, each with his hands on the shoulders of his predecessor. Then the novice sat down on the dry-painting, and making motions with his hands as if scooping up the spirit from the various animals there represented, raised them to his mouth and sucked in his breath, thus drawing in something of their power and life. This he did six times, facing the altar. Then he obliterated the mosaic and picked up a few grains of the corn that was lying on the floor. After a while, when the grains had become well moistened in his mouth, he put them in his hand, to take them home for lucky planting. His sponsor picked up some short eagle-feathers that had been lying on the mosaic and tied them in the novice's hair on the left side; the latter turned about, still squatting, and faced the east


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ZUNI i63 with his back to the altar. The four principal actors put on bearskin gloves and in single file passed around the altar and the initiate, and each time they passed him they rubbed his abdomen and back with their hands. This was to give him their power, the power of the bear, and make him a shaman, imparting to him a new, strong heart. The crystal given to him on the first night was for the same purpose. Symbolically it became his heart, a heart as strong as stone. After they had gone around six times, the ceremonial father raised the novice by the right arm and led him to the spectators. A sick person was found, and the initiate sucked at his wrist. The father held out his empty hand, the initiate blew upon it, and there lay some small lumps, the supposed sickness. Three times this was repeated on as many other patients. The father made the novice sit down beside the singers and drummers for a quarter of an hour, then led him to the side of the room opposite the spectators, and two girls stood beside him, one on each side, and the three danced, turning this way and that. All night this continued until sunrise, the women taking turns at dancing with the novice. The only intermission was that if the dancer became breathless the young women might lead him outside and while they scattered sacred meal he leaned against the house and recovered his breath. When daylight came, the Bow Chief of the society took the bowl containing what purported to be blood and sickness sucked out of men's bodies (it really was water mixed with sticks, broken eggs, pebbles, thorns) and emptied it about half a mile east of the pueblo. A bundle of blankets was now placed before the altar, and beside it a bowl containing water and yucca-root. There was another bowl containing water and "medicine," which probably was a powdered preparation of yucca-root. Then a young girl, a relative of the ceremonial father, came forward to the first bowl, and the Bow Chief took her hands and slowly pushed them down into the water. She began to beat up a lather. At the same time a shaman began to stir the water in the other bowl with a length of hollow cane (which possibly contained the powdered yucca-root), and soon thick lather piled up. He continued until the suds rose far above the edge of the bowl like a great mass of cumulus clouds. The other members were singing. The novice was already seated on the bundle of blankets with the four principal actors standing beside him, singing. Then the Mdssanna took two eagle-feathers, dipped the ends into the suds, and touched them to the initiate's head. One after another the Peqinne and the Bow Chief of the society, the ceremonial father,


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I64 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the shamans, all members of other societies, and finally all other spectators, did likewise. The young girl placed a mass of suds from her bowl on his head and washed his hair, and then bathed his body with cold water from another jar. The father replaced on the initiate the necklace and feathers which he had removed before the bath, and put in his hands the feathered corn-ear fetish, the three small bags of "medicine," and four ears of corn tied up in a bundle with yucca-leaves. He made various passes on the initiate's body with the corn fetish, and the director and all the other shamans did likewise with their own individual fetishes of the same kind. Members of other societies and the common people present borrowed the fetishes from Big Fire shamans to perform this rite of blessing. The Bow Chief of the society ceremonially raised the initiate by means of the eagle-feathers, and the latter sat down in his place at the side of the room. Soon thereafter he went home, and found the women of his natural father's clan and of his own clan there assembled. Each had some offering in the form of food, and a procession now formed and marched to the lodge-room, where after the ensuing feast a basket or a bowl of food was given to each group of the other societies present, who carried the gift to their own quarters. In the afternoon the four principals and the initiate visited a shrine at the summit of the hill called T/nashi-na-qin ("badger at place") near Matsaki, and after the Ma/ssanna had made a speech of instruction and exhortation to the novice, they planted prayersticks. They returned to the lodge-room, and the new member went home. For four days he was to have only bread and water. On the fourth day some female relatives of his ceremonial father brought bowls of meat and other food to his house, and he was taken by his sponsor to the lodge-room, where again the ceremony of washing his head with medicine-water and suds was observed. Then a bowl of food was given to him. The father made a roll of wafer bread, dipped the end into the stew, and placed it in the novice's mouth. Four times this was done. Then the initiate began to help himself. On the fourth night following this his sponsor conducted him to the quarters of the society and there instructed him in the story of the origin and migration of the people, and in knowledge of the different kinds of medicine. The information given on this occasion, however, was very general, not specific. Accurate knowledge of the use of medicine was imparted in summer, when plants could be identified. Wishing to learn some


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ZUNI I65 additional secret, the novice took to his ceremonial father a gift worth about twenty-five dollars, and a husk filled with meal; and the father led him away from the village and pointed out some of the plants used for medicine, and explained the method of using them. He told the initiate that the shamans cannot really suck disease out of the body, that they cure it by means of plants;1 but he warned the new member that he must not reveal this secret to the people, citing the case of a man of ancient times who, after initiation into a fraternity, told the people that the. shamans were impostors and could not really suck disease from the body. Soon after that his roof caught fire, the house was ruined, and his wife and children were destroyed. Thereafter the man lived alone, an object of pity and aversion, and a constant prey to misfortune.2 The new member of a society learns the traditions and the secrets of his fraternity in this way: The members sit smoking in their lodge-room, occasionally indulging in desultory conversation. It beThis statement is illumining. The writer has always doubted the sincerity of Indian shamans. The old priestly idea of self-aggrandizement at the expense of the credulous is usually present. Zuii medicine-men use an unidentified root called mewishadqa, which they masticate and then spit upon a patient, telling him that it will put him to sleep. The fact that it is said to be effective in about half of the cases indicates that the good results are due to suggestion. Jamestown-weed, anneplakya, is gathered, after planting prayer-sticks by the heads of Little Fire and Bedbug societies and by the Ashiwanni, and is administered as a soporific. There were living at Zufii in I909 a man and a woman whose bodies were covered with white spots said to be the result of excessive use of this drug. The woman had been confined in a room by a medicine-man, who administered a strong potion to her and to himself, and then cohabited with her. He himself died as a result, and the woman was thereafter regarded with aversion because of her appearance, so that none would marry her. Both Jamestown-weed and a plant called tenatiali are used for producing a condition in which thieves and lost articles are supposed to be detected. Tenatfali, which resembles a hollyhock, is obtained at the sacred lake near St. Johns, Arizona. It grows also on the east side of Corn mountain. The root is crushed and rubbed on the eyes and ears, as well as eaten. To find a lost or stolen article a man who has never been wounded procures some small roots of Jamestown-weed under the direction of the proper shaman or priest, and eats a small quantity on the spot. Returning, he goes alone into a room cleared out for the occasion. The priest inquires how much of the root he has eaten, and then carefully observing the man's condition he tells him whether or not he is to take more. The man is then left alone in the room, and the priest sits in an adjoining room listening. When the stupor has partially passed, two young men are sent to accompany him about the village, wherever his feet happen to carry him. This, it is said, invariably results in finding the lost or stolen article, or at least in detecting the supposed thief. A mountain plant that grows in a single spike, like a shoot of asparagus, is surreptitiously given to a woman as an aphrodisiac. An informant declares that he has seen virtuous women become promiscuous under this treatment. A black root called shi'qamu (Quamoclidion multiflorum Torr.) is used for the opposite purpose, and there is a root believed to be capable of correcting impotence. 2 This probably refers to an actual instance of apostasy and punishment.


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I66 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN comes late, and the head-man suggests that it is time for young men to be in bed. Some go out. One who is ambitious to learn remains, but says nothing. The smoking continues, and after a time few are left except the oldest men and the ambitious initiate. All the inmates of the house are asleep. The head-man inquires: "Why are you waiting here so late? It must be that you wish something." The youth replies that he desires to learn about the secrets of the fraternity. Then the old man begins to tell him a little of his lore, and for this the new member pays a small fee. At the next meeting the same thing is repeated, and the youth learns another secret, for which he pays. So it goes until he has received complete instruction. Initiation into a society is the fulfillment of a pledge made by a sick person to join the ranks of the shamans who heal him, or the penalty for trespass, whether intentional or not, upon a member engaged in esoteric rites. An interesting form of trespass may occur in connection with the killing of certain predatory animals. If a shaman and another man are hunting and the former shoots a cougar, a bear, or a wolf, and urges his companion to seize it, the latter, remembering the status of his friend, may refuse to touch it; or he may quickly moisten his finger, touch his red paint, and smear a line of it over each eye of the animal before actually taking hold of it. By so doing he avoids any liability to join the society. But if in the excitement of the moment or in a spirit of bravado he seizes the dead or dying animal before the shaman touches it, he is bound to join the society. The other at once sends word to his fellow members in the village to prepare the altar for a dance and an initiation. The two hunters then skin the animal and cut off the flesh. The society members approach, ceremonially clothed and painted, and accompanied by many non-society people. The whole procedure is like that of greeting a successful war-party. They take pieces of the meat and carry them to the village, some impaling them on long staffs and holding them aloft like scalps. The skin and the flesh are taken to the lodge-room after a march four times around the village. Meanwhile the pledged initiate's female relatives are preparing to cook the flesh; and from the lodge-room, after the members have sprinkled meal on it and sung, it is taken to the other house and the women cook it. Next morning at sunrise they bring it to the society house, and the members eat it and pile the bones in a basket.' The skull is 1 Darwin, Voyage of the Beagle, says of the cougar: "The meat is very white, and remarkably like veal in taste."


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ZUNI I67 painted red above the eye-sockets, and eagle-feathers are attached to it. Two boys and a girl are chosen from outside the fraternity membership. The former wear deerskin caps and deerskin robes in the manner of the war-gods, and the girl is dressed in the usual female costume, but with an eagle-feather on her head. She carries the basket containing the skull, and the two boys have war-clubs in the right hand and bow and arrows in the left. They proceed around the village, a boy leading, the girl following, and the other boy bringing up the rear and swinging a bullroarer. After completing the rounds of the village they go to Corn mountain and place the bones in a shrine in the western face of the cliff. The hunter becomes the ceremonial father of the new initiate, and gives him his own mile-, an ear of corn surrounded with feathers, which is kept, carefully wrapped up, suspended in the individual's house. This fetish is the emblem of fraternity membership. If a member is absent from the village at a time when the society meets, the fraternity chief sends for the absentee's miule and stands it in its accustomed place in the altar. A new member, as soon after his initiation as possible, must engage the fraternity chief to make a new fetish to replace that of his ceremonial father.


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Mythology
VOL. XVII-22


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MYTHOLOGY 1 Poseyemo
2 At Posii [now a ruin at Ojo Caliente in northern New Mexico] lived an old woman and her granddaughter. They were very poor. The people despised them, and children would throw stones at their house and scatter refuse about it. When the cacique announced that it was time to move to the pinion camp, the girl said that she too would go. Her grandmother tried to dissuade her: "You are poor, you have only rags. Nobody likes you. Who will bring you wood and water?" Nevertheless the girl followed the others at a distance up toward Rattlesnake mountain. At noon as she rested alone she heard a voice. She looked up and saw a handsome young man. He asked, "Where are you going?" "I am going to gather pinion-nuts." "Do not go," he said. "Will you take some pifions from me?" "Yes," she said. "How many rooms have you?" "Two," she answered. "Take these nuts," he said. "Swallow one, and throw one of the others into each room of your house. Close the door, and do not open it until morning." She agreed, took the three pifion-nuts, and swallowed one. She returned to the village and tossed a nut into each room and closed the door. Night came, and they slept outside. Early in the morning the girl was astir and went quickly to the house. She found both rooms full of pifions. Four days later she bore a child. In four days he crept, in six days he walked, on the eighth day he killed a woodrat with a little bow made by the old woman. At twelve days of age he killed rabbits, and at fourteen he went hunting antelope. A man spoke to him from behind a bush: "Come here, my son. What are you hunting?" "I came to hunt antelope, but my arrows are small, my bow is weak." "I have brought you a quiver full of good arrows," said the man, "a quiver of cougarskin. With these you will kill anything. My son, you have no name. You will take this name, Posehweve. I, Sun, am your father." The boy went home, and on the way killed an antelope. He told his grandmother what had occurred, and she said, "We will call you Poseyemo, because the woman who bore you is stronger than Sun." 3 1 See pages II3-I23 for the Zufii origin and migration myth. 2 A Tewa myth. 3 No explanation of this change of name was offered by the narrator. Poseyemo means "dew dripping." Another version of the myth pictures the girl resting under a pifion tree. Water drips from its branches into the bosom of her ragged dress, she conceives, and the child is therefore called Poseyemo, a name much more frequently heard than Posehweve. Posii, where the hero was born, is sometimes called Poseg6, apparently from the circumstance of its being his birthplace. Conceivably his name was changed by a similar method to connect with some such place-name as Pose-yemo-gi ("dew drip at") - a theoretical name - and the "dew dripping" version of the myth came into being to account for the new name. Poseyemo is said to have introduced many of the Tewa customs. The myth has become inextricably involved with the Montezuma legend, and by English- and Spanish-speaking natives Poseyemo is usually called by the name of the Aztec chief, whose favorite Malinche is also I71


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I72 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The War-gods Destroy Tsimayo
In a cave on the north side of Tinyo [a precipitous, basaltic hill north of San Ildefonso] lived the giant Tsi-may6 ["obsidian chief"]. He had a huge oven on the summit beside the trail. He devoured people. One step carried him to San Ildefonso, three steps to Santa Clara, and with an armful of children he would return to roast them in his oven. One day the T6wa-6 ["people small" - the war-gods] were playing near the hill. They had come down from Sipofene for the purpose of killing the monster. When the giant went to San Ildefonso, they followed him. He tried to catch them, but they eluded him. Finally they drove him to Shdma [the volcanic mesa south of the village at the beginning of the gorge of the Rio Grande]. There they destroyed him, and smoke was belched forth from Shuma, from Tsimay6 [Chimayo mountain northeast of the village], from a large cave in a northern mountain, and from the cave in Tnyo. 2 Antelope Races with Hawk
At Perage lived an old woman with her grandson, a little boy. One day he asked her to make a bow, arrows, and bread, for he intended to hunt deer. The old woman wept: "What can you do? You are only a child. Something will eat you." "Well, grandmother," he said, "I will try. We are poor; we have little food. I must do what I can." So she made what he wished, and the next morning he set out with the prayer-sticks she had prepared for him. He soon reached the forested mountains, and at once planted the sticks. In the afternoon he found a herd of deer, which came running toward him. They came close, and a buck stopped, threw up its head, and gazed at him. His bow twanged, and the animal fell dead. He flayed it with his obsidian knife, cut off as much meat as he could carry, and packed it home. His grandmother rejoiced. The next day he killed a turkey, the third day some rabbits. On the fourth morning, not far from the village, he saw two men coming up behind him. He sat down on a stone to wait. "Where are you going?" they asked. He told them he was hunting, and they asked if he wished to race. He agreed, and they said that he might have four days in which to prepare. He inquired who would run for them, and they told him it would be Hawk. "I will have Antelope," he decided. "Good! If you win, we will become snakes, and if we win we will kill you!" "Good!" said the boy, and turned homeward to inform his grandmother what had occurred. "My little boy," she cried, "what shall we do now? You are only a child, and what can you do?" "Anyway, I am going to race, for I have promised." He told her to make prayer-sticks and give smoke and meal to them, so that he could make offerings. The next day he took the prayer-sticks and meal and prayed to the Antelope, and gave them the offerings. The next day he went forth again. Butterfly fluttered up to him and said: "I see that you are sad, that you are in trouble. I will help you. Follow me; I will take you to my house." Among the hills they came to a large rock and a trickling spring. She told him to enter. "How can I get in?" he asked. "Why, walk right in." "But there is no door," he said. Butterfly opened a doorway right through the solid rock and the boy went in. She told him to sit down, and then asked what was going on in his village. When he explained the wager he had made, she assured him that he need not fear. "Go home," she said, "and tomorrow come to the place where I met you today." The boy went home comforted. often named in this connection. Poseyemo, his work completed, departed southward, and now lives in a stone house in the midst of a lake (Mexico City and the lake). It is firmly believed that he will one day return to revive the ancient order of things. 1 This and the tale next following are Tewa. 2 All these mountains, hills, and mesas are of volcanic origin, and the tale points to the existence of the Tewa in this region when the craters were still active.


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MYTHOLOGY I73 The next morning he returned to the meeting-place and was led again to Butterfly's house. She left him waiting there, but soon returned with Antelope Boy. "Here is Antelope Boy," she said. "Take him home, but let no one see him until tomorrow." At home he concealed Antelope Boy in a back room, and while he ate, the two men came to inquire if he were ready for the next day's race. He asked what time they would begin, and they said, "We will start in the morning immediately after breakfast." His grandmother was praying to all the Okuwa [cloud-gods] for help. The next morning the men returned and proposed that they run four times around the mountain south of San Ildefonso. So it was agreed, and the race began. Hawk was very swift, and gained steadily. But on the second round clouds began to appear, and during the third circuit a heavy rain fell. Soon Hawk's feathers were so wet that he was unable to fly, and Antelope Boy passed him and won the race. The two men immediately became the first snakes. Shitsukye An Telapnawe, Shitsukye His Stories
1 South of the lake in which lived the KaTkka [gods] in their village Ka-hluala-wa ["god village at"] were the Raven people, and still farther south was a large spring called Ky'amakya. It happened that both the Ravens and the Kakka went to Ky'amakya to hunt deer. The Raven men made their circle with two paces between each two hunters, and the Kakka drew their circle in the same way, neither party aware of the presence of the other until the two circles intersected. When the hunters began to contract their lines, the Ravens and the Kakka found themselves in confusion, and no deer were killed. The parties quarreled, and returned to their homes. The Ravens went into their kiva to decide what they should do against the Kakka. The head-man thought it best to round up all the deer, antelope, mountain-sheep, hares, rabbits, and packrats. The second chief said, "Let us call on our great grandfather, Porcupine." So a messenger was despatched to Porcupine, who came to the council and asked what they wished to say. When they explained their plan, he said, "I can do it for you, if you will get your old grandfather, Spider." When two warriors had brought Spider, Porcupine made a corral by thrusting his quills into the ground, and the Ravens drove in all the deer. He made another corral, and they drove in all the antelope, and into a third they drove the mountainsheep. The fourth was for hares, the fifth for rabbits, the sixth for packrats. When all the animals had been fenced in, Spider wove his net over the tops of the corrals, so that nobody could see what was in them. Now the Kdkka were unable to find any game tracks. At the end of a year they were reduced to boiling deerskins, and after another year they began to cut off the tops of their moccasins. One evening at the end of the third year Shifiukye sat outside his house at Shipapulima looking toward the west. He had a handful of corn and a few seeds of squash and beans, but no meat. He saw lightning in the southwest. A small cloud was visible. But all around him the earth was parched, because since the animals had disappeared there had been no rain. He said to himself: "I will go down to the southwest. If it is raining there, I will plant this corn." In the morning he took the bowl containing his medicine-water and his bag of seed and set forth toward the place where he had seen the cloud and the lightning. In one hand was a yucca-root, and in the other his hilem-tunununanng ["board thunder" - bullroarer, a ceremonial instrument for inducing rain by simulating the sound of thunder]. The next morning he dipped his thunder-slat into the medicine-water and scattered it in the cardinal directions in the order observed by the Big Fire society. Then he whirled it, and went on. Each morning he did this. In the afternoon of the fifth day he reached a place where rain had recently fallen. Water was still running along the ground. He went a little farther to a region of small canions. There was a large cave, and before it a broad, level piece of ground where the water had spread and washed away all vegetation. He set down his medicine-bowl and his bag of seed and found a suitable cave. When he returned for the bowl, he observed that a small pool had formed about it in his brief absence. He was pleased, and he planted his seed around the pool. Then he returned to the cave to sleep. He had nothing to eat. His crops flourished. When the plants were about half-grown, he went away a short 1 A Zufni myth. Perhaps it involves a play on the words kdkka (gods) and k6kko (ravens).


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I74 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN distance to look over the country. From the top of a hill he saw a creek lined with aspens. He went a little farther and saw two girls standing in the water. He hid behind a tree and watched. They stood on some deerskins in the water and washed them, at intervals looking carefully about as if to see whether they were observed. Shifsuky6 began to creep down closer to them, and one of them, looking up suddenly, caught sight of him. She turned and spoke to her sister. Then she beckoned to him, and Shifsuky6 went forward. She asked, "What are we doing?" "I know what you are doing. I know it." "Well, I want to hear what we are doing." "You are washing deerskins." The girl appeared frightened, and asked, "Are you sure?" "Yes, of course I am sure, I was watching you a long time." "Where are the skins?" "Under the water. You are standing on one." "You may be mistaken." "No," he said, "there is no mistake. I saw your deerskin and I saw your sister's also. You washed the skins a while, you looked around, and when you saw nobody you went on washing them." Then the girl fell silent. The elder said: "Yes, we were washing skins. Where are you from; where is your home?" "I am of Shipapulima, far in the east. It is very dry there, and I had nothing to eat. I ate my moccasins and my leggings." And he told them how he had happened to come to the southwest, and had planted his seeds, the like of which they knew not. "And then," he concluded, "I came hither and saw you washing the deerskins." He removed the remnants of his moccasins, waded into the water, and drew out the skins. The girl said: "Do not tell about this. Three years ago our people were hunting deer one day, and the Kakka were hunting in the same place. The circles became mixed, and the people fought. Then our people drove all the animals into corrals, where they have been kept until now. At night the people visit the corrals, and my sister and I, having charge of all the animals, give to each family one from each corral. If you will come along with us and be our husband, you shall have charge of the animals." She turned to her sister and asked, "What do you think?" And the other answered, "We both will marry this man." He said, "Let me wash those skins." So he began to wash them. As he worked, he saw a very small bit of meat adhering to a skin. He pulled it off with his teeth and ate it. The elder girl said, "It is too bad that this man should have to eat that kind of meat." "Well," said the other, "go home and get food for him." So the elder went up the stream a short distance and brought back dried meat, and Shitfuky6 came out of the water and ate; and almost at once he dropped as if dead. After a time he revived and ate again. And again he fainted. Four times this occurred, and then he was able to eat heartily. Having finished, he resumed the washing of the skins, and the girls watched him. When this was done, they led him up the stream to the house, and their parents agreed that he should be their husband. At dusk that evening he went up to the corrals with the people of the village and gave to each family one animal of each kind. He observed that rain had dropped through the nets and kept the grass growing in the corrals. After closing the gates, he returned to the house of his wives, and killed and skinned his animals. The next morning his father-in-law said, "Make moccasins and leggings for yourself." In another room Shitquky6 saw deerskins hanging; and of the best one he made moccasins, and of two small ones leggings. He cut off two deertails and hung them from his ears. On the fifth morning he said that he was going to inspect his field, and his wives wished to accompany him. The crops were now ripening, and they plucked and ate some corn. The girls had never seen corn, squashes, and beans. The next morning Shifsuky6 went alone to his field, and at night returned home. On the seventh morning he went again, taking meat for his meal. He walked among his ripening crops and then went to lie down in the cave. After a time he began to eat his meat. Suddenly he saw a shadow on the floor. He was startled. Quickly he concealed the meat under his knees. An old man came up the stone steps and placed a foot in the cave. It was Pautiwa, chief of the Kakka.


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MYTHOLOGY 175 "Sit down," said Shiftukye. The old man asked, "Why, my son, do you live here?" "Yes, I am staying here." "How do you come here?" " I lived at Shipapulima." And Shifsukye went on to tell how he had come to the southwest. "It must be that you have a good living," suggested Piutiwa. "Yes, I live on what you see there." "It must be that you have some kind of meat." "No, I eat no flesh." "It must be that you have a wife." "No, I have no wife." "Well, my son, it must be that you have a wife, for you look like a man who has a woman. You are contented." "No, I have no wife. I have nothing to do with women." "My son, just tell me how you live. I used to have a handsome wife, but now she is thin and sick. If she had food she would be handsome again." "But I have no wife; I have nothing to do with women. I am all alone here." "Perhaps you eat meat. Look at your new moccasins and leggings and ear-pendants. Look at my moccasins and leggings, how different. It must be that you have meat. My son, tell me." "Well, yes, my father. Some time ago you went hunting." "Yes," said Paiutiwa. "And what about the Ravens?" "They hunted the same day," answered the old man. "And what was the trouble?" "There was fighting because the two circles became mixed." "Well, that is the reason the Ravens have confined all the animals. And I know where they are." "My son, if you are the head-man in this, you had better take out the animals, and I will bring my daughter and she shall be your wife." "Good! Tomorrow night we will give deer and other animals to everybody." "And tomorrow night I will bring my daughter." "Then here is meat, my father." And Shitiuky6 gave Pautiwa meat, which the old man at once began to eat. Four times he fainted before he could eat his fill. The next morning Shitfuky6 went to his field, and Pautiwa came in the form of a mallard drake and his daughter in the form of a small duck. The pair settled on the little pool in the middle of the cornfield. They removed their duck-skins and went up to the cave. Shifiuky6 was lying down. He said, "Sit down." He looked at the girl. She was thin, nothing but bones and skin. From a hole in the rock he took venison, which he gave them. They ate, and the girl fell unconscious four times in the course of her meal. Pautiwa said: "My son and my daughter, I must go home. My daughter, you will stay with this man; he is your husband." He said to Shiftukye: "Do the best you can. Release the deer as quickly as possible. We have not had meat in four years." Then the old man went home to Kahlualawa, and the girl remained with Shiftukye. When the afternoon was well gone, he said: "Remain here, and do not sleep. I will go now, and tonight I will release the animals. If the Ravens come, do not let them eat the corn. Drive them away." Shitsukye went to the Raven's house. In his medicine-bag he had images of Mountainlion, Wolf, Coyote, Badger, Wildcat, and Owl. His wives asked: "Why are you worried? Why are you not happy?" "I am tired from working, that is all," he said. That evening he went to the corrals, and each family came for its food. To each he gave a deer, and then he took out one for himself. To his wives he said: "Take this deer home while I close the gate." As soon as they had gone, he rattled the sticks of the gate, and the deer, smelling the mountain-lion in the medicine-bag, began to run round and round in the corral. He said, "Be quiet, my sons and daughters." They became quiet. Then he placed the image of Mountain-lion at the gate and said to it: "When these deer get out, if you catch


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176 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN one that will be the way you will live hereafter. If you do not, that will be your fault and you will never live on venison." Then he went to the next corral and gave an antelope to each family and one to his wives, telling them to take it home. He went through the same procedure here, except that he placed at the gate the image of Wolf. At the mountain-sheep corral he placed Coyote, at the jack-rabbit corral Wildcat, at the cottontail rabbit corral Badger, and at the packrat corral Owl. Then he went home and killed and flayed his animals, working late into the night. When all the families were in bed, Shifsukye sat down by the fireplace, where the embers still glowed. When all were asleep he made a hole among the embers with a stick, placed in it some lumps of beeswax, and covered them. The hot wax began to pop like burning salt, and at that instant the deer sprang out of their corral and Mountain-lion, with one leap, caught a deer and killed it. He made a hole in the side of the animal and ate the liver, then left the body lying and went away to the north. Wolf gave chase to one of the antelope when they broke out, but when it was nearly exhausted another antelope cut in between it and Wolf, and so it escaped. Thus the chase continued all night, one antelope relieving another; but at dawn Wolf caught one and killed it. Coyote had the same difficulty with the mountain-sheep, and when the sun rose he had not killed his animal. He went down to the deer left by Mountain-lion and sucked blood from it. So to this day coyotes do not kill their own game. Wildcat killed his jack-rabbit with one spring, Badger pursued a cottontail rabbit to a burrow and caught his prey. Owl swooped down upon-his packrat quickly and without difficulty. By magic Shifsukye turned the Ravens into birds, which croaking flapped away toward his cornfield. The girl at the mouth of the cave shouted, to frighten them away, and from one side to the other they flew. Then Shifsukye came and drove them off. Now the animals were spread over the country, and Shifsukye gathered his corn, beans, and squashes, and stored them in his cave. From each ear of corn he took one grain, from each pod one bean, from each squash one seed, and placed all in a bag. He took his medicine-bowl and went with his wife to live at Kahlualawa. A Youth Destroys Achiyalatapa
1 The daughter of a Shiwanni at Matsaki would never go abroad nor receive attentions from young men. Some people from Hawikuh visited Matsaki during a ceremony, and among them were some unmarried men. During the dance the girl happened to glance out through her micacovered window and saw one of these youths leaning against a house, with bow and arrows in his hand. "Mother," she said, "make a hampone [shade] on the roof. I am going outside." "Why, my daughter, you never go outside! What is the matter?" " I want to see the dance," she said. So the shade was built on the roof, and the girl sat under it. Two mds anna, a boy and a girl, whose duty it was to see that the people danced, came to her and said, "Come down and dance." She said to the boy, "If I come down, I want to dance with that boy who has the bow and arrows." So he went to the youth and said, "Well, my boy, come and dance." The youth answered, "I am ashamed to dance." The mdssdnna said, "But that girl on the roof wishes to dance with you." So the boy leaned his bow and arrows against the wall and went to dance with the girl. They danced until sunset, and both were weary. She said, "Come to my house." So they went in and ate, and the youth remained. He was her husband. After four days his grandmother thought that he must have been killed, but she was too old to search for him. And on the fourth day the girl's father said, "Go now with your husband and live in his house four days." To this proposal the young man agreed, and they filled a bag with meal and started southwestward toward Hawikuh. As they passed through a clump of junipers the girl stepped aside for a moment. A man came down out of the sky and sat in front of her. He said, "Jump on my back." "No," she said, "my husband is right there." "Well, jump on my back anyway," he said, "or I will cut your throat with this knife." He showed a great long knife. So she obeyed, and he commanded her to close her eyes and carried her into the sky. 1A Zuni myth.


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MYTHOLOGY 177 A long time the young man waited for his wife there among the junipers. At last he called, "Hurry!" There was no answer. "Hurry and come!" Still no answer. He put down his bag of meal and followed her trail. He found the prints of a man's feet, and knew that someone had taken his wife. Weeping, he went home. He told his grandmother all that had happened, and she wept with him. After a time she said, "Get out your beads." He brought out his beads - coral, turquoise, shell. The old woman shelled an ear of white corn, mixed the beads with the grains, and ground them into meal, which she gave to him, saying: "Do not cry. Go back to the place tomorrow with this meal." The next morning he stood on the spot where the man had stood, and tossed a pinch of meal upward. It made a path of light, by which he could see clearly into the sky. He followed this road, and at the top of the trail he threw another pinch, which created another road upward. So he continued until he came to a small round door leading through the blue sky, through which he passed into the world above. There he found the man's trail leading northward. Spider Boy saw him coming and ran down into the dry lake where he lived, and said to his mother, "A man is coming." She said: "Why, that is your grandson. Bid him enter." When the youth came up, Spider Boy greeted him, "Oh, are you here?" The youth saw no one, but he replied: "Yes, I am here. But where are you?" "Oh, here I am." The grass was shaken, and the youth said, "I see you now." Spider Boy took him to the floor of the dry lake, and crept into one of the numerous cracks in the ground. The youth said, " I cannot get in there." "Put your feet in the crack, and there will be a door for you." He obeyed, and the crack was at once large enough to admit him. He found himself in a house, where many Spiders were spinning. They were like people, but they wore Spider masks. One said, "Wait while we make you a shield, for when you come to the house of the man who has taken your wife, he will try to kill you." They wove a shield for him, and said, "As soon as you recover your wife, run back here with her." So he went on. He came to a pine in which were many little Porcupines. One of them ran up the tree to the house and told his mother, "Somebody is coming." She replied: "That is your grandson. Call him in." The Porcupine Boy went down and led the youth up the tree, and the old Porcupine said: "You are looking for your wife. She passed here two days ago. Wait here, for we will help you." She climbed down the tree and got some pifion-gum, of which she made a shirt and a stool. She said: "When you enter that man's house, you will see a shirt hanging. Take it, and leave this one in its place. And in the place of his stool leave this one." Then he went on his way. When he came to a clump of K6sa-fsanna ["salty small" - a kind of shrub], one of the little K6safsanna told his mother and was directed to bring him in. They placed water in a bowl and washed their bodies, and rubbed off a handful of epidermis, which they gave to him. "When you come to the stream ahead, you will find it full of rattlesnakes. Rub this on your legs, and they will not harm you. Do this at all the streams you encounter." So he went on again. He came to the creek, removed his clothing, mixed a bit of the epidermis with water in his hand, and rubbed it on his body. He crossed, and the snakes bit at him but only injured their fangs. The next stream was full of what seemed to be driftwood, but was really many sharp knives. These only blunted their edges when they struck at him. The third stream was filled with sharp needles, which also were broken by contact with him; and the fourth was choked with jagged ice, but it could not harm him. On the edge of an arroyo a dead man lay and called to him, "Come here!" The youth went to the body, and it broke off two ribs from its left side and two from its right side, and of them made four shdliw~ ["canes"-stick dice], which it gave to him. "As soon as you come into the house of that man," said the corpse, "you will see his shdliwe lying in a niche. Take them and leave these in their place." Now for the first time the youth was told that the man who had stolen his wife was Achiyalitapa [" knife wing"]. Soon he met Gopher, who told him that he would help by extending his burrow to the home of Knife Wing and gnawing off the roots of the trees, so that when Achiyalitapa should try to kill him with too much food, the youth would simply stuff it into the burrow, and Gopher would carry it away; and when the youth should strike a tree it would fall to the ground. VOL. XVII-23


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I78 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Then the youth raised his spider-web shield to conceal himself from Knife Wing and went on to the house. He saw that the foot of the ladder was guarded on one side by a cougar and on the other by a bear. So he rubbed his body with the ball of cuticle, and when they bit at him they only broke their teeth. He mounted the ladder. The rungs were obsidian knives, but his touch broke great nicks in their sharp edges. At the top of the ladder were a wolf and a wildcat, but they broke their teeth on his body, as did the two great rattlesnakes that guarded the bottom of the ladder leading down into the house. He saw a shirt hanging there, and he took it, leaving the pinon-gum shirt in its stead. He took the stool and the fhdliww, and substituted the others. Then he went into the next room and found many girls from various pueblos, whom Knife Wing had stolen for his wives. One of them said, "Call his wife from the back room." Someone went and soon returned with the young man's wife. She had not yet become the wife of Achiyalatapa, for he always kept his captives four days before marrying them. She was weeping. Then Achiyalatapa came home. He saw his knives ruined and his guards lying half dead and spiritless. He entered the house and saw the young man, and said: "Oh, you must be very clever. You have spoiled my ladder and my guards." "No, you are the clever one, you stealer of women!" "Wait!" cried Knife Wing. "We will see who is clever. We will see who is the better man. The stronger one shall take all these women." He ordered some of the women to make a fire in the kiva, and when they returned to report that it had been done, he said, "We will go to the kiva and see what we can do." He took the Tahliwe, the ones made of the dead man's ribs, from the ledge. On the floor of the kiva lay a buffalo-skin, and from the roof-beams hung willow baskets. He said, "Hurry, cast your shdaliw at those baskets." "No," said the youth, "you are the one who is doing this. You throw first." So Achiyalatapa threw his fhdliwe. They struck a basket, and down fell a corpse. Greatly astonished, he said, "Never has it happened thus!" Then the youth threw his lhdliwe, and when they struck a basket, down came a number of masked dancers of every description, who at once began to flog Achiyalatapa with yucca whips. "Hurry, pick up your Adhliwe!" he cried. But the youth was very deliberate, and not until he had picked up the last one did the dancers disappear within the basket. "You are too clever," said Knife Wing. "Let us go out." Many trees surrounded the place, and he said, "See if you can pull up those trees." The youth said: "Well, I will try. You know that no man can pull them out with one hand." Then he threw one arm against a tree and it fell to the ground. He went about knocking all the others over, and Achiyalatapa said, "You are too clever!" Next he ordered his wives to bring food for the visitor, and they brought to the plaza many baskets of food of every kind. The youth sat down over the place where Gopher had made his burrow, and one after another he emptied the baskets, dropping the food into the hole, while Gopher carried it away. Now Achiyalatapa had two large piles of wood placed in the plaza, and he mounted to the top of one, sitting on what he supposed was his ice stool and wearing, as he thought, his ice shirt. But on the other pile sat the youth on the ice stool, wearing the ice shirt. Fire was applied to the fuel, and as the smoke and flames rose, Achiyalatapa began to sing. He asked, "How far are you burning?" "Up to the ankles," replied the youth, although he was not burning at all; for as the flames rose about him he would flick from his fingers the water of his melting ice shirt. But Knife Wing, going through the same motions in the belief that he was wearing the ice shirt, was flicking pifion-gum on the flames and only making them higher and hotter. Again he asked, "How high are you burning now?" "Up to the knees," answered the youth. After the third song of Achiyalatapa and the third repetition of his question, the youth answered, "Up to the waist." Then Knife Wing said, "I have burned to the same place." After the fourth song the young man said he was burning to the middle of the chest, and the next time to the neck; and each time Achiyalatapa confessed that he was burning to the same place. Then the youth sang and asked, "How far have you burned now?" But there was no reply. Again and again he put the question, and when for the fourth time there was no answer, he extinguished the fire. He ran to the house


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MYTHOLOGY 179 and called the women. They hurried forth and ran away with him. As they fled they heard an explosion, and the youth said, "Now your husband is coming!" Soon a tremendous whirlwind overtook them. They sought refuge with Spider, who hung up her web, and the wind, though it hurled great rocks against it, did no harm. At sunset the storm ceased, and Achiyalatapa came down in the form of a man, without his tail and wings of knives. He wished to return with the youth to Hawikuh, but the request was refused. He begged, "Let me come, and I will be Water-jar." "No, when the women took you to the spring, you would seduce them." "Let me come. I will be Bread-bowl." "No, they would be touching you all the time." He proposed to be Cooking-pot, Urinal, Broom, Metate, and finally he said, "Well, I will go with you anyway and be Morning Star." To this the youth consented. He cut off the head of Achiyalatapa and threw it into the sky, and it became the morning star. The heart became the evening star, and the intestines various other stars. The next morning the Spiders made baskets and lowered the youth and the women down to the earth. He cautioned the women to remain indoors four days, and to see that all the others did likewise. During those four days the air was filled with flying stones [hail], thrown from the burning body of Achiyalitapa. The Acoma people disregarded the warning and many were struck in the eyes, which is the reason there are so many one-eyed people in that pueblo. Tsuya, Hummingbird
1 Tsuya and his grandmother lived at Amitala-tepoula ["rainbow cave"] at Corn mountain. One evening he said, "I am going to Kiakima to see what the people are doing." He put on his hummingbird coat and flew away. He was so small that people seldom saw him. Near the spring he removed his feathered coat, and soon the daughter of the Kyaqlmassi came for water. Now it was the desire and ambition of every youth to marry her, but all were afraid, because of her father's position. So when she came now to the spring and saw a youth sitting on a stone, she filled her jar without a word. He asked for a drink, and she gave him a cup of water. When he returned the dipper, a little water remained in it. She threw it on him, and laughed. The other young men who stood at a distance, watching, wondered why she was laughing, and they looked closely to see who was the youth with whom she talked. The girl said, "Let us go home." He agreed, and followed her toward the houses, while the young men were questioning one another, "Who is that?" But none knew. The two went through a narrow alley and stood talking at the foot of a ladder. After a time the boy said, "Well, I think I will be going home." "Yes," she said. "Tomorrow come to the spring again." She climbed the ladder, and Tsuya magically resumed his feathers and disappeared. The watchers could not see what became of him. The next day about the same hour Tsuya carried to the spring a bowl of honey mixed with sunflower pollen. Again he accompanied the girl to her house, and again they stood talking at the foot of the ladder. The other boys came close, eager to know who the stranger was. When it was time to go, he gave her the bowl of honey and pollen, which she found very good. She distributed it among the members of her household, and they said: "You had better marry this boy. We would like to have this kind of food." On the following day the two met again, and when they came to the girl's house she invited him to enter. But he said: "No, I cannot take a wife. I have no deerskins nor blankets nor beads." "These things I do not want," she said. "I want that good food you gave me." "Then I will come to your house tomorrow night," he said. So then he departed, and the girl went up the ladder. When Tsuya told his grandmother that the daughter of the Kyaqlmassi wished to marry him, she said: "No. When you marry, you must give a woman many things. We have nothing." He answered, "The daughter of the Kyaqlmassi wants nothing except honey food." So she agreed. 1 A Zuiii myth.


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I80 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The next morning they rose at daylight, put on their hummingbird coats, and flew far to the south, where there were many sunflowers. All day they worked, and in the evening they returned and spread a deerskin over which they shook the pollen from their feathers. The honey they put in a large shell. Then the old woman mixed the honey and the pollen like dough, and placed a very large lump in a deerskin, which Tsuya carried to Kiakima. When the watching youths saw him climbing the ladder after the girl, they said: "It is too bad, she is taking a stranger. She will marry him." On the roof Ts6ya covertly lifted a stone and hid his feather coat, and then went down through the hatchway with the girl. The next night the young men, having learned that the stranger had married the daughter of the Kyiaqmassi, met in a kiva. They said to the Bow Chief: "Announce that four days from now we will go to Shiakya to take young parrots from the nests. Say that any man who does not go shall lose his wife." Soon after this announcement was made from the housetop, the younger brother of the girl came home crying. He said: 'They are saying that four days from now we will go for young parrots, and that they will throw my brother-in-law from the mesa and kill him, and then they will take my sister." His father said, "Oh, they are just talking." But Tsuya left the house. He took his bird-skin from the niche on the roof and flew swiftly to Shiakya. He went to the cave where the parrots were nesting. Parrot Woman asked, "What have you to say?" He explained the plot against him, and asked her help, which she promised to give. Then Tsuya went back, having been gone but a few minutes. On the fourth day the men set out, Tsiya behind the others. At Shiakya they made a yucca rope, and Tsuya agreed to go down for the young parrots. They tied the rope about him and lowered him over the cliff. As soon as he had disappeared they let the rope go, and down he fell. But Parrot Woman spread her broad tail out of the cave, and Tsuya lightly dropped upon it. She drew him into the cave. The men above went home and reported that he had been killed because the rope broke, and there was weeping in the house of the Kyaqlmassi. Parrot Woman carried her two children and Tsuya up to the mesa. "Take these my two children," she said, "and in four days bring them back." So he went home with the two birds. His wife was weeping bitterly. Someone was heard on the roof, and her father said, "It may be your husband!" "No, no," said his son, "he is dead." But the girl hurried up the ladder. There was her husband, with two parrots! The next morning at dawn he set the birds on the tips of the ladder poles. A young man came out of the kiva, saw them, and ran back. "Wake!" he cried. "He is not dead! He must have come home!" "Oh, that cannot be!" they said. "How could he come home when he was killed?" But when they saw the parrots on the top of the ladder, they were angry and chagrined. That night they had the Bow Chief announce that four days later the men would go to catch Bear's children, and anyone who did not help should lose his wife. Again the girl's brother brought news of the plot, and Tsuya went down to the cave in which Bear lived with her two children. "What do you wish to say?" she asked. He told her what the young men were planning, and she promised to help him. On the fourth day the men went to the cave. Volunteers to lead the attack were called for, but all refused except Tsuya. They advanced to the mouth of the cave, and pushed Ts6ya in. Bear seized him and thrust him behind her, then pursued the young men and killed several of them. That night Tsuya came home with two young bears, and in the morning he set them on the roof where the people could see them. Next it was proposed to hold a deer drive by means of fire. They would get Tsuya in the middle of the circle and burn him to death. When he learned of this plan, he went down to the place where the drive was to be held and secured the aid of Gopher. The hunters called for a man who would go to the centre of the hunting-ground and kill the deer when they ran from the fire. Tsuya consented to undertake it, and with a jar of water and a blanket he went into the woods. The others built fires around the space and permitted them to burn to the centre. But Ts6ya had taken refuge in Gopher's burrow, and when the fire was burned out he came forth and gathered up many roasted rabbits, which he strung on a withe and took home.


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MYTHOLOGY 181 The next plot was to have every man make a cage containing a wooden bird. It was to be painted and exposed in the plaza. Then when it rained, if anyone had succeeded in applying colors that would not be washed off, he should be regarded as the best man and should have the daughter of the Kyaqimassi. When his brother-in-law brought this news, Tsuya flew down to Kahlualawa and went into the water of the lake. The Kakka were dancing. Kyaklo said: "Stop! Our grandson has come. What do you wish to say, grandson?" Tsuya told them what was planned, and they promised him help, bidding him return in four days. The next day all the men busied themselves making cages and wooden birds. But Tsuya waited until the third day, and then made a very rough cage and smeared it with charcoal. On the following day the cages were hung in the plaza, and that of Tsuya was much derided. In the night he put on his bird-skin and flew to Kahlualawa. One after another the Kakka brough out for him four cages, each painted with the sacred color of the direction from which it was brought and containing a bird of that color. But all these he refused. Then they brought one from above, and it was of all colors and contained a bird of every color. This he took home, promising to bring it back in four days. He placed it in the plaza and removed the one he had made. About it he scattered corn, beans, and squash-seeds. In the night it rained heavily. The next morning the people came to the plaza to find it filled with growing things, and among the green plants a shining cage filled with bright, singing birds. But the other cages were colorless and silent. Then they promised that if Tsuya would consent to be locked up four days without food and water, and came out alive, they would call him father and his wife they would call mother. So he went again to Kahlualawa and was given seeds of the sunflower. These lie planted in the house where he was confined. They sprang up at once, and in his hummingbird coat he was able to live on the honey in the flowers. When at the end of four days they found him still alive, they gave up their attempts.


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Appendix



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APPENDIX Tribal Summary
The Tewa
LANGUAGE - Tanoan, which probably is related to Kiowa. POPULATION 1-The following data are from the 1924 census taken by the Office of Indian Affairs. Excepting at Taos and Santo Domingo, the work was a house-to-house inquiry. Taos 622 Picuris 105 San Juan 458 Santa Clara 339 San Ildefonso 97 Pojoaque 9 Nambe 119 Tesuque III Cochiti 267 Santo Domingo I054 San Felipe 526 Santa Ana 224 Sia 154 Jemez 580 Sandia 92 Isleta I003 Laguna (and outlying villages) 1901 Acoma 955 Zuni 2200 Summary Tanoan: 3535 Northern Tiwa 727 Southern Tiwa 1095 Jemez 580 Tewa 1133 Keres: 5o81 Eastern branch 2225 Western branch 2856 Zuni 2200 Total Pueblo, except Hopi IO816 DRESS - Men wore shirts and short trousers of deerskin, moccasins with rawhide soles, knee-length leggings, and loin-cloth. Woven garters with bright designs were worn below the knee. Yucca sandals and remnants of yucca-fibre cloth are found in ruins. The hair of men 1 For the sake of convenience the entire table of Pueblo population is repeated from Volume XVI. VOL. XVII-24 I85


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I86 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN was, and is, parted in the middle and it hung in two plaits, which sometimes were doubled up and bound with yarn. The dance-costume of men consists of a white cotton kilt, fringed at both ends, moccasins, anklets of skunk-fur, a turtle-shell rattle at the right knee, numerous long loops of beads about the neck, and a gourd rattle in the hand. Women wore sleeveless, one-piece, knee-length dresses of cotton (later blue-black wool) fastened above the right shoulder and leaving the left shoulder, both arms, and the lower legs exposed. A broad woven belt was wound twice about the waist. Ordinarily these were their only garments, and they are still seen. In suitable weather the feet usually were bare, but white deerskin moccasins with loose uppers reaching not quite to the knee are still used. The ceremonial garb of women consists of the woollen dress (now worn ove a commercial cotton undergarment), belt, and white moccasins to each of which is attached an entire deerskin to be wrapped round and round the lower leg. A fringed and embroidered robe of white cotton gives a finishing touch greatly admired. Woollen blankets (formerly robes of twined strips of rabbit-fur) are thrown about the shoulders by both sexes. The hair of women is cut square at the level of the eyes. DWELLINGS - Houses were formerly constructed of fragments of sandstone or of tuff, sometimes slightly shaped, or of adobe in wh ch stones were embedded like raisins in a pudding. (Adobe bricks, now used exclusively, were a Spanish innovation.) The puddle construction is frequently seen in protective walls. Adobe walls raised by means of wattle-work forms in successive tiers were not unknown. The rooms were small, and many had no outside opening except a diminutive ventilating hole. There were no doorways at the street level, access being by a ladder to the roof and by another down through a hatchway. The buildings rose to a height of several stories. The pueblos were agglomerations of cells, often in the form of an approximate rectangle surrounding a court, into which opened a limited number of narrow passages. Ease of defense was a prime consideration in choosing a site, laying out a groundplan, and erecting the houses. In many localities tiny caves were excavated in tuff cliffs. Separate establishments of the Mexican type are becoming common. The ceremonial chambers known as kivas were nearly subterranean and normally circular. The belief that these estufas, or "hot houses," as the Spanish called them, were the quarters of the unmarried men is erroneous. They served the purpose of a club-house, as well as a place of ceremonial activity; but they were not used as living quarters, though men did sometimes sleep there after passing a night in religious duties. PRIMITIVE FOODS- The Tewa cultivated corn, beans, and squashes, and corn was literally the staff of life. Two successive crop failures spelled famine. Among edible products of the field were acorns and pifions, chokecherries, berries of cedar, juniper, and sumac, plums, cactus fruit, and seedpods of Yucca baccata. The important food animals were rabbits, hares, and packrats. The rats were roasted without preparation, the charred skin was peeled off and the entire carcass, including intestines and small bones, was devoured. Small rabbits also were sometimes eaten in the same manner. A few of the old people still enjoy this sort of cookery. Rabbits, like deer, were taken in a communal drive in which the hunters formed a large circle and gradually converged. The larger food animals were antelope, nmule deer, whitetail deer, and mountain-sheep. Elk were less plentiful and have not been seen in this region for many years. Buffalo were killed on the plains of eastern New Mexico and western Texas. Badgers, beavers, and skunks, waterfowl and small birds were eaten. Unlike the Zufni, Hopi, Navaho, and Apache, the Tewa are not prevented by mythologic lore from eating fish. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES -Weaving, pottery, and basketry were important industries. Textile materials were native cotton and yucca-fibre thread, and baskets are still made of willow and strips of yucca-leaves. Weaving is now limited to such small articles as belts. Some excellent pottery is produced, but the glazed ware found in ruins is a lost art. Tewa basketry is rather crude. The primitive weapons were stone-tipped arrows, simple bows of cedar, cherry, oak, or elk-antler, obsidian knives and lance-heads, and stone-headed warclubs. Other implements of stone are metates, mullers, and hearths for baking wafer bread. Fire is said to have been generated by means of a flint-pointed drill operated on a hearth of the same material. Perhaps the hearth was iron pyrites, though it is difficult to believe that if fire could be produced by such means the Tewa should not have gone farther and discovered the simple method of striking flint with pyrites. Pump-drills are still used for piercing beads,


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TRIBAL SUMMARY I87 slightly curved sticks for bringing down rabbits. Boys play with leather slings. The musical instruments are drums, rattles, and four-hole flutes. The flat stick whirled at the end of a twisted thong is a ceremonial adjunct used for bringing rain-clouds by mimetic magic. GAMES - Tewa games fall into four classes: athletic contests, guessing games, dice play on the principle of pachisi, and games resembling checkers. Chief among athletic contests is the kicking-race, in which young men of each of two parties toss forward with the toes a short stick over a course miles in length. The race has ceremonial significance and is said to have been a favorite pastime of the war-gods. The principal guessing contest, the 'cup game," is usually played in the kivas in winter, and the object is to select in succession out of four cups those three that do not contain the marker. In the "stone play" forty pebbles are laid in a square, and the opponents cast four half-round stick dice and move their markers forward the number of spaces indicated by the cast. Many of the checker games simulate hunts, in the manner of our "fox and geese." POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION- Every Tewa pueblo has a number of so-called clans entirely disproportionate to its population. They are said by the natives to be "just like family names." Descent is patrilineal, but marriage within one of these groups is permitted. The clans are divided, more or less logically according to the implication of their names, between two ceremonial parties, Squash People and Turquoise People, or Summer and Winter People. At the head of each division is a priest commonly called cacique, who controls religious activities, and therefore inevitably though indirectly the daily life of the community, during his appropriate season. The Summer cacique is in charge from the end of February to the middle of October, the Winter cacique during the remainder of the year. Their ceremonial executives are the two war-chiefs, earthly representatives of the war-gods, officers who formerly were charged with guarding the pueblo from attack. Each cacique is the head of a religious society, which assists him in his ceremonial duties of "bringing back the sun" at the solstice and making offerings to the cloud-gods and other deities. The government is an absolute hierarchy. The civil officers, headed by the governor, are a heritage from early Spanish days, and their duties are to relieve the real rulers of such details as apportioning water, repairing irrigation canals, announcing community undertakings. They are not chosen by the populace, but are appointed by the caciques and are necessarily subservient to them. There is no political unity among the Tewa pueblos. RELATIONSHIP TERMS -The following were recorded at San Ildefonso. The system is characterized by extreme simplicity. There are really only twelve terms (and, strangely, two of this limited number are devoted to such distant relatives as the paternal grandfather's brother's child). Six relationships are expressed by adding e (" small," " child") to as many of the twelve terms; uncle, for example, calls his nephew or niece "uncle's child." The spouse's parents are designated by adding "old man" and "old woman" to the word indicating relationship by marriage, and son and daughter are simply "boy" and "girl." Reciprocal terms in the list are indicated by numerals in parentheses. I. tira, father (III, IV) II. yiya, mother (III, IV) III. enun ("boy"), son (I, II) IV. niiun ("girl"), daughter (I, II) V. tete, grandfather (VII) VI. sayi, grandmother (VIII) VII. tete-e ("grandfather child"), man's grandchild (V) VIII. sayi-e ("grandmother child"), woman's grandchild (VI) IX. tunuin, paternal grandfather's brother's son (XI) X. kii, paternal grandfather's brother's daughter (XII) XI. tunuin-e, man's paternal uncle's grandchild (IX) XII. kii-e, woman's paternal uncle's grandchild (X) XIII. pare, elder brother, elder sister (XIV) XIV. tiu, younger brother, younger sister (XIII) XV. ma'ma, uncle, elder male cousin (XVII) XVI. ko6, aunt, elder female cousin (XVIII) XVII. ma'm6-e ("uncle child"), man's nephew or niece, man's younger cousin (XV)


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I88 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN XVIII. ko6-e ("aunt child"), woman's nephew or niece, woman's younger cousin (XVI) XIX yaa-sendo ("by-marriage old-man"), father-in-law (XXI, XXII) XX. yaa-qiyo (" by-marriage old-woman"), mother-in-law (XXI, XXII) XXI. s6yingi, son-in-law (XIX, XX) XXII. saii, daughter-in-law (XIX, XX) XXIII. yaa (yaf-tiu, yaa-pare), brother-in-law, sister-in-law (XXIII) Inflection Singular Dual Plural First navi-yiya naimbi-yiya naimbi-yiya Second ubi-yiya imbi-yiya imbii-yiya Third ivi-yiya oimbi-yiya oimbii-yiya MARRIAGE - Motherhood before marriage was, and largely remains, the rule. Far from being disgraceful, it was encouraged. Like other Pueblos, the Tewa were nominally monogamists, but promiscuity of young and old, especially at the conclusion of a ceremony, was general. Chastity was an act of penance, or rather a preparation for ceremonial participation, to be abandoned in a general orgy when the rites were concluded. And these practices were even an indispensable part of some ceremonies. In order to marry a girl it was necessary to obtain the.consent of her parents, who called a family council. The two young people then visited the cacique of the current season, to receive an admonitory harangue. The bridegroom's relatives furnished the girl with a complete new costume, and the young man took up his residence with her people, a custom that indicates a former matrilineal system. The fact that Tewa women own the houses points in the same direction. MORTUARY CUSTOMS - Washed and clothed, a corpse was carried to a shallow grave in the hills, to be laid on the back with the feet northward toward fabled Sip6fene, where the people first came upon the upper world. A packet of food was deposited under the left arm; weapons, utensils, and trinkets were broken and placed in the grave. Four days later the relatives bathed, washed their hair, and put on fresh clothing as a sign that the period of sorrow was ended. Outward symbols of mourning were wanting, and names of the dead were not taboo. PUBERTY RITES - The rites commonly observed by Indians in connection with the arrival of a child at the age of puberty are represented among the Tewa by initiation into the order of masked dancers who personate the cloud-gods. Whatever may have been the ancient custom, the rite has now no relation to puberty, as it may occur years before that period or be deferred, in rare cases, to maturity. It is observed every seventh year, and consists essentially in the flogging of the children by masked men wielding bundles of yucca-leaves. The male initiates are thereafter eligible to participation in the masked dances. SHAMANS -The treatment of disease is the function of a secret fraternity, the Puf6nu. At some, if not all, of the Tewa pueblos there are two orders of this society, or perhaps two distinct societies, called Tewa Bears and Keres Bears. Candidates for the latter are initiated at some one of the Keres pueblos. Treatment of sickness begins with the arranging of an altar - a meal design surrounded by feathered corn-ear fetishes, small stone effigies of bears, cougars, and other animals, bear-paws, flints, bits of crystals, and a bowl of medicine-water. While placing these objects and dropping the medicine - roots, leaves, pulverized shells the shamans constantly sing. They proceed to slap the patient with the bear-paws, which they wear on their hands and forearms, simulating the action of this powerful animal, and then pretend to suck from his body various foreign objects, which they spit into a bowl, to be cast away into the river. An autumnal rite for ridding the entire population of sickness follows the same procedure, and has the additional feature of the capture of a sorcerer, a rag doll which is burned before the spectators. Vegetal remedies are prescribed for sickness patently due to natural causes, but only by the shamans. WARFARE - The Tewa were inveterate enemies of the Keres, whom in prehistoric times they drove from their cliff-dwellings at Rito de los Frijoles to an ultimate refuge on Potrero Viejo and other easily defended mesas. A disastrous assault of the potrero terminated the war with their southern neighbors. In historic times the stored food and comparative wealth


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TRIBAL SUMMARY 189 of the Tewa induced frequent raids by the Navaho. Tewa, Ute, and Jicarilla Apache once united against invading Kiowa and Comanche. With the possible exception of the Keres war, Tewa military operations were confined to defense of their homes and fields, and brief retaliatory raids. Scalps were taken and given into the custody of the Scalpers' society, to be ceremonially washed (in order to appease the ghosts by the common Pueblo initiation rite of head-washing), danced with, and kept in a room of the leader's house. Warriors wore closefitting leather caps, and their weapons were arrows, clubs, and thrusting spears. As usual, their distinguishing paint was black. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES -The religious life of the Tewa is concerned with bringing sufficient rain and snow for their crops, increasing the supply of game, and warding off the malevolence of sorcerers. To these ends numerous ceremonies are performed, and feathered prayer-sticks and sacred meal are offered, not only at the shrines of the deities but anywhere in the fields and the mountains. Chief of these deities are the Clouds, Okuwa, who dwell in the great subterranean lake of which all visible bodies of water are mere openings, and who are represented in ceremonies by men wearing fantastic masks of various kinds. The dwarf wargods, the celestial bodies, thunder and lightning, the Corn Maids, and various animals ceremonially associated with the six world-regions, are all supplicated. A pair of large rattlesnakes were formerly kept in every Tewa village or in a den in the adjacent hills, and were ceremonially fed and venerated. The purpose of this cult was to placate the rattlesnakes so that people would not be bitten, and to make the people as prolific as snakes. In some pueblos the practice continued until very recently, and possibly it still exists. Excepting the cult of the cloud-gods, in which all males participate, the principal Tewa ceremonies are the function of eight 1 secret societies. Two of these are concerned with supplications to Sun at the incidence of the solstices, to insure his return from south or north; two perform as clowns and incite the spectators to sexual activity; two are charged with the duty of maintaining abundance of game and food-bearing plants respectively; one cures disease and exorcises sorcerers; one formerly had charge of the war-dance, the scalp trophies, and the placation of the ghosts of slain enemies. These societies do not function separately; that is, while the group in charge of a ceremony is engaged in its rites, others are assisting by engaging in prayer, song, or dance, either in their own quarters or as a group in the body of public dancers. The societies that initiate the solstice ceremonies are headed by the Summer and the Winter caciques respectively, who occupy the highest positions in the pueblo. Besides the cults of the cloud-gods and the secret societies, there are numerous ceremonies that culminate in public dancing for the purpose of bringing rain, good crops, or abundant game. NAMES OF THE MOONS 2 English San Juan San Ildefonso January Oyi-po, Ice Moon Oyi-po, Ice Moon February De-pihin-po, Coyote Frighten Moon Wan-po, Wind Moon March TsAnhwiri-po, Lizard Moon Han-ka-pave-po, All Leaf Split Moon April Ka-pave-po, Leaf Split Moon Ka-ware-po, Leaf Spread Moon May Ka-san-po, Leaf Tender Moon Ko-po, Planting Moon June Ka-kum-po, Leaf Dark Moon Povi-po, Flower Moon July Pew'-po, Ripe Moon Qan-po, Rain Moon August Tn-fta-po, Wheat Cut Moon TA-fia-po, Wheat Cut Moon September HAn-pe-po, All Ripe Moon HAn-pe-po, All Ripe Moon October Ka-yemo-po, Leaf Fall Moon Foye-po, Harvest Moon November H/t~-wenge-po, All Gathered Moon Han-wenge-po, All Gathered Moon December Nul-fa-po, Ashes Fire (Winter Solstice) Nun-fa-po, Ashes Fire (Winter SolMoon stice) Moon 1 Nine, if the "Keres Bears" are a separate group and not a division of the Puf6nu. A group of women assisting the Scalpers formed a pseudo-society, so that the possible total is ten. 2 Many other names of the moons are current, and calendars obtained from different individuals never agree throughout. The lists above show the general system of nomenclature.


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I9go THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN NAMES OF INDIAN TRIBES 1 Apache Save Apache, Jicarilla P6-yan-save, Water Willow Apache 2 Apache, Mescalero Pi-save, Red Apache 2 Comanche Kumanfti (an adopted word) Hopi Ko-s6o, Leggings Large Kiowa Kaiwa (an adopted word) Navaho Wan-save, Jemez Apache 3 Pawnee Panani (an adopted word) Ute Yuta (an adopted word) PRINCIPAL TEWA RUINSPuye (Pu-ye, cotton-tail rabbit assemble), on Puye mesa eight to ten miles west of Santa Clara and a mile south of Santa Clara canion, consisting of a very large communal house surrounding a square court with a single entrance, and numerous cave-dwellings in the face of the volcanic cliff below the main pueblo, which was constructed of approximately rectangular blocks of this light, friable material, geologically known as tuff. According to Tewa tradition this village was inhabited by the ancestors of the Santa Clara population. Shufina (Shu-finne [" projecting-point narrow " - Harrington]), a pueblo on an isolated mesa on the north side of Santa Clara canion, together with numerous cells in the tuff cliffs. This pueblo is said to have been abandoned in favor of Puye. Perage (Pera-g6, kangaroo-rat at), about one mile west of San Ildefonso and on the opposite bank of the Rio Grande, an adobe village occupied by the ancestors of the San Ildefonso population after the abandonment of Otowi and Tsankawi.,towi (Po-fsu-wii, water sink gap, whence Otowi), seven or eight miles west of San Ildefonso on a mesa between two cainons, a cluster of terraced stone houses estimated by Hewett to have contained some 750 rooms and ten circular kivas. Some remarkable white tuff cones are honeycombed with caves. From this place came the builders of Perage and Tsankawi. Tsankawi (Sin-ke-wii, Opuntia sharp gap), two miles southeast of Otowi on a high mesa, a group of four stone buildings enclosing an approximately rectangular plaza, with ten kivas. Cave-dwellings occur in the cliffs at the south side of the mesa. People from Otowi, according to tradition, built this pueblo and later rejoined their kindred, who meantime had settled at Perage. Navawi (Nava-wii, pitfall passage), a two-building pueblo about two miles southeast of Tsankawi. The name refers to a game-pit west of the site, on a narrow land-bridge connecting two broad expanses of mesa, in which animals were caught either by drives or by accident as they tried to pass from one pasturage to the other. The pit, according to Hewett, is excavated in solid tuff and is fifteen feet deep, eight feet in diameter, and four by six feet at the opening. Cave-dwellings occur in the cliffs near the ruin. Tshirege (Tsir6-g6, bird at), a very large ruin at the northern edge of Mesa del Pajarito (Spanish, mesa of the small bird), seven miles southwest of San Ildefonso and six miles west of the Rio Grande. Hewett estimates the number of the ground-floor rooms alone at not fewer than 600. There were ten subterranean kivas and numerous cliff-dwellings. Cuyamunque (IKu-yemo-ge, rock drop at), on Tesuque creek four miles north of Tesuque. This pueblo was abandoned as a result of the rebellion of I680 and is now a Mexican settlement. Pioge (Fi6-g6, spotted-woodpecker at), near the Rio Grande, three miles north of San Juan. Yugeuingge (Ydnga-onwin-g6, - village at), an adobe-and-rubble pueblo at the confluence of Rio Chama and the Rio Grande, mentioned by Castafieda as Yuqueyunque. About 1 For Tewa names of pueblos see the comparative table, Volume XVI, pages 260-26I. 2 Harrington has Tun-save, Basket Apache, the Tewa approximate equivalent of Spanish Jicarilla. For the Mescaleros he has Water WillowApache, which seems more appropriate to the Mimbrefios (Spanish, willows), partly consolidated with the Mescaleros, partly living in Arizona. 3 Two translations were offered for wan: "marauder," and "a species of pine." The Navaho are called Jemez Apache because of their close association with that pueblo.


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TRIBAL SUMMARY I9I i60o Ofiate moved from his first capital at San Juan pueblo, where he became established in 1598, to Yugeuingge, which he called San Gabriel. The site is now partially covered by the Mexican hamlet Chamita. Teeuinge (Te-e-wi-onwin-ge, cottonwood small gap village at), an adobe pueblo with ten kivas, in the southerly angle formed by the juncture of Rio Oso and Rio Chama. Hewett gives it a length of 525 feet and a width of 2IO feet. Fesere (Fe-sere ["stick shove" - Harrington]), west of Rio Chama and near Rio Oso. Abechiu (AveThudnu), a pueblo constructed of adobe by means of wattle-work forms, immediately south of Abiquiu. Harrington has the following convincing etymology of the name Abiquiu: the village was Fe-shdnun ("stick end"), and indeed is still so called by San Juan. The Spanish turned this into Abiquiu (Spanish fricative b for Tewa bilabial f). The modern Tewa, excepting those of San Juan, under the impression that Abiquid was the Spanish mispronunciation of Tewa for "chokecherry end," made it into Ave-shinun. Bandelier incorrectly placed this ruin on the south bank of Chama river three miles below Abiquiu, evidently mistaking an unnamed mound for ancient Feshinun. Sepawi (Sinpanwi), on El Rito creek five miles south of the Mexican hamlet El Rito and slightly farther north of the confluence of the Rito with Rio Chama. Bandelier regarded this as the largest ruin in New Mexico. Posege (Posii ["greenness" - Harrington]), at the site of Ojo Caliente on Rio Ojo Caliente. This was the traditional home of the Tewa culture hero Poseyemo. There were thirteen circular kivas and a population estimated by Bandelier at 2000. The kivas were eighteen to forty-three feet in diameter, and one had a sloping ascent to the roof instead of the usual ladder or stairs. The construction material was principally adobe. Bandelier uses the form Pose-uingge (Pose village-at); Hewett, Posege. Homayo (Hun-p6vi, juniper flower), on the west bank of Rio Ojo Caliente about a mile and a half north of the hot springs and of the ruins of Posege, an adobe pueblo with seven large circular kivas. Howiri (H6-wiri ["gray projecting-point"-Harrington]), on the east bank of Rio Ojo Caliente opposite Homayo. There were ten circular kivas. The Zuni
LANGUAGE - Zuniian. POPULATION -The official, house-to-house census of 1924 enumerated some 2200. The Zuiii were said to number only 2500 in i68o. DRESS - Zufii men wore loin-cloths, fringed white cotton sashes, deerskin moccasins with rawhide soles, and short leggings. In warm weather the other parts of the body were ordinarily exposed, but they had short trousers of fabric or skin, and robes of cotton or skin, some of the latter being painted. Buffalo-skins were obtained from the Rio Grande pueblos. Both sexes had woven footless stockings, which, made of wool, are still seen. Sandals were made of yucca. The modern ordinary dress of a Zunii man consists of white cotton trousers, a loose-hanging cotton shirt, a loin-cloth, and moccasins. Men part the hair from ear to ear, cut it square in front, and double up the back portion and tie it with a piece of yarn or a woollen band. Headbands are commonly worn. The dance-costume is the usual Pueblo one - embroidered kilt, white fringed sash, moccasins colored blue-green and with a heel strip ornamented with porcupine-quill work, skunk-fur anklets, a fox-skin pendent behind, silver wrist-guard, turtle-shell rattle at the knee, gourd rattle in the hand, and numerous ornaments and painted figures. Masks are often worn. Women wore, and still wear over cotton undergarments, the usual Pueblo dress fastened over the right shoulder, passing under the left, and leaving arms and lower legs bare. Ordinarily they had no moccasins, and the lower legs were protected from cold by footless stockings. For ceremonial use they have white cotton robes draped over the primitive dress, and white moccasins with voluminous uppers wrapped around the leg. The front hair is cut square across at the level of the eyes and the ears. DWELLINGS - Houses are built of fragments of stone set sometimes without binding material and without breaking joints. The walls are plastered on both sides with clay and whitened on the inside with gypsum wash. The flat, slightly sloping roof of brush and earth is supported by heavy pine beams stripped of their bark but not dressed. The quarters of a


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I92 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN family are an apartment in a terraced structure containing hundreds of rooms. Houses on the ground level were formerly entered through the roof by means of ladders. The upper levels are still reached either by ladders or by stone stairs ascending from one roof to another. Doors of an upper story open directly upon the roof of the chamber below, and the roofs are regarded as public thoroughfares. The fireplace is set usually in a corner of the room, and a clay-covered hood of sticks deflects smoke upward through an external chimney consisting of a stack of bottomless pots. Prior to I880 Zufii had here and there six stories. In recent years the maximum height was four tiers, and in I9I9 the fourth story, a single apartment, was demolished. Numerous separate outlying houses have been built, and adobe bricks are more and more being used instead of stone. PRIMITIVE FOODS - Primitive Zuii had the cultivated plants common to all the Pueblos - corn of many hues, beans, and squashes. Corn is ground on metates, three in a set, and is prepared in a very large number of ways, the most unusual of which produces the colored, paperthin bread called hewo. Piions, acorns, roots, pot-herbs, cactus fruit, and yucca seedpods were among the important wild products. Rabbits and hares, before the introduction of sheep, were most important, not only for their flesh but for the soft fur, which, cut into long strips, was converted into warm blankets with yucca-cord warp. Antelope, deer, elk, and mountainsheep were hunted less frequently. The Zufii were remote from the buffalo range, but the skins of these animals reached them through the channels of trade. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES - Spinning and weaving still flourish, and the Tewa and Keres purchase their blue-black dresses for women from the Zufii and the Hopi. The weavers are chiefly women, but men also weave; the loom is vertical, the weave usually diagonal. Coronado said that the Zufni did not raise cotton, and native tradition says that it was purchased from the Hopi. Yucca-fibre was twisted and woven into fairly fine cloth, as relics attest. Quantities of pottery vessels are made by women by the coiling process. Rather crude winnowing-baskets are made of willow, and trays for holding wheat and flour are of strips of yucca-leaves. Some men spend much time in the manufacture of discal shell and turquoise beads, perforating them with a steel-pointed pump-drill. Typical weapons and cutting implements were oak or cedar bows, stone-tipped arrows, wooden war-clubs with knobbed ends or with spherical stone heads, buffalo-hide shields, skin quivers, obsidian and other stone knives, stone axes with wooden handles. Pottery is embellished with designs in mineral pigments, and the walls of some of the ceremonial chambers and fraternity quarters have painted figures representing the patron animal deities. GAMES - The principal Zufii games are of ceremonial significance in that they are played at certain seasons with the thought of rain. Such are the dice play with four half-round sections of cane or wood, the cup game, in which a marker is concealed in one of four wooden cups, and the kicking-race. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION -The principal civil officers, governor and lieutenant-governor, are appointed annually by a group of the head-priests. Formerly the term was four years. These civil officers, a Spanish heritage, deal mainly with strictly secular affairs, a limited field in a community where one ceremony follows closely upon another. The real power resides in four hierarchical groups: the six head-priests associated with the six worldregions, the principals of the fraternity of masked personators of gods, the war-chiefs, and the shamanistic societies. Corresponding to the Rio Grande caciques is Kyaqy-massi ("house chief"), or North Shiwanni, the most important of the six world-region priests. There are sixteen matrilineal and exogamous clans. The ceremonial moiety system of the Rio Grande Pueblos does not exist at Zufni. RELATIONSHIP TERMS - I. fsitta, mother, maternal aunt II. inniha, stepmother III. tachu, father, paternal uncle IV. kyiasekyi ("girl"), daughter, man's brother's daughter, woman's sister's daughter, stepdaughter V. akfitekyi ("boy"), son, man's brother's son, woman's sister's son, stepson VI. hatta, maternal grandmother, granddaughter (except woman's son's daughter) VII. wawa, paternal grandmother, woman's son's daughter


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TRIBAL SUMMARY I93 VIII. nanna, grandfather, grandson IX. kyau, elder sister X. ikinna, man's younger sister XI. hinni, woman's younger sister, woman's younger brother XII. papa, elder brother XIII. suwe, man's younger brother XIV. fsillu, maternal aunt 1 XV. kukku, paternal aunt XVI. kyakya, maternal uncle XVII. eye, woman's brother's daughter XVIII. talle, woman's brother's son XIX. kyass6, man's sister's child XX. aye, wife XXI. ayemaghi, husband XXII. ulani, daughter-in-law, husband's parent, husband's brother, husband's sister, brother's wife XXIII. tilakyi, son-in-law, wife's parent, wife's sister, wife's brother, sister's husband MARRIAGE -The parents on both sides having acquiesced, a prospective husband calls at the girl's house, where she sits facing him while he eats and her parents admonish him. He spends five nights in an adjoining room and then brings his bride a new dress provided by his mother. The girl grinds meal and carries a heaping basket of it to her mother-in-law, and after partaking of food she returns home with her husband, bearing on her head a basket of wheat covered with a folded deerskin provided by her father-in-law for a pair of new moccasins. The man remains a member of her mother's household so long as the union is mutually satisfactory. When this status no longer exists, he departs with his intimate personal possessions, leaving the woman in possession of home and children, even though their disagreement be the result of grossly improper conduct on her part, and though he himself may have built the apartment. PUBERTY RITES - Boys are initiated into the fraternity of masked dancers, and adolescent members of both sexes visit nearby shrines so that they may develop into good hunters or industrious housewives and prolific mothers. But there is nothing that can be called a puberty rite. MORTUARY CUSTOMS - Clansmen of the deceased person and those of the surviving spouse quickly assemble, female mourners begin to wail, and the body, with the feet directed westward toward the sacred lake of the gods, is washed and clothed. Each garment is slit so that its spirit may escape and accompany the human spirit. The faces of priests and shamans are painted in special ways. Wrapped in a blanket the corpse is interred in the churchyard in the midst of the pueblo, females being placed on the north side and males on the south. The spirit remains with the body four days, then goes to the lake inhabited by the ancestral gods at the confluence of Zufni river and the Little Colorado. WARFARE -The conduct of war was in the hands of the Bow Chiefs, a fraternity of warriors headed by the representatives of the twin war-gods. These two, it is said, necessarily led every expedition; but Indian rules are elastic, indicating what should be rather than what must be, and no doubt any two Bow Chiefs could take charge of an expedition. This, in fact, was necessary, inasmuch as the two war-chiefs held their positions for life and must in time have become incapacitated for service in the field. The principal enemy was the Navaho. The scalps of slain foes were ceremonially washed before the scalp-dance, and were taken in charge by the Bow fraternity and deposited in a large earthen vessel a short distance outside the village. Scalpers necessarily joined the Bow Chiefs. SHAMANS - There are twelve shamanistic societies. These not only treat sickness but participate as societies in various masked ceremonies and perform feats of legerdemain for the mystification of the people. Each has several orders or degrees, and each order is the custodian of some secret of healing or magic. Members are initiated successively into these orders, until ultimately they are competent to assist in the activities of all. Eleven of the twelve 1 Kroeber, Zufii Kin and Clan, gives hacci (i.e., hafhi; cf. hJilahi, old) as mother's eldest sister, adding that he never heard the term in actual use. With ~1'llu, maternal aunt, cf. filtta, mother. One's maternal aunt is usually called mother, and she always calls one son or daughter. VOL. XVII-25


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I94 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN societies receive members of both sexes. A person cured of disease by a society or detected trespassing, wilfully or inadvertently, on its rites was initiated into it. In treating a patient the shamans arrange their corn-ear fetishes, stone animals, flints, and other sacred objects about a meal design, sing, mix secret roots and herbs with water in the medicine-bowl, suck the patient's body and pretend to remove foreign substances. They have knowledge of many herb remedies, but use them in shamanistic fashion; for the herbs of themselves are not supposed to be efficacious. RELIGION AND CEREMONIES - Zufii ceremonies are of two kinds: those in which masked men personate the ancestral gods, and those in which the shamanistic societies play the leading part. The god personators compose a fraternity into which all male children are initiated by flogging, and besides the initiatory rites they perform in September a series of masked dances corresponding to the Kachina dances of the Hopi. Certain of these gods are represented in the important ceremonies at the solstices, and at the annual dedication of eight new houses. Immediately following the solstice rites fourteen priesthoods, numbering forty-eight members, retire successively to fast and pray, some four days, others eight days. The most important of these priestly groups are those associated with the six world-regions. These are the Aghiwanni ("chiefs"), the principal one of whom, North Chief, has the title Kyaqlmassi ("house chief") and corresponds to the caciques of Rio Grande pueblos. The Above Chief, having the title Peqinn6, is unlike his fellow Ashiwanni in that he has no associates. His special duty is to observe the progress of the sun and determine the incidence of the solstices. Each of the shamanistic societies, besides assisting with formal prayers and exposure of their fetishes in connection with the ceremonies already mentioned, gives at irregular intervals a public performance of its magic. The principal Zufni gods are believed to dwell in "god village" in the depths of a lake near St. Johns, Arizona. These deities are those children who, when the migrant ancients were crossing the Little Colorado, were transformed by contact with the water into aquatic animals. It is they that are represented in the masked ceremonies. Of course the celestial bodies and natural phenomena are deified, and numerous mythologic characters are venerated. Shamans in particular are aided by cougar, bear, and many other animals. NAMES OF THE MOONSThe Zufii name only six moons, repeating these names for the following six. December, June Ikohpu-yichunn6, Turning Moon January, July Taiamcho-yafchunn6, Trees-broken (by snow) Moon February, August Onanulakyiqam-yichunn6, No-snow-in-trails Moon March, September Hliteqanakyafsnna-yachunn6, Little-sandstorm Moon April, October Hliteqanakyahlanna-yachunne, Great-sandstorm Moon May, November Yichunqaghiam-yachunn6, Moon-no-name Moon NAMES OF INDIAN TRIBES - Acoma Hikuq 1 Cochiti K6titiqe' Apache, Chiricahua Chislhiq Comanche Kumanchiq 1 Apache, Jicarilla Ke-pachu, Skin Navaho Hano TewaqOl Apache, White Wilafsuqe Hopi2 Amuq63 Mountain Isleta Kyfiahitaqe, Fish-ones 1 An adopted term. 2 In addition to the Hopi groups named in the list, the Zufii mention the Shiwinnaqe, "Zufii people," as a group residing in the Hopi country. This probably refers to a body of Zufii migrants, and recalls that south of Jettyto is a butte known to the Hopi as Si6-y~vepi ("Zuiii climb-up"), in allusion to the fact that some migrating Zufii once took refuge there from marauding Navaho. 3 This is the original of Moqui. Whether it in turn derives from one of the Keres forms, Mo'ts, M6osi, etc., or vice versa, is uncertain; but it is illogical to suppose that the Zufii, nearest neighbors of the Hopi, borrowed their name for that tribe from the more distant Keres. The proposed derivation of Moqui from Zufii moqinawe, smallpox, would presuppose another Zunii name for that tribe current before the introduction of the disease by the white race.


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TRIBAL SUMMARY I95 Jemez Hemishiql San Felipe Wdphlapafsiq 4 Laguna Ky'ina-lainnaqe, Lake San Ildefonso Tipoliaq6, Bubbling-ones 5 Big-ones Santa Ana Tamaiaq 1 Mishongnovi A'lelaqe, Rock-column-ones Santo Domingo We-ilualaqe, Puppy Villagers Mohave Mihaweq 1 Shongopovi Shumapawaq'1 Navaho Apachu 2 Sia Tsia'aqe Oraibi klewaqe Ute Yutaq 1 Paiute Paiyuftiq 1 Walapai Wilapaq 1 Pima Pimaqe Walpi Wihlpiq 1 Sandia Md-hlualaqe, Watermelon Yuma Yumaq6 1 Villagers 3 Zuiii AChiwi; Shiwinnaq6 6 ANCIENT ZUNI VILLAGES 7 - Matsaki (Mfitakya), on the first hill three miles east of Zuiii and near the northwestern base of Corn mountain. Kiakima (Kyikyimma), at the southwestern base of Corn mountain and on the southeasterly side of the slope, about four miles southeast of Zuni. Halona (Halonawa, from halo, red-ant), on both sides of Zuiii river at and opposite the site of the present pueblo. Hawikuh (Hiwikku, from hawg, weeds), twelve miles southwest of Zufii on a rocky point commanding a sweeping view of the open country south of Zunii river. Kwakina (Qi'kinna), on Zuii river seven miles southwest of Zuiii. Kechipauan (Kyechipawa, gypsum), on a mesa north of Ojo Caliente and about three miles from Hawikuh. Pinawan (Pinnawa, Pinnawan, from pinnakya, wind), less than two miles southwest of Zuni on the road to Ojo Caliente. Hampasawan (Himpasawa, from hampasa, a yellow-flowering plant, Pectis papposa), six miles west of Zunii on an arroyo of the same name. Wimian (Wimaiawa, from wimaw~, oaks), on an arroyo about five miles north of Zuni on the Gallup road. Kyatikya, about three and a half miles east of Zunii, near Black Rock. Kaliwa, on a hill about five miles north of Zunii. Heshokta (Hi'ghAkta, a term applied to any ruined pueblo), about five miles northwest of Zunii. Shintakya, about ten miles southeast of Zunii, beyond Kiakima. Ah'&hona, about eight miles north of Zuii. The first six villages belonged to the "Seven Cities of Cibola"; the seventh has not been determined, but it may have been either Hampasawan or Pinawan. There is evidence that Halona, Hawikuh, and Kechipawan, at least, were occupied long enough before the coming of the Franciscan missionaries in I629, if not prior to Coronado's expedition, for the pottery to have become greatly changed in style of decoration. Pinawan was built at least as early as Hawikuh, and extensive excavations by Cushing in that part of Halona on the south side of the river in I888 revealed pottery as recent as that characteristic of Hawikuh at the time of its abandonment. - EDITOR. Additional Notes on the Hopi Snake Dance
IN the winter of I9II-1912 the writer received from a former Snake fraternity man at Walpi confirmation of what he had before suspected to be the fact, namely, that the fangs of 1 An adopted term. 2 Cf. the Yuman Yavapai (the so-called Mohave Apache) self-name, Apatya ("men"). 3 Mu for muflaknannO, molaknann[, watermelon. Zuii o and u are often interchangeable. 4 Said by the informant to be compounded of wufanna, puppy, and hlapafi, wedged between two rocks. 5 See Volume XVI, page 263, note 14. 6 See footnote, page 85. 7 Kya, ma, na, qi (qin), wa (wan) appear to be affixes having locative force.


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I96 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN venomous snakes are removed before the reptiles are handled. This material, uncorroborated, was not published until I922. (See Volume XII.) From August, I920, to April, 192I, Inspector E. M. Sweet, Jr., of the Office of Indian Affairs, obtained sworn statements from numerous former members of the fraternity. Some of these depositions were transmitted to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, February 6, 192I, others later. Since the present writer's last visit at Walpi there had been a remarkable growth of open revolt against the deception and sexual immorality of the fraternity practices, and whereas in I912 the matter was discussed behind closed doors and the interpreter was totally ignorant of the fact that the rattlesnakes' fangs were removed, in 1920 many men voluntarily gave testimony, permitting their names to be appended thereto, and it was common knowledge among those outside the fraternity that the magic of the Snake men was really trickery. Possibly the focus of this spread of knowledge was the writer's disillusioned interpreter. There have been many unequivocal statements by investigators that the rattlesnakes' fangs are intact in the ceremony. For example, Dr. J. Walter Fewkes in one of his papers on the Snake ceremony quotes from Cosmos Mindeleff: "He [Doctor Yarrow] descended into the snake kiva on the eve of the dance, and there examined the snakes which were to be used on the morrow. At his request a large rattlesnake, selected by himself, was held up for his examination by one of the Indians, and upon prying its mouth open, he found the fangs intact and of large size... I may add that, at the conclusion of the I883 Snake Dance, two rattlesnakes were captured and sent to the National Museum. They were examined soon after their arrival by Dr. S. Weir Mitchell of Philadelphia, who found them in perfect order, their fangs had not been disturbed, and the poison-sacks were intact and full of venom." In view of such apparently conclusive evidence it seems worth while in the last volume of this series to be devoted to the Pueblos to publish extracts from some of Sweet's confirmatory depositions, even at the risk of apparently needless repetition. John Lomavoya, at East Mesa, December, 1920: "When I was about fifteen years of age I went with them hunting for snakes for the first time. While I was away from the others several hundred yards, after a while they called me to come to them. When I got there, there was a rattlesnake in the weeds... The priest... told me to catch it. I was afraid of the rattlesnake, and, instead of taking hold of the snake, I hit at him with my hand and threw him over toward Kobili. The snake struck him in the stomach. He was very angry, and asked me why I did not catch the snake like I was told... So I caught him, first by holding him down with the stick I had in my hand, and then caught him by hand back of the neck. He tried to bite me, but could not reach me with his mouth. When we were eating our dinner at the spring afterward that day, the Snake Priest, Kobili, told me that, before they had called me that morning to catch the first snake, they had already caught the snake and extracted its teeth and poison-sacs, and then turned the snake loose again and called me and told me to catch it. The others were laughing at me at the spring for throwing the snake and striking Kobili in the stomach, and then Kobili told me that they had already taken out the snake's teeth and poison-sacs... When a snake was first seen, nobody could catch him then, not even the Snake Priest, because they are afraid of the snake. But all the men come with the long sticks in their hands, about like hoe-handles, and they hold the snake down on the ground, so many sticks on his back that there is only a little of his head sticking out in front, so that he can not move his head about. One of the men had a long-handled hoe. The Snake Priest would take hold of the snake just back of the head and make him open his mouth. Then the flat blade of the hoe was put in the snake's mouth, then his head was pressed down hard against the blade of the hoe and moved from side to side thereon, until all the teeth or fangs were broken off and the poison squeezed out... I took part in the Snake Dances about twenty-five years... Before the dances, they would examine the snakes' mouths again and wash their mouths out... When the snake's teeth are broken, the snake is gentle. After a few days, the snake gets mad again, and they... know that his other teeth are growing. And so they examine their mouths and break their teeth again before the day of the Snake Dance... After the Snake Dance is over, for four days and four nights the men and women do very bad things together. They go off together after dark. A man may have a piece of pottery, or calico, or a piece of money. The women and girls will take after him when he shows it, and try to catch him. He will let the one have it that he wants to have it. She may run after


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NOTES ON HOPI SNAKE DANCE 197 him off in the dark... In the struggle for the pottery or money... they fall down on the ground in the dark... The things I have been telling about are done between men and women for four days and nights after a dance, whether it is a Snake Dance or a Flute Dance. I myself always did these things." Judge Hooker Hongeva, at East Mesa, December, 1920 "I had taken part in three Snake Dances before I learned the secret of how the snakes were handled... The rule was that... the youngest initiate... must catch the first snake found. The four of us boys came upon a small rattlesnake about a foot and a half long. We were supposed to call to the other hunters, but we thought we could handle that snake ourselves. Momi, the novice, caught the snake with his bare hand, like it is done in the plaza before the assembled crowd during the dance. But before Momi had bagged the snake he was bitten several times on the hand... The next day after Momi was bitten the snake hunters were divided into groups so that each novice had an older man with him who was to tell him or show him how to catch the snake. Each man carried a long stick, flattened at the end, or else a garden hoe. After a while the older man that I was with and I found a snake track going into a hole. I had a hoe, and we dug the snake out - a big rattler. The older man, Sotsiki, teased the rattler and made him start to crawl, when Sotsiki placed the end of his stick across the snake's back near the head, and then grasped him back of the neck. He then told me to put my hoe on the ground with the sharp blade upward. I did so, and Sotsiki, holding the snake by the neck, made him open his mouth, whereupon Sotsiki pressed out the poison from the snake's poison sacs with the edge of the back of the hoe, and then broke out the snake's fangs or teeth, with the edge of the blade... I must have taken part in about thirteen Snake Dances... I came to have the office of Snake Catcher - directed the hunters in finding the snakes. One year I remember the hunters had agreed to meet... at the spring near what is now Five Houses... I found the others there in a state of agitation - some of them were weeping. I asked what it was about. They then called my attention to three Government employees sitting on their horses near by, who had stated that they were going to follow us until they saw us catch one snake and see how we did it... I asked them [the Snake men] if one of them did not have a snake that had been caught on the way over, and learned that one of the Indians had a snake - and had treated it in the usual way, of course. I advised that that man leave the party, and, after getting out of sight of the white men, drop his snake; afterward call us to catch it. This was done... When the white men rode up, Makiwa bravely laid hold of the venomous reptile with his bare hands and soon had him bagged... The snakes' fangs begin to grow back within a few days. So on the day that the dance takes place in the afternoon, that forenoon is spent in re-examining the snakes' mouths and in breaking off again the fangs which meanwhile have begun to grow back. We find them often grown about half their full size - those snakes that were caught first nearly a week earlier. Also the poison is pressed out of the glands and their mouths mopped out with cotton or cloth. Then the snakes are washed, because that afternoon the dancers are to take them in their mouths... For four days or nights after the dance, every man's wife is everybody's wife... What I am saying I know from my own knowledge and from what I myself have done." Johnson Tuwaletstiwa, at Oraibi, August, I920: " I have been initiated into the... snake-dance order... When the members or dancers go out as hunters, they separate within sight of one another. When one locates a snake, he gives the signal to the others, and they assemble together to catch the snake located. If the snake is coiled up in a striking position, with the long sticks or rods each hunter carries the snake is teased until he strikes or starts to run, so that he may be taken in a position where he cannot strike. Thereupon the several hunters bear down upon the snake's back with their long sticks until he is halted and overcome with the weight and pressure of the many rods in the hands of the hunters. Then the snake-dance priest will come and, gripping the snake with his hand around the neck, will take hold of his body and turn him over on his back, in which position he is held down by the rods in the hands of the hunters. Opening his mouth while thus held down on his back, the priest locates the poison sacs at the base of the upper teeth and with an instrument he has for that purpose he... removes the poison. Then the fangs 1 H6onovi (Hongeva) was the present writer's informant, quoted in Volume XII.


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I98 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN are extracted and the other shorter sharp teeth are broken. Then the snake is released - harmless - and is turned over to the younger members to play with and to tame. But the snake's fangs and poison sacs grow back in a short time... and so the dancers do not risk this one process of teeth and poison extraction; but on the day before the dance wherein the snakes are used, the snakes are all again examined and the process of extraction repeated... I have been an eye-witness to all that I stated." Quoyavma, at Oraibi, April, 1921: "I was out with the snake-catchers one day. Simo was with us. He was an old man then, but was only a novice in the Snake Dance. He came upon a rattlesnake, caught it with his hands, and in putting the snake in his bag, the snake put his head out and bit Simo on the finger. Simo threw the snake down, but caught it again and put it in the bag. The wound swelled up very large. They took him in from the hunt. But the hand and arm swelled up and broke out in blisters or ulcers along, and made a very bad arm... When they first catch a snake, they hold it down with the poles or hoes they have. Then they grasp the snake back of the neck and make it open its mouth; and then, with a piece of hard wood about eight inches long, sharpened, they break out the fangs of the snake. This opens the poison-sacs, and they squeeze out the poison. In about four days they will grow back. On this account the Snake Dancers, on the morning of the day when the dance occurs, examine the snakes again and break out the fangs of any that have begun to grow them again, and again press out the poison... [The dancers take the emetic after the dance] to get rid of the nasty effects of having the snakes in our mouths. These snakes are very dirty and nasty, even though we wash them. And, holding them in our mouths, we can not help swallowing some of the saliva. The whole thing is very nauseating - and to get rid of this we take the emetic. The dancers also wash themselves after the dance for the same reason. I took part in the dance four years; I never took anything of that kind [preventive medicine], and I never heard of anybody else doing it, never saw anybody else do it. The priest never told us to do anything of that kind... All through the dance, beginning the day before the dance and lasting four days afterward, men and boys and women and girls mingle freely together... I have done these things myself." Steve Quonestewa,1 at Middle Mesa, April, I92I: "My old people, my father and five uncles, were Snake Men. I took part in two Snake Dances, one when I was about twelve years old, and the other when I was about fifteen years old. When the next Snake Dance came around, about two years afterward, when they began to talk about it I told them that I was not going to take part, I was going to quit it... I had found out that they were lying about it. They tell the people that the snakes will not bite the Snake Men, and they tell them that the medicine they mix will keep the bite from hurting them if the snake should bite. But I found out they lie, because when they catch a snake they break out his fangs and press out the poison... When the snake is found, they will all gather to catch him; but those that they do not want to know how they fix the snake, they will tell them to go on and find another while they catch this one. Then they will sprinkle the sacred meal and pray to the spirit to keep the snake from biting them. They have long sticks, and some of them have hoes. They will put the sticks or hoes on the snake, one on his head and others along his body, and then they put the blade of a hoe in the snake's mouth, and with a tool made of bone they break out his fangs and press the poison out of the poisonsacs. After they do that the snake is weak. Some of them died in the kiva before the dance. About every second day they look at them again - maybe the poison is growing back again... The first time I was in the Snake Dance, they did not tell me that they broke out the snake's fangs and poison, but they told me they had power over the snake's spirit. When the next dance came around, they told me that they had picked me out to be the chief of the Snake Clan [fraternity], and they would show me how to handle the snakes. Then I went with them and saw them catch a rattlesnake and fix him by breaking out his fangs and pressing out the poison. Then they put the snake down on the ground again. There were three or four boys who were in the snake hunt for the first time. They did not know that they fixed the snake by breaking out his fangs. The older men called these boys then and told them to catch this rattlesnake. The boys were afraid of the snake and cried. The men tried to make them catch 1 Quonestewa, for "Juan Estevan."


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NOTES ON HOPI SNAKE DANCE 199 the snake, and the boys ran away. One of these boys was Mike, who... lives at Shimopovi. The others.are dead. Mike quit the Snake Dances, because they did not tell him how they fixed the snakes, and he was afraid of them. About two years ago I met him herding sheep and we were talking about the Hopi ways. I told him then how they fixed the snakes. He had never known it... About sundown when the Snake Dance is over, everybody gets supper, and after that the men and boys have things of value - corn, or watermelon, or other fruit or cloth, or ribbon, or anything of value - and the girls and women run after the men to take the thing they have. The man will hold it up high, and the girls and women will try to get it. The man or boy will let the girl get it that he wants. When she gets it, it is understood that they are to have sexual intercourse that night. They will go off in the dark together. This is the custom of all the Hopi dances - the Snake Dance, or a Kachina Dance, or the woman's basket dance, or any Hopi dance, this is the custom, like a law. No one must say, 'She is my wife,' or, 'He is my husband...' I have heard mothers of large girls say about this, 'Let her go and earn some money.'"


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Vocabularies
Tewa
ANATOMICAL TERMS English ankle arm blood bone chest chin ear elbow eye face finger finger-nail foot hair hand head San Ildefonso ani=gwe (foot joint) ko un kun pin=kin (heart bone) on o-ye k6=we (arm joint) fsi fs6 man=kun (hand bone) mana an po man Po English heart knee knee-cap leg, lower leg, thigh lips lung mouth neck nose nostril toe toe-nail tongue tooth San Ildefonso pin kin=we (lower-leg joint) kuin=man-fii (lower-leg finger-nail) kun (bone), po s6=ko-a (mouth - ) ha-ki so k'e ghiu ihiu=p6 (nose hole) an=kun (foot bone) an=man=fi han ANIMALS2 antelope * badger * bat bear (generic) * beaver * buffalo * buzzard, turkeycoyote crane * crow deer, mule- * deer, whitetail * dog dove * duck * eagle t!6un ke-a si-fi ke (strong) 6-yo k6-o o=kan-wan (smell come-eat) de pu-ga 6-do pa/n 6-hun s6e ko-u-wi 3 O-vin fse elk * fish * fox goose * gopher grouse * hawk, chickenhawk, fishhawk, redtail horse jay magpie mountain-lion mountain-sheep * ta pa de=fsan-wan (coyote blue) kin-gi tyu-gi hya tyu-gha po=fse (water eagle) hwn=pi (tail red) qan-yi se kan; pin=kan (mountain kn ) ku-a; pin=ku-a (mountain kua) 1 Tewa vocabularies were recorded at San Juan, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Nambe, and Tesuque. The language is so uniform that only one vocabulary, recorded at San Ildefonso, is here given. / and v are bilabial. Inflection plays a rather important role in Tewa, so that a written word may have several meanings, which in speech are distinguished by pitch. 2 Names of animals used as food are indicated by stars. 3 An onomatope. 200


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VOCABULARIES 201 English muskrat * oriole otter owl porcupine prairie-dog * quail * rabbit, cottontail * rabbit, jack- * roadrunner skunk * snake San Ildefonso po=hwa n (water wood rat) te-f6 po=kun-y6 (water wolf) ma-hdu 1 son ki to-ta-vi pu qan o-go-wi2 san pan-inu pa English snake, rattlesnake, watersnowbird * spider squirrel (generic) * turkey * turtle weasel wildcat wolf woodpecker woodrat * San Ildefonso hwa=pufn (tail rattle) po=pan-iinun ko-i; po=fsi-re (snow bird) anwa n 3 sa si -wntj di; pim=di (mountain di) o-ku ye-e mu nsa kun-y6 fi-o hwan (tail) east nadir north south west zenith CARDINAL POINTS 4 tam=pi-y6 (sun toward) nan=nin-g6 (earth down); o-pa=nun-ge (firmament down) pim=pi-y6 (mountain toward) a-kom=pi-y6 (valley toward) ftam=pi-ye ma-k6 (sky); o-pa=ke-ri (firmament top) COLORS 5 all-color black blue blue-black brown gray fan-ge-i-i fe-ndi-i fSa n-wa n-yi-i fa n-wa n=fe-di-i an-wi-i; pi=fe-ndi-i (red black) ho-wi-i green pink red red, copperwhite yellow po-si-wl-i pi=an-wi-i (red brown) pi-i-i pi=fse-yi-i (red yellow) fs n-yi-i fse-yi-i PRIMITIVE FOODS 6 acorns beans black haws cedar-berries qan=ka (oak ka) tu fsi-hyun hun-wo=b6 (cedar round) chokecherries a-v&=be(chokecherry round) corn kun corn and beans fi-ko corn, boiled green p-o-ki 1 An onomatope.: 2 The word refers to the fact that this bird's footprints, in the form of a cross, give no indication of the direction in which it was moving. 3 The word is descriptive of the manner of walking. 4 The ceremonial sequence and associated animals and colors are north (bear, blue-green), west (mountain-lion, yellow), south (wildcat, red), east (hawk, white), zenith (eagle, all-color), nadir (badger, black). Harrington however names these animal shamans in ceremonial sequence as mountain-lion, bear, badger, wolf, eagle, gopher. Confronted with such wide discrepancies, the writer corresponded with his informant, who repeated his list with the substitution of redtail hawk for wildcat. Sixteen years had elapsed since his original list was recorded, so that the possibility of his repeating an erroneous list from memory is eliminated. Perhaps priests of different groups do not agree in practice, but it must be said that the informant here quoted is more logical in his color and directional associations: black bear, blue-green; tawny mountain-lion, yellow; wildcat (Felix rufus) or redtail hawk, red; gray hawk, white; spotted eagle, all-color; badger (a burrowing animal), black, nadir. 5The forms given are predicative. Attributive forms usually drop final i, sometimes yii; thus, kun=tfan, kun=tnayi, corn white. 6 See also under the head of Animals. VOL. xvII-26


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202 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English corn, hominy corn, parched corn, roasted green cornmeal juniper-berries San Ildefonso pan-ri pdn-wl ko kan hun=be (juniper round) English Opuntia fruit pinon-nuts plums squash sumac-berries yucca seedpods San Ildefonso san=b6 (Opuntia round) ta pim=be (red round) po kun=ka (sumac ka) pa=b6 (yucca round) HANDICRAFT arrow arrow-point arrow-shaft basket bow cap cotton deerskin dress drum fire-drill head-band house knife lance leggings loin-cloth su su=tsi (arrow obsidian) su=pe tun a p6-kan se-kan pu-ye mu-to; qi- 1 tam=be (noise round) tim-pe p6-hwi te-hwi fsi-y6 2 yun-pe ko pu-ya-hwi nrr P' ietate oh loccasins an=t6 (foot put-in) luller 6=ku-ra (metate push) ottery hA-to-gi-i bowl nan=tud-e (earth basket small) cooking-pot san=be; 3 sa-tn meal-jar nan=tun=b6 (earth basket round) water-jar pom=be (water round) ibbit-stick p-chin-no 4 ittle, gourd p6-wi-ye Lsh ba-a ra sa shirt sling war-club ta ku=hwi-ri (stone ) 5 ku=wi; ku=mn 6 NATURAL PHENOMENA ashes charcoal cloud darkness day dew earth earth, world fire fog frost ice lake light lightning nun fa=i (fire ) o-ku-wa na=kun=na (it dark to-be) tan (sun) po=se (water drip) nan nan=o-pa (earth firmament) fa s6v=o-ku-wa ( cloud) o-ye-gi o-yi po=qin (water standing) ki-ni fsi-go-we-no 7 meteor Milky Way moon morning star mountain night Orion's Belt Pleiades rain rainbow a-go-yo=ke'=wan (star dart down) ftn=ko-ro 8 Po a-go-yo=s6-yo (star large) pin kun (dark) hwi-ri-i-ni (row in) t!i-ghi-ni (bunched) qan qan=tim=be (rain tube round) po=s6 (water large) ku ma-k6-wa river rock sky 1 Muto (signifying something put on like a sack) is the primitive one-piece garment; qia (cf. qi, woman), the modern dress of women. 2 Tsiyo, knife, is an interesting word. Tsi is obsidian, and usually the word for obsidian or flint is the word for knife; yo is an augmentative. If the etymology were less clear, the word might excusably be taken as a corruption of Spanish cuchillo. 3 Cf. sJanb9, Opuntia fruit. 4 This word has a decidedly non-Tewa sound. 5 Hwzir may be an onomatope referring to the whirring sound of the sling. 6 Ku, stone. Kuwl is a roundish stone with wooden handle bent around it; kumui is a similar stone wrapped in rawhide and thus attached to a handle. 7 The native informant derives this from fi, obsidian; go, strike; wino, diffuse light. Cf. f1igoa, sparkle. 8 Tsan, white; koro, the figure made by a connected series of written e's.


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VOCABULARIES 203 English smoke snow star sun thunder San Ildefonso i-fi l fon a-go-yo tan qan=tan (rain noise) English Ursa Major San Ildefonso ke=b=g6 (gourd-dipper round at); 6=bf=g6 (seven round at) wa n water wind one two three four five six seven eight nine wi wi-ye p6-y6 yl-nun-un 1 pin"-nun-un 1 kw-v 1 hwa'-nun-un 1 NUMERALS ten eleven twelve thirteen twenty thirty forty fifty hundred tA=ri wi tl=ri=wi$-y6 tA.ri=p6-y6 we~tla l (twice ten) po-win ta -I ya-njn= tA n pa n-nl t n=t t.A-gint.I PERSONAL TERMS 2 aunt baby boy boy, adolescent brother, elder brother, younger child father girl girl, adolescent man man, old ko-6 ch!- n-i-i e-nui =ke (youth ) e-nu pa-rt ti-u e (small) ti-ra a-iuid=ke,-i n a-nu se sen-do mother people people, Mexican people, strangers people, white person shaman sister, elder sister, younger uncle woman woman, old TREES yi-ya to-wa qd=kU 3 pi-we fii=fian-win-in (eye blues) to=wi (people one) pu-f6-nu pa-r6 ti-u md'-m~l qi qi=y4 aspen box-elder cedar chokecherry cottonwood fir, white juniper na-na oak ti=y6-r6 (cottonwood -) pine, white hun=w6 (juniper gray-leaf) pine, yellow a-ye pifion te spruce, Douglas ten-yo sumac hun willow q k I; y h k, Y. MISCELLANEOUS La-a-fiaIi Tin!o un an; pin=yTp (mountain willow) &~-n'i;an i-an-di )in-yo; p~n-yo=ge-ri a-y 6-nu "-rf in-yo (summer) p.. / autumn po-ye-ni spirit (ghost) pi cotton se-kan spirit (soul) h food k6-gi-i-i spring ta forest I!a summer p God s~n-ta=pi-i (Santa Fe) tobacco 52 kiva t turquoise ki large s6-yo; he-i- village o pollen, corn ka n-td winter te small e; hi-fii-i-i year P, 1 Usually heard as ydnun, etc. 2 For additional relationship terms see pages 187-188. 3 "tShining stone," referring to the steel armor of the Spaniards. 4 Yo, augmentative.


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204 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Zuni
1 ANATOMICAL TERMS 2 English ankle arm blood bone breast chest chin ear elbow eye face finger-nail fingers 3 foot hair hand hand (palm) Zuni ma'-hle-a-qin-n6 as-sin-n6 at-t6 sam-m6 mem-m6 pa'-ha-tan-n6 hme-we-chin-n6 la-shak-tin-n6 mak-chin-n6 tu-nan-n6 na-pa-nin-n6 shan-chin-n6 (claw) a-si-pihl-ta-w6 we-qin-n6 tai-ya-w6 4 as-sin-n6 (arm) as-te-shak-qin-n6 English head heart knee leg lip lung mouth neck nose nostril shoulder toe toe-nail tongue tooth wrist Zuni a-sha-qin-ne i-kye-nan-n6 a-shin-n6 sa-qin-ni igh-ghin-ne yup-sha-lin-ne a-wa-tin-ne ki-sin-n6 na-lin-n6 na=a-an-n6 (nose hole) fsu-tin-n6 tuk-nin-n6 ghan-chin-ne; t6k-nin= shan-chin-ne han-nin-n6 a'-nan-ni as-si=fsn-naan-n (arm little) ANIMALS 5 antelope * badger * bat bear * beaver burro * buzzard, turkey ma'-wi ta-na-hi e-sha-fsi ain-she 6 pi-ha me-ha-ka 7 ghu'-tfi-na 8 coot coyote crane, sandhill crow deer * dog* duck (generic) hi-lu-ki sis-ki ka-lak-ta ka-ta-la'-a 6 fha-hi-ta 9 wa-fsi-ta 10 e-ya 1 The doubled consonants employed in writing Zuiii words always indicate a lengthened hold, never a distinct repetition of the sound. Some device of this sort is essential to convey an adequate idea of Zuni pronunciation, and doubled consonants are less confusing than special characters. It must be admitted that the doubled consonants could lead to erroneous conceptions if employed without explanation, and this is especially true when the words are separated by hyphens into syllables. If one were to write koko, raven, it would of course be pronounced "cocoa," which is as far from the Zunii pronunciation as is k6k-ko uttered with two separate k's between the vowels. When a Zunii says fttonno, before he begins to utter the second syllable the tip of his tongue is against his palate. He has already spoken t without aspiration. Without breaking the contact of tongue and palate he produces aspirated t, and at the end of this second syllable he utters the nasal. Again without removing tongue from palate he forms ne, the final syllable. EttonnO approximates the pronunciation. 2 The plural is formed by changing final n-ne or m-me to -w0. 3 The fingers are named separately. 4 A plural. 5 Names of animals used as food are indicated by stars. 6 An onomatope. 7 An adaptation of the word Mexico. The burro was a famine-food only. 8 This name is given to a well known trader at Zuii in allusion to his baldness. 9 Deer and antelope are classified as naale, plural naw&. 10 A famine food. Small dogs, roasted and disguised by tying lambs' feet on the legs, are fed to smallpox patients.


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VOCABULARIES20 20 "' English eagle elk * fish fox goat * goose hawk, chickenhawk, sparrowhorse * mountain-lion * mountain-sheep owl parrot porcupine * n~i'=ilan-na (deer-kind big); f6ai-lu-si ky'i~s'hi-ta hlikn-na-ko ch'i-wa-tu 6-wa p.I-pi2 ~i-n6-hfa-wa tti-~hi 3 hA'k-ti~ta-~ha (tail long) *hi-1i-ku md-hu-qi 2 mill-la chi-pi English Zu;Ii prairie-dog * k6-shi rabbit, cottontail * ft~k-s-hi-ka rabbit, Jack-* p6-kya raven kwi-la-slhi; k6k-ko 5 roadrunner py sheep * kyli-ne-lu1 snake,, bull- 6-Tha snake, rattle- chi-til-la snake, sidewinder sai-a-la-ko-ha.6 spider ta'h-si-ta squirrel, ground- * 6-chi squirrel, tree- * yi-~hi turkey *tan-na 7 wildcat te&.p wolf yii-na-wi-ka' CARDINAL POINTS 8 east nadir north t6-lu-arn~qi, t6-wan~qi; t6-ma~ko-han9 south west zenith mi-ky'ai-a=qi; il-la-ha-an=qi 12 sdn-ha=qi; ky'i-li-9bi-an= i 13 I. 14 i-ya-ma=qi 1 Spanish. 2 An onomatope. (Cf. sapipip, chick.) 3 The horse was a famine-food only. 4 The mountain-lion is a ceremonial food in certain fraternities. 5 An onomatope, in no way connected with Ukdkk, god. 6 Fromn saiann~, horn. 7 Cf. Keres O~nna. 8 The ceremonial sequence and the associated colors are north (yellow), west (blue), south (red), east (white), zenith (all-color), nadir (black). But some of the fraternities observe a different sequence; the Big Fire society, for example, names east, south, west, north, zenith, nadir. In each case the last word in the list given above is a ceremonial form. The affix qi is for qin, a locative. Te'uatzqi, "the place where the light is approaching" (te'kohanna, light; Mlani, approaching; qi (qin), locative affix). Tetwan~qi,. "the place where the light is expected to appear" (wbnann~, awaiting). Tehmakohan, " ligh~t like the whiteness of salt " (m~kose-, salt; k6hann a white), the esoteric term used in prayers of Saiata~fha, Shilako, and the chief priest of the A~hiwanni. 10 Mlnikyaqi, "below place." Another informant gave mainichaqi, which he translated "house below." Mbnilama, the esoteric term, is also heard as ma'nulama, which is translated "place of the underworld "(mainikya, below; ulionan, world; ma, at). 11 Pishldinqi was fancifully translated "place of the tall broom-grass" (ps'h,. to comb; h/anna, large), with supposed reference to the occurrence in the north of the tall broom-grass of which hair-brushes and besoms are made. 12 Maky'aiaqi, "the place where salt is in the water" (maikose-, salt; ky'aiww-, water), referring evidently to the sacred Salt lake. Jillahaanzqi, "the place whence comes coral," referring to the ceremonial color of the south. Before coral was introduced through channels of trade, 6llaha' probably was a reddish seashell. See page 5, note 6. 13 Szlnaqi, "the place of the sunset" (silnhap, sunset). The term is explained also as being from sun, ending; an, going; qi, at. Ky'6li~hanzqi, "the place where pearl shells are found" (ky'lifhi, pearl shell, probably abalone; an, direction), an esoteric term. 14 lyamaqi, "high place" (Iiyamna, high, tall). An interpreter was certain that the authen.. tic etymology is I'a comng; md'yachuw~, stars; qi, at: " the place where stars come out."


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2o6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English all-color black blue-green brown gray green magenta Zufil i-to-pa-na-hna qin-na mi-an-na s6-sin-na IA-kyan-na i4hen-na ghi-nu-te-an-n6 COLORS' English maroon purple purple, royal red white yellow Zufii aM-kyan-na 9hi-qa-mun-ntS ky'e-qin-na ghil-lo-wa k6-han-na fhipfp6in-na PRIMITIVE FOODS 2 acorns beans bread, wafer chile corn (generic) corn, cracked corn, ear corn, green corn, hominy corn, parched corn, shelled cornmeal ta-a-wi-m a-w6 nai-w6 h&w6 kg-la ta-wa mi-we mi-kya-yu-w6 ch6-f6i-qa-na-w, chii-w6 s~-ka-w~; ai-f~a-na-w~; d-w6 3 melon onions peach pifon-nuts pumpkins squash tortillas watermelon wheat wheat bread wheat flour yucca seedpods m6-lu-na 4 m6=qi-w6 m6=chi-qa 5 he'Aho=ku-w6 m6 mo-w6 m6=te-a-ha 5 h6:pa-chi-w6 m6=lak-na-n6 5 kyi-w6 mil-la-w6 6 kyi=a-w~ (wheat meal) HANDICRAFT armor, corselet kem=hliap-a-nan-n6 (hide-) bow arrow ~ hg-a-l1 bullroarer arrow-point ti-mu-~h6 arrow-shaft him-m6 (stick) dress arrow-smoother ~ha=ch!- hni-kya drill basket, storage hM-fgi-l1 house basketwinnowing fii-i-16 knife batten, loom- hltm-m~ (board) leggings belt 6'-nin-n6 belt, ceremonial ta-ku-ni=qin-n6; ma"-li-mi 'i- lan-n~ hlem=t4-nu-nu-nan-n6 (board thunder) e-ha; 'e-ha=fii-na-pa 8 h-l=tin-n6 kyi-qfn-n6 i-ch i-yan-n6i k6-ku-wu-h~a-w~; ke'-ku-wuhia-w6=hli-an-na (leggings blue); k&ahi1-ta-w6 9 pifhl-han-n6 10 pi=qin-n~ 7 loin-cloth There are ceremonial words for some of the colors: for example, hqignna, black; 6qah7li blue-green (a green cupreous mineral, from 6qannO, medicine; hulianna, blue-green); 6honna, red. 2 See also under the head of Animals, and pages 98-102. Melons, watermelons, peaches, chile, and wheat were of course unknown in pre-Spanish times. 3 Respectively, coarse, medium, fine. 4 Spanish. 5 Mo, from mo'dg, ball, hence any round fruit.; chiqa, sweet. 6 A plural. 7 The first is an embroidered sash purchased from the [opi (cf. ta'kunnp, necklace); the second, a white cotton sash. 8 Respectively, a blue-black woollen garment, and a similar one, purchased from the Hopi, with red and green embroidery on the edge. Tsinapa, embroidery, or any kind of decoration with needlework; or painting, as on pottery, rocks, or house-walls. 9 All these terms are dual number. The first designates the Navaho leggings of deerskin reaching to the knees, with silver buttons at the side, worn by men; the second, close-fitting, blue woollen stockings without feet, worn by men and women; the third, leggings of entire white deerskins wrapped around the calves, worn by women on special occasions. 10 Cf. piilD, thread, a fibre; Eiil0, sinew thread.


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VOCABULARIES English Zuii loom pil-lan-n6 1 metate a-k6; i-k=lhn-nt 2 moccasins mi-qa-w~ 3 muller yi-lin-n~ necklace ti-kun-n6 pottery (generic) e-w~ ' bowl (generic) si-a-l1 canteen m&-w6-kyi-li-ta; m&h6'-It 5 cooking-pot w6-le-a-kya=ti-el~ (boiling pot); si-a-mu-yan-nt 6 cup t6-tu=nT-kya=si-a-l6 (drink put-in bowl) food-bowl i-ta=nI-kya=si-a-l6 (food putin bowl) English mixing-bowl water-jar quiver rabbit-stick rattle, gourd robe shield shirt spear spindle spoon, ladle9 war-club 207 ZuniI mS-fi6=nT-kya=si-a-l6 (dough put-in bowl) ky'i-w6=n -kya=t&6-l6 (water put-in jar) ihS-pan-n6 fihyan-n6 chi'-min-nl iha'-cha; hli-ha 7~ il-lan-n6 6-chun-n6 lin-sa 8 hl=tin-n~ (drill) ~1m-kyap-nan tim-kyap-nan-n6 NATURAL PHENOMENA ashes charcoal cloud cloud, cumulus cloud, mackerel cloud, nimbus darkness day earth fire ice lake light lightning moon mountain l1Si-w~ na-kye a-w6h-u-i-yan-n6 sd-la-hai-yan-n6 a-w6hlu-i-yan-n6= hi-kya-na t=qin-na (- black) yi-tan-n6 i-wi-t6-lin-n6 11 ik-lin-n6; mi-ky6S h1'm-kyai-yan-n6 12 ky'i=tu-lin-n6 t&ko-han-na 13 yi-lo-lo-nan-n6 14 yi-chun-n6 yi~-lan-n6 1 night Pleiades rain rainbow river rock, stone sky smoke snow star sun thunder de-hli-nan-n6 qi —h11-kya=q6 (seven ones) hli-t-kya a-mi-ta-lan-n6 ky'i-wi=nan-n6 a-a-16 16 a'-pa-yan-n6 17 hli-kyai-yan-n6 6-la-lan-n6 mA'=ya-chun-n6 (moon) ya-ta-kya td-wa-wa-nan-n6; td-nu-nunan-n6 18 ky'-na; kya&hl6 1 pin-na-kya water wind ' Cf. piik1, thread, a fibre. 2 Respectively, the stone itself, and the stone installed in its mealing-box. 3 Singular, mdqanng. 4 Singular, te-zl1. The term is applied specifically to a jar or pot. 5 Respectively, a long, cylindrical vessel with bulbous ends, raised orifice in the top, and carrying-thong attached near the ends, and an intentionally mammiform vessel with a small, protruding orifice at the top. Cf. m-emmg, breast. 6 Respectively, large and spheroidal, and small and flattish. Saiamuyanne, probably from shiale-, bowl; m6YlY, round object. 7 Respectively, white wool with black or blue stripes, and rabbit-skin ropes with fibre twining. With {hdcha cf. Tewa seghIz, an embroidered white cotton robe; sekdn, cotton. The ordinary Zuiii woven woollen blanket is pzsalM, from Spanish frisada. 8 Spanish. 9 Usually distinguished as hAdkaln-fainna (small) and Thdka'n-hlanna (large). 10 The second term is applied to a cloud obscuring the entire sky. 11 Compare 6wip~, four, with reference to the four world-regions. 12 Cf. Itiedmm~, board. 13 Compare the terms for east and white. 14 An onomatope. 15 ra, probably from iyana, high. 1"Plural, awwt. 17 Pdyanne, covering; a hat. 18 Onomatopes. 19 Respectively, in its natural situation, and in a container.


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208 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN NUMERALS'I English one two three four five six seven eight nine ten eleven Zufil u6-pa, ta'-pln-t6 2 qi-li hfi-i i-wi-t~, wi;-~ ip-t6' ip-t~n ta'-pa=li-kya qi-l1=1Y-kya hi-i'h-kya t~-na-hT-kya as=ttm-hla (fingers all) ta-pa=yafl-t (one above) 3 English twelve thirteen twenty twenty-one thirty forty fifty hundred Zuili qI-li=yahl-ta hi-i=yahl-Iqi-Ii=kyan=is-t~m-hma qi-li=kyanfis-t~m-ian=tApa-yah1-Ihi-i=kyan=is-t~m-hma &-wi-t6=kyan=is-t~m-h~a, ip-t6=kyan=as-t~m-h-I is-si'is=t'rm-fila (hand hand all) aunt, maternal aunt, paternal baby berdache boy boy, adolescent brother, elder brother, younger (of a man) (of a woman) brother's daughter (of a man) (of a woman) brother's son (of a man) (of a woman) clan daughter father female girl girl, adolescent grandfather husband male man, young man, old PERSONA fiil-lu; ffit-ta (mother) k6k-ku wi-ha=f&an-na (- small) hlih-ma-na (weak) gk=gfe-kyi fiim=&an-na (man small) pa-pa sii-w~ hin-ni kyi=&e-kyi (girl) aik-fie-kyi (boy) tfil-l~ an-na —tin-n6 kyi=fae-kyi (girl) t6-chu f-kya kyi=f6e-kyi 6-la$h-tu-kyi nan-na fii-wa-kyi flih4hi-kyi kL TERMS4 medicine-man mother people people, Indian people, Mexican people, Pueblo Indian people, white person priest sister, elder sister, younger (of a man) (of a woman) sister's child (of a man) (of a woman) son sorcerer uncle, maternal uncle, paternal wife woman woman, old a-qa=mis-si (medicine chief) 5 fi~t-ta i=h a-i i=ha-i=t6 fii-pa-la-a 6 lifi-a-la-q~ 7 me'-li-ka-na-q6 8 h6-i ahf-wan-ni 9 kyi-u i-kin-na han-ni kyfis-s~ kyif=&e-kyi (girl); 6k=gfekyi (boy) 6k=f&e-kyi (boy) hi-fii-qi lyi-kya ti-chu=f&an-na (father little) mi-kyi a-kya=f6i-kyi (female old) aspen cedar ce a=nr h h-k pi-ha ha'-ma-kyi-hai-ya TREES cottonwood pas-la dogwood pi-chik=fla-w~ (- woods) 10 The ordinals from one to six are: chimnaqt, qi'l=kyannana, hdi'kyannana, cawitna'kyannana, c6pumna=kyannana, tdpaltkya=kyannana. 2 TdIa also signifies "other." 3 Ast~m~ilan may be prefixed to any of the numerals from eleven to nineteen. For additional relationship terms see pages 192-193. MAldssi, contraction of mdssanna, chief, master. 6 Tsipaininne, beard. 7 Hltialanno, pueblo; qg, collective affix. I Adapted from Spanish Americano. 9 Plural, ThAiwannz. 10 Cf. Isleta lla, tree, and Zuiji names for such wooden implements as arrow-shaft, loombatten, bow, drill.


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VOCABULARIES 209 English juniper oak pine Zufii English a-yi-ka pifion ti-a-wi; wi-man-ne; hli'pa1 spruce, Douglas a-~hbkya; la-qi-m2 willow Zufii h ka3ho h1i-kyai-yu-wt!3 MISCELLANEOUS autumn breath cigarette cold cotton dream food good kiva large long mask obsidian am-ya-she-na-kya-nan-n6 yi-na-ku-nan-n6 pa'-n6 pi-6i-mi hi-lo-a-w6 3 i-ta-we 3 kaik-ahi ki-wi-ffin-n6 4 aln-na tfi-han-na kiak-ka (god); pa-chin-n6 I i-ql-q! prayer-stick salt shadow short small spirit, ghost spring summer tobacco turquoise village winter year tte-li-kyi-nan-n6 mi-we; mi-ko-s~ 6 t6hiu-lan-n6 ka —ni fsin-na hi-pa te'-Ia-qai-nan-n6 6-lo-i-kya-nan-n6 an-na fli-a-qa 7 hhi-a-lan-n6 tW'-ffi-nan-n6 8 tei'-pi-qai-nan-n6 1 Species unidentified. The first is a large tree bearing edible acorns; the second and third are small and scrubby. 2 Respectively, Pinus ponderosa (cf. Jsh~kya, dead), and a small species known as jackpine. 3 A plural form. 4 Cf. Hopi kiva. I The first-named covers the entire head of a dancer personating a spirit-being; the second is a face-mask used by Ka-kakghi ("god good") dancers. See page 126. 6 Respectively, the ceremonial (plural), and the ordinary term. 7 From h]l'anna, blue-green; iqawl, medicine. 8 Te'f`O, cold. VOL. XVII-27


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I


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Index



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I


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INDEX Abalone-shell in prayer-meal, 125 See PEARL-SHELL CHIEF Abechiu, ruin near Abiquiu, I9I Abortion, how effected, IO8 Above chief. See ZENITH PRIEST Achiyaltadpa. See KNIFE WING Achiyaqe, a Zufii society, 152 Acoma, discovery of, 9I one-eyed people of, 179 sexual freedom after hunt, 37 source of salt, 102 visited by Ofnate, 88 Zuii name for, I94 See KERES Acorns as food, 32, IOI Address in ceremonies, I3-I4, 29, 37, 53, 67, 74, I56, I6I, 164 Adobe in house-building, 97, i86, I91-I92 Adultery at Nambe, 62 See PROSTITUTION; SEXUAL FREEDOM Agachani, sacred lake, 66, 70-71, 73, 75 See CLOUD-GODS Agachanipi". See LAKE PEAK Ag6yoan"y, portrait, 134 pi. Agoyos6yo, San Ildefonso deity, 43 Agoy6oia", portrait, I44 pi. Agriculture of the Tewa, 32 of Zufii, 98 See CORN; CROPS; FOOD; GARDENS; HARVEST CEREMONY; IRRIGATION; PLANTING Aguicobi, a form of Hawikuh, 91 Ahayuta in Zuii genesis, I21 See WAR-GODS Ah'shona, a Zuii ruin, 195 Alarcon, H. de, Cibola described to, 95 Alfalfa raised at Zufii, 98 illaha-ashiwanni. See SOUTH CHIEF All-color Cloud Man, a deity, 43, 45 All-directions. See CARDINAL POINTS; WORLD-REGIONS Altar used in ceremonies, 12-I4, I6, 22, 46 -48, 50-51, 57, 67, 7I, 126, 134, I42-I43, I48, I58 used in human sacrifice, 22 See CEREMONIES; DANCES; KIVA Alvarado, Hernando de, explorations, 9I Anatomical terms, Tewa, 200 Zuii, 204 Anayo, Pepilla, ceremonial child of, 76 An-hiyare. See FOOT DANCE Animal deities painted on kivas, 192 Animal food of the Tewa, I86, 200 of Zuii, 102, 192, 204-205 See FOOD; GAME; HUNTING; MEAT Animals associated with world-regions, 159, 162, I89, 201 fetishes representing, 13, 16-17, 50, 68, 70-7, 80 game, society concerned with, 7, o1, 148 images for increase of, 134 in myth, 173-176, I94 personages associated with, 41 power of, how transmitted, 162-163 shamans aided by, I94 simulated in rites, IO, 24, 55-56, 58, 67-69 sorcerers assume forms of, 27 supplication to, 43-44 symbolism of tracks of, 113 Tewa names of, 200 Zuii names of, 204 See ANTELOPE; BADGER; BAT; BEAR; BEAVER; BIRDS; BUFFALO; COUGAR; 213


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214 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Animals. See COYOTE; DEER; DOG; GAME; GOATS; GOPHER; HUNTING; INSECTS; JACK-RABBIT; MOUNTAINSHEEP; PACKRATS; PLUMED SERPENT; PORCUPINE; RABBITS; RATTLESNAKES; SNAKES; TOAD; TURTLES; WATER-SNAKE; WILDCAT; WOLF Anklets in ceremony, 25, 27, 59-60, 70, 79, i86, I91 See COSTUME,nnohoho, Zufii deity, 126, 128 Annosiyan-.thula in Zuiii genesis, 115 Ant. See ANT-HILL; ANTS Antelope in myth, 172-173 See ANIMAL FOOD Antelope clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Antelope-horns in Buffalo dance, 55 Antelope Old Man, association of, 41 Antelope people of Zuni, 106 See DEER CLAN ".teye-lyare. See FOOT-LIFT DANCE Ant-hill, how used by Bow priests, 156 Antler, bows made of, i86 See ANTELOPE-HORNS; DEER-ANTLERS; ELK-ANTLER; HORNS Ants, skin disease attributed to, 152 Ant societies of Zufii, I45, 151-152, 158 Apache, baskets obtained from, 103 cooking custom from, 29 dance imitated, 24-25 fish not eaten by, i86 source of salt, IOI Tewa name for, 190 Zufii name for, 194 Zufii pueblos destroyed by, 9I-92 See CHIRICAHUA; JICARILLA; MESCALEROS; WHITE MOUNTAIN APACHE Aphrodisiac, plant used as, 165 Apihian-shiwanni, Zuii war society, IO6, I55-I59 See Bow PRIESTS; PiHLAN-SHiWANNI; WAR-CHIEFS Aquinsa, a form of Kiakima, 91 Archbishop of Santa Fe, archives of, 8I Archuleta, Francisca, head of San Juan "weeds," I I Arikara, corn ceremony of, 145 Arm-bands. See COSTUME; YARN; YUCCA Arrow clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Arrow fraternity of Hlewe, 151 Arrow-points in medicine-bag, I6I Arrows carried in ceremony, Io, 76, IO9, I45, i67 game played with, 36 in myth, 171-I72, 176 of San Ildefonso, 32 placed with infant boys, 6 poisoned with snake venom, I54 presented to young hunters, 6 puerperal blood smeared on, 6 See HUNTING; WEAPONS Arts of the Tewa, 31-32, I86-I87 of the Zufii, 95-I04, I92 See BASKETRY; DRAWINGS; HANDICRAFT; PAINTING; POTTERY; WEAVING Arvide, Fr. Martin de, murdered, 91 Ashes, clouds simulated with, 71, 73 in ceremony, 14, I9, 48, 52-55, 68-69, 71-73, 136 Ashiwanni, activities of, 102, 105, I12, 165 See PRIESTS; RAIN-PRIESTS; SHIWANNI sAhiwi, Zufii tribal name, 85, II6 Aspen in myth, 115, 174 Aspen clans of the Tewa, 5, 64 Asperging in ceremony, 14, 16, 50, 59, I63-I64, I73 Aveshuiun". See ABECHIU AwafSire, San Ildefonso artist, 31 dwihAoky'aya, a mythic spring, 117 Axes, stone, of San Ildefonso, 32 See IMPLEMENTS Badger, sacred character of, 50, 159, I62, 175-176, 201 See ANIMAL FOOD Badger clan of the Tewa, 5, 40, 64 of Zuiii, IO6, I29, I33 Bag, deerskin, for seeds, I60 See MEDICINE-BAG; POUCHES Bagshawe, J. B., cited, 152 Bal, Fr. Juan de, killed by Zufii, 93 Baldness, cause of, 108 Baldric worn ceremonially, 26-27 See COSTUME


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INDEX 215 Baldy peak sacred to Tewa, 44-45, 69-73 Ball of seeds scattered, 15 Bampfylde, Bishop, witnesses fire-dance, 153 Bandelier, A. F., cited, I9-20, 23, 31, 43, 87-88, 9I, I9I Bark. See JUNIPER-BARK; WILLOW-BARK Barns, T. A., cited, 152 Basket dance of the Tewa, 26, 59 Basketry of the Tewa, 31, I86, folio pls. 593, 594 of the Zufii, 103, 192 shields of, I04 See HANDICRAFT Baskets in myth, I78-179 uses of, 14 pi., 22 pl., 26 pi., 38 pi., 42 pl., 74, 99-IoI, Io3, 107, I59, 164, 166-167, 178, I93 Bat, child of K6yemlshi, 119 Bat-blood, a hair preventive, 30 Bathing for purification, 6, 38, 50, 57, 7I-72, 78-79, 109, 117, I45, I6i, I77, I88, I93 See HAIR-WASHING; PURIFICATION; WASHING Baton in clown initiation, 70 See WAND Bead clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Beads, how drilled, 32, i86 mixed with meal in myth, 177 of the Zufii, IO3, i86, I92 on corn fetish, I6 worn in dances, i86 See NECKLACES; SHELLS Beans cultivated by Pueblos, 32, 98 in myth, 118, I73, i8I tabooed by Hliweqe, I50 with corn-ear fetish, I60 See FOOD Bear associated with directions, I59, I62, 201 in myth, 178, I8o medicine in healing, 17 simulated in rite, 67-69 tutelar of shamans, lI, 50 Bear clan of the Tewa, 5, 40, 64 of Zuni, io6, I33, I57-159 Bear fetishes of the Tewa, 16-17, 68, 70-7T, 8o Bear mountain. See KEPiN; SAN ANTONIO PEAK Bear-paws in ceremony, I6-17, 46, 50-5I, 69, I 6, 163 Beaver. See ANIMAL FOOD Bedbug society of Zuii, I54, I65 Bee plant, paint derived from, 31, 103 Beeswax in myth, 176 Begging by clowns, 54-55 Bells worn by dancers, 25, 27, 74, 79 Belts of Zuii women, 97, IO2, 206 woven by Tewa, 31-32 See CLOTHING; COSTUME; SASHES Benavides, Fr. Alonso de, on the Tewa, 3 Berries. See CEDAR-BERRIES; CHOKECHERRIES; FOOD; JUNIPER-BERRIES; SUMAC-BERRIES Besom used at child-naming, 6 See BROOM Betting. See GAMING Beverage of the Zuiii, IOI Big Fire society of Zufii, 96, Io8, 126, 128, 130, I35, I38-I40, I43, I50-I5I, 159-167, I73 Big Morning lake in song, 77 Birds, effigies of, in Kyaklo rite, 130 mythic origin of, 18i See ANIMAL FOOD; BLUEBIRDS; CHICKENHAWK; CHICKENS; DUCK; EAGLE; FEATHERS; HAWK; HUMMINGBIRD; OWL; PARROTS; PINON BIRD; RAVEN; SPARROW-HAWK; TURKEY Black Cloud Man, Nadir rain-god, 43, 45 Black mesa, a goal in race, 33 in invocation, 53 See TUNYO Black Rock, water-creatures from, 131 Blankets. See CLOTHING; ROBES Blindness in myth, II3, I79 Blood, puerperal, smeared on arrows, 6 rubbed on infant, IO8 See BAT-BLOOD Blood guilt of warriors removed, 157 Bluebird-feathers in solstice rite, 135 Bluebirds, snaring of, 6-7 Blue Cloud Man, the North rain-god, 43-44, 50 Blue Corn Woman, a deity, 41, 43, 50 Blue Corn Women, a society, II, 66 Bond, Frank, grubstakes goldseeker, 8I Bone ceremonially given to infants, 62


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216 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Bone extracted by shamans, 69 Boots, deerskin, in dance, 55, 59-60 See CLOTHING; COSTUME; LEGGINGS; MOCCASINS; SANDALS Bow clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Bowl used on altar, 47 See MEDICINE-BOWL; POTTERY Bow priests of Zuii, 102, 105, 11-I23, I33 -134, I36, 141, I45, 149, I53, I55 -I60, I63-164, I80, 193 See APIHLAN-SHIWANNI; PIHLAN-SHIWANNI; PRIESTS; WAR-CHIEFS Bows carried in ceremony, IO, 76, 167 given to young hunters, 6 in myth, 171-172, 176 of San Ildefonso, 32 placed with infant boys, 6 See HUNTING; WEAPONS Boys in hunting rite, 167 initiation of, 63, 109, I94 in myth, 176 in solstice ceremony, I35, I38-I39 symbolized in prayer-sticks, 143 See CHILDREN; INITIATION Bread given to rabbit-hunters, 29 rings of, worn by clowns, 70 symbols on, 78, 8i See CORN; FOOD; MEAL; WAFER BREAD; WHEAT Bread-bowl, mythic personage, I79 Breathing. See INHALATION Broom, a mythic personage, I79 See BESOM Brushes for pottery decoration, IO3 See HAIR BRUSH Buffalo, Coronado expedition discovers, 91 head-dress in dance, 55-56 See ANIMAL FOOD Buffalo clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Buffalo dance, Tewa, 25-26, 41, 43, 55-56 Buffalo-fur, caps of, 32 dance hair-bands of, 77 Buffalo-hunt, customs regarding, 29 Buffalo Old Man. See KoOSiNDO Buffalo-skin in myth, 178 uses of, 54, 97, I04, 192 Zuni trade in, 95, I9I-I92 Bullroarer in myth, 173 Bullroarer, uses of, 167, I87 Bullsnake, Zufii belief regarding, 155 Burial conducted by fiscal, 38, 42, 65 of Zufii dead, Io See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Burning of sorcerer's effigy, 51 Butterfly in myth, 172-173 Cabeza de Vaca, hears of pueblos, 85-86 Caciques, character, duties, functions, 4, 7-8, II, 14-I5, 29, 37-38, 42, 60, 65-67, 72, 75, 80, I87, folio pl. 60I descr. See CEREMONIES; DANCES; PRIESTS; RELIGION; SHAMANS; SOCIETIES Cacique societies, Tewa, 6, 9, 1-19, 46-50, 66-72 Cactus, club of, 153 used in pottery painting, 103 See FOOD; OPUNTIA Cactus society of Zufii, 153 Cactus-spines, how treated, 153 in Kyaklo rite, 128 Cajete, Pedro, goldseeker, 8I Canabi, a form of Kianawe, 9I Canada de Cochiti, Keres in, 36 Canadian river in Buffalo song, 56 Cane cigarettes in ceremony, I60 gaming devices of, 126, 177-I78, 192 in Zuni ettowe, 125-126 in Zufii genesis, 115 used by Deer dancers, 26 Cannibals personated in dance, 25 Canote, a game, 33 Cantaloupes at Zuii, 98-99 Caps, fur, of the Tewa, 32 worn by clowns, 10, I8, 54, 70 See COSTUME; HEAD-DRESS Captive dance of the Tewa, 37 Captives. See WARFARE Cardenas, G. L. de, visits Grand Canion, 91 Cardinal points addressed, 52-53 asperging to, 14, I6, 173 dancing before, 49, 55-57 deities associated with, 43 feathers associated with, 46 in Zuii rites, 128, 145 motions to, with masks, 75 rain-gods of, 43


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INDEX 217 Cardinal points, stones erected at, 29 Tewa names of, 201 Zunii names of, 205 See WORLD-REGIONS Carlisle school, Zuiii children at, III Castaneda, Pedro de, cited, 85, 89, 96-97, 190 Cattail-down used in healing, 51 Cave-dwellings of Pueblos, 30, 30-34 pls., 186, I90 Cedar, bows made of, 32, I86, 192 Cedar-berries as food, 32 with corn-ear fetish, 16I See FOOD Celestial bodies deified, 189, 194 See MOON; STARS; SUN Celibacy of Sun priest, 125 Centre of earth in Zuii legend, II7-118, 120, 123, 142 See ITTIWANNA; NANSIPOGE Ceremonial sequence observed, 128, 137-138, 201 Ceremonies, how regulated at San Juan, 4, 7 of Nambe, 65-82 of San Ildefonso, 42-60 of San Juan, 4, 7-8, 11-27 of the Tewa, I89 of the Zufii, I23-I67, 194 See CACIQUES; DANCES; DANCING; GODS; PRIESTS; RELIGION; SHAMANS; SOCIETIES; SOLSTICES Cevola, a form of Cibola, 89 Chamita, site of San Gabriel, 3, 191 Chamuscado, F. S. de, visits Zufii, 91 Chaqena mask of Zuni, 122 Charms made of obsidian, 10, 26 used by sorcerers, I6I See FETISHES Cherry, bows made of, 32, I86 Chicken-hawk in Zufii myth, 113 Chicken-hawk clans, Tewa, 5, 40, 64 Chickens, how treated by clowns, 19 Chiefs of world-regions, 114 See CACIQUES; GOVERNMENT; ORGANIZATION; PRIESTS; SHAMANS; WAR-CHIEFS Chiky'aliqe, a Zuii society, 152, 154 Childbirth, customs attending, 6, io8 in myth, 171 VOL. XVII-28 Children, customs regarding, 6-8, 25, 53-54, 62, 72, 74, io8, 136 fed to snakes, 20-22, 79 images of, I34 naming of, Io9 See BOYS; GIRLS; INITIATION; PROPAGATION DANCE Chile introduced at Zuii, 98 Chimikyannipkyatea in Zufi cult, 116, 140 Chipafunta, etymology of, 43 Chiricahua, Zuii name for, 194 Chokecherries. See FOOD Christian influence among Pueblos, xi, 55, 61, 65, 92-95 See CHURCH; MISSION; SPANIARDS Christmas, Turtle dance at, 25, 54 Church at Hawikuh, go, go pl. at Zuiii, 84 pl., 94-95 cared for by fiscales, 42 See CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE; MISSION; SPANIARDS Cibola, early history, 85-9I See SEVEN CITIES OF CIBOLA; ZUNI Cigarettes. See CANE; CORN-HUSKS; SMOKING Cisneros, Victoriano, wife of, a Snake mother, 78 Civona, a form of Cibola, 85 Clan cults and Zuii priesthood, I24 Clans, contest of, in race, I05 of the Tewa, 4-5, 39-41, 63-65, 187 of the Zufii, 1o6-107, 192 Clay, hair stiffened with, 18 of Zuii pottery, I02 used for face-paint, IIo Cliff-dwellings. See CAVE-DWELLINGS Clothing illustrated, plates passim of shamans in treatment, 68 of the dead, 38, IIO of the Tewa, 3, 32, 185-186 of the Zuii, 96-97, 102, 19I, 206-207 skin, in myth, 173-I74 See COTTON; COSTUME Cloud-clans of the Tewa, 5, 40-41, 64 Cloud-dance of San Ildefonso, 48, 52-54 Cloud-gods called in K6sa rite, 71 clowns as interpreters of, 70 homes of, 44-46, 73


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2I8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Cloud-gods, invocation to, 173 offerings to, 12, I87 of the Tewa, 72-75, I89 personated, 8, 19, 52, 72 represented on prayer-sticks, 12 See CLOUDS; DEITIES; GODS; LAKES; MOUNTAINS; OFFERING; OIUWA; OKUWA; RAIN-GODS; WATER-GODS Clouds, ceremonial trail for, 50 how symbolized, 27, 56, 56 pl., 57-58, 58 pl., 59, 71, 73, I26, I30, I37, I41, I49, 158 in song, 27, 48-49, 52, 56, 77 invoked in rite, 53 represented in house fetish, 143 shrines associated with, 44 Turtle dance for, 54 See RAIN; SMOKING Clowns of the Pueblos, i8 of the Tewa, 52, I89 whipped in rite, 74 See KOSA; KOYEMASHI; KU'SARI; KWIRAINA; KWI'RANNA; NEWEQE; QNRI; QiRANO Clown societies of Nambe, 66, 70-72 of San Ildefonso, 51-52 of San Juan, Io, I7-I9 Clubs. See WAR-CLUBS; WEAPONS Coaqueria, a form of Kwakina, 9I Cochiti, drawings by youths of, 32 Tesuque clowns initiated at, 18 Tewa shamans derived from, 5I Zufii name for, 194 See KERES Cohabitation. See ADULTERY; CONTINENCE; FECUNDITY; PROPAGATION; PROSTITUTION; SEXUAL FREEDOM Colorado river visited by Ofiate, 88 See GRAND CANON Colors associated with war-gods, 43, 45 associated with world-regions, 43, 80, 131, I8I, 201 deities designated by, 43 of corn in dance, 26-27 of pottery, 31 of shrine stones, 29 Tewa names for, 201 Zufii names for, 206 Colors. See PAINTING Comanche and Tewa enmity, 36, 189 dance imitated, 24 Tewa name for, 190 Zuiii name for, 194 Community work of the Tewa, 38, I87 See LABOR Compostela, Coronado expedition at, 89 Conception, how prevented, Io8 Consecration of Zuiii houses, I4I-I43, 194 See INITIATION Conservatism of the Pueblos, xi, 3 Continence practised by devotees, 13, 63, 75, 78-79, io8, 131, I33-I34 See TABOO Convulsions, treatment of, 152 Cooking custom of Apache and Navaho, 29 See FOOD; POTTERY Cooking-pot, a mythic personage, 179 Coral in Zuiii myth, 122, 177 Zufii uses of, 103, I55, 205 Coral chief. See SOUTH CHIEF Coral clan. See RED STONE CLAN Corazones valley, Sonora, 85 Corn borne by Cloud dancers, 53 deposited for infants, 62 in myth, 117-118, 173 magically grown, 13, i8i mother represented by, 13, 16 offered by deities, 137-138 of Zuii altars, 126 placed with infant girls, 6 raised by Tewa, 32 sole food of initiate, 15 symbolism of, 7, 136 Zuii cultivation of, 98 Zufii foods prepared from, 99-IoI See CORN MAIDS; CORN MOTHERS; FOOD; MOTHER CORN; SEED-CORN Corn chief sacrifices children, 0O9 Corn clan of the Tewa, 5, 40, 64 of Zuiii, o16, 135 Corn dance of San Juan, 26-27 See TABLITA DANCE Corn-ear fetishes in ceremony, 13, i6, 47, 50, 70, 143, 158, i6o-i6i, 164, 167, I94 Corn-grinding, how effected, I92 in ceremony, II, 25-26, 63, 66, 77, 107


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INDEX 2I9 Corn-grinding tabooed at winter solstice, 134 See MEAL-GRINDING; MEALING-STONES; METATES Corn-husks, uses of, 18, 47, 49, 51, 70-71, 99-100, io8, 148, i6o, 165 Corn Maids in Tewa cult, 43, I89 in Zufii myth, 117 Cornmeal. See MEAL Corn Mothers of the Tewa, I6, 62 of Zufii cult, 102, II7, I6I See CORN-EAR FETISHES; MOTHER CORN Corn mountain, cactus clubs from, 153 ceremony of girls at, IO9-IIo hunter rites at, 1O9 Kiakima at base of, 87, 92 legend of, 90, I79 medicine plant from, 165 observation on sun at, 133 ruins near, I95 ruins on, IO8 pi. shrines on, 133, I34, I50 pi., 167 source of potter's clay, IO2 views of, 86 pl., Io6 pi. Zufii take refuge on, 90-93 Corn people, Zufii, rites of, 124 See CORN CLAN Corn-pollen, dead priest dusted with, Iio Coronado, F. F. de, expedition, xi, 89-9I, 95-97, I92, I95 Tewa pottery noted by, 31, folio pl. 587 descr. Corrals in myth, I73-I74 Cortes, Hernando, claims of, 89 Cosmogony of the Zunii, 104 See ORIGIN MYTH Costume, dance, of the Tewa, 24 pl., 25, 27, 54, 56, 59-60, 74, 77, 79, I86 in hunting rite, 26, 167 of clowns, Io, i8 of San Juan society, Io, 10 pi., II of Summer society, 49 of Tewa bride, 37 of Tewa warriors, 189 of Zuii initiates, 132 of Zufi personages, 128, I37, I42-I43, I48 See CEREMONIES; CLOTHING; CLOWNS; DANCES;GODS; RELIGION; SOCIETIES Cotton, garments of, 32, 49, 60, 74, 96-97 Cotton, how obtained by Zuii, 96, I92 in Zuni genesis, 122 string used on altar, 47 wrappings of corn-ear fetish, I60 See CLOTHING; COSTUME; WEAVING Cotton-fields, a Hopi ruin, 96 Cottonwood, race goals of, 58 war-god images of, 112 Cottonwood clans of the Tewa, 5, 40, 64 Cougar fetishes of the Tewa, 50, 80 in myth, 175, 178 representative of north, I59, I62, 201 society named for, Io See PiN KN Cougar clans of the Tewa, 5, 26, 40, 64 Cougar cloud in ceremony, 8 Cougar-skin, quivers of, 10, 26, 171 Council. See GOVERNMENT Courtship in myth, 179 See MARRIAGE Coyote, bark of, how regarded, 41 image in myth, 175-176 Coyote clan of the Tewa, 5, 40, 64 of Zunii, o6, I59 Coyote people, Saniakyaqe so called, I48 Coyote-skins worn in dance, 27 Cradles of Pueblos, 6, 62, Io8 Cramps, how avoided, 6 Crane clan. See SANDHILL CRANE CLAN Creation. See COSMOGONY; MYTHOLOGY; ORIGIN MYTH Crops cared for by society, 66 ceremony for success, 7, 24, 47, 51 food offered for, 39 gathered after ceremony, 67 how treated, 98-99 in song, 52, 56 prophecies for, by Pautiwa, 138 rattlesnake supplicated for, 155 seed-ball for increasing, 15 thanksgiving for, 9, 60 See AGRICULTURE; BEANS; CORN; FOOD; FRUITS; HARVEST CEREMONY; IRRIGATION; PLANTING; SQUASHES; VEGETATION Cross, how regarded by Zuii, 94-95 on gaming-sticks, 35-36 Crystals, uses of, 126, I6o, 163


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220 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Crystals. See QUARTZ Culiacan, Coronado at, 89, 91 Culture hero. See POSEYEMO Cushing, F. H., cited, 87, 91, io6, II9, I2I, 152, I95, folio pl. 612 descr. Cuticle used in mythic magic, 177-178 Cuyamunque, former Tewa pueblo, I90 Dances, animals simulated in, IO, 24, 55-56, 58, 67-69 clowns participate in, I8, 51-52, 70-72 how inaugurated, II, 33, 54-60, 75-76 initiation into, by Tewa, I88 of cloud-god personators, 8, I9, 52, 72 of San Juan society, II of Tewa Summer moiety, 49-50 public, of San Juan, 24-27 taught to children, 8 Zuiii, how regulated, 132 Zuiii, origin of, 120 See BASKET DANCE; BUFFALO DANCE; CAPTIVE DANCE; CEREMONIES; CLOUD DANCE; CLOWNS; CORN DANCE; COSTUME; DANCING; DEER DANCE; EAGLE DANCE; FIRE-DANCE; FOOT DANCE; FOOT-LIFT DANCE; PROPAGATION; RAINBOW DANCE; RELIGION; SCALP-DANCE; SEEDCLEAN DANCE; SHALAKO; SNAKE DANCE; SOCIETIES; SOLSTICES; TABLITA DANCE; THANKSGIVING DANCE; TURTLE DANCE; WAR-DANCE Dancing at Summer solstice, 141 in Big Fire rite, I60, 163 in harvest ceremony, 145 in healing rite, I6-I7, 68 in Kyaklo rite, I30-13I in myth, 18, 176, i8i in scalp ceremony, I57-I59, I89 in Shalako rite, 143, 145 in Zufii solstice rite, 135-140 Darwin, Charles, cited, i66 Datura meteloides. See JAMESTOWN-WEED Davis, W. W. H., quoted, 93 Dawn in Zuii cosmogony, 104 Dead addressed by priests, 156 bathing of, 38, I77, I88, I93 not seen during pregnancy, Io8 Dead, offerings for, 133-I34, I49 See BURIAL; MORTUARY CUSTOMS; SPIRITS Decoration of pottery, 31, 103 See EMBROIDERY; ORNAMENTS; PAINTING; POTTERY Dedication. See CONSECRATION; INITIATION Deer in myth, 172-174, I80 Ohuiwa named for, 8 San Juan custom regarding, 29 See ANIMAL FOOD; HUNTING Deer-antlers in Buffalo dance, 55 See ANTLER Deer-bones used as accompaniment, 150 Deer clan of the Tewa, 5, 40, 64 of Zufii, Io6, I33, I57-I59 Deer dance of San Juan, 26 Deer hunt, game of, 34-35 See HUNTING Deerskin as bridal gift, I07, I93 garments of, 3, IO, 14, 18, 26, 32, 60, 7~, 74, 77, 97 in myth, I73-174 medicine-bag of, 160-161 See CLOTHING; COSTUME Deities of San Ildefonso, 43 See ANIMAL DEITIES; CEREMONIES; CLOUD-GODS; DANCE; DANCING; GODS; RAIN-GODS; RELIGION; SOCIETIES; WAR-GODS Deluge in Zufii myth, 90, IO9 Descent in clans, 4-5, 7, 37, 39, 64, 107, I24, 187-188 of San Juan caciques, 7 Dew in song, 48-49, 69 Dick. See ZUNI DICK Dinosaur pebbles. See PEBBLES Directions. See CARDINAL POINTS; WORLDREGIONS Disease exorcised by shamans, 9-IO lung, society concerned with, 148 See MEDICINE; SICKNESS; TREATMENT Divorce among Tewa, 38 See MARRIAGE Dog roasted for smallpox patients, 204 Dogwood clan of Zuiii, o16, 124-125 See PiCHIQE CLAN Doll, sorcerer represented by, 17, 5I, 69


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INDEX 221 Doll. See FETISHES; IMAGES Domestication of turkeys, I02 Douglas spruce, Hleweqe order named for, I49, I5I how regarded, 29, 74 in Zuii genesis, I15 offerings to, 59-60 used in dances, 25, 27, 49, 57, 59-60, 73 Douglas spruce clans, Tewa, 5, 40, 64 Douglas spruce cloud in ceremony, 8 Douglass, W. B., cited, 12, 45 Dower, land given as, 38 See GIFTS Drawings by young Indians, 31 See PAINTING Dreams, witch tales based on, 28 Dress. See CLOTHING; COSTUME Drill, fire generated with, 32, i86 for bead-making, i86, I92 Drum beaten by woman in dance, 77 fed with meal, 78 in solstice rite, 138 of San Ildefonso, 32, folio pi. 588 of squash-shell, 60 of the Tewa, 187 used in signalling, 58-59 used in Tablita dance, 27 Dry-painting at shrine, 50 in Big Fire rite, 162 of Winter society, 13 with altars, 46, 126 See MEAL; SAND-PAINTING Duck carried by Kyaklo, 128 in myth, 175 Duck-eggs tabooed by Hleweqe, I50 Duck-feathers associated with directions, 46-47 offering of, 44, 80 Dung used for firing pottery, folio pl. 615 Dwellings. See CAVE-DWELLINGS; HOUSES Eagle, messenger to spirits, 44 representative of zenith, 159, 162, 201 shamans' figurine of, 50 Eagle clan of the Tewa, 5, 40, 64 of Zuiii, 106, I49 Eagle dance of the Tewa, 26, 54 pi., 58 Eagle-down, a cloud symbol, 59 applied to snakes, I55 Eagle-down, cactus clubs treated with, I53 worn in dance, 60 Eagle-feathers associated with east, 46-47 at shrine, 29, 80 attached to animal skulls, 167 offering of, 44 of Kakkahlanna, 148 on corn fetish, I6, I60 on snake-dancers' wand, 79 used in Big Fire rite, I60-I64 used in healing, 16-17, 68 when worn by girls, 167 worn by dancers, 25, 27, 55, 143, I53 Eagle people of Zuii, 124, 148 Eagle-tail worn in Buffalo dance, 25 Ear-pendants in myth, I75 Earrings, Nambe, 136 pl. See COSTUME; ORNAMENTS Ears, sore, how caused, i08 Earth centre. See CENTRE OF EARTH Earth clans of the Tewa, 5, 40, 64 Earth Mother, thanksgiving to, 9 East, eagle-feathers associated with, 46-47 See CARDINAL POINTS; WORLD-REGIONS East chief of Zuiii, i6, 124 East kiva represented in Kyaklo, 128 East rain-god, Tewa White Cloud Man, 43, 45, 50, 77 East war-god, shrine of, 45 Effigy of Paiatama, 148 of Shilako, 142-143 of war-gods, 44, 44 pl., 45, II2, 133-I34, I50 pi., 158 of Zufii plumed serpent, 129 rattlesnake, in Zuii rite, 154 See DOLL; FETISHES; IMAGES; MASKS Eggs thrown by dance personage, 74 See DUCK-EGGS Eldodt, Samuel, collection of, 44 witness as to large snake, 22-23 Elk. See ANIMAL FOOD Elk-antler, bows made of, 32 Elk clans of the Tewa, 5, 40, 64 Elk-skin, moccasin soles of, 97 El Morro. See INSCRIPTION ROCK El Rito, Tewa ruin near, 191 Embroidery of mantillas, 11 See COSTUME


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222 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Enemies, ghosts of, placated, 189 See WARFARE Equinox, caciques' tenure determined by, 4, 7, 14 spring, ceremony at, 72 See SOLSTICES; SUMMER SOLSTICE; WINTER SOLSTICE EsThafi. See BAT Espejo, Antonio de, visits Zunii, 85, 91 Estevan, negro, at Cibola, 86, 95 unknown to present Zunii, 93 Estufas, kivas so called, I86 Ettonng, Ettow,, of Zunii, IIo, 114, 116, 123, I25-126, I39-I40, I58-159, 204 See FETISHES Evening Star in myth, I79 Tewa deity, 43, 8I Evening Star clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Excrement, snake, considered deadly, I54-I55 See SCATOLOGIC PRACTICES Execution for intrusion on rites, 67 for revealing secrets, 21 See HERESY; PUNISHMENT; SORCERY Exogamy among the Zufii, 107, I92 not enforced by Tewa, 4, 39, 64, 187 See MARRIAGE Exorcism, healing by, 9-Io, 17 See SORCERY Eye-brows, why removed, 29 Eyes, sore, how caused, Io8 See BLINDNESS Face-blackening ignored by mourners, 39 Face-painting. See PAINTING Factions, effect of, on rites, 9 Fasting at summer solstice, 141 by Big Fire initiate, I64 by Nambe societies, 65-66 for rain by Zuiii, I24-I26, I94 Feast after initiation, I6, 132, 164 at house dedication, 142-143 before shrine pilgrimage, 13 by dancers, 49, 57, 79 in Summer kiva, 47 in warrior ceremony, 159 solstitial, 7 See FOOD Feathers attached to fetishes, 137 Feathers carried by negro Estevan, 86 coat of, in myth, 179 corn-ears decorated with, 50 fed with meal, 78 gods supplicated with, 44, 44 pl., 50, folio pls. 592, 599 in ceremonial trail, 50 offered at shrines, 41, 80 offered to world-regions, I4 on mother corn, 13, I6 on plumed serpent effigy, 130 snakes released with, 80 symbolism of, 46 traded to Zufii, 95 used in healing, 67, 152 used in sorcery, 82, 161 worn in hair, 54 pi., 79, 132 pi., 140 pi. Zufii robes of, 96 See BLUEBIRD-FEATHERS; DUCKFEATHERS; EAGLE-DOWN; EAGLEFEATHERS; GOOSE-FEATHERS;HAWKFEATHERS; HUMMINGBIRD-FEATHERS; JAY-FEATHERS; MAGPIE-FEATHERS; ORIOLE-FEATHERS; OWL-FEATHERS; PARROT-FEATHERS; PRAYER-STICKS; RAVEN-FEATHERS; SUMMER WARBLER FEATHERS; TURKEY-FEATHERS; WOODPECKER-FEATHERS Feats by Kyaklo participants, I29 See ORDEAL Fecundity promoted by clowns, 118 See PROPAGATION; SEXUAL FREEDOM Fermentation of bread, 99, 10I See BEVERAGE Ferris, Gertrude, art instructor, 32 Fesere, a Tewa ruin, 191 Feshti"u". See ABECHIU Fetishes at house dedication, 143 of Nambe, 67, 8o-8I of San Ildefonso, 45-47 of San Juan societies, 13, 16, 50 of Zuii, 123-167, I94 representing bear, I6-I7, 68, 70-71 See CORN-EAR FETISHES; EFFIGY ETTONNE; IMAGES; TESHQINNE Fevers, treatment of, 151 Fewkes, J. Xa., cited, 196 Figurines. See DOLL; EFFIGY; FETISHES


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INDEX 223 Fiog&. See PIOGE Fir clan. See WHITE FIR CLAN Fir cloud in ceremony, 8 Fire, how made by Tewa, 186 made in rite, I4, 77, I29, I33, I35, 141 not kindled at solstice, 48, I34 sacred, at Pecos, 20 sorcerers assume forms of, 27 tabooed by those snakebitten, 80 used in deer drive, 180 See BIG FIRE SOCIETY; LITTLE FIRE SOCIETY; MAKYE; SIGNAL FIRE Firebrand used at child-naming, 6 See TORCH Fire clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Fire-dance of Bedbug society, I54 See BIG FIRE SOCIETY; LITTLE FIRE SOCIETY Fire-drill. See DRILL Fire-god. See SHULAAWITSI Fireplaces of Zufii houses, I92 Fire society. See BIG FIRE SOCIETY; LITTLE FIRE SOCIETY Fiscales, duties of, 38, 42, 65 See GOVERNMENT Fish eaten by Tewa, 186 in Zuii myth, 118 Fishing by clown society, 19 Fish-scales offered in irrigation, 15 Flint, uses of, 13, i6, 32, 50-51, 69, 153, 194 Flood. See DELUGE Flowers, blue, given to infants, 62 in Tewa names, II, I32 pl., I38 pi., folio pl. 581 symbolized on head-dress, 27, 57 See SQUASH-BLOSSOMS Flutes in Shilako rite, 144 of the Tewa, 187 Fog in song, 48-52, 69 Fog Place. See SHiPOLOLOQIN F6"e, portrait, 80 pl. Food collected by clowns, 25, 127 distributed at dance, 7I-74, 76 for spirits of dead, 38-39, I88 not restricted in pregnancy, Io8 of corn-ear fetish, 160-161 offered Bow Chief spirits, 12 offered in harvest ceremony, 145-146 Food of snakes, 20-23, 78-80 of the Tewa, 32, I86, 201 of Zuii, 98-102, 192, 206 rites for abundance of, I89 served to wooer, 107 supplied to hunters, I49 supply, priesthoods concerned with, 66 See ANIMAL FOOD; BEANS; BERRIES; BREAD; CORN; FEAST; FISH; FRUITS; GAME; HOMINY; HONEY; HUNTING; INCREASE; MEAL; OFFERING; PINON-NUTS; ROOTS; SEEDS; SQUASHES; WAFER BREAD; YUCCA SEEDPODS Foot dance of San Ildefonso, 58-59 Footgear. See ANKLETS; BOOTS; CLOTHING; COSTUME; MOCCASINS; SANDALS Foot-lift dance of San Ildefonso, 60 Foot-race, mythic origin of, I17 See RACING Fossils in Zufii altars, 126 See SNAIL-SHELLS Fox-skin in Zufii cosmogony, 104 on plumed serpent effigy, 130 worn by dancers, 27, 59-60, I9I Franciscans. See CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE; CHURCH; MISSIONS; PUEBLO REVOLT; SPANIARDS Fraternities. See PRIESTS; SOCIETIES Friendship of San Juan Tewa, 9 Frog clan of Zuii, 1o6 Frog-water, snakebite medicine, 19 Frost. See HOARFROST Frost kiva of San Juan, 7 Fruits, how preserved, 99 See BERRIES; CANTALOUPES; FOOD; GRAPES; MELONS; NUTS; OPUNTIA; PEACHES; WATERMELON; YUCCA FRUIT Fuel for bread-making, IoI for pottery-firing, folio pl. 615 gathered for kivas, 129, 133 how transported, folio pl. 608 Fur, hair braids wrapped with, 3 See BUFFALO-FUR; RABBIT-FUR; SKIN Galaxy society of Stevenson, 146 Gallup, Luella S., art instructor, 32


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224 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Game carried by dancers, 72 ceremonies for increase, 24, 189 fraternities devoted to, 66, 126 invoked of sun, 8I presented to cacique, 75 See ANIMAL FOOD; ANIMALS; FOOD; HUNTING; MEAT Gaming by the Tewa, 32-36, I87 by the Zuii, I04-105, I92 in myth, I 7, 177-178 See RACING Garcia, Salvador, Nambe snake-dancer, 77 Gardens at Zunii, IOO pi. See AGRICULTURE Garlic used on navel, IO8 Garnet, beads of, on corn fetish, I6 Garters. See CLOTHING Genesis. See COSMOGONY; ORIGIN MYTH Genitalia of infants, how treated, Io8 stones representing, I o, I28 See PHALLICISM Gestures appropriate to songs, I, 27 See SIGN-LANGUAGE Ghosts of enemies placated, I89 See SPIRITS Giants personated in dance, 25 See SHALAKO; TSIMAYO Gifts at marriage, 6, 6I, Io7, 179, I88, 193 by Big Fire initiate, 161, 165 of food to clowns, 25, I27 See DOWER; OFFERING Gila valley, natives of, visit Zuiii, 95 See PIMA Girls accompany hunters, 149 initiation of, 63 in myth, I74, 176, I78-I79 in various rites, I35, I38-I39, I45, I47, 157-I58, 163-164, I67 symbolized in prayer-sticks, 143 Zufii, customs of, IO9-II0 See CHILDREN; MARRIAGE; PROSTITUTION; PUBERTY RITES; WOMEN Gluttony of clowns, 19, 70, I48 See N EWEQE Goats used in threshing, 99 Goddess of fructification, 93 See CORN MAIDS; CORN MOTHERS; GODS God fraternity. See KXTIKYANNE Godmothers of Nambe, 62 of Zufii, 108-I09 Gods of Zufii, 119, 141, I92, I94 See CLOUD-GODS; DEITIES; KAKKKA; OFFERING; PRAYERS; RAIN-GODS; SPIRITS; WAR-GODS; WATER-GODS Gold in Pueblo country, 81, 86 sought by Coronado, go Good luck, dance for, 10, 10 pi., 58 Douglas spruce a token of, 29 food offering for, 39 prayers for, 37, I09 promoted in Shalako rite, 145 Goose-feathers, association of, 44, 46 Gopher in myth, 177-178, 18o Gourd, pottery shaped with, 5, I02 rattles of, 16, 25, 49, 59-60, 68, 79, 86, I86, 191 relation of Squash people to, 5 used on female infants, Io8 Gourd-seeds with corn-ear fetish, 161 Government of San Ildefonso, 4I-42 of San Juan, 4 of Zuni, 105 See OFFICERS; ORGANIZATION; POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Governors, appointment and functions, 38, 42, 63, 65 Granada, Hawikuh so called, 89 Grand Canon discovered by Cirdenas, 9I Zuiii trail to, 95 Grapes introduced at Zuiii, 98 Graphite used as face-paint, 161 Grass, potency of, to racers, 15 worn by clown, 70 Grass clans of the Tewa, 5, 64 Grinding. See CORN-GRINDING; MEALGRINDING; MEALING-STONES; MEDICINE; METATES Guaco. See BEE PLANT Gulf of California, shells from, 5 visited by Ofiate, 88 visited by Zuiii, 95 Gum used in inlaying, 5 See PINON-GUM Guzman, Nuno de, cited, 85-86 Gypsum, pottery slip of, I03 used as whitewash, 97, I91


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INDEX 225 Habitat, early, of Keres, I88 of the Tewa, 3 Hail, mythic origin of, 179 Hair, customs regarding, 29-30 snares made of, 6-7 Hair-band. See HEAD-BAND Hair brush, Zufi, 97 Hair-combing, when tabooed, I34 Hair-cutting ignored by mourners, 39 Hairdress of clowns, I8 of dancers, 26, 51-52, 60, 148 of the Tewa, 3, I85-I86 of the Zufii, 96-97, 191 See plates passim Hair-washing by mourners, I88 of Big Fire initiate, I64 of Pautiwa, 138 why practised, 189 See BATHING; WASHING Halo. See ANT SOCIETIES Halona, former Zuni village, 85, 87, 91, I23, 142-143, 159, 193, I95 Haloqe. See ANT SOCIETIES Hammers. See IMPLEMENTS Hampasawan, a Zuni ruin, I95 Handicraft, Tewa terms for, 202 Zufii terms for, 206 See ARTS; BASKETRY; INDUSTRIES; POTTERY; WEAVING Hands, right and left, offering with, 39 Hainhlipi'kya in Zufii genesis, I2I-I22 Hano, situation of, 3 Zuii name for, I94 Harrington, J. P., cited, I I, 30, 41, 44-45, 6i, 190-191, 20I Harvest ceremony of Zuii, I45-I46 See THANKSGIVING DANCE Harvesting, baskets used in, 22 pl., 38 pl. Hatinky'aya, sacred lake, 118-II9, 126 Havasupai, baskets obtained from, I03 Havico, a form of Hawikuh, 89 Hawikuh, former Zuni pueblo, 87-90, 90 pl., 9I-92, 92 pl., 93, 94 pl., 96, II2, 122, 125-126, 176, I79, I95 Hawk in myth, 172-173 messenger to spirits, 44 redtail, figurine of, 50 representative of east, 201 VOL. XVII-29 Hawk clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 See CHICKEN-HAWK CLANS Hawk-feathers worn by clowns, 52, 70 Hayete, a kiva, 43 Hay?-t6wa, Tewa Summer moiety, 5, 39 Head becomes morning star, 179 Head-band of Zuiii men, 97 worn in ceremony, 55, 77, i6i woven by Tewa, 3I See CLOTHING; COSTUME Head-dress in ceremony, 26, 36 pl., 55-56, 56 pi., 57, 60 See DANCE; MASKS; TABLITA DANCE Head-washing. See HAIR-WASHING Healing ceremony. See DISEASE; MEDICINE; SHAMANS; SICKNESS; TREATMENT Health invoked of sun, 81 meal-offering for, 79 See GOOD LUCK Heart becomes evening star, I79 symbolized by crystal, 126, 163 Heating in parturition, Io8 Hehea, Zuii deity, 126, 151 Hendricks-Hodge Expedition, excavations, 92, 125 Hepatina, world-centre shrine, 142 See CENTRE OF EARTH Herbs, conception prevented with, IO8 used by Zuii shamans, I94 used in healing, I6, 67, 80 See MEDICINE; POT-HERBS Herder participates in dance, 55 Heresy, punishment for, xii, 21, 38, 81 Hefha^kta, Zufii ruin, I95 Heshaktatsmna. See PESCADO Heshokta. See HESHAKTA Hewett, E. L., cited, 30, I90-19I History of San Ildefonso, 30-3I of Zuiii, 85-95 Hlapichiqe, Pichiqe so called, Io6 HlIlashaktipona in Zufii rite, I28 Hleweqe, a Zuiii society, I15, I23, I39-140, 143, I49-I5I Hoarfrost clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Hodge, F. Fy., cited, 89, io6, 125, 152 See HENDRICKS-HODGE EXPEDITION Homayo, a Tewa ruin, 191 Hominy, how prepared, 99


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226 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Hona-tach-illaponna, Zuni personages, II3 Honesty enjoined by cacique, 53-54 Honey in myth, 179-I80 Hongeva, Hooker, on Snake dance, I97 Honovi. See HONGEVA Hoops, scalps stretched on, 10 Hopi and Zufii intercourse, 95 articles in Zufii ceremony, 128 borrow K6yemaihi cult, 126 early Spaniards among, 88, 9o-91 fish not eaten by, I86 Keres name for, 194 mantas obtained from, 31 Masou in cult of, 121 origin of certain societies, 152, 154 Snake dance of, 147, 195-I99 source of salt, 102 Tewa name for, 190 weaving by, 192 Zufii migrants among, 194 Zufii name for, I94 Horns worn in dance, o1, 18, 25, 54, 55, 70 See ANTLER; BUFFALO Hostilities. See PUEBLO REVOLT; WARFARE House chief. See KYAQIMASSI; NORTH CHIEF House clan of San Juan, 5 House-cleaning at winter solstice, 14 See RUBBISH Houses, consecration of, 96 pi., 135, 141-143, I94 of Nambe, 72 pl. of San Ildefonso, folio pl. 589 of San Juan, 4 pl., 20 pi., folio pl. 595 of Santa Clara, 48 pi. of the Tewa, 186 of Zuii, 97-98, 98 pl., 104 pl., I91-192, folio pls. 605, 609, 6I5 owned by women, 37, 107, i88 See CAVE-DWELLINGS; PUYE; RUINS Howiri, a Tewa ruin, 191 Hoyt, Esther B., art instructor, 32 Huerfano mesa, a goal in game, 33 Tewa place of refuge, 30 Human sacrifice for sacrilege, 75 in Zunii myth, go, 109 to snakes, xii, 20-21, 78-79 Hummingbird, messenger to spirits, 44 myth of, 179-181 Hummingbird-feathers on racing stick, 33 Hu'p6vi. See HOMAYO Hunters, ceremonies of, IO pl., 55, 109, I45 customs of, 6-7, 29, 149, I66 shrine offerings by, 80 Hunter society, recruits for, 17 represented in dances, 24-26 See PiNKAN; SAMiNYU Hunting before Ohiuwa rite, 75 buffalo, by Pueblos, 95 by adolescent boys, 63 by Tewa, 37, i86 in myth, 171-174 medicine for, 71 simulated in games, 34, 187 See BUFFALO-HUNT; GAME; RABBITHUNT; SNARES Hu"tgiayu"qiyo, women's society, 66 Hututu, Zuni deity, I26, I4I, I44 Hypnotism, witch tales based on, 28 Ice, articles of, in myth, 177-178 Ice clans of the Tewa, 40-4I, 46, 64 Illegitimacy, how regarded, 6, 76 See PROPAGATION; PROSTITUTION Images for increase, I34, I37 of animals in myth, 175 See DOLL; EFFIGIES; FETISHES Implements, Zufii, I04 See HANDICRAFT; STONE; WEAPONS Impotence, root for correcting, 165 Increase by magic, 171 ceremonies for, 24, 189 images for, I34, I37 See ANIMALS; CROPS Industries of the Tewa, I86-I87 of the Zufii, 95-104, 192 See AGRICULTURE; BASKETRY; HANDICRAFT; HUNTING; POTTERY; WEAVING Industry, how promoted, 6, 107, 109 Infants. See CHILDREN Inflammations, treatment of, 151 Inflection in Tewa speech, 5, I88 Inhalation of power, 68, 8I Inheritance among Zuni, I07 Initiation into societies, I5-I6, 47, 66, 70, 15I, I56, 159-167, 193-I94


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INDEX27 227 Initi'ation of children, 8, 63, 109, 127, 131, I93 of clowns, i8, 70-71 Inscri'pti'on Rock, Ofiate's inscription on, 88, 88 pl., folio pl. 604 descr. Insects. See ANTS; BUTTERFLY; LocusT; SPIDER; WATER-SKIPPER; WOODBORERS Intestines become stars, 179 why eaten, 6 Invocations. See PRAYERS; SUPPLICATIONS I~y4"Mta-lhyarO. See PROPAGATION DANCE Irrigati'on practised by Zuiii, 98 rite pertaining to, 15 See AGRICULTURE; PLANTING Isleta, social organization Of, 39 Zufii name for, 194 it? pafha, child of K6y~m~ihi, 119, 121 h?9pcho of Zufii, I46, 148, 15I-152 ittiwanna, Zuiii earth centre, 127 See CENTRE OF EARTH Ittiwanna-qin, point on Corn mountain, 133 Iw~nafhnakya, a Big Fire order, 150 fyama-shi'wanni. See ZENITH PRIEST jackrabbit tabooed by ShiwannaQ~, 146 See RABBITS Jamestown-weed used by Zufii, 165 used in human sacrifice., 22 jar used as scalp-shrine, 159, 193 used for snakes, 154 See POTTERY J aramillo, Juan, on Cibola, 88 Jara peak noted, 45 Jay clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Jay-feathers offered at shrines, 8o Jemez, battle at, 36 drawings by youths Of, 32 shrine of, 12 snake worship at, 20 Tewa shamans initiated at, 66 Zufii name for, I95 Jemez peak noted, 45 Jet used in mosaic, 5 Jicari'lla and Tewa alliance, 6 8 Tewa name for, I90 Zufii name for, 194 Zuiii rites derived from, I50 jokes perpetrated by clowns, 9 Juana Maria, of San Juan "weeds," I I Juan Estevan. See QUONESTEwA Juan Pedro, feeder of San Juan snakes, 23 Juniper used ceremonially,. 26, 77, I53 used on baking-stones, 104 Juniper-bark, torch of, 129, 135-I136, 149, S15 Juniper-berries as food, 32 Kachinas and Ohdwa equivalent, 8 Kaha~yz?", dance personage, 74 Kdhlanna represented in dance, 122 Kdhilualawa in Zufii cult, 110, 119-121, I26 -128, 141, 173, I75-I76, I8i, 193 Kdkkad, Kakakfhi, Zuiii deities, 1I10, 119, I21-122, 127, 132, 173-I74, 181 Kdkkaldanna of the Zu~iii 135, 148, 150 Kdliwa., a Zuiji ruin., 195 Kdmdssanna, Zuiii god chief, 127, 131, 135, 1 41,s 144 IKa~s~ndo, associated with cougar, 41 Kdp~qinn~, Zufii religious official, 127, 131 -132, 135, 141 I44 See P'EQINN9 Kdpih~an-{hiwanni., Zuiii religious official, 127, 144 See APIHLAN-SHiwANNI; PiHLANSHiWANNI K6'po, Santa Clara pueblo, 53 Kasairi, Acoma. clown society., i8 See CLOWNS; KfJ'SARI Xdsfhiqp, Zuiii society, I26, I53 Kata, Luis, great snake seen by, 22 Kiti. See BALDY PEAK KdtikyannO, Zuiii fraternity, Io5-Io6, 109, 124, 126-132, 135, 141, 144 Katishtya, old San Felipe, 36 Ka'Oina and Ohiiwa equivalent, 8 Kdyupchonakya, Zuiii dance, 99-i00 Ke., society of shamans, 66 Kechipauan, a Zuiii ruin, 91, 195 Ke`pachu, Zufii name for Jicarillas, 15o Kipi'. Se SAN ANTONIO PEAK Keres and Tewa warfare, 36, 188-189 ceremonies derived from, i8., 52, 70 clowns of the, I7-I8 corn-grinding by, ii fetishes of, 13 flints used by shamans, 51


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228 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Keres, mantas obtained from, 31 name for the Hopi, 194 origin of Ne'w6Q, 148 shaman society of, II, 5i, 66 shrines of, 12, 45 songs derived from, 48, 50, 122, 146, 148-149 Kiakima, Zufii village, 87, 91, I79-180, 195 Ktii'la4tsilo, form of Ky~ih~afiila, isi K16makra in Zuiii genesis, 121 Kfa'nakwe. See KY'I~NAQ Kianawe identified with Kechipauan, 91 Kicking-race. See FOOT-RACE; GAMING; RACING Kilts. See COSTUME Kiowa and Tewa enmity, 36, 189 dance imitated, 24, 33 influence on Tanoans, 4 Tewa name for, Igo Kiva, Kivas, at Namb6, 6S, 72 pI. at San Ildefonso, 42-43, 66 pI., 68 pl., folio pl. 584 at Santa Clara, 28 pI. beams marked with meal, 135, 138 ceremonies in, 8, 42-43, 71, 74, 76, 128, 130, 132 character of, folio pl. 584 descr. contest in race, 105 games played in, 33, 187 initiates assigned to, 127 in myth, I78, i80 meal offered to, 135 of San Juan moieties, 7 of Summer society, 46-47 of the Tewa, i86, Igo-191 of Zuiii, I27, folio pI. 615 represented in Shilako, 145 walls of, painted, 192 See ALTAR; CEREMONIES; SOCIETIES; SUMMER KIVA; WINTER KIVA Knife society of Zufii, 152 Knife Wing, Zuiii personage, 96 pI., I43, 176-179 Knives, meat not turned with, 29 of flint, 153 of obsidian, 32, 172, 202 See HANDICRAFT; IMPLEMENTS Kobili (Kopili), Hopi priest, 196 Koheye-hycre. See TABLITA DANCE Kokkothla'nna, the Kdkkahfanna, I46-147 K'lowisi. See PLUMED SERPENT K'maiyawa/hi, origin of name, i8 Komokyafi in Zufii genesis, Ii8 K6moyfmlhikyi in Zufii genesis, ii8 K6o-hyairg. See BUFFALO DANCE go'pil', portrait of, 50 pL. K0sa, Tewa clown society, 8-ia, 13, 17-19, 27, 43, 51-55, 57, 59-60, 66, 73-76 See CLOWNS; CLOWN SOCIETIES K6saaanna, a shrub, in myth, 177 Koshare. See KASXRI; KOSA; KU'SAJI; RAINBOW DANCE K'y med{hi, Zufii clowns, II8-II9, 126-128, 131-132, 141, 143, 145 K6yi'pina"-hy6r0, propagation dance, 75-77 Kroeber, A. L., cited, 94-95, io6, I93 LiKzaku, name of Tres Piedras, 53 Kuapa attacked by Tewa, 36.tYlapo, name of Tres Piedras, 53 Kz2"-hyiro. See CORN DANCE Kd' sari, Keres clowns, 9, 17-18, 148 See CLOWNS; KASXRI Kuse'ne, shrine on, 13 Kusepi", portrait of, I26 pI. Kufa~q y0o, war-god shrines, 45 K(uyd-'-t6wa, TeWa Turquoise moiety, 5 J7uyemogP. See CUYAMUNQUE KZwaapovi, portrait, 138 pI. Kwakina, a Zufii ruin, 91, I95 Kwakiutl, legerdemain of, 147 KwJ"ri. See QXNRI Kwiraina, San Ildefonso clowns, 5I-52 K-,L'i'ranna, Keres clowns, I7-I8, 70 See CLOWNS; K6SA; QANRI; QiRANO Kyillaa7la, a Hlewwq6 order, 149, 151 Kybklo in Zufi cult, 126-128, 141, i8i Kydkyaliqg, name for Siniakyaq~, 148 See EAGLE PEOPLE Kyikyimma. See KIAKIMA Ky' 11hi-fhiwanni. See PEARL-SHELL CHIEF; WEST CHIEFS Ky'6luafi, child of K6y~mrAhi, iig Ky' makya, a spring, in myth, 173 Ky' ~naq~ in Zufii cult, 121-122, 124 Ky'6nas(~pi. See WATER-SKIPPER Ky' apqaina. See Ojo CALIENTE


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INDEX 229 Kyadqimassi, Zufii house chief, ii6, ii6 pI., Ix8I 58, I1I79-180, folio pI. 6I2 descr. See NORTH CHIEF Kybtikya, a Zufii ruin, i95 Kyechipawa. See KECHIPAUAN Labor, exemptions from, 38, 42, 65 how regulated by Tewa, 38 See COMMUNITY WORK Ladders in Zui~ii myth, 115, I78 See HOUSES Laguna origin of Shu'maikuli, I24, 152 source of salt, 1 02 Zufii name for, I95 Zuiii songs derived from, 150 Lazf'Oanyasit~a, portrait, I20 PI. Lake clan of the Tewa,, 40, 64 Lake peak, ceremonies on, 66, 70-71I shrine on, 45, 50 song of lake on, 77 Lakes, homes of spirits, 45,10,89 See AGA'CHANI; HX~TINKY'AYA; KXHLUALAWA; MOUNTAINS Lance-heads of San Ildefonso, 32 See OBSIDIAN; WEAPONS Land tenure among Pueblos, 38, 42, 107 Language of the Tewa, I85 of the Zufii, 191 See VOCABULARY L~ta-te-hula in Zufii genesis, ii6 Legerdemain of Zuiii shamans, 146-147, I5I-I52, I93 See MAGIC Leggings of the Tewa, 3 of Zufii women, 97 worn in ceremony, I I, 25, 6o See BOOTS; CLOTHING; COSTUME Letrado, Fr. Francisco, murdered, 91 Levirate unknown to Tewa, 38 Li'ght, origin of, I14-Ii6 Light chief in Zui'ii genesis, 114 Lightning, a Hl65w6 order, I5I in myth, 173 in song, 27, 56 invoked in rite, 53 Ohilwa named for, 8 personified, 43-44 simulated by shamans, 69 Lightning supplicated by Tewa, 189 symbolized, 13, 27, 57 Lightning clan of the Tewa, 40, 64 Lightning-stones in healing rite, i6 See PYRITES Lightning-struck pi'ne, war-god images of, 134, I58 Lignite. See JETr Lime-water in bread-making, 99-100 Little Colorado river, mythic origin of, ii Little Fire society of Zufii, 152, I54, i65 See BIG FIRE SOCIETY Lizard clan of San Ildefonso, 40 Loco Joe. See M&iU Locust in Zui~i genesis, I14-II5 Loi'n-cloth, by whom worn, i6, 25, 54, 59, 68, 70, 79, 97 See CLOTHING; COSTUME Lomavoya, John, informant on Snake dance, i96-197 Loom. See WEAVING L~'hotikyaipina in Zufii genesis, us5 Lummis., C. F., cited, 88 Lz~takawi, portrait of, folio pl. 6ii Lying avoided during pregnancy, io8 Mi6asewi, Zuiii war-god, I21-122, 155 See WAR-GODS Maca que, a form of Matsaki, 91 Macaw clan of Zufiii io6 See DOGWOOD CLAN Magic by society members, 13, 63, 150, 193 -'94 increase by, 134, 171 in myth, 176-I78, I81 of sorcerers., 27 piiion-nuts produced by, I71 rain produced by, 53 sickness exorcised by, I51 used by racers, 15 See LEGERDEMAIN Magpie-feathers, association Of, 44, 46-47 Makiwa, Hopi priest, 197 M6kyg, ShiwannaQ~ order, 146, I48-I51 MikydgRennaq?. See BIG FIRE SOCIETY Mbky~fh6nnaqg. See LITTLE FIRE SOCIETY Malinche in Pueblo legend, 171 M61oka~'?. See SALT MOTHER


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230 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Manganite, stars named for, 104 Manilama-fhiwanni. See NADIR CHIEFS Mantas of Pueblo women, II, 25, 31, 52, 55, 59-60, 70, 96 See CLOTHING Marriage among the Tewa, 6, 37, 6I, 188 among the Zufii, 107, I93 in myth, 174, 176, I78-I80 See EXOGAMY Martinez, Ambrosio, portrait, folio pl. 596 Masked gods revealed to children, 8, 72 See CEREMONIES; CLOWNS; DANCES; DEITIES; GODS; MASKS; SHAMANS Masks in Cloud ceremonies, 19, 52-53, 73-75, 189 in myth, 178 in Zuii ceremonies, I09, 122-167, 177, I9I, I93-194, 208 of Apache personators, 25 of Buffalo dancers, 25, 55 origin of, 127 Shumaikuli, of Acoma and Laguna, 124, 152 Maisu, origin of, 121 Mdssanna, authority of, in dances, 132 See KAMASSANNA; KYAPQIMASSI; PAMASSANNA; PRIESTS Matrilineal system. See CLANS; DESCENT Matsailema, form of Maasewi, 12I Matsaki, former Zuni pueblo, 9I, 176, I95 shrine at, I33, 140, I64 Meal as ceremonial food, 23, 62, 69, 78-80, 189 as fee to shamans, 16-17, 5I, 67, 69 dancers rewarded with, 25 dead dusted with, IIO design of Zuii shamans, 13, I94 exchanged by dancers, 76 fire tested with, 152 given to hunter in ceremony, 29, 37 intruder choked with, 67 in war ceremony 112-II3, I57 mythic magic performed with, 177 on altars, 13, 50, 126, I58 sprinkled by initiate, 46 sprinkled on animal flesh, 166 used by Summer cacique, 7 used in healing rite, 68 Meal used to avoid taboo, 134 See CORN Meal-grinding at courtship, 107, 193 symbolized in dance, 59 See CORN-GRINDING; HUNTSANYUNQIYO; METATES Mealing-stones of Zufii, 98 See CORN-GRINDING; MEAL-GRINDING; METATES Meal-offering in ceremony, 6, I4-15, 44, 50, 62, 67, 7I, 79-80, 0O9, II9, I25, 132, I35-I36, I38, I42, I44-I45, 160-163, 189, folio pl. 586 Meal trail in ceremony, 50, I55, I62 See TRAIL Meat, origin of, in myth, 174-I75 rite respecting, 29 when tabooed, 134, I46 See ANIMAL FOOD; FOOD; GAME; HUNTING; ROASTING Medicine ceremonially given infants, 6, 62 for conception and miscarriage, Io8 for novitiates, 63 for rattlesnakes in myth, 177 given by clowns, 19 how ground, folio pl. 606 initiates instructed in, 71, 164-165 of Zuii shamans, I94 See FROG-WATER; MEDICINE-WATER; SHAMANS; SICKNESS; TREATMENT Medicine-bags in ceremony, 68-69, 164 Medicine-bowl in ceremony, 13, i6, 51, 62-63, 68, 126, 154, 163, 194 Medicine-men. See SHAMANS Medicine order of Big Fire society, I59-I67 Medicine-water in ceremony, 59, 70-7I, 74, 129 in myth, 173 See ASPERGING Meku, Navaho scalp obtained by, 156 Melons. See FOOD Melon-seeds with corn-ear fetish, I60 Members. See CLOWNS; INITIATION; PRIESTS; SHAMANS; SOCIETIES; WAR-CHIEFS Mendoza, A. de, viceroy of Mexico, 86, 89-90, - 96 Mesa del Pajarito, ruin on, I90 Mescaleros, Tewa name for, I90


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INDEX 231 Messages between animal personages, 41 carried to spirits, 44 Metate, a mythic personage, I79 Metates of San Ildefonso, 32 of the Zuii, 192 See CORN-GRINDING; MEAL-GRINDING; MEALING-STONES; STONE Mexican dance imitated, 24 Mexicans barred from rites, xii, I3, 67, 70, 74-75, 78, 94 ovens of, at Zufii, IoI silver-working derived from, 103 See SPANIARDS Mica used for windows, 176 Migration of the Tewa, 12 of the Zuiii, 113-123, 128, 142-143, 164, I94 Mill. See CORN-EAR FETISHES; FETISHES Mike, Hopi Snake-dance novice, I99 Mindeleff, Cosmos, cited, I96 Miscarriage, custom regarding, Io8 See CHILDBIRTH Mishongnovi, Zuii name for, 195 Mission at Zuni, opposition to, 94 founded among Pueblos, xi founded at Hawikuh, 91 See CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE; CHURCH Mitchell, S. Weir, cited, I96 Moccasins mentioned in song, 14 of dancers, I, 25, 27, 59-60, 69 of Zufii, 97 See ANKLETS; BOOTS; CLOTHING; COSTUME; SANDALS Mohave, Zufii name for, I95 Moieties and clan association, 63-64 and clown societies, 51 non-existent at Zuii, I92 of new-born children, 62 of the Tewa, 5, 7, 39-40, 63-65 race between, 15 seed-ball driven by, 15 See CLANS; SOCIAL ORGANIZATION; SUMMER PEOPLE; WINTER PEOPLE Molawinaqe in Shalako rite, 145 Momi, Hopi Snake-dance novice, I97 Monster. See GIANT; PLUMED SERPENT Montezuma in Pueblo legend, 171 M6"w4", portrait, I40 pl. Moon, beliefs regarding, 47-48, 104 ceremony determined by, 127-128 offerings to, 12 prayers to, 6, 8I, 133 symbolized on head-dress, 56, 56 pi. Moon clans of the Tewa, 5, 64 Moon Father. See POSENDO Moon Mother in Zuiii cosmogony, 102, 104 Moons, Tewa names of, 189 Zunii names of, 194 Moqui, origin of name, 194 Morning Star, Tewa deity, 43 Morning star, dancing influenced by, 135 in myth, 179 prayers to, 8I Morning Star clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Mortuary customs, Tewa, 38, 188 Zuni, I I, 113, 193 See BURIAL; DEAD Mosaic-work among the Tewa, 5 See DRY-PAINTING; ORNAMENTS Mother Corn in clown initiation, 70 See BLUE CORN WOMAN; CORN-EAR FETISHES; CORN MAIDS; CORN MOTHERS Mother Earth. See EARTH MOTHER Mountain clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Mountain-lion. See COUGAR Mountains, sacred, of Tewa, 11-12, 44-46, 50, 53, 66, 69-73, 77 Mountain-sheep in myth, 173 See ANIMAL FOOD; GAME Mourning. See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Mud, Olhwa named for, 8 Mullers. See CORN-GRINDING; MEAL-GRINDING; METATES; STONE Murder in Zufii genesis, 121 of a San Juan man, 9 See EXECUTION; HUMAN SACRIFICE; PUNISHMENT Museum of the American Indian, excavations by, 92, 125 plumed serpent effigy in, I30 Musical instruments. See BELLS; BULLROARER; DEER-BONES; DRUM; FLUTES; RATTLES; TRUMPET Muiyapona, child of K6y6mAihi, II9 Myers, WY. E., acknowledgments to, xii


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232 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Myth, Tesuque, of snake, 80 Mythology, Tewa, 171-173 Zufii, 113-123, 173, 18i See COSMOGONY Nadir, feathers associated with, 46 offerings to spirits of, 12 Nadir chiefs of Zufii, I14, II6, 124 Nadir kiva represented in Kyfklo, 128 Nadir rain-god of San Ildefonso, 43 See BLACK CLOUD MAN Nadir war-god, shrine of, 45 Naihlahi, child of K6yemAghi, 119 Nail-parings used in sorcery, 29 Naiuchi, Zufii Bow chief, III, 150 Nambe, account of, 61-82 clans and population, 4-5 feather-offerings at, folio pl. 599 kiva at, 72 pl. Kwanri society of, 18 population, 28, 61, 78, 8i, 185 portraits, 74-78 pls., I36-140 pls. situation, 3 snake worship at, 19 See TEWA Names of clans, character of, 64 of dead not taboo, 39, i88 Tewa, of Indian tribes, 190 Zuii, of Indian tribes, 194-195 Naming of children, 6, 62-63, 109 Nei'sip6ge, shrine at, 45 Narcotic, medicine applied as, 164 smoking as a, 160 See JAMESTOWN-WEED National Museum, rattlesnakes sent to, 196 Natural phenomena, names influenced by, 63 personified, 43-44, 48 Tewa terms for, 202 Zufii terms for, 207 Navaho and Pueblo enmity, 36, III, I88-189, I93 cooking custom from, 29 dance imitated, 24, 133 fish not eaten by, 186 Hlew6 order named for, 151 impersonated in Zuii dance, 145 scalps of, Io, 156 shrine of, 12 Navaho, songs derived from, 150 source of salt, IOI sword-swallowing by, I50 Pueblo names for, I90, 195 Navawi, a Tewa ruin, 190 Nayihwa", head of scalp-dancers, 41 See SWEEPER Necklaces, Nambe, 140 pl. of cougar claws, 26 San Ildefonso, 38 pi., 56 pl., I30 pl., 132 pl., folio pls. 581-583, 585, 590, 591 Santa Clara, 36 pl., 142 pl. Tesuque, folio pl. 600 worn in dance, I86 Zufii, 114 p., 120 pi., 124 pl., folio pl. 613 See BEADS; COSTUME; ORNAMENTS NMweqq, society of Zuni, 115, I20-12I, I26, 132, 146-148 Niza, Marcos de, discovers Cibola, 86-89 North, feathers associated with, 46 See CARDINAL POINTS; WORLD-REGIONS North chief of Zui, go90, 102, IO6, 112, 114-116, I24-125, I33, 149, 155, 192, 194 North kiva of Zuni, 128, 135-136, I4I, 144 North people of San Juan, 7 See TURQUOISE MOIETY North rain-god of San Ildefonso, 43-44, 50 North war-god, shrine of, 45 Numerals, Tewa, 203 Zuni, 208 Nutria, Zunii village, 85, 93, I23 Nuts. See PINON-NUTS Oak, bows made of, 32, i86, I92 Oak clans of the Tewa, 5, 64 Obscenities of clowns, 9, 70, 132, 146-147 Obsidian, charm made of, IO, 26 implements of, 32, 172, i86, 202 ladder rungs of, 178 Obsidian chief. See TSIMAYO Obsidian clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Ochre. See YELLOW OCHRE Offering at human sacrifice, 22 at shrines, 29, 41-42, 67, 80, 128 at winter solstice, 134 by clowns in lake, 71 by hunter, 172


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INDEX 233 Offering by the Tewa, 189 feather, in Tablita dance, 57 food, in harvest ceremony, I45-146 of corn by deities, 137-138 of first-fruits in dance, 72-73 of food to spirits, 39, I I2 of what composed, 44 to deities, 12, 157, I87, folio pls. 586, 592 to fetishes by societies, 67 to river waters, 57 See FEATHERS; FOOD; GIFT; MEALOFFERING; PRAYERS; PRAYERSTICKS; SHRINE; SUPPLICATIONS Officers of Nambe, 65-66 of San Ildefonso, 38 See GOVERNMENT; POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Olhiwa in ceremony, 8-9, 63, 75-77, 8I See CLOUD-GODS; OKIWA Ojo Caliente of Zuni, 85, 93, 98 pi., I29 Ojo Caliente, Tewa ruin near, 19I Oku-hyare. See TURTLE DANCE Oku1pi". See SANDIA MOUNTAIN Okzwa, functions of, 43, 53 See OlHWA Okutwa-hyare. See CLOUD DANCE Okuzwafie, portrait of, folio pl. 582 Okutwaftire, portrait of, 52 pl. Omens, animal tracks as, 113 Onate, Juan de, Aquinsa pueblo of, 91 expedition of, 3, 89, I9I inscription of, 88, 88 pl., folio pl. 604 Onayanakye, a Zuiii order, 146, 148, 150-152 Opuntia, food derived from, 32, IOI See CACTUS Oraibi, Zuni name for, I95 Ordeal of fire-dancers, I50, 152-I53 of warriors, I56 See WHIPPING Organization, religious, of the Tewa, 7-30, 46, 66 Zuii, I05-I07 See CLANS; GOVERNMENT; MOIETIES; POLITICAL ORGANIZATION; SHAMANS; SOCIAL ORGANIZATION; SOCIETIES Orientation of dead, 38, IIO, I88, I93 VOL. XVII-30 Origin myth of Zuni, II3-123 See MYTHOLOGY Oriole clan of the Tewa, 40, 64 Oriole-feathers, association of, 44, 46-47 Orion's Belt, Zuni name for, I04 See STARS Orion's Belt clan of the Tewa, 40, 64 Ornaments of the Zufii, 191 See BEADS; BELLS; CORAL; COSTUME; EAR-PENDANTS; EARRINGS; MOSAICWORK; NECKLACES; PAINTING; QUILLWORK; SHELLS; SILVERWORKING; TURQUOISE; WRISTGUARDS Osats"-paiyatyama, patron of clowns, 148 Otero-YWarren, Adelina, acknowledgments, 20 Otowi, a Tewa ruin, 30, I90 Ovens, San Juan, 4 pl. Zuni, 10I Owinahe, Zufni harvest ceremony, I45-I46 Owl in myth, II3, I75-I76 sorcerer assumes form of, 27-28 Owl-feathers in Zuni solstice rite, 138 used by sorcerers, 161 Oxitapar, Tejo, an Indian, from, 86 Oyegianye, Santa Clara governor, 36 pl. Oyike, cacique society, 9-1o, 46 See WINTER CACIQUE; WINTER SOCIETY Oyi'ntfa, Summer cacique, folio pl. 6oi Oyisafwi, portrait of, 58 pl. Oytee, Nambe Winter kiva, 65 Pachisi, Tewa forms of, 35 Packrats, how prepared as food, I86 in myth, 173, I76 Padilla, Miguel, death of, 69 Paiatama, effigies of, 148 Painting, body, by Nambe, 140 pl. by ceremonial personators, 25-27, 49, 54-55, 58-59, 74, 77-79, 128, 130, 148, i6i, 189 by clowns, IO, I7-18, 5I-52, 54, 70 of animals by hunter, 166-167 of deceased priests, IIo, 193 of kivas, 148, 192 of plumed serpent effigies, 130 of pottery, 103, I92 of skin robes, 191


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234 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Painting of snakes, 24, I55 of Zufii mantles, 96 See COLOR; DRAWINGS; DRY-PAINTING Paiute, Zuii name for, 195 Pajarito. See MESA DEL PAJARITO Pdmdssanna, scalp-custodian, 157-159 Pa"hwa"pi", war-god shrine on, 45 Pa"-tiyare. See DEER DANCE Pi"yoohiwa, Namb6 cloud personage, 73 Pa"yooke, cacique society, 9-I0, 46-47 See SUMMER CACIQUE; SUMMER SOCIETY Pa6yoee, Nambe Summer kiva, 65 Pdotiwe, a Hlewe order, 151 Parrot clan of Zuii, 106 Parrot-feathers in Zufi cosmogony, I04 offered at shrines, 80 on corn fetish, 16, I60 worn by dancers, 25, 52 Parrots in myth, I80 Patikyanng, a Hlew6 order, I5I Pafiikishi, a Hlewe order, 151 Pautiwa in Zuni cult, I26-I27, I35-138, 14I, 174-175 Pawnee, clown cult derived from, 18 Tewa name for, I90 Peaches, how treated, 99 introduced, 98, folio pl. 585 descr. Pearl-shell chief. See WEST CHIEFS Pebbles for remembering songs, 72 pottery polished with, 31, folio pl. 602 Pecos, early Spaniards at, 91 sacred fire at, 20 snake worship at, 20, 79 Pedernal peak, note on, 44 Pelado peak, shrine on, 44-45, 50 Pena, Jose Ascension, snake-dancer, 77 Peia, Pepita, ceremonial children of, 76 Pena, Teodoro, snake-dancer, 77 Peiol of Caquima, Corn mountain, 92 Pfqinne, duties and functions, 116, 119, 125, I27, 132-133, 135-138, I40-I4I, I94 of Big Fire society, 135, i6i, I63-I64 of Bow fraternity, 157-I59 See ZENITH PRIEST Perage, Tewa ruin, 30, 172, I90 Perea, Fr. Estevan de, cited, 154 Peritoma serrulatum. See BEE PLANT Personal terms, Tewa, 203 Zuni, 208 See RELATIONSHIP TERMS Personification of natural phenomena, 48 Perspiration, belief regarding, 30 Pescado, Zuiii village, 93 Pescado creek of the Zuiii, 85 PseChafiiloqe, society of Zuni, 154 Petroglyphs on Inscription Rock, 88 pl., folio pl. 604 Phallicism in corn, 136 on bread, 8I See GENITALIA Phillips, y. Ay., acknowledgments to, xii Piannihle, a Big Fire order, I50 Pichiqe clan and solstice rite, 137 See DOGWOOD CLAN Picuris, shrine of, 12 Pihian-shiwanni, authority of, in dances, 132 origin of, 127 See APIHLAN-SHIWANNI; Bow PRIESTS; WAR-CHIEFS Pilgrimages to shrines, 11-13 to the Pacific, 95-96 Pima songs at Zuni, 152 Zufii name for, I95 See GILA VALLEY Pimplye-sipofene, sacred spring, 43 Pinawan, a Zuni ruin, 9I, I95 Pine, baking-stones treated with, I04 mythic ladders of, II5-II6 See LIGHTNING-STRUCK PINE Pine clan of Nambe, 64 Pine cloud in ceremony, 8 Pine-needles in Kyaklo rite, I29 Pi"ka", hunting priesthood, 7, IO, 17, 24, 29, 41, 55, 66 See COUGAR Pinnawa. See PINAWAN Pinon bird, order named for, 151 Pinon-gum, uses for, 8, 104, IO8, I77-178 Pinon-nuts as food, 32, IOI gathered in myth, 171 with corn-ear fetish, 161 Pioge, a Tewa ruin, I90 Pipe. See SMOKING Pis/hl-shiwanni. See NORTH CHIEF Pitch clan of Nambe, 64


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INDEX 235 Pififtii, Zuii deity, I48 Plains Indians influence Tewa, 3 See APACHE; COMANCHE; KIOWA; PAWNEE; UTE Planting by magic, 63 in myth, 173-174 simulated in dance, 60 See AGRICULTURE; CORN; CROPS; FOOD; IRRIGATION; SEEDS Pleiades, Zuii name for, I04 Pleiades clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Plumed Serpent, Zunii cult of, I24, 129-I30 Plums. See FOOD Poa"tunyo. See SUMMER CACIQUE Poison extracted from rattlesnakes, I96-I99 used on arrows, I54 Pojoaque, Tewa pueblo, 3, 40 pl. Political organization of the Tewa, 187 of Zunii, I92 See GOVERNMENT; ORGANIZATION Pollen, ceremonial food for snakes, 78-80 in ceremonial trail, 50 of Zuni altar, 126 used at shrine, 50 See CORN-POLLEN; SUNFLOWER-POLLEN Popcorn of Zuni, IoI Poplar clan of Nambe, 64 Population, Nambe, 28, 61, 78, 8I, 185 of the Pueblos, i85 San Ildefonso, 30, 185 San Juan, 4, 185 Tewa, 3, 185 Zufii, 85, I9I Poqi`ge, a sacred lake, 39 Porcupine in myth, I73, I77 Porcupine-quills. See QUILLWORK Posea"ye, portraits, 76 pl., 78 pi. Posege, a Tewa ruin, 171, I91 Posehweve in Tewa myth, 171 P6sendo, San Ildefonso deity, 43 Posetut, ceremonial personage, 74 Poseyemo, culture hero, 10-II, 39, 43, 46 -47, 56, 62, I7I, I9I Posdi, a ruin, 171 Posikishi, a form of Pfsikishi, I51 Posibu, Tewa place-name, 53 Posokki, child of K6yemAhi, 119 Pot-herbs used by Tewa, 32 Pot-herbs. See FOOD; HERBS Po-t6wa, Tewa Squash moiety, 5 Potrero Viejo, a Keres refuge, 36, I88 Potsherds mixed with potter's clay, 102 Pofiuwii. See OTOWI Pottery, firing of, I6 pl. of San Ildefonso, 3I, folio pls. 583, 585, 587, 590, 591 of San Juan, folio pls. 595, 597-598 of Santa Clara, folio pls. 602, 603 of the Tewa, 186 of Zufii, I02, 102 pi., IO3, 109, I IO p., I92, I95, folio pls. 6IO, 614 See HANDICRAFT Pouches for prayer-meal, 44 See BAG Povi, name of Francisca Archuleta, I1 Povipi", war-god shrine on, 45 Povitamu", portrait of, folio pl. 581 p6viyimo, portrait of, 132 pi. Power for exorcism, 17 of animals, how transmitted, 162-163 received by inhalation, 68, 8i Powi"ka, female scalp-dancers, 36-37, 41, 66 Prang system in Indian schools, 32 Prayers at shrines, 50, 80 at solstices, 134, I4I by San Juan caciques, 7 by Summer society, 13, 65-67 by Winter society, I3-I4, 66-67 by Zufii hunters, o09 by Zufii priests, I94 for infants' teeth, 6 for rabbit-hunt, 37 for rain, I -I2, 41, 47, 123, 125-I26 for warriors, 37 how taught by cacique, 48 migration recounted in, 143 to fetishes by shamans, 68 to natural phenomena, 43-44, 8I to snakes, 79-80 to spirits of dead, 39 to the sun, 8, 132 See CEREMONIES; DANCES; OFFERING; PRAYER-STICKS; RELIGION; SUPPLICATIONS Prayer-sticks deposited by Peqinne, 133 for Big Fire initiates, I60, 164


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236 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Prayer-sticks for civil officials, 42 in houses, 96 in various rites, 57, 59-60, 67, 71, 120 -121, 128-129 131, 135, I37-I38, I41-145, 158, 189 in Zunii genesis, 117 offered at shrines, 12, 42 offered to trees 44, 60 of hunter, 172 of salt-gatherers, 102 of warriors, 113 of Zufii families, 134 Pregnancy, Zuni customs as to, io8 See CHILDBIRTH Prickly-pears. See CACTUS; OPUNTIA Priests, belief as to spirits of, 155 dances regulated by, 133 in solstice ceremony, 135 of Zuni, IIO, 123-167, 192 San Ildefonso, functions of, 42 Spanish, murdered, 31, 91 See ASHIWANNI; BOW PRIESTS; CACIQUES; CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE; OHIUWA; OKUWA; RELIGION; SHAMANS; SHIWANNA; SHIWANNI; SOCIETIES Promiscuity among Tewa, 188 See SEXUAL FREEDOM Propagation, how promoted, 41, 61, 75-77, 81I,-I9-IIO, 189, 193 See FECUNDITY; PROSTITUTION Property deposited with dead, 188 how owned among Tewa, 38, 188 of dead destroyed, 38, I88 Property-right at Zuni, 37, 107, I88 Prophecies for crops by Pautiwa, 138 Prostitution, ceremonial, 140, I45, 158, 196-199 Puberty customs of the Tewa, i88 of the Zufii, 107, I93 See CHILDREN; INITIATION Pueblo revolt of I680, xi, 30-3I, 91-92 Pueblos, how built, I86 See RUINS Pufonu, a shaman society, 9-II, 13, 66, 80 Pumpkin-seeds with corn-ear fetish, I60 Punishment for adultery, 62 for heresy, xii, 21, 38, 81 for sorcery, 28, 81-82, 106, III, 156 Punishment. See EXECUTION; WHIPPING Pu"ruti, Namb6 personage, 74 Purification by shaman initiate, I6 by surviving spouse, I1o in religious rites, 13 See BATHING; HAIR-WASHING; VOMITING; WASHING Puye, a Tewa ruin, 30, 30-34 pls., 190 Pyrites, fire-making with, 186 lightning simulated with, 69 See LIGHTNING-STONES Qa'kinna. See KWAKINA Qa"ri, Tewa clown society, 66 See CLOWN SOCIETIES; KWANRI Qiritee, a kiva, 43 Qairi-t6wa, Tewa Winter moiety, 5, I8, 40 Qa"tmb-hyar&. See RAINBOW DANCE Qelele, Zuii deity, 126, 135-138, 150 Qinnaqa people of Zufii, o06 Qirano, San Juan clown society, 10, I7-I9, 26 See KWiRAINA; KWI'RANNA Quarreling in myth, 173, I75 Quartz, beads of, on corn fetish, 16 See CRYSTAL Quillwork in song, 14 on moccasins, I91 Quiver in myth, 171 of Tewa hunting society, 10, 26 of the Zuni, 192 See WEAPONS Quonestewa, Steve, informant on Hopi Snake dance, I98 Quoyavma, informant on Hopi Snake dance, 198 Rabbit-fur, caps of, 32 pottery slip applied with, 1O3 Rabbit-hunt, customs regarding, 29, 72, 149 game of, 34 See HUNTING Rabbits, importance of, 192 in myth, 172-173, 176, I80 See ANIMAL FOOD; FOOD; HUNTING; JACK-RABBIT Rabbit-skin, robes of, 96, I92 Rabbit-sticks in Zuiii genesis, 122 of the Tewa, 32, i86


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INDEX 237 Racing at San Ildefonso, 32-33, 58 at San Juan, 14-15 at Zuni, 129, 192 in myth, 172-173 See FOOT-RACE; GAMING Rain, ceremonies for, 53-54, 59-60, I 6, 125-126, I 9, folio pl. 588 food offered for, 39 gaming to produce, 104, 192 in song, 27 56, 69 in Zufii genesis, 121 made by Ky'anaqe, 121, 124 made in myth, 173 prayers for, 7, I, 41, 47, 123, I25-126 prayer-sticks for, 120 prevented by sorcerers, 12 sent by snakes, 80, 155 symbolized, 27, 56, 56 pi., 57 See CLOUDS; SNOW Rainbow cave in myth, 179 Rainbow clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Rainbow dance, clowns in, 52 Rain clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Rain-gods associated with shrines, 11-12, 44 feather-offerings to, 41 in Shalako rite, 145 of San Ildefonso, 43 prayers to, 47, 50 propitiated in dances, 24 See CLOUD-GODS; KAKAKSHI; WATERGODS Rain priests, hunt conducted for, I49 See ASHIWANNI; CACIQUES; PRIESTS; SHAMANS; SHiWANNA; SHIWANNI Rats. See PACKRATS Rattle, Rattles, carried by Estevan, 86, 88 carried by Oh.uwa, 76 in Cloud-god rites, 73-74 in Zufii genesis, 121-122 of clowns, 70 of shamans, 68 of the Zuni, 19I turtle-shells for, 25, 49, 59, 70, 120, 186, I91 used at childbirth, 108 used in Big Fire initiation, 162 used in dances, 24 pl., 25, 27, 49, 54, 59-6o, 62 pl., 79, I86, folio pl. 600 Rattle, Rattles, used in healing, 16 Rattlesnake mountain in myth, 171 Rattlesnakes, effigies of, 50, 154 handled by Hopi, 147 how treated, 155 in myth 177-178 See SNAKEBITE; SNAKE CEREMONY; SNAKE CULT; SNAKE DANCE Raven in myth, 113, I75-I76 tabooed by Siniakyaqe, 148 Raven-feather in solstice rite, 138 used by sorcerers, 161 Raven people in myth, io6, 173 Rawhide, masks of, 128 See SKIN Red Cloud Man. See SOUTH RAIN-GOD Redondo peak noted, 45 Red river, Coronado on, 89 Red Stone clans of the Tewa, 5, 40, 64 Red Stone Man, association of, 41 Reeds used in game, o05 See CANE; RUSHES Refuse. See RUBBISH Relationship terms, Tewa, I87-I88 Zuii, 192-193 See PERSONAL TERMS Religion of Nambe, 6I, 66-82 of San Ildefonso, 42-60 of San Juan, 6-27 of the Tewa, xi, 3, 189 of the Zuiii, 113-I67, I94 See CEREMONIES; DANCES; DANCING; PRIESTS; SHAMANS; SOCIETIES Rhus trilobata. See SUMAC Rito. See EL RITO Rito de los Frijoles, Keres driven from, I88 Rivers, home of spirits, IIO mythic origin of, I8 See SPRINGS; STREAMS Roadrunner clan of Zuii, IO6 Roasting tabooed at pregnancy, Io8 See KNIVES; MEAT Robes, ancient, of Zuni, 96 cotton, of the Tewa, 32 of rabbit-skin, 96, I92 See CLOTHING; COSTUME Rock clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Rocks, prayers offered to, 44


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238 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Rocks. See STONES Romero, Nostasia, ceremonial children of, 76 Roots eaten by Tewa, 32 used by sword-swallowers, 151 used in healing, i6, 148, I65 with corn-ear fetish, 161 See FOOD; MEDICINE; YUCCA-ROOT Rope of yucca in myth, I80 Rubbish cleared from shrines, 50 how treated at solstice, 14, 48, 67, 134, 136 Ruins of Tewa pueblos, I90 of Zuni village, I95 Ruit, Mariano, on Pecos snake cult, 20-21 Run-around Shiwanna of Santo Domingo, 73-76 Rushes from spring in ceremony, I29 See CANE; REEDS Sacrifice of property for dead, 38, i88 See HUMAN SACRIFICE; OFFERING Saiahlia, Zufii deity, 121, 126, 128, 131-132, 135-136 SaiataAha, Zuni deity, 126, 141-144 Saint John's day, race on, 15 Salimopia, Zuni deity, 26, 128, I3I, I4I, I44 Saliva, fermentation with, 99 snakes rendered lethargic with, 24 used by sorcerers, 28 See SPITTING Salt associated with directions, 205 in bread-making, 99-11o source of, 10I-I02 Salt Mother, home of, Io2 Samai"yu, hunters' society, Io, 41, 66, 71 San Antonio peak in invocation, 53 shrine on, 44, 50 Sand used on altar, 46, 50 Sandals found in ruins, I85 Sandhill Crane clan of Zufii, IO6, 123 Sandia, Zuni name for, I95 Sandia mountain sacred to Tewa, 45 Sand-painting used in human sacrifice, 22 See DRY-PAINTING San Felipe, Nambe clowns initiated at, 70 Zuni name for, 195 San Gabriel settled by Spaniards, 3, 88, I91 Sangre de Cristo, mountain range, 3 Sa"hyu", Tewa clowns, 52 Sa"tyu pi". See PELADO PEAK Saniakyaqe, a Zufi society, II5, I48-I49 San Ildefonso, account of, 30-6D ancient pueblos of, I90 clans and population, 4-5 Eagle dancer of, 54 pl. houses of, folio pl. 589 kiva at, 66 pi., 68 pi. names for moons, I89 portraits, 52 pl., I30-I34 pls., folio pls. 58I, 582, 585, 590, 591 pottery, 3I, folio pls. 583, 585, 587, 590, 591 relationship terms, 187-188 situation, 3 Tablita dancers, 56 pi., 60-70 pls. vocabulary of, 200-203 Zuni name for, 195 See TEWA San Juan, account of, 4-30 activities of women of, 14 pi., 22 pl., 26 pi., 42 pi. good-luck dance of, o1, IO pi., 58 houses of, 4 pi., 20 pi. names for moons, I89 ovens of, 4 pi. portraits, 6 pl., 8 pi., 50 pi., I26 pi., 128 pl., folio pls. 593, 596, 598 situation, 3 Spanish capital at, I91 views, folio pls. 593-598 winnowing at, 14 pi. See TEWA Sa&kewii. See TSANKAWI Si"pa"wi. See SEPAWI Sda"hu', non-society, 19, 27, 29 Santa Ana, Zuni name for, 195 See KERES Santa Clara, activities of women of, I6 pi., 48 pl. cave-dwellings of, I90 kiva at, 28 pi. population of, 28 portraits, 36 pi., 80 pi., 142-146 pi. pottery of, I6 p'., folio pls. 602, 603 situation, 3 snake worship at, 23-24, 78


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INDEX 239 Santa Clara, views, i8 pl., 48 pl. See TEWA Santa Clara peak, note on, 44 Santo Domingo, drawings by youths of, 32 execution for heresy, 21 Nambe clowns initiated at, 70 snake worship at, 78 Zufi name for, 195 See KERES Sashes, cotton, of the Tewa, 32 worn by dancers, 27, 49, 59-60 See BELTS; CLOTHING; COSTUME Saya, Tewa personage, 62 Scalp ceremony of Acoma, 18 of Zunii, 122, 134, 140, 145, 153, 156 -I59, I93 Scalping in Zufii genesis, 121 Scalps, society in charge of, IO, 189 Tewa customs regarding, 36-37, I89 See TSEOKE; WAR-CHIEFS Scarecrows used by Zuii, 98 Scatologic practices at Zuii, 132, 146-148 Scratchers used by adolescents, 63 Seasons, names influenced by, 63 of caciques' incumbency, 46 See EQUINOX; MOONS; SOLSTICES; SUMMER CACIQUE; WINTER CACIQUE Sea-water, pilgrimages for, 95 Secret societies. See SOCIETIES Seed-clean dance of San Ildefonso, 60 Seed-corn for planting, 62 See CORN-EAR FETISH; ETTONNE Seeds, prayers for, 7 scattered in ceremony, 9, I5, 73 with corn-ear fetish, 160-161 See ACORNS; BEANS; CORN; GOURDSEEDS; MELON-SEEDS; PINON-NUTS; POPCORN; PUMPKIN-SEEDS; SQUASHSEEDS; WATERMELON-SEEDS; WHEAT Selenite. See MICA Sentinel, San Ildefonso, folio pl. 580 Sepawi, a Tewa ruin, 191 Sequence. See CARDINAL POINTS; CEREMONIAL SEQUENCE; WORLD-REGIONS Serpent. See PLUMED SERPENT; SNAKES Serpentine, sacred pipe of, 14 Seven Cities of Cibola, Zufii pueblos, 85, 89, I95 Seven Cities of Cibola. See CIBOLA; ZUNI Sexual freedom following hunt, 37 incited by clowns, 189 See ADULTERY; FECUNDITY; PROMISCUITY; PROPAGATION; PROSTITUTION Shaiyaka, Siniakyaq6 derived from, I48-149 Shalako, ceremony of Zuii, 123, I35-145 Shamans as snake custodians, 80 bear-paws of, 16-17, 46, 50-51, 69, I60, I63 of Santa Clara, 66 of the ZuIi, I93-I94 tutelar of, I I See OHiUWA; OKUWA; PRIESTS; PUFONU; RELIGION; SHiWANNA; SHiWANNI; SOCIETIES Shaman societies of Nambe, 66-69 of San Juan, 15-17 of the Tewa, 50-5I, I88 Shd-t kyanne, a Hlew6 order, I51 Shdweqi, clowns appointed from, 126 Sheep-killing tabooed at solstice, I34 Shell chief. See PEARL-SHELL CHIEF Shells ceremonially given to infants, 62 inlaid with mosaic, 5 traded to Zufii, 95 with prayer-meal, I6o, 177 worn by snake-dancer, 79 Zufii beads of, I92 Zuiii journeys for, 96 See ABALONE-SHELL; BEADS; FOSSILS; SNAIL-SHELLS Shell trumpet in Kyaklo rite, 130 Shiakya in myth, I80 Shield, mythic, of spider-web, 177-178 of the Zufii, 192 San Juan, 50 pl. sun as a, I04 See WEAPONS Shinny. See GAMING Shipapulima gods in ceremony, 150 in Zuiii myth, I23, I73-I75 Shipololoqin in Zunii genesis, II7-I18 Shirts of ice and gum in myth, 177-178 of the Tewa, 3 See CLOTHING; COSTUME Shitsukye, Zufii personage, 126, 135-138, I50, I73-I76


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240 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Shiwanakya, Zuii personage, 105 Shiwanna and Ohiuwa equivalent, 8 See RUN-AROUND SHIWANNA Shiwannaqe, Zuiii society, II5, I46, I50 Shiwanni, warriors blessed by, 112 Shiwanni of the North. See NORTH CHIEF Shiwawatiwa, portrait, I2 pi. Shiwi, application of term, 85 Shiwinna, Zuii pueblo, 85 Shiwinnaqe, the Zuii, 85 Shongopovi, Zufi name for, 195 Shrine, Shrines, at Matsaki, I33, I40, I64 house, at Zuiii, 96 pl. hunter, of Zufii, 167 offerings at, 29, 41-42, 67, 80, 128 of rain-gods, 50 of San Ildefonso, 44-46 of San Juan, 9, 11-13, 29 of the Tewa, 189 of Yellow Cloud Man, 12 pi. of Zufii war-gods, I34, I50 pl. prayers at, for infant, 62 used at summer solstice, 141 used by Big Fire society, 164 visited by Zuiii adolescents, I93 See ALTARS; CEREMONIES; LAKES; MOUNTAINS Shufina, a Tewa ruin, I90 ShulaawifSi, Zuiii Fire-god, II9, 126, I28, I30, 14I, I44 Shtuma, a mesa, 30, 33, I72 Shuimaikuli, a Laguna cult, 124 Zufi deities, 152 Shumaqe, a Zufii order, 124-125, 152 Shuntekya, a Zuni ruin, 195 Sia and Zufii intercourse, 95 origin of certain Zuni songs, 122 Shumaikuli masks of, 152 Zuiii name for, I95 See KERES Sickness, meal-offering to overcome, 79 treated by shamans, I5, 50-57, 67-8, I89, I93 See DISEASE; MEDICINE; TREATMENT Sierra de la Bola noted, 45 Signal, drum used as, 58-59 See SMOKE-SIGNAL Signal fire of hunters, 149 Sign-language in ceremony, 9, 74-75 See GESTURES Sigiienza y Gongora, Carlos, cited, 92 Silver-working by Zuni, 103 Singing at childbirth, Io8 at corn-grinding, 25 in healing rite, 16-17, 5i, 68-69 in myth, II5, I78 in various ceremonies, 26, 53, 67, II8, I28, 138, 150, I58, i6I, I63 taught children, 8 while gaming, 33 See SONGS Sioux, oration over scalp of, 145 Sip6fene, Tewa place of origin, 38-39, 43, 45, 172, i88 Siwatiftailu, a Zufi, with Cushing, 152 Siwylu'siifta in Zuii myth, I 8 Siwdlu'siwa in Zuni myth, II8 Siy6tiwa, portrait, II6 pl. Skin, eruptions of, how treated, 152 Zufii objects made of, I92 See BUFFALO-SKIN; CLOTHING; COUGARSKIN; COYOTE-SKINS; CUTICLE; DEERSKIN; ELK-SKIN; FOX-SKIN; FUR; RABBIT-SKIN; RAWHIDE; SKUNK-SKIN Skulls of animals painted, 166-167 Skunk. See ANIMAL FOOD Skunk-skin, anklets of, 25, 27, 59-60, 70, 79, I86, I9I bands worn in dance, 49 Sky, how symbolized, 7 See CELESTIAL BODIES Slaves in Zufii myth, 122-123 Sleight-of-hand. See LEGERDEMAIN; MAGIC Slings used by Tewa boys, 32, 187 Smallpox among the Zuii, I94, 204 Smoke symbolic of clouds, I49 Smoke-signal of dancers, 55 See SIGNAL FIRE Smoking at childbirth, Io8 at house dedication, 143 before initiation, 165-166 by Big Fire initiate, 160 by Cloud-god dancers, 72 by shamans in healing, 68 in ceremony, 14


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INDEX 24I Smoking in Kyaklo rite, 129 in Summer kiva, 47 See CANE Snail-shells, fossil, used on navel, Io8 Snakebite treated by New1qe, 148 Snake ceremony of Zuii, 154 Snake clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Snake cult of the Tewa, xii, 19-24, 77-80, 189 Snake dance, Hopi, notes on, I95-I99 Snakes, mythic origin of, 172 when not killed, 1o8, 155 See BULLSNAKE; PLUMED SERPENT; RATTLESNAKES; WATER-SNAKE Snares used by boys, 6-7 See HUNTING Snow, ceremonies for, I89 performance for bringing, 149 prayers and symbolism, 7 See RAIN Snowbird dance. See SEED-CLEAN DANCE Snow clan of the Tewa, 40, 64 Soap-plant used in washing, Io9-IIO See YUCCA-ROOT Social customs, Nambe, 61-63 San Ildefonso, 37-39 San Juan, 6-7 Zuiii, 107- 11 Social organization, Nambe, 63-66 San Ildefonso, 39-4I San Juan, 3-7 Tewa, 187 Zuni, 105-107, 192 Societies of the Tewa, 50-5I, 189 of Zuii, II5, I46-I59, I93 See Bow PRIESTS; CACIQUES; CACIQUE SOCIETIES; CEREMONIES; CLOWN SOCIETIES; PRIESTS; SHAMANS; SHAMAN SOCIETIES; SUMMER SOCIETY; WAR-CHIEFS; WINTER SOCIETY Soldiers killed by Zuii, 93 Solstice ceremonies of the Tewa, 14, 46, 65-67, 187, I89 of Zuni, 132-141, I94 Solstices determined by Sun priest, I25, 194 visits to shrines at, 29 See EQUINOX; SUMMER SOLSTICE; WINTER SOLSTICE Songs, how remembered, 72 VOL. XVII-31 Songs in Buffalo dance, 25, 56 interpreted with gestures, I I in Turtle dance, 54 in Winter society rite, 14 in Zufii Ky'inaqe dance, 122 of Cloud-god personators, 74 of clowns, 52, 128 of Eagle dance, 58 of Hopi origin, 154 of Keres origin, 146, 148-150 of Nambe snake dance, 79 of propagation dance, 77 of Seed-clean dance, 60 of Summer society, 48-49 of Tablita dance, 27, 56-57 of Zuii warriors, II3 rehearsal of, 8, 48 See SINGING Sonora, natives of, visit Zuni, 95 Sorcery among the Zuni, IO6, III, II7-118 articles used in, 29, 160-161 at San Juan, 27-28 ceremonies to defeat, 189 Estevan killed for, 88 how exorcized, I0, I7, 51, 66, 69, I89 Nambe belief in, 28, 81-82 punishment for, 28, 81-82, IO6, III, 156 rain prevented by, 12 sickness caused by, 67 See WITCHCRAFT Sore-throat, belief regarding, 138 Soto, Hernando de, claims of, 89 Sotsiki, Hopi priest, I97 South, feathers associated with, 46 See CARDINAL POINTS; WORLD-REGIONS South chief in Zuii genesis, I14 rites of, 124 South kiva, ceremonies in, 128, 145 South people of San Juan, 7 See SQUASH MOIETY South rain-god, Tewa Red Cloud Man, 43 -45, 50 South war-god, shrine of, 45 Spaniards, expeditions by, 3, 85-93 food plants introduced by, 98, folio pl. 585 descr. influence Pueblos, xi, 42, 105, 187, I92 reconquer Pueblos, xi, 30, 92


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242 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Spaniards. See CHRISTIAN INFLUENCE; MEXICANS; PUEBLO REVOLT Sparrow-hawk in Zufii genesis, 113 Spears. See WEAPONS Speech. See ADDRESS; VOCABULARY Spider in myth, 116, I73, I77, I79 Spinning by the Zuii, IO2 See INDUSTRIES; WEAVING Spirits, abodes of, 43, IIO children's names announced to, 6 evil, deceived by hunters, IO offerings to, 39, 59 of priests, belief regarding, 155 prayer-plumes for, 60 Zufii belief regarding, IIO, 120, 193 See DEITIES; GHOSTS; GODS; LAKES; MOUNTAINS; SHRINES Spitting, belief regarding, in rite, 138, I40 medicine applied by, 164 See SALIVA Springs, belief regarding, I2, 48, IIO in Zufii genesis, 117 prayers to, 44, 142 Spruce. See DOUGLAS SPRUCE Spruce-needles in Kyaklo rite, I29 Squash-blossoms in corn food, IOO Squash clans of the Tewa, 5, 40, 64 Squashes, cultivation of, 32, 98 how preserved, 99 magically grown in myth, I8I Squash kiva of San Juan, 7 Squash moiety of the Tewa, 5, 9, 40, 64, I87 See SUMMER PEOPLE Squash-seeds in myth, 118, 173 uses of, 99, I04, Io8, 153, i6o Squash-shell used for drumming, 60 Stalactite in medicine, i6I Star clans of the Tewa, 5, 40, 64 Stars, instruction regarding, 47 in Tewa names, 134 pi., 144 pl. mythic origin of, I79 offerings to, 12 prayers to, 8I Zufii conception of, 104 See CELESTIAL BODIES; EVENING STAR; MORNING STAR Stealing, how detected by Zuii, I65 tabooed during pregnancy, Io8 Steam Cloud Man, a deity, 43, 45 Stevenson, M. C., cited, 90, IO6, I21, 124 -125, 146, I5I-152 on Tewa snake worship, 21-22 Stick-race. See FOOT-RACE; RACING Stockings of the Zufii, 97 See CLOTHING Stocks, sorcerers punished in, 28 Stone implements of San Ildefonso, 32 implements of Zufii, I04 objects of the Tewa, I86 shamans' figurines of, 50 See IMPLEMENTS; RED STONE Stones erected at cardinal points, 29 for wafer bread, 103-104 See FETISHES; FLINT; HANDICRAFT; IMPLEMENTS; LIGHTNING-STONES; MEALING-STONES; METATES; OBSIDIAN; PEBBLES; ROCKS Stools of ice and gum in myth, 177-178 Storms supplicated, 44 See RAIN Streams, prayers to, 44 See RIVERS; SPRINGS Strong, C. M., acknowledgments to, xii Sucking employed in initiation, I60 healing by, 17, 51, 67, 69, 163-164, I94 Suggestion, death from, 69 Sumac, basketry of, 31 Sumac-berries as food, 32 Summer cacique, bluebirds given to, 7 clan of, 41, 46 dance initiated by, 59 fetish of, 8i functions of, 41-42, 46 head of Pinyooke, 9 importance of, 65-66 of San Juan, 4, 7 of Taos, 41 of the Tewa, I89 prayers for rain by, 41 selection of, at Nambe, 65 snakebite cured by, 80 snake in charge of, 78 visits shrines, 13, 50 See CACIQUES Summer clan of the Tewa, 40, 64 Summer cacique a member of, 46


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INDEX 243 Summer kiva, rites in, 50-52, 54, 56, 66-67 Summer people, ceremonies of, 8 cloud-dancers of, 52 kiva of, 43 Nambe clans of, 63-64 of San Ildefonso, 39-40 of the Tewa, 187 Tewa K6sa belong to, I8 the Squash moiety, 5 9, 40, 64, 187 Summer society, altar of, 12-13 functions of 11-15 initiation of girl by, 63 of Nambe, 66, 72 supplications by, 66-67 Summer solstice, pilgrimage made at, I rites at, I6, 48, 67 124, 140-141 See SOLSTICE CEREMONIES; SOLSTICES; WINTER SOLSTICE Summer Warbler clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Summer warbler feathers, association of, 46-47 offering of, 44, 80 Sun, beliefs regarding, 47-48, I04 in propagation dance song, 77 invocations to, 6, 8, 66, 8I, I89 in Zuii genesis, 114-116 offerings to, 12, 109, 125 prayer-sticks for, 133 strengthened by foot-race, 14 symbol of, on altar, 148 Zufii observations on, 132 See SOLSTICE CEREMONIES; SOLSTICES; SUMMER SOLSTICE; WINTER SOLSTICE Sun clans of the Tewa, 5, 40, 64 of Zuii, IO6 Sun cloud in ceremony, 8 Sun Father in Tewa myth, 43, 171 in Zuii cult, IO4, 121-122, 148 prayer-sticks for, 102 Sunflower-pollen in myth, I79-I80 Suni, Keres name for Zuni, 85 Sun people in Zuiii rites, 124 Sun priest of Zufi, 125 See PEQINNE Stnyu", Tewa name of Zufi, 85 Supih7lanne, war-chief of Siniakyaq6, I49 Supplications at shrine, 12 to animals, 43-44 See OFFERING; PRAYERS; PRAYER-STICKS Sutskiqe, a name for Siniakyaqe, 148 Sut;ikyi in Kyiklo rite, I30 Suwaso, Silveria, ceremonial children of, 76 Sweeper, official, in propagation rite, 75-76 Sweepings. See RUBBISH Sweet, E. M., Jr., obtains data on Snake dance, I96 Swelling treated by Big Fire society, 150 Sword See WEAPONS Sword-swallowing. See HLEWEQE Symbols, animal tracks as, I 13 ashes used as, 52-53, 71, 73 crystals as, 163 dolls as, of sorcerers, 69 Douglas spruce as, 29 feathers as, 46 given to Shalako personators, I36-I37 in Tablita dance, 27 of Blue Corn Woman, 50 of clouds, 27, 56, 56 pl., 57-58, 58 pl., 59, 71, 73, 130, 137, 141, I49, I58 of corn, 7, I36 of lightning, 13 of meal-grinding, 59 of mountains for warriors, 112 of snakes on bread, 78, 8I of sorcerer, 17 of sun on altar, 148 of sustenance and strength, 62 of thunder, 13, 57, 173 on head-dress, 56, 56 pl., 57 on snake food, 23 shrine stones as, 29 See COLOR; PHALLICISM Tablita dance, Tewa, 27, 43, 56, 56 pl., 57, 60 pl., 70 pl., folio pi. 588 Taboo associated with childbirth, 6 by Hleweqe, I50 by Saniakyaqe, 148 by those snakebitten, 80 by Zunii, 146 during pregnancy, Io8 during winter solstice, I34 of names of dead ignored, I88 when making baking-stones, 104 See TESHQINNE Tafoya, Francisco, Nambe snake-dancer, 77


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244 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Tafoya, Joaquin, Nambe shaman, 67 Tafoya, John, mother of, a Snake Mother, 78 Tails, mythic people with, II6 Tamales, Zufii, 99-I100 Tambf, portrait of, 146 pl. Tamehlan-ky' aya, mythic spring, I17 Tamuiyogepoqige, Lake peak, 45 Tanoan stock, Tewa a branch of, 3 Tansendo. See SUN FATHER Tansy-mustard clan of Zufii, Io6 Taos, shrine of, 12 snake worship at, 20 social organization of, 39 Tdwaqe. See CORN PEOPLE Tdwa-shiwanni. See NORTH CHIEF Tdwa-yalanne, Corn mountain, 87, 90 Tdya, Tdyaqin. See NUTRIA Teeth, beliefs regarding, 6, 29 Teeuinge, a Tewa ruin, 19I Temake, an order of shamans, 51, 66-67 Temakohan-afhiwanni. See EAST CHIEFS; LIGHT CHIEF Tema-kosa, society of Nambe, 66 Tipahaiyan-tehula in Zuni genesis, 115 T7fhqinne, Zufii sacred object, 96 Tes6yoge in invocation, 53 Tesuque, Buffalo dancers of, folio pl. 600 clowns initiated at Cochiti, I8 portrait, 148 pi. propagation ceremony of, 61, 76 situation of, 3 snake worship at, 78 Tewa, account of the, 3-4, I85-I91 dance-costume of, 24 pl., 148 mythology of, 171-I73 shrine of the, 12 vocabulary of, 200-203 Zufii snake cult from, 154 See NAMBE; POJOAQUE; SAN ILDEFONSO; SAN JUAN; SANTA CLARA; TESUQUE Tewake, an order of shamans, 51, 66 Tewa-kosa, society of Nambe, 66 Thanksgiving dance of San Ildefonso, 60 See HARVEST CEREMONY Thievery. See STEALING Threshing at San Juan, folio pl. 593 by the Zunii, 99 See WHEAT Thunder in song, 27, 56, 69 invoked by Tewa, 53, 189 personified, 43-44 simulated, 59, I73, I87 symbolized, I3, 57, 173 See BULLROARER Thunder clan of the Tewa, 40, 64 Thunder dance. See FOOT-LIFT DANCE Thunder mountain, Corn mountain so called, 87 Tiwa and Zuiii intercourse, 95 early Spaniards among, 90-9I Toad in Zufii ettonne, I25 Tobacco given to shaman, 16 offered at Nambe shrines, 80 offered in clowns' rite, 71 See SMOKING Tobacco clan of Zuii, Io6 Torch, juniper-bark, I29, 135-136, 149, 151 used at summer solstice, 141 See FIREBRAND Tortillas, Zuni, I00 Tortoise-shell, rattles of, 27 See TURTLE-SHELL Tovar, Pedro, exploration by, 90 T6wae. See WAR-GODS Towae'Saw"nyise, Tewa war-god, 43 Trade among Pueblos, 31, 86, 95, 103, I9I-I92 tabooed at winter solstice, 134 Tradition, Zuni, value of, 93-95 Trails, ceremonial, at shrines, 50 early, at Zuii, 95 See MEAL TRAIL Training. See INITIATION Transformation in Zuiii myth, 118-119 Treatment by shamans, I5-16, 67-68, I89, I93-I94 for various ills, I46, I48, 150-I54, I59, I63-I64 See DISEASE; MEDICINE; SHAMANS; SICKNESS Trees, prayers to, 44 represented by floggers, 8 Tewa names for, 203 Zufii names for, 208 See ASPEN; CEDAR; CHERRY; COTTONWOOD; DOUGLAS SPRUCE; OAK; PINE; WILLOW


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INDEX 245 Trespass, initiation by, 70, i66, 194 Tres Piedras. See K6APO Trials for witchcraft, 28, I Triplets at Zunii, l09 Trousers. See CLOTHING Truchas peaks, Namb6 in foothills of, 6i shrine on, 13 True, Clara D., acknowledgments to, 32 cited, 24 Trujillo, Gabriel, Namb6 snake-dancer, 77 Trujillo, Juan, Namb6 snake-dancer,7 Trumpet, shell, in Ky~klo rite, 30 Tsaihlaf(hi, child of K6y~mAYhi, l Tsankawi, a Tewa ruin, 30, 190 Tste-hyairg. See EAGLE DANCE Ts!eka, portrait, 8 pI. Tse'ka'nqiyo, San Ildefonso deity, 43 Tseoke, scalpers' society, 10, 26, 36-37, 66 Tshirege, a Tewa ruin, 190 Ts1'ko-fiqaw9 in Zuiii genesis, I1I7 Tsiktumu"Pin, shrine on, 9, I I, 12, 12 PL., 44, 50 Tsimay6', a giant, in myth, 172 Tsi"'wiri, Black mesa, 53 Tsirog~. See TSHIREGE Tsliwi. See RUN-AROUND SH'IWANNA Tsz'ya. See HUMMINGBIRD Tuff, houses built of, i86, 190 Tz?'-hyaro. See BASKET DANCE Tli'Yo', name of Huerfano, 30, 45, 53, 172 Turkey-beard in corn-ear fetish, i6o Turkey clan of Zufii, io6 Turkey-feathers associated with west, 46 offerings Of, 29, 44, 8o uses Of, 25, 60, 77, 151 Turkeys in myth, 172 raised by Zuiii, 102 Turquoise among the Zuiii, 90 beads on corn fetish, i6 carried by Estevan, 86 fetish's eyes Of, 71 mixed with meal, i6o, I77 mythic rabbit-sticks of, 122 ornaments of, 5, 103, 192 traded by Zufii, 95 Turquoise clans of the Tewa, 5, 40, 64 Turquoise moiety of the Tewa, 5, 9, 40, 64, 187 See WINTER PEOPLE Turtle clans of the Tewa, 40, 64 Turtle dance of the Tewa, 19, 25, 54-55 Turtles from Zuiji sacred lake, I 19 in Zufii myth, iiS Turtle-shell, rattles of, 25, 49, 59, 70, 120,% 186, '9' Tuwaletstiwa, Johnson, on Snake dance, 197 Twins, how regarded by Zufii, 109 See WAR-GODS Twitchell, R E., cited, 28, 92 C~hana-yalanno, war-god shrine on, 134 tChu, Namb6 dance personage, 74 C~huhuq#, Zufii society, 151-152, 154 Underworld chief. See NADIR CHIEFS COpo'yona in Zufii rite, 128 Upuyilima in Zufii genesis, 17 Urinal, a mythic personage, I79 Urine, Zufii belief regarding, i6o See ScATOLOGIc PRACTICES Ute and Tewa alliance, 36, 189 dance imitated, 24 Tewa name for, I90 Zuiji name for, I95 Liyuy~wi, Zufii war-god, 121, 155 See WAR-GODS Vargas, Diego de, conquers Pueblos, xi, 30, 92 Vegetation, prayers for, I I See CROPS; HARVEST CEREMONY; INCREASE; PLANTING Venison. See DEER; MEAT Vetancurt, A. de, cited, 91, 93, 96 Vigil, Agustin, Namb6 snake-dancer, 77 Vigil, 41ario, Tesuque snake custodian, 8o Vigil, Lisetto, Namb6 snake-dancer, 77 Vigil, Seresivo, Namb6 snake-dancer, 77 Villages. See RUINS Violence in Zuf~ii kiva ceremony, 139 Vocabulary, San Ildefonso, 200-203 Zufii, 204-2-09 Volcanic acti~vi~ty in Tewa region, 172 Vomiting, purification by, 44, 129, 150 See PURIFICATION Vulgarities. See OBSCENITIES; SCATOLOGIC PRACTICES Wafer bread offered by warriors, I1 of the Tewa, i 86


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246 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Wafer bread of the Zufii, IOO scalps borne on, I59 See BREAD CORN; FOOD Walhusiwa, portrait of, folio pl. 6I2 Walapai, Zufii name for, I95 Wand, feathered, of snake-dancers, 79 See PRAYER-STICKS Wai'ke, Santa Clara shamans, 66 Warbler. See SUMMER WARBLER War-chiefs as guards, 13, 65, 67, 72, 80 dancers selected by, 54-57, 59-60, 65, 72-73 dances inaugurated by, II, 72-76 in Zufii myth, 123 medicine secrets of, I59 message delivered by, 8 nominated by cacique, 42 of Saniakyaqe society, I49 of San Juan, 4 of Zufii, I92 participate in rabbit-hunt, 37 part played in marriages, 6I snake-dancers confined by, 79 Tewa, exempt from labor, 38 Tewa, functions of, 65-66, 71, 187 Zufii, authority of, in dances, 133 See APIHLAN-SHIWANNI; BOW PRIESTS; PiHLAN-SHIWANNI War-clubs in hunter rite, 167 of the Tewa, 32, 202 of the Zuiii, I92 See WEAPONS War-cry of Zunii, 157 War-dance, how initiated, 33 society in charge of, I89 Warfare, Tewa, 12, 36-37, 66, 188-189 Zuni,, 9, I-I I3, 193 See IMPLEMENTS; PUEBLO REVOLT; SPANIARDS; WEAPONS War-gods addressed by priests, I56 associated with shrines, 44 Bow priests represent, 112, 155, I93 effigies of, 44, 44 pl., 45, I 2, I33-I34, 158 in solstice rite, 135 in Tewa myth, 172 in Zuni myth, I2I-122, 155 kicking-race by, 33, 187 War-gods of San Ildefonso, 43 prayers to, 47, 50, I89 prayer-sticks for, 102 race to home of, I05 shrines of, 45, 50, 150 pi. Zunii, home of, I02 See MAASPWI; UYUYEWI Warriors, medicine for, 71 See Bow PRIESTS; WAR-CHIEFS Wasayz;", Nambe dance personage, 74 Washing of Big Fire novice, I64 of scalps by Zuni, 158, I93 See BATHING; HAIR-WASHING WYrtemnha, Zuii masked dances, 132 Water. See CLOUDS; IRRIGATION; RAIN; SEAWATER; SNOW; SPRINGS; STREAMS Water clans of the Tewa, 40 Water-creatures in Kyaklo rite, 131 Water ettonne. See ]TTONNE Waterfall clan of Nambe, 64 Water-gods, offerings to, 12, 128 See CLOUD-GODS; GODS; RAIN-GODS Water-jar, a mythic personage, I79 See POTTERY Watermelons introduced at Zuni, 98 Watermelon-seeds with corn-ear fetish, 161 Water Person, Taos Summer cacique, 41 Water-skipper in Zufi myth, 123 Water-snake in Zuni myth, II8 Water-snake society of Zufii, 154 Weapons deposited with dead, I88 of dead destroyed, 38 of the Tewa, i86, 189 of the Zufii, 104, 12, 192 See ARROWS; BOWS; KNIVES; LANCEHEADS; WAR-CLUBS Weasel clan of San Juan, 5 Weather, names influenced by, 63 Weaving by the Tewa, 3I-32, i86 by the Zunii, 102, I92 See CLOTHING; COSTUME; COTTON; HANDICRAFT; YUCCA Weed chewed to prevent snakebite, 78 Weeds, non-society members so called, II We"yima, home of Cloud-gods, 73 West, feathers associated with, 46 See CARDINAL POINTS; WORLD-REGIONS West chiefs of Zuni, 112, 114, 124


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INDEX 247 West kiva represented in Kyaklo, 128 Zufii ceremony in, 145 West rain-god of San Ildefonso, 43 See YELLOW CLOUD MAN West war-god, shrine of, 45 Weta, a Zufii, 152 Wewa arrested in sorcery case, iI Wheat introduced at Zufii, 98 used for bread, IoI washing at San Juan, folio pl. 594 See THRESHING Whipping by dancers in myth, 178 in ceremonies, 74, 76-77, I32-I33, 146, I53-I54 of initiates, 8, 63, I88, I94 Whipping Kachinas, Tsiwi correspond with, 74 Whirlwind in myth, I79 personified, 43-44 Whiskey, the cause of murder, 9 White Cloud Man. See EAST RAIN-GOD White Fir clan of Nambe, 64 White Mountain Apache, enemies of Zuni, I I2 White Rock canon, Keres-Tewa boundary, 36 Whitewash. See GYPSUM Wildcat in myth, 175-178 representative of south, 201 Willow, basketry of, 31, Io3, 178, I86, 192 in roof-building, 97-98 Willow-bark, gaming wheel of, 36 Wilolona-tikyanne, a Hlewe order, 151 Wimian, a Zuni ruin, I95 Windows of mica in myth, 176 Winnowing at San Juan, 14 pl. by the Zuni, 99 Winnowing-baskets. See BASKETRY; BASKETS Winship, G. P., cited, 86, 89, 95-96 Winter cacique of Nambe, 65-66, 78 of San Ildefonso, 41-42, 46, 50, 54, 58 of San Juan, 4, 7-9 of the Tewa, 189 See CACIQUES Winter kiva of the Tewa, 43, 51-52, 66-67 Winter people, ceremonies of, 8, 50 of Nambe, 63-64 of San Ildefonso, 39-40 of the Tewa, i8, 187 Winter people, the Turquoise moiety, 5 See TURQUOISE PEOPLE Winter society, Cloud-god dance of, 74 functions and rites, II-I5 of Nambe, 66-67 Winter solstice, Nambe customs at, 67 racing at, 59 rites at, 14, 48, 124 taboo during, I46 See SOLSTICE CEREMONIES; SOLSTICES Witchcraft by shamans, 15 See SORCERY Wolf image in myth, 175-176, 178 representative of east, 159, I62 shamans' figurine of, 50 Wolf clans of the Tewa, 5, 40, 64 Women assistants of Tewa scalpers, I89 associated in rabbit-hunts, 29, 37, I49 associates of Pinyooke, 46 bring food in ceremony, 47 ceremonial corn-grinding by, II clothing of, 96-97, I86, I9I custodians of scalps, 159 images of children made by, 134 impersonated in rite, 8, 122 in Basket dance, 26, 59 in Buffalo dance, 55-56 in clown society, 0o, 51, 72 industries of, I92 ineligible to certain societies, 155 in Foot-lift dance, 60 in propagation rite, 76-77 in San Juan dances, I in Seed-clean dance, 60 in Tablita dance, 26-27, 56, 56 pl., 57, 60-70 pls. in Turtle dance, 54 in warrior ceremony, I59 members of Puf6nu, IO members of Zuiii societies, I55, 193-194 of Nambe, 74 pl., 138 pi. of San Ildefonso, 46 pi., folio pls. 581, 583, 585, 590, 591 of San Juan, activities of, 14 pi., 22 pl., 26 pl., 42 pi., 48 pl. of San Juan, portraits, folio pls. 593, 598 of Santa Clara, activities of, 16 pl., 48 pl. of Santa Clara, portraits, 58 pl.


{view image of page 248}
248 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Women of Zuiii, I04 pi., I O pi., folio pis. 605, 6io, 613, 614 property of, 37, 107, I88 tabooed by hose snakebitten, 80 treatment of, in illness, 68 Zuii, hung as witches, III Zuii, status of, 193 See ADULTERY; ARTS; CHILDBIRTH; CORN-GRINDING; CORN MAIDS; CORN MOTHERS; EARTH MOTHER; INDUSTRIES; MARRIAGE; MOTHER CORN; PROSTITUTION; SEXUAL FREEDOM Wood, Tewa objects of, 32, I86 See HANDICRAFT; TREES /Wood-borers eaten to whiten teeth, 29 Wood clans of the Tewa, 5, 40, 64 Woodpecker-feathers, symbolism of, 131 Wool spun and woven, IO2 Zufii garments of, 96, 191 See CLOTHING; YARN World-regions, animals associated with, 159, I62, I89, 201 colors associated with, 43, 80, 131, I8I, 201 offerings to, 6, 14, 62, 113 priests associated with, Io5, II4, I24-125, 141, 192, I94 See CARDINAL POINTS; CENTRE OF WORLD Worlds in Zufii genesis, 113-116 Wounds, treatment of, 153 Wrist-guards, silver, of Zufii, I9I See COSTUME; ORNAMENTS Yalannehlinna, a Zuiii mesa, I33, 141 Yamuhakto, Zuiii deity, 126, 141 Yamun-ky'caya in Zuii genesis, 117 Yan6wuluiha, mythic personage, II6, I25 Yanfie, portrait of, 74 pi. YanftirO, portrait of, 130 pi. Yarn, bands of, 25, 59-60, 74, 79 See WOOL Yarrow used by fire performers, I50-152 Yarrow, H. C., cited, I96 Yatakyaqg. See SUN PEOPLE Yavapai, self-name of, I95 Ycaya, Hopi magicians, 152 Yf'chunanne defined, 160-161 Yellow Cloud Man, a deity, II, 12 pi., 43 See WEST RAIN-GOD Yellow Dim Old Woman, Tewa personage, 41 Yellow ochre, pottery painted with, 31 Yellow Wood clan of Zufii, IO6 Yfre-hiyiar. See SEED-CLEAN DANCE Yiya. See CORN-EAR FETISHES; CORN MOTHERS Yucca, bands of, in rite, I6I basketry of, 103, I86, I92 cloth of, 185, 192 fire made with, 135 gaming wheel of, 36 in Kyaklo rite, I28 potent to racers, 15 pottery brushes of, 103 pottery rest of, folio pl. 614 rope of, in myth, I80 sacred corn wrapped in, 164 sandals of, 185, I9I whips of, 8, 74, 76, 131-132, 146, 178, I88 Yucca-fibre, ettow6 wrapping of, 125 rabbit-robe warp of, 96, I92 used for tying, IOO See WEAVING Yucca fruit with corn-ear fetish, 161 Yucca-root, initiate treated with suds, 163-164 in myth, 173 scalps washed with, I58 See SOAP-PLANT Yucca seedpods as food, 32, II0, 192 Yugeuingge, former Tewa village, I90 See SAN GABRIEL Yuma, Zuni name for, I95 Yuman tribes, Zufii communication with, 95 Yungeo"wnge. See YUGEUINGGE Yunque, Tewa village, 3 Yuqueyunque. See YUGEUINGGE Zarate Salmeron, G. de, cited, 88, 89 Zenith, feathers associated with, 46 offerings to spirits of, 12 Zenith kiva represented in Kyaklo, 128 Zenith priest of Zufii, 114, II6, I24-I25 See P.QINNt Zenith rain-god. See ALL-COLOR CLOUD MAN Zenith war-god, shrine of, 45


{view image of page 249}
INDEX 249 Zuni, account of, 85-I67, 191-195 fetishes of, 13 fish not eaten by, I86 houses of, 84 pl., 98 pl., I04 pl., folio pls. 605, 609, 615 mythology of, I73-I81 portraits, 112-124 pls., folio pls. 607, 6ii, 612 Zuni, Spanish influence on, xii, 93-95 view of, 84 pl. vocabulary of, 204-209 women of, I I pl., folio pls. 605, 6io, 6I3, 614 Zuni Dick arrested in sorcery case, iII Zuni river, mythic origin of, ii8 Zuni Salt Lake, source of supply, 101-102 THE END OF VOLUME XVII VOL. XVII-32


{view image of page List of Large Plates}
The North American Indian List of Large Plates Supplementing Volume Seventeen
580 Sentinel - San Ildefonso In prehistoric times the Tewa were so beset by roving enemies that not a few of them, for purposes of defense, became cliff-dwellers. (See Volume XVII, illustrations facing pages 30,32.) With a watchman posted in a niche of the cliff or on a commanding elevation, there was little chance of an enemy surprising laborers in the cornfields. 581 Povi-Tamu ("Flower Morning") - San Ildefonso The flower concept is a favorite one in Tewa names, both masculine and feminine. The regular features of the comely Morning Flower are not exceptional, for most Tewa girls, and indeed most Pueblo girls, are not without attractiveness. 582 Okuwa-tse ("Cloud Yellow") - San Ildefonso 583 On the Rio Grande - San Ildefonso The plate illustrates the native garb of Tewa women, a sleeveless, one piece, woollen dress, a woven belt, and white deerskin boots. 584 Kiva stairs, San Ildefonso Pueblo ceremonial chambers are known as kivas (the Hopi name) or estufas (the name applied to them by the Spaniards under the misapprehension that they were sudatories). They are circular or rectangular, wholly or partly subterranean, or simply cells in the communal structure that forms a pueblo. The character of the underlying soil or rock was probably the factor that determined the degree to which a kiva was made subterranean. The one here illustrated is mostly underground, and has a walled stair leading to the roof, which is surrounded by a parapet. Similar structures have been found in excavating ruined pueblos. (See Volume XVII, illustration facing page 68.) 585 Fruit gatherer - San Ildefonso Among the valued gifts of the early Spanish priests was the peach. Every pueblo has its orchards of scrubby, twisted trees, which without cultivation yield fruit of small size but agreeable flavor. 586 Offering - San Ildefonso A pinch of cornmeal tossed into the air as an offering to the numerous deities of the Tewa, but especially to the sun, is a formality that begins the day and precedes innumerable acts of the most commonplace nature. 587 San Ildefonso pottery San Ildefonso possesses some very capable potters. The polished black vessel at the left represents a recent revival, under the stimulus of commercial encouragement, of an ancient phase of the potter's art, for it answers the description of black ware observed by Coronado's chronicles. 588 Tablita dancers and singers - San Ildefonso The ceremony called Koheye-hyare ("tablita dance"), occurring in June and again in September, is characterized by public dancing and singing for the purpose of bringing rain-clouds. The name refers to wooden "tablets" worn by female dancers. (See Volume XVII, illustrations facing pages 56,60,62,64,66,68.) In the plate the performers are dancing in to the plaza, men and women alternating in pairs. At the right is the group of singers, their aged leader slightly in advance and the drummer at one side. 589 In San Ildefonso 590 Girl and jar - San Ildefonso Pueblo women are adept at balancing burdens on the head. Usually a vessel rests on a fibre ring, which serves to steady it and to protect the scalp. The design on the jar here illustrated recalls the importance of the serpent cult in Tewa life. (See Volume XVII, pages 19-24, 77-80.) 591 In the gray morning - San Ildefonso A housewife fills her jar with a gourd ladle at a shallow pool. In the background is the Rio Grande at the season of high water, and in the distance is a rugged mesa. 592 Offering to the sun - San Ildefonso 593 From the threshing floor - San Juan Grain is threshed by the hoofs of horses or goats in the fashion of Biblical times. (See Volume XVI, illustration facing page 42.) 594 Washing wheat - San Juan Threshed by the aid of animals and winnowed by tossing in the breeze, wheat is placed in loose-mesh baskets and submerged in the water of an acequia. Particles of earth are thus dissolved, and floating bits of straw and chaff are scooped off. After thoroughly drying in the sun, the grain is stored in bags. 595 Street scene at San Juan 596 Ambrosio Martinez - San Juan The original of this portrait could readily pass for an Indian of the southern plains. The influence of Plains blood is noticeable at all Tewa pueblos, and especially at San Juan, the most northerly of them. The typical Pueblo man is small-featured and of short to medium stature. 597 San Juan pottery 598 Gossiping - San Juan 599 Offering at the waterfall – Nambe Feather offerings are deposited in numerous shrines, buried in the earth near the pueblo, and placed in springs, streams, and lakes, for the purpose of winning the favor of the cloud-gods. 600 Tesuque buffalo dancers The Buffalo dance is performed, though the original object of exerting prenatural influence on the abundance and accessibility of the buffalo no longer prevails. The two male dancers are accompanied by the Buffalo Girl, who is fully clothed in native costume and has a pair of small horns on the head. These three give a very striking and dramatic performance under the watchful eye of the head of the hunters' society. 601 Oyi (Duck White), summer cacique of Santa Clara Each Tewa pueblo is dominated by two native priests, the so-called caciques, one of whom is in charge of religious activities from the end of February to the middle of October, the other during the remainder of the year. 602 Potter - Santa Clara The potter is polishing a vessel. The smooth pebbles used for this purpose are found in small heaps among or near deposits of fossil bones. They are the stomach pebbles of dinosaurs. Tewa women prize them highly, refuse to part with them, and foresee ill luck if one is lost. 603 Pottery burners at Santa Clara Only with considerable practice can pottery be fired successfully. The vessels and the surrounding fuel of dry dung must be so placed, and the fire must be so controlled that, while perfect combustion takes place, high temperature shall not develop too quickly. Cracked and blackened ware is the penalty of inexperience and carelessness. 604 Inscription rock Inscription Rock, or El Morro (The Castle), as the Spaniards called it, is a striking landmark on the ancient trail between Acoma and Zuni. Beginning with Juan de Onate, who passed here in April, 1605, on his return to the Rio Grande from "the south sea," Spanish explorers and the administrators recorded their names and dates on smooth surfaces of the cliff, which reveal also numerous Indian petroglyphs. (See Volume XVII, illustration facing page 88.) Two ancient ruined pueblos are found on the top of the rock. 605 Zuni street scene 606 Grinding medicine – Zuni Medicine and mineral pigments are ground in small stone mortars by means of a water-worn pebble. 607 Zuni governor This portrait may well be taken as representative of the typical Pueblo physiognomy. 608 Load of fuel – Zuni The Zuni tribe, now numbering twenty-two hundred, has been concentrated in the present pueblo and its farming villages for nearly two and a half centuries, and in the same valley for hundreds of years before. Only a people as frugal as all the Pueblos in the use of fuel could still have an available supply in a region so poorly provided by nature. 609 Terraced houses of Zuni In the early eighties one of the house-groups of Zuni rose to a height of six well-defined stories. In 1903, when the photograph here reproduced was made, there were five stories. In 1910 a single apartment was four stories from the ground, but in 1919 this room was demolished. Note the bottomless pots forming chimneys, the wooden drain piercing the coping, the hemispherical oven of Spanish provenience on a roof. 610 Zuni girls at the river 611 Lutakawi, Zuni Governor 612 Waihusiwa, a Zuni kyaqimassi Kyaqimassi ("house chief") is the title of the Shiwanni of the north, the most important of all Zuni priests. Waihusiwa in his youth spent the summer and fall of 1886 in the East with Franklin Hamilton Cushing, and was the narrator of much of the lore published in Cushing's Zuni Folk Tales. A highly spiritual man, he is one of the most steadfast of the Zuni priests upholding the traditions of the native religion. 613 Zuni girl 614 Zuni woman Bowls of food are often thus carried on the head with a woven yucca ring during an intermission in or following a ceremony, when the participants feast. 615 Corner of Zuni The chamber at the left, with ladder-poles projecting from the hatchway, is the kiva of the north. Many dances are performed in the small plaza here shown. The dark material piled against one of the houses is sheep-dung for firing pottery.


{view image of plate no. 580}
Sentinel - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 581}
Povi-Tamu ("Flower Morning") - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 582}
Okuwa-tse ("Cloud Yellow") - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 583}
On the Rio Grande - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 584}
Kiva stairs, San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 585}
Fruit gatherer - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 586}
Offering - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 587}
San Ildefonso pottery [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 588}
Tablita dancers and singers - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 589}
In San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 590}
Girl and jar - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 591}
In the gray morning - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 592}
Offering to the sun - San Ildefonso [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 593}
From the threshing floor - San Juan [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 594}
Washing wheat - San Juan [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 595}
Street scene at San Juan [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 596}
Ambrosio Martinez - San Juan [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 597}
San Juan pottery [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 598}
Gossiping - San Juan [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 599}
Offering at the waterfall – Nambe [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 600}
Tesuque buffalo dancers [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 601}
Oyi (Duck White), summer cacique of Santa Clara [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 602}
Potter - Santa Clara [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 603}
Pottery burners at Santa Clara [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 604}
Inscription rock [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 605}
Zuni street scene [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 606}
Grinding medicine – Zuni [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 607}
Zuni governor [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 608}
Load of fuel – Zuni [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 609}
Terraced houses of Zuni [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 610}
Zuni girls at the river [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 611}
Lutakawi, Zuni Governor [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 612}
Waihusiwa, a Zuni kyaqimassi [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 613}
Zuni girl [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 614}
Zuni woman [photogravure plate]


{view image of plate no. 615}
Corner of Zuni [photogravure plate]


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