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Vol.2. The Pima. The Papago. The Qahatika. The Mohave. The Yuma. The Maricopa. The Walapai. The Havasupai. The Apache-Mohave, or Yavapai.{view image of page i} The North American Indian {view image of page ii} $v ibc *un*Vrtre Ott of bclift tf I7 {view image of frontispiece} Yuma girl [photogravure plate] {view image of page iii} THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN BEING A SERIES OF VOLUMES PICTURING AND DESCRIBING THE INDIANS OF THE UNITED STATES AND ALASKA WRITTEN, ILLUSTRATED, AND PUBLISHED BYEDWARD S. CURTIS EDITED BY FREDERICK WEBB HODGE FOREWORD BY THEODORE ROOSEVELT FIELD RESEARCH CONDUCTED UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF J. PIERPONT MORGAN IN TWENTY VOLUMES THIS, THE SECOND VOLUME, PUBLISHED IN THE YEAR NINETEEN HUNDRED AND EIGHT {view image of page iv} 0 un- ~stern ifs,, [ AY 1 J_5 19A^ D? C, -_.. L ~ ''.1 I 14339 "-,? COPYRIGHT 1908 BY EDWARD S. CURTIS THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, CAMBRIDGE, U.S.A. {view image of page v} Contents of Volume Two ALPHABET USED IN RECORDING INDIAN TERMS ILLUSTRATIONS............ INTRODUCTION....... THE PIMA Tribal Characteristics.. Ceremonies Creation Myth THE PAPAGO. THE QAHATIKA. THE MOHAVE Habitat, Home Life, and Social Customs. Creation Myth Ceremonies.......... THE YUMA Homeland, Arts, and Customs. Ceremonies Creation Myth.... THE MARICOPA Customs, Arts, and Beliefs. Creation Myth THE WALAPAI THE HAVASUPAI THE APACHE-MOHAVE, OR YAVAPAI. PAGE vi.. ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ vii xi....... xi 3 ~....... ~II 14....... 39 25 ~~....... 439....... 47........ 56....... 5638....... 6 3 ~. ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 73....... 73....... 86.....*... 89....... 95....... IO3103 APPENDIX TRIBAL SUMMARY The Pima...... The Papago..... The Mohave. The Yuma The Maricopa...... PIMAN COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY..... YUMAN COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY. 0 0~ 0 0 0 & 0 0 0 a~ 0 0 0 0 9~ 0 0~ IO9 III 112 iI4 n16 118 123 INDEX TO VOLUME TWO........ 129 {view image of page vi} Alphabet used in recording Indian Terms [The consonants are as in English, except when otherwise noted] a as in father a as in cat a as aw in awl ai as in aisle e as ey in they 6 as in net ias in machine I as in sit o as in old 6 as in not 8 as ow in how oi as in oil u as in ruin fi as in nut iU as in German hutte u as in push h always aspirated q as qu in quick rr a trilled r th as in thaw th as in thee w as in wild y as in year ch as in church sh as in shall, sash n nasal, as in French dans zh as z in azure S a pause {view image of page vii} Illustrations i Yuma girl Frontispiece Author's camp, Walapai-land x Palo verde xii Pima-land 2 Gathering cactus fruit - Pima 4 A Pima home 6 Antonio Azul -Pima 8 Pima burial grounds 10 Pima granaries 12 Ceremonial Ki - Pima 14 Gathering arrow-brush - Pima 16 Joseph Head - Pima 18 Isevik-Pima 20 Casa grande ruin 22 Casa grande ruin 24 Papago kitchen 26 Mission San Xavier del Bac 28 Hokak - Papago 30 Kiho carrier - Qahatka 32 Papago burial 34 Papago matron 36 The Papago potter 38 Papago primitive home 38a Hasen harvest - Qahtlka 40 Qahatlka village scene 42 Qahatika man 44 Qahatlka home 44a {view image of page viii} viii THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Mohave child 46 The Mohave 48 Primitive Mohave 50 Sholya - Mohave girl 52 Stone maze 54 Mohave still life 56 Mohave potter 58 Primitive transportation - Mohave 60 Chacha - Mohave 60a Yuma maiden 62 A Yuma house 64 A Yuma type 66 Hapchach - Yuma 68 A Yuma home 70 A Yuma 72 Mohave home construction 74 An old Mohave 76 Hipah - Mohave 78 Mohave mother 78a Fruit gatherer - Maricopa 80 Maricopa woman mealing 82 Hipdh - Maricopa 84 Maricopa still life 86 Harvesting cactus fruit - Maricopa 88 Havachach Weaving - Maricopa 88a Walapai winter camp 90 Ta'thamiche - Walapai 92 Walapai hunter 94 Nerije - Walapai 94a The canon walls - Havasupai 96 Havasupai basket maker 98 Havasupai matron 100 {view image of page ix} ILLUSTRATIONS ix Havasupai cliff dwelling 102 Walathoma - Havasupai 102a Apache-Mohave homes 104 An Apache-Mohave woman 106 Gathering Haisn - Qahtka 108 A Papago 110 Mohave man 112 Yaqui girl 114 Gathering arrow-brush - Maricopa 116 Maricopa group 118 Maricopa water girl 120 Qahatika matron 122 Stone maze 124 Stone maze 126 Tokopala - Walapai 128 Maricopa house 130 Photogravures by John Andrew & Son, Boston. {view image of page x} {view image of facing page x} Author's camp, Walapai-land [photogravure plate] {view image of page xi} Introduction THE nine tribes treated in this volume belong to two linguistic families, the Piman and the Yuman; yet owing to the differences in their environment they are widely divergent in characteristics. They reside within the limits of Arizona, but extend into the Mexican state of Sonora and into eastern California. The Yuma and the Mohave, whose homes are on the banks of the mighty Colorado, are unusually fine specimens physically, being large-boned, strongly built, and clear-skinned. Within a short distance of them, in the high altitudes, live the Walapai, of the same family. They are the direct opposite of the river Indians -hardy mountain types, physically and mentally quick of action, for their rugged mountain home has ever demanded of them a hard fight for existence. Adjoining them, in Cataract canion of the Colorado, are the Havasupai, also of the Yuman family, whose surroundings are truly unique. Though they cultivate small patches in their canfon home, for subsistence they depend much upon the chase, and like the Walapai are a wiry mountain people. The Maricopa, another Yuman tribe, who have long lived in the valley of the Gila, exhibit the effect of their Colorado river origin, both in physique and in their slowness of thought. The Pima from earliest tradition have dwelt within the Gila drainage in southern Arizona. From one point of view, they are ideal Indians -industrious, keen of mind, friendly to civilization, and tractable. The Papago are so closely allied with {view image of page xii} *ii THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN them that it is not easy to differentiate. One part of the Papago is sedentary, like the Pima; the other shifts from place to place over a limited area as the abundance or the lack of water necessitates. The Qahatika, also of Piman stock, live in five villages in the heart of the desert south of the Gila. A stranger would regard their sandy waste as beyond human subjection, yet these people manage to wrest an existence from it. These various tribes have been broadly termed, with the Pueblos, the sedentary Indians of the Southwest. Most of them came early in direct contact with Spanish missionaries, whose ministrations they received in friendly spirit; yet after more than two centuries of zealous effort, little has been accomplished toward substituting the religion of the white man for that of their fathers. True, many are professed adherents of the Christian faith, but only in rare instances has an Indian really abandoned his own gods. As a rule the extent of their Christianization has been their willingness to add another god to their pantheon. It is with pleasure that I acknowledge the valued assistance rendered by Mr. W. W. Phillips and Mr. W. E. Myers in collecting and arranging material for this volume, and by Mr. A. F. Muhr in connection with the photographic work in the laboratory. EDWARD S. CURTIS {view image of facing page xii} Palo Verde [photogravure plate] {view image of page 1} The Pima {view image of page 2} {view image of facing page 2} Pima-land [photogravure plate] {view image of page 3} THE PIMA Tribal Characteristics HE myth of the creation as related by the northern Piman T tribes is an almost inextricable confusion of logical and illogical acts and events. The Pima, the Papago, and the Qahatika have each their version of the genesis, and every historian and story-teller has his individual variation of it. Before the final creation there had been many others, which, for various reasons, were not satisfactory, so the people were destroyed by some cataclysm. It is related that one race of people were ill-formed; another multiplied so rapidly that there was danger of over-population, and on five occasions the people of the earth for various reasons were swept from its surface. This mythology leads to the presumption that the earliest life of the Piman tribes was one of great disaster. Disease decimated them, and changes in the earth's surface, probably due to seismic disturbances, caused disastrous floods; then periods of favorable conditions intervened, only to be interrupted by further devastation. A people alleged to have spoken the language of the Pima settled in the Salt and Gila valleys, and prospered, building extensive irrigation canals and great villages of massive houses. Sduihui, the ruler of these people, committed many crimes, causing the people to desire to put him to death; this they attempted five times, but he miraculously escaped, turned traitor, and went in search of help to punish his subjects. In the east lived Chwuwuitu_maka with his warlike horde. Suiuhuii enlisted his aid, and they returned with an army that devastated the land and annihilated {view image of page 4} 4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN its entire population. According to the myth, these invaders were the progenitors of the present Piman tribes. To what extent credence can be given to the Piman myth concerning the prehistoric dwellers in the Salt and Gila valleys and the ruins of their many villages, which may still be seen, it is impossible to say. It might be thought that the story was fabricated for the purpose of accounting for the existence of the ruins. It is argued that the difference between the houses of the Pima and the massive adobe structures now in ruins makes it doubtful that the builders of the ancient villages were of Piman stock, and a casual examination of the Casa Grande ruin near the Gila leads one to believe that its builders were a people much farther advanced in culture than the present Pima. Nevertheless, tradition makes it clear that for many generations the Pima have lived in the valleys of the Gila and the Salt, where the ruins referred to exist. Within the United States this and closely kindred tribes are scattered over a region covering many thousands of square miles, from Salt river far across the Mexican border. The Pima early came in touch with Spanish missionaries, and with a single exception, in the middle of the eighteenth century, have always been friendly to the whites. Physically they are of average height, strongly built, with winning countenances. While camping among them the writer noticed particularly their exceeding courtesy to strangers. At no time did men or boys lounge about the camp; in fact, there was no visitor unless business brought him, and if his call happened during meal-time, he quickly stated his errand and took his departure. The Pima are particularly fortunate in having an abundance of natural foods, for besides deer, rabbits, quail, doves, and fish, their country affords a great diversity of vegetal products. The fruit of many varieties of cactus is an important item in their diet. The giant cactus, ha'sen, bears a fruit about the size of a pear, which is {view image of facing page 4} Gathering cactus fruit - Pima [photogravure plate] {view image of page 5} THE PIMA 5 gathered in great quantities by means of a long pole with a sharp wooden blade at the end. This is stewed into a preserve and stored for future use, or is preserved by drying, while large quantities are converted into syrup and a sort of wine. Eaten fresh, the fruit has quite the flavor of figs, though it is sweeter. The fruit of the tuna, or prickly-pear cactus, is eaten both fresh and cooked, and is used also for making a beverage called navazvt. Considerable quantities of the fruit of the cholla cactus are gathered with wooden pincers, brushed about in a basket to remove the terrible spines, and cooked in a pit lined with hot stones and brush. After twelve or fifteen hours it is taken out and laid on cloths to dry, when it is ready to be stored for winter use. Usually this product is ground, mixed with wheat flour, and boiled into a thick mush; but often it is cooked without grinding, and flavored with herbs. Formerly mesquite beans were one of their staple foods. These were crushed in a large mortar, and by means of an arrow-brush sieve the seeds were separated from the pulp, which latter was placed in a circular hole and sprinkled with water. This hardened into a sugary mass about which a rough storage basket was woven. Like most tribes of the Southwest, the Pima are an agricultural people, and from their earliest history have grown crops by irrigation, conveying water from the rivers in canals; but they did not, as has often been supposed, at first flood the land directly from the canal; instead the water was dipped and carried out to the crops. Under this system their farms, on which they raised corn, squashes, beans, and cotton, were necessarily very small. Wheat has become the principal crop. Since the coming of the Spaniards the Pima have learned to irrigate by flooding, and have much larger harvests than in the old days. The dibble gave way to the crude wooden plough, and that in turn to the small steel plough. They harvest the wheat with sickles, thresh it by driving horses over the piled-up grain, and winnow it by tossing in baskets in the wind. {view image of page 6} 6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The Pima show considerable skill in their handiwork. As late at least as sixty years ago cotton was raised, and spun and woven into blankets or cloth. The loom was horizontal, consisting of two poles tied to four stakes set in the ground to form a rectangle. Pima baskets are well known, the term "Pima" being commonly applied to the products of kindred tribes as well. In their basketry they use tule for the coil, and split willow or cottonwood for the covering. The black of the inwoven designs is obtained from the pods of the devil's claw, a species of acacia. The typical Pima basket is tray-shaped, from twenty-four to thirty inches across, and is designed for carrying on the head; but those now in general domestic use are smaller, not more than eighteen inches in diameter. The burden carrier, kHho, is made of four pieces of the ribs of giant cactus meeting at a common point, where they are bound together, usually with a braided rope of human hair. Above this point is fastened a hoop, from which a coarsemeshed net is suspended between the ribs. The klho is carried on the back, supported by a band across the woman's forehead. Pottery of many shapes and sizes is made, but principally for domestic use. The ware is red, decorated with a black preparation made from mesquite gum. A cream-colored ware, also decorated in black, was formerly made. The primitive dress of the Pima women was a cotton kilt wrapped about the hips, extending to the knees, and held in place by a narrow belt. Later a bib-like apron covering the bust was added. As the climate demanded little of the men, and custom less, they wore merely a scant loin-cloth, with some sort of blanket for winter use. Moccasins were rarely worn, but a few were obtained by barter from the mountain tribes. After the coming of the horse, sandals were made of untanned horsehide. The early dwellings of the Pima and their immediate congeners were quite alike: a dome-shaped structure about seven feet high and fifteen feet in diameter at the base. A circular excavation twelve to {view image of facing page 6} A Pima home [photogravure plate] {view image of page 7} TH E PIMA 7 eighteen inches deep was first made, in the centre of which four crotch posts were set about five feet apart, forming a square. Two heavy roof-timbers rested upon these posts, five feet from the ground, supporting ten or more stout cross-beams. Numerous stave-like ribs of mesquite, tied to horizontal poles that extended around the outside like hoops, were stretched from the roof-timbers to the bottom of the shallow excavation. The whole was thatched with arrow-brush and covered with clay, leaving only a small opening at the base on the eastern side as an entrance. Only a few of the old form of houses are now in use among the Pima. For the greater part their domiciles are rectangular, with flat roofs and straight walls of mud filled in between poles fastened horizontally to opposite sides of stout posts, or with brush-wattled walls,plastered inside and out with mud. While each village has a sub-chief, government is vested in a tribal council presided over by an hereditary head-chief. The present chief is Antonio Azul,-in his own language, Ervaatka, - now about ninety years of age. His father, who bore the same baptismal name, and whose native name was Chutiikimosuim, was for many years chief of the tribe, and is often mentioned in the journals of early American travellers, as it was during his chieftainship that a great deal of the California emigration passed through the Pima country over what later became the Overland trail. In time of war, chiefs were selected by the council for their fitness, and, judging by tradition, the tribal chiefs never served as leaders in war, their function being purely political. All matters affecting the tribe as a whole, such as the building of dams and the digging of irrigation ditches, were decided by the tribal council. Particular portions of the work were assigned to particular villages, and rigid rules, with penalty for violation, demanded execution of the task. The present system of holding land in severalty, which the Pima have adopted for practical purposes, {view image of page 8} 8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN although the reservation has not been allotted by the Government, does not conduce to amicable cooperation in constructing irrigation canals, for the breaking up of self-government leaves the tribal authorities powerless to do anything with the indolent. The council system developed orators who will long be extolled in Pima tradition; but the last one of note, Supis, of the village of Pipchilk, has gone to his fathers, and the younger generation have so little occasion to speak in public that they do not feel at home before a gathering. Supis is remembered for his easy flow of metaphorical speech and for his power to win the opinions of his tribesmen. It was the custom, before a war party took the trail in pursuit of an Apache band, to rally and dance, when various speakers delivered war speeches learned verbatim and passed down from generation to generation. The Apache were the hereditary foes of the Pima from earliest tradition, and though they were no better fighters than their peacefully inclined desert brothers, the latter were constantly harassed through dread of sudden attack. The Pima, however, retaliated, and learning that the Apache were early sleepers as well as early risers, would often strike a sleeping camp before the waning moon had risen, retreating from the mountains by its pale light ere the Apache could rally in the streaking dawn. Encroachments by the whites were not resented by the Pima, and early Californian emigrants met no resistance when passing through their territory. On the contrary, refuge from marauding Apache and Yuma was always to be found in the Pima rancherias. The Pima were alert, however, and if live-stock escaped when raiding Apache attacked a cross-country wagon train, or if horses and mules lagged behind their emigrating owners, they appropriated them at once and repaired to a feast. Accounts of internal strife constitute a considerable part of Pima tradition. Feuds often broke out between two neighboring villages {view image of facing page 8} Antonio Azul - Pima [photogravure plate] {view image of page 9} THE PIMA 9 or between groups of villages. The causes were various, and were generally inconsequential compared with the disastrous outcome. If a prominent man of one village were attended by a medicine-man of repute from another and death resulted, accusations of jealousy and sorcery often followed. Revenge would be sought, and this blood feud frequently involved a number of villages in internecine war. The last conflict of this nature occurred about i88o, between the so-called Casa Blanca and Casa Grande banded villages. The Pima have five tribal divisions, known as wumak alt, which may be designated phratries, as they are aggregations of gentes with totemic names. Children belong to the father, whom they call by the phratral name. The five totemic names, all synonymous with the word " father" and bearing obscure meanings, are Apap, Apk, Mam, Vah, and Okall. Apap and Apk are associated with the coyote, and Mami and Vah with the buzzard. The people of the first four are numerous, but of the Okali only a few representatives survive. This division, according to the genesis myth, was broken in its inception, only a few succeeding in reaching the upper world. Marriage within a phratry seems never to have been prohibited; moreover, marriage was without ceremony, and was often soon followed by separation. Polygamy was common, but, for the sake of harmony, the several wives occupied separate domiciles. The rigid moral laws and tribal punishment of the Papago do not seem to have obtained here. The Pima grave is dug with a niche at one side. In ancient times the dead were always interred in a sitting posture, facing the east, but that practice is now confined principally to medicine-men; practically all others are laid full length in the grave, regardless of direction. Food and possessions that had been prized by the deceased are buried with him for the use of his spirit on its journey to the afterworld. The custom of destroying the house and other property of the dead, so prevalent among Southwestern tribes, exists with the Pima, who place the arrow-brush, mesquite ribs, and heavy roof {view image of page 10} IO THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN timbers and posts of the demolished ki upon the grave. When horses and cattle were acquired, they, too, were sacrificed on the death of the owner; but fortunately this custom has fallen into disfavor. If the death of a man owning horses and cattle be imminent, his family cleverly evades the tribal custom, either by having a great feast and eating the stock or by giving the animals away. The names of the dead are not mentioned until long after death, and children are never given the names of ancestors. The Pima contend that the recalling of beloved ones through the use of their names occasions renewed sorrow, and for that reason avoid it. In early days warriors killed in battle were cremated, if the bodies were recovered, at the scene of the fight, and all war-clubs, bows, arrows, and shields used in the combat were sacrificed on the pyre in honor of the braves who gave up their lives for their people; for these emblems of war were borne into the land of eternity by the souls of the departed, who are joyfully received by their predecessors. Afar off to the east lies Sidldlkwoscho, where all souls gather after death. Its western side is bordered by a deep, narrow canon, which, once crossed, permits no return. Those who have been rendered unconscious for a time reach this Ghost canion, Koqe Sakik, and turn back. It is believed that spirits returning in search of relatives and friends often occasion sickness. They find their way back to the grave, thence to the home where death occurred. It was to prevent this ghostly visitation that the house was formerly razed and its materials placed over the grave, thus preventing the spirit from emerging. If by chance the spirit returned and found the home of its relatives, a line of ashes strewn around the house might frighten it away. The smoke of ceremonial cigarettes puffed upon the body of a patient by a medicine-man will also dispel ghosts. The afflicted may know whose ghost it is that troubles him, in which case the medicine-man goes to the grave where the body is buried, plants therein a wand denoting discovery, and commands the spirit not to come out. {view image of facing page 10} Pima burial grounds [photogravure plate] {view image of page 11} THE PIMA I I Medicine-men gain power through their ability to influence the people. All profess knowledge of the occult, and to have received revelations from divine sources made to them in dreams and visions. Many medicine-men have a limited knowledge of the rational use of medicinal herbs, but for the greater part they resort in their practice to chicanery and incantation; for disease is attributed to witchcraft, to the machinations of ghosts, and to the evil spell of certain animals of ill omen, such as the owl, coyote, toad, Gila monster, and bear. Persons accused of causing death by witchcraft are often killed by the relatives of the deceased. Failure on the part of a medicine-man to cure is attributed to some other shaman, alleged to have worked counter influences. In former times it was not uncommon for medicine-men, fallen into disrepute for repeated failure, to be summoned before a general council, tried, and sentenced to death. Shamanistic artifice is exemplified in the trick of placing a long hair in the mouth before commencing to work over a patient, then pretending to suck from the latter's body a long "Apache " hair. Feather wands, gourd rattles, drums, and carved fetishes and talismans of various sorts are all to be found in the medicine-man's pouch when he responds to a summons. Songs, also, constitute a part of his evil-dispelling devices; those bearing the names of the evil animal, as the Coyote Song, Owl Song, and Bear Song, are supposed to be particularly efficacious when the illness is attributed to such animals. Ceremonies The disintegration of their tribal laws and customs has almost put an end to Pima ceremony; yet parts of a Rain-making Ceremony and Harvest Dance are sometimes given in the more isolated districts, under strict secrecy. Many of the older men and women are still familiar with nearly the entire category of Pima rites, having participated in them in their youth. {view image of page 12} 12 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The Rain Ceremony, known as Chochklta, is conducted entirely by medicine-men, and consists of but little more than songs. A dozen or more medicine-priests collect in a secluded spot, each with a tobacco pouch, a round basket tray, and a couple of sticks, one of which is notched. They sit in a circle and smoke ceremonial cigarettes of corn-husk and native tobacco, then begin the sacred songs. Each priest places one end of his notched stick upon the inverted basket and rasps the other stick over the notches, as an accompaniment to the songs, the baskets serving as sounding-boards. The head-priest stands erect, with arms held high. In one hand is a long staff, which connects with a gourd of water bound to his arm near the shoulder. At intervals in the songs he brings his arms downward with a sweeping motion, allowing the water to run down the staff and drip from its end in representation of rain. The ceremony is concluded when the songs are sung. The name of the Harvest Dance, Vikita, is accepted as meaning the time of ripeness, but literally it refers to eagle down, small tufts of which were attached to all fetishes and regalia used in this important ceremony. Announcement of the time of holding the dance was made ten days before by the chief from the roof of his house. Word quickly spread from house to house and from village to village. The following day several NaMwcho - masked men gayly painted, dressed in kilts and feathers - started out from each village asking food for the dance. All food thus obtained was taken to the plot where the ceremony was to be held and stored for use on the tenth day. During the period intervening, designated men in each village made effigies of game animals, ears of corn, fruit-bearing cacti, houses, clouds, the sun and moon, and other things, edible or beneficent. A large ceremonial house was built of corn-stalks at the place of assemblage. The night before the eventful day all the participants gathered near the corn-stalk house in readiness for the dance. Though they had their blankets with them, they slept but little, for the Nawicho {view image of facing page 12} Pima granaries [photogravure plate] {view image of page 13} THE PIMA 13 performed antics all night long, much to the amusement of those assembled. They talked only in signs, and made very acceptable clowns, for such they were. At dawn men bearing representations of the sun and moon came out, paraded around the dance plaza for a time, and disappeared. At sunrise the representatives of the various villages assembled in bands and began the dance. The images of the elements, fruits, and animals were carried about by their masked makers, Viplnyam, in several groups, while many fellow-villagers followed, singing and dancing. No two groups sang the same songs at once, nor did they dance in the same way. All day long feasting, singing, and dancing continued in veritable pandemonium, ending only with the sinking of the sun. The songs were prayers for benevolence. Two priests with baskets of sacred corn-meal held firmly under their left arms strode about among the groups of singers, scattering the meal whenever mistakes were made in the songs. The baskets were gripped firmly in place, for should they slip or fall the hope for an abundant crop of corn the next year would be shattered. At the conclusion of the dance all ceremonial paraphernalia was carried out and deposited in shrines as offerings to the spirits of the objects they represented, and there left to decay. The Pima formerly conducted a ceremony, very common among Indians, in recognition of the change from girlhood to womanhood. The dance was called Chuwa, "Changing." At the first manifestation of the new life the girl's mother set apart special dishes for her, to be used at meals by no others for the period of one moon. During that time the girl was not permitted to eat meat, to use salt in food, or to scratch herself except with a stick made for the purpose. Any violation of these prohibitions would have caused her to grow ugly, and old before her time. The ceremonial observance was held on the first night. Men and women of the neighborhood were invited to meet at the girl's house to dance. Two lines formed, facing each other, in {view image of page 14} I4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN which the men and women alternated with locked arms. In the centre of one line was the girl, and directly opposite her in the other line was a chosen singer. This singer sang the customary songs, while the two lines swayed in a sort of dance consisting of a step forward and a step back; this continued throughout the night. The purpose of the ceremony and its accompanying songs was to expel all evil from the girl's heart, to purify her mind, and to prepare for her a pathway of peace and happiness. This and the further fact that the puberty ceremony is observed by both husband and wife when a boy and a girl marry before that age arrives, are an emphatic refutation of the assertions that so-termed puberty ceremonies are nothing more than a public announcement of a daughter for sale. Nothing is more remote from the minds of these well-wishing parents. Creation Myth Before the beginning of time there was nothing but space - space without limit shrouded all in darkness blacker than night. Through this space flitted a tiny seed carried by downy filaments. For ages this drifted about, in time developing into a being in human form, now known as Chiwuituima'ka, Earth Doctor, the creator. Chiwuwut umaka rubbed particles of cuticle from his chest and rolled them between his palms into a thick, soft disc. This he placed in the air before him, trusting that it would rest there quietly, but it did not; instead, it inverted, turning toward the west. By that sign did he know that he must travel westward with the little disc, for he had not found the right place in the air to rest it; so he travelled far in that direction and again placed it out before him. Again it turned over, revolving toward the west as before. Then Chuwuit umaka journeyed farther westward and again sought to rest the disc in space, but the proper place was not yet reached. Still westward he went, and when he stopped and laid the cuticle disc upon the air the {view image of facing page 14} Ceremonial ki - Pima [photogravure plate] {view image of page 15} THE PIMA I5 fourth time, it remained quite still. "This, then," he thought, "is the place where I may continue to create undisturbed." Chiiwuituimaka first caused a bush of greasewood to grow upon the little brown body, and then brought forth many ants to dry it by carrying the grease in it into the branches of the greasewood. While the ants were busily at work, Chilwuutumaka made little screwworms, which began digging and loosening the particles of the disc as fast as they dried. When that was finished, he stepped upon the little nuclear body and began to sing and dance. As he sang it grew, so for a long time he continued, singing in all sixteen songs; and when he stopped to rest the fourth time, -for he rested after every fourth song, - the little disc had grown to tremendous size, and become the Earth, with its hills and valleys and canions and mountains. But the Earth was not still; it twisted and turned and rolled about so much that Chuiwuituimaka put the great Sky up over it and made a big Spider to spin ropes and fasten the two together. When the Spider had finished, all was still. As yet there was nothing but darkness. "Surely," thought the creator, "there should be light, that my creatures may see." Thereupon he set to work again. From clay of the Earth he fashioned a bowl, and filled it with water, which he congealed and tossed to the Sky in the north, where it was to become the Sun and travel overhead from horizon to horizon. But the north was not the right startingpoint, for the Sun fell back. Chiiwuituimaka then tried it in the west, but again it fell back. Next he put it in the south, but it did not remain. Lastly he tried the east, and all was well. In like manner Chiiwuituimaika made the Moon, placing it first in the north; but, like the Sun, it fell back, and would stay up only when finally put in the east. Taking water into his mouth Chiiwuituimaka blew spray to the Sky and formed the myriad Stars which now adorn the heavens at night. Having finished the ethereal orbs, the creator next beautified the Earth, giving life to all things green and fruitful. {view image of page 16} i6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN The Sky, Tamkachim, came down and met Chiiwut, the Earth, and from the union was born a god destined to shape the lives of people. Suuhhu, Elder Brother, was his name, given him because he was begotten before Pan, the Coyote, child of the Sun and the Moon, who came out of the west in the darkness of night. These two came as gods; they had divine powers, and soon made use of them. A meeting was arranged between them and Chiiwutumaka for the purpose of creating people. That each might make his own unmolested, all sat back to back, Chuiwutumaka facing the east, Siuuhu the south, and Pan the west. When they had finished, they turned about and exhibited their work. Chuiwutumaka's people were in his own image and beautifully formed, but Su'uiihu had made reptiles, loathsome creeping creatures, and Pan ugly looking animals with great ears and flat hands and feet. Pan was commanded to take his creations far away to the west; then turning to Suuhu, Chuwutumaka upbraided him for bringing forth such venomous beings to harass humanity. A heated quarrel ensued, and to save himself from being the first to spill blood upon earth, Chiiwutumaka caused the ground to open and swallow him. As he was disappearing, Siiuhu caught at him, scratching his body and staining his hands with blood. This he washed off in a lake near by, and thus did disease and disaffection between people come to spread over the land. SUiiuhu, still angry, planned to enlist a following that would enable him to destroy the people made by Chiiwutumaka. To that end he found the handsomest man in all the land and commanded him to marry all the beautiful maidens there were to be found, that children might be brought forth to be his subjects, amenable to his will. The young man did as told. The period of gestation was normal only with the first woman married, but became shorter with each subsequent marriage, that all the children might be born at the same time. From village to village the young man went for many months, coming at {view image of facing page 16} Gathering arrow-brush - Pima [photogravure plate] {view image of page 17} THE PIMA I7 last to the home of a great medicine-man whose daughter was famed for her beauty. When the purpose of his visit was made known to her, the girl wept bitterly, but her father pacified her by contending that no harm would come of the union, whereas disobedience might bring disaster. She consented, and gave birth to a child immediately after the marriage. This child the young man took back to Su4uhuw in evidence that he had done his duty; but fearing that Suuihui might not wish to see it, left it in the brush a short distance from his house until his wishes could be learned. SUiuhhui directed that the child be brought to him, so the young man went back to get it. It was crying, and great tears rolled from its eyes. As it cried the earth trembled, and springs started from every tear. These soon formed rivers, and the rivers spread into oceans, covering all the land. As the floods spread the people cried for safety, but there was none. Suiuihui made a water-jar of greasewood, into which he climbed, and drifted about on the surface of the waters. Pan, the Coyote, took refuge in a hollow reed, sealing the ends. These two were saved; all others were drowned. They met just before the flood grew high enough to carry them away, and it was agreed that the one who should come out of his encasement first should be leader of the world's people thereafter. The waters carried them to the top of Black mountain and let them rest upon dry land, where, when the receding flood left the earth bare once more, the two emerged. Suiiuhui came out first; he could nowhere find any tracks of Pan, whereas Pan found Suiiuhhu's footprints as soon as he began travelling. After a while they came upon each other, and descended the mountain, going in search of the centre of the earth. When they found it, they met Chiwuituima~ka coming up. The three, as before, at once began creating people, but all made creatures of comely form, Chiiwuituimaka duplicating those he had first made. Although he was more powerful than Suiuihui, he was helpless to prevent many acts of the latter which displeased him much. VOL. II-2 {view image of page 18} i8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Siuhhuw began to transform Chilw-tumaka's most recent creatures into stone, which caused him to descend into the earth again and take all his people with him. On departing he caused another flood to devastate the land. For days and days it rained incessantly, driving Suiuihui and Pan with their people to seek refuge on a high mountain. But the waters rose steadily higher and higher until the mountain peak was threatened. A dog was sent at intervals to peer over the rim of the rocky summit and observe the water's advance. As it was about to submerge the mountain-top, Su'uhui transformed all the people into stone, when the flood ceased to rise. Soon the waters began to subside, and as they receded from the mountain-top Suiuihu' followed, travelling out a distance from its base, where he again took up the task of creating people to populate the land. From clay he made a man and a woman for each tribe, placing all the pairs inside a house, the first made on the east, others on the north, west, and south. The eastern pair were for the Pima, and were intended to speak first; but they were slow in coming to life, so that when the house was visited four days later it was found that the northern images were talking in advance of their eastern brethren. Apache were they, and that is why they have always been the stronger. Four days later the Pima came to life, followed by the Maricopa, Yuma, and Mohave on the western side of the house, and lastly by the Yaqui and Cocopa on the south. These all spoke different languages, and in time became populous tribes. After the creation of the tribes by Chiwuituima~ka and Stiuwhui, the latter went up to the mountain M6hatk, where he lived for many hundreds of years. Near the mountain dwelt a woman who would not marry any man, though many had sought her. Su'uhui sent K6tat, the Woodpecker, with a wooden ball such as the people still use in one of their games. Starting a long way from the woman's house, K6tat gave the ball a tremendous kick and sent it rolling right before her; then he hid behind a bush and watched. With her usual spirit {view image of facing page 18} Joseph Head - Pima [photogravure plate] {view image of page 19} THE PIMA I9 of mischief-making she placed the ball in the bosom of her dress to hide it from the man she supposed had been playing with it. "Sister, have you seen my ball?" asked Kotat, coming up to her. She said she had not, and Kotat departed, but had not gone far when she called out that she had the ball, and began searching through her dress. The ball, however, was not to be found. Not long afterward she bore a girl child, who had claws instead of finger-nails and toe-nails. Before many years this malformed child, whom they called Hdak, ran away into the hills and began killing game and even people, like a wild beast. A messenger was sent to beg help of Suiuihui, who at the end of four days came to them and directed that they gather four kinds of poisonous plants, making them into four cigarettes. Then all the people with Suiuihui started toward the lair of HMak. While yet some distance away, they stopped to make a great feast and dance, and one was sent to bid Hdak to the festivities. She at once began to dress for the occasion, putting on necklaces and bracelets of human bones, which rattled as she moved. Her dress, too, was fringed all about with these grewsome relics of her rapacity. When she reached the place of the feast, Suiiuhui was singing, and the people dancing about him in a great circle. The festivities continued through four days, and on each day one of the cigarettes was passed about; but the people merely put them to their lips without smoking. Hdak, however, smoked, and on the fourth day became crazed, as if drunken. Siuihui took her hand and danced with her, around and around, until she became very dizzy and fell down as if dead. Then he quickly bore her to a cave in the mountains, laid her upon a pile of wood at the farther end, and directed the people to fill the cave with logs and set fire to the whole. When the roaring flames reached Hdak, she awoke, but was unable to escape through the fierce heat. She struck the roof of the cave with her head, trying to break through, and though the blow cracked the rock {view image of page 20} 20 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN she could not completely disrupt it, so her body remained in the flames and the people were freed from this curse. But through the crack in the rock roof of the cave the spirit of Hdak escaped, and entered the body of Vishik, the Hawk. Vfhsik, too, lived upon human flesh, and had carried away many of the people before the aid of Su'iuhui was sought. Again he waited four days before responding; then he came, and ordered that they furnish him a young girl and heat a large pot until it should become white. This pot Shuihui placed in the open, and before it the young girl. Soon Vishuwk came swooping down for his prey, but the girl stepped aside quickly, and the Hawk dashed into the white-hot pot and was burned to ashes. In the tribe was a young man who gambled and always lost, until he had nothing left - not even a dish from which to eat his food. Far away lived a great gambler, who never lost in a game. To him the young man went and received four gambling-sticks, which, so long as he should use them, would always bring him success. Then from near and far came men to gamble with him; but they always lost. Never one game did they win, so they appealed to Suiuihui, that one man should not forever be winner. Suuhuhi went to a place where were two lakes, beside one of which the young man and many others were playing; beside the other were men speaking angrily of the young man's success. At Siuihuf's direction they gathered and burned many kinds of feathers, which became like grains of corn and were ground into meal. This he gave to a girl, ordering her to go with it to the other lake and give some of it to a man who would soon come down there for a drink. The girl stood on the shore of the lake, and the successful gambler came down to drink. As. he was leaving, she called to him, "Come back and have some of this good meal!" So he turned back, and she mixed the meal with water. At the second swallow he became an Eagle, growing larger with the third and fourth swallows, until he was full-grown. {view image of facing page 20} Isevik - Pima [photogravure plate] {view image of page 21} TH E PIMA 21 The girl quickly ran to relate this marvel to the people, who hurried to the lake with bows and arrows. When Eagle saw them he flew away, and the clouds of arrows they sent after him he caught in his claws. He flew to the mountain Vavstayuf, which he made his home, killing game, and even people, in the surrounding hills. One woman he carried alive to his mountain, to be his wife. Once more the tribe appealed to Siuhuh, who as usual allowed four days to pass before he responded to their prayers. Then he made a long knife -the handle of arrow-brush, the blade of flint. With four large bundles of arrow-brush he started, telling the people to, watch the mountain in his absence, for if in four days they should see its peak surrounded by a white cloud they would know Eagle was dead. All that day he travelled, at night lighting a bundle of arrow-brush and continuing to the south. In the morning he stopped, and slept all day. At the end of the fourth night he reached Vavstayuf and heard Eagle preparing to depart for his daily hunt. After Eagle was gone he cut four sticks, and, thrusting them into the side of the mountain one after the other, climbed to the monster's home, where he found Eagle's wife and child. He asked the woman what Eagle did on his return from the hunt, and learned that he usually went to sleep while she held him in her lap. Telling her that he would soon free her from her captor if she would but put him to sleep, Siu4 ihui began to think what he should transform himself into in order to escape detection. He finally became a small Fly, and hid under one of the piles of bones that lay scattered about. Late in the afternoon came Eagle, bearing the body of a man, and soon he was sleeping, held in his wife's lap. At her signal Stiuih u stole forth, took up his long knife, and ripped Eagle's stomach open. He directed the woman to boil water, which he sprinkled on the dry bones and brought them to life. The bones of those long dead were not so readily revived, and when they were, they knew not where they had lived. To them Suiuihui gave pieces of wood on which {view image of page 22} 22 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN he had placed certain marks; then they knew how to find their homes, and departed toward the east. Placing the soft white breast-feathers of the slain Eagle about his head, Si'u'hu went up to the mountain-top and rested. The white feathers made the peak appear to be covered with a white cloud, and the people, seeing it, knew that Eagle was dead. Then Suuhu returned to Mohatk, his mountain home. It was learned, however, that Suuhu himself had occasioned the very inflictions that he alone, with great effort, was able to remove; so the people, fearing that he might cause another such visitation, sought his life. Many attempts proved unsuccessful, only arousing Suuhu's awful anger. He disappeared under the ground, going in search of Chuwutumaka, whose people had thrived also, and grown mighty in numbers. After the creation of the tribes the Pima prospered. For a long time they lived in their homeland along the Gila river, tilling the soil by means of large irrigation ditches, weaving baskets and mats, and making pottery for household use. The more prosperous built themselves great adobe houses two and three stories high, the most notable being the one now known as Sivanyivauki (Casa Grande). Word came that people were coming in bands from the east, and Pan, ever alert, ran off to see what was happening. Chuwutumaka, accompanied by Suuhu, had widened a gopher hole and come out upon the surface of the earth. Four large bands of Chuiiwutumaka's people had followed, and the fifth was just emerging when Coyote reached them. He watched the stragglers, and laughed to see them toiling up from below. This merriment caused Chuwutumaka to close the orifice and shut the remainder in. They were the Okali, whose descendants have ever been few in number. At once the invaders prepared for battle with feathers and paint, bows and arrows, clubs of ironwood and mesquite, and wooden shields, and, marching upon the villages, waged frightful warfare. {view image of facing page 22} Casa Grande ruin [photogravure plate] {view image of page 23} THE PIMA 23 Village after village was surprised, and its inhabitants killed without mercy, until all the valley, which for ages had been the home of Suuhu's people, was devastated. Siuihui was revenged, and not one of his former subjects was left to tell of the awful destruction. The victors were established on the lands of the fallen, and ChUwuituimaka went into the earth again to join those who had been left behind. He lives there now, and his chosen subjects upon earth, the valiant Pima, have since remained in the place where he left them. {view image of page 24} I {view image of facing page 24} Casa Grande ruin [photogravure plate] {view image of page 25} The Papago {view image of page 26} {view image of facing page 26} Papago kitchen [photogravure plate] {view image of page 27} THE PAPAGO HE Papago are a strong branch of the Piman family living T in the narrow valleys of south-central Arizona as far north as Tucson, and the broad desert stretches of northern Sonora. They were among the first of the Indians of this section to come under the influence of the Spanish missionaries, and early proved their friendliness toward Christianity; that is, as with Indians generally, so far as its outward form is concerned. The Papago certainly proved tractable enough, under the efforts of the Franciscans, to build one of the most beautiful mission churches in the United States, and while all similar edifices of the region have fallen into decay, they have kept this wonderful old structure at San Xavier del Bac in a good state of preservation. The recorded history of the village of Bac, situated ten miles south of Tucson, may be said to begin with 1692, in September of which year the celebrated German Jesuit missionary, Father Eusebio Kino, or Kuehne, visited the spot. He probably again visited it two years later, as he certainly did in 1697, in January and November. It was perhaps in this year that the saint name San Xavier was first given. The population of the settlement at that time was 830 persons, living in 176 houses, being the largest village in all Pimeria, as the southern Arizona country was then called. In the autumn of I699, and again in the spring of I700, the indomitable Jesuit was again at Bac, late in April or early in May of which latter year he founded a church, although it is not impossible that some beginning was made at the time of his next preceding visit. Kino died in I710; but even without the guiding spirit of its founder the mission prospered until the {view image of page 28} 28 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Pima uprising of 1751, when the building was sacked by the natives, but was reoccupied in I753. Twenty-two Jesuit padres served San Xavier from 1720 to I767 (in vwhich latter year the Jesuits were expelled from Mexico), followed in 1768 by Fray Francisco Garces, its first Franciscan. In the period from I76o to I764 the population reached 399, but by I772 it had dwindled to 270. In 1783 the erection of the present edifice was begun, the -work continuing for fourteen years, until I797, -the date still legible over the entrance. The mission records reveal the names of Balthasar Cavillo, from May 22, I780, to I794, and Narciso Gutierres, from 1794 to I799, so that there is every probability that this noteworthy structure was begun by the former and finished during the ministration of the latter friar. In i82:z their bones were removed from Tumacacori, where they had died, and reinterred in the church that still stands as a monument to their zeal. The following description of the church is quoted from the late Archbishop J. B. Salpointe's " Soldiers of the Cross," i898: "This church, as can be seen by its arches exceeding the semicircle in height, and the ornamental work in half relief which covers the flat surface of some parts of its inside walls, belongs to the Moorish style. "The first thing to be noticed is the space formerly occupied by the atrium, a little square 66 by 33 feet, which was enclosed in front of the church, and was used, as we have seen, for holding meetings relating to matters not directly connected with religion. The walls of this place crumbled down a few years ago. On the front, which shows the width of the church with its two towers, is placed in relief the coat-of-arms of the Order of St. Francis of Assisi, the founder of the Franciscans. It consists of an escutcheon, with a white ground filled in with a twisted cord, a part of the Franciscan dress, and a cross on which are nailed one arm of Our Saviour and one of St. Francis, representing the union of the disciple with the divine Master, {view image of facing page 28} Mission San Xavier Del Bac [photogravure plate] {view image of page 29} THE PAPAGO 29 in charity and the love of suffering. The arm of our Lord is bare, while that of St. Francis is covered. On the right side of the escutcheon is the monogram of Jesus the Saviour of man, and on the left that of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The front was surmounted by a life-size statue of St. Francis, which has now almost gone to pieces, under the action of time. "The church, which is built of stone and brick, is I05 by 27 feet clear inside the walls. Its form is that of a cross, the transept forming on each side of the nave a chapel of 21 feet square. The edifice has only one nave, which is divided into six portions marked by as many arches, each one resting on two pillars set against the walls. Above the transept is a cupola of about fifty feet in elevation, the remainder of the vaults in the church being only about thirty feet high. "Going from the front door to the main altar, there is on the right-hand side wall a fresco representing the coming of the Holy Ghost upon the disciples; opposite to it is the picture, also in fresco, of the Last Supper. Both paintings measure about 9 by 5 feet. In the first chapel to the right hand are two altars, one facing the nave with the image of Our Lady of Sorrows standing at the foot of a large cross, which is deeply engraved in the wall, and the other one with the image of the Immaculate Conception. In the same chapel are two frescoes representing Our Lady of the Rosary and the hidden life of Our Saviour. The opposite chapel is also adorned with two altars. One of them is dedicated to the Passion of our Lord, and the other to St. Joseph. There are also two paintings, the subjects of which are: Our Lady of the Pillar and the Presentation of Our Lord in the Temple. "The main altar, which stands at the head of the church facing the nave, is dedicated to St. Francis Xavier, the patron saint the Jesuits had chosen for the first church they had established in the mission. Above the image of St. Francis Xavier is that of the Holy {view image of page 30} 30 30 ~~THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Virgin, between the statues of St. Peter and St. Paul, and at the summit of the altar-piece, a bust meant to represent God the Creator. The pictures on the walls near this altar are: On the righthand side, 'The Adoration of the Wise Men' with 'The Flight into Egypt,' and on the left, 'The Adoration of the Shepherds' with ' The Annunciation.' "The altars, and especially the principal one, are decorated with columns and a great profusion of arabesques in low relief, all gilded or painted in different colors, according to the requirements of the Moorish style. "Besides the images we have mentioned, there were yet in 1 866, when we visited the mission for the first time, the statues of the twelve apostles, placed in the niches cut in the pillars of the church, and other statues representing saints, most of them of the Order of St. Francis. Many of them have since been broken, and the pieces removed to the vestry room. There are in the dome of the cupola the pictures in fresco of several personages of the Order, who occupied high rank in the Church. "Going again to the front door, there are two small doors communicating with the towers. The first room on the right, in the inside of the tower, is about twelve feet square, and contains the baptismal font. A similar room, of no particular use now, but which corresponds to the mortuary chapel of the old basilicas, is formed by the inside square of the opposite tower. From each of these rooms commence the stairs, cut in the thickness of the walls and leading to the upper stories. Starting from the baptistery, the second flight reaches the choir of the church. A good view of the upper part of the church can be had from that place. There are also some frescoes worth noticing. These are the Holy Family, facing the main altar; St. Francis, represented as rapt up by heavenly love, in a fiery chariot; St. Dominic, receiving from the Blessed Virgin the mission of promoting the devotion of the Rosary in the world; and the four {view image of facing page 30} Hokak - Papago [photogravure plate] {view image of page 31} THE PAPAGO 31 Evangelists, with their characteristic attributes. Two flights more lead to the belfry, where there are four home-made bells, of small size but very harmonious. Twenty-two steps more bring the visitor to the top story and under the little dome covering the tower, an elevation about seventy-five feet above the ground. Here a glance can be cast on the beautiful and extensive valley of the Santa Cruz River and on the surrounding country." The church and mission stand on a slight elevation overlooking the lower valley, dotted with the little farms of the Papago. These people are strictly agriculturists, their principal crops being wheat and barley, which they plant in midwinter and harvest in spring. Few of them live on their farms, nearly all having their homes in the village near the mission. Outwardly they are far advanced in what is called civilization, and are professed members of the church; but the student does not find it difficult to see that overalls do not make civilization, nor baptism Christianity. In acknowledging the Christian faith the Papago merely follow the line of least resistance, for by adding a little more ceremony to their life, even if it be the ceremony of the white man, they do no violence to their primitive religion, and at the same time escape the danger of punishment by fire and brimstone threatened them in a Christian hereafter. The larger part of the Papago are semi-nomadic; that is, they wander from place to place as occasion necessitates. One week they may be harvesting their little crops of grain; the next they have taken the trail to the mines to work for a time, or gone to the hills or river valleys to gather cactus fruit or mesquite beans. Many of them in the Fresnal valley have cattle upon which they depend wholly for support; others till small desert farms, irrigated with freshet water. Little settlements depending on scanty crops and small herds are scattered throughout south-central Arizona and northwestern Sonora. The native houses at the Papago village of San Xavier del Bac consist almost entirely of rectangular huts of adobe mud filled in {view image of page 32} 32 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN between posts and wattle. A few of the old-time circular houses are also seen there, and the scattered bands build this type almost exclusively. For summer they require only a brush shelter to protect them from the blazing sun. Nothing of food value escaped the keen eye of the primitive Papago. Seeds of many plants, the fruit of several varieties of cactus, and mesquite beans, mescal, and tuberous roots were supplemented with various game animals and birds. The bear was never killed nor eaten, for it was believed once to have been human. The basketry of the Papago, though somewhat less skilfully made, resembles that of their Pima cousins, as does also their pottery. They make practically all their own earthenware utensils, which with use soon change from their original bright red color to the black of old iron pots. There are five gentile groups, though it can hardly be said that any strict gentile organization now exists. Children belong to the father's group. The creation myth tells how, when Chiiwutumaka's destroying horde marched up into this world from the east, the first to come were those who were to call their fathers Apap; then came those whose fathers were to be Apk, Mam, Vaf, and Akuli respectively. These names were no doubt totemic in their origin, but only the first and third can be identified. Apap is associated with the coyote, Mam with the buzzard. There is no general word for father; to each individual "father" is simply the name of his gens, if such groups may be so called. A member of the Apk gens, for instance, calls his father nyiapkt, of the Mam gens, nyzmam, nyu meaning "my." Collectively the members of the gentes are called Apapakam, Apkikam, Mamakam, Vafakam, and Akulikam. Of so little importance are the gentes that marriage within them is not prohibited, or even regarded as unusual. Marriage arrangements in early days were rather peculiar in that acceptance or refusal lay with the father of the young man. When a girl became of mar {view image of facing page 32} Kiho carrier - Qahatika [photogravure plate] {view image of page 33} THE PAPAGO 33 riageable age, her father found a suitable young man and went to his parents to arrange the match. If the girl seemed satisfactory to the youth's father, during the next four nights he instructed his son in the duties of a husband, and on the fifth sent him to the home of the girl, where he warmed himself by the fire, saying nothing. He remained there all night, returning home early in the morning. This was repeated three times; then the girl and her father went to the youth's house, where she was formally intrusted to his care. If, in their married life, the husband made accusation of infidelity against his wife, she was brought before the head-chief and publicly arraigned. The husband might refuse to take her back, in which event she became an outcast. If, however, he consented to receive her, relying on her promise not to err again, she was publicly whipped on the bare back. Each branch or band of the Papago had its chief, whose principal assistant, selected by himself, was a herald or crier. Each also had a council, to which all adult men were admitted, and which decided all matters of importance. The office of chief was hereditary, but the succession was always confirmed by the council. The chief's duties were by no means nominal; he had to keep peace among his people and inflict punishment on the guilty. One of his principal responsibilities was to see that parents called their children long before daylight, for the Apache always made their attacks just before dawn and it was necessary to be ever on the alert. The parents were also required to see that the children went to bed early, and each morning * This type of receptacle for articles to be carried on the back, known as a k/ho, is peculiar to the Piman Indians. In fashioning it, two long strips cut from woody ribs of the giant cactus are bound together like an X, at the intersection of which are fastened the ends of two shorter strips extending upward divergently, being held in position by a hoop attached to them and to the upper ends of the crossed strips, thus forming a frame resembling an inverted pyramid. Suspended inside the framework, from the hoop, is a woven net - the strands of which are twisted yucca fibre - which holds the burden; the weight is supported from the head, over which passes a band fastened at each end to the upper portion of the crossed frame-poles. Braided human hair was used in early times for fastening the framework together. VOL. II-3 {view image of page 34} 34 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN both boys and girls practised running, that they might be swift of foot either in retreat or in pursuit. The Papago dead were wrapped in cotton blankets, wound with rope, and buried, in the same manner as the Pima, in a niche under the side of the grave. Sometimes the body was taken to the mountains, where it was laid upon the ground, surrounded with a rude stone wall about four feet high, and covered with brush, logs, and stones. The crier for the chief was always buried in this way, but in a sitting posture, with the lower part of his face painted red and the upper part white. In front of him were placed charred ends of firewood, representing the council fire, as if he were talking to the people. Some of the deceased's best horses were killed, his property was burned, and food scattered about in the house. The medicine-men receive their power through dreams direct from divine sources, and are considered by the people god-taught. Failure to cure disease is not taken to mean that the medicine-man has not the power to heal, but rather that he has made malign use of it. This explains the practice of destroying unsuccessful medicinemen. Disease first came through the anger of Chwuwutuwma'ka, who left it as a curse to the people as he descended into the under-world; but in compensation he placed medicine stones in the mountains and commanded the spirits of animals to instruct men how to effect cures. To a young man destined to be a medicine-man come four dreams on as many successive nights, followed on four other nights by the appearance of an animal, who speaks to him,- not an apparition, but a real animal. At the fourth appearance the young man is commanded to arise and follow; his spirit is led through four mountains, and shown what medicine is there to be found. Then the animal changes itself into a small pebble, which the young man supposedly swallows, and in later years, when all other means of expelling sickness have failed, he pretends to bring up this stone and by incantation to transform it into a spirit animal, which lends him potent aid. {view image of facing page 34} Papago burial [photogravure plate] {view image of page 35} THE PAPAGO 35 In treating sickness the medicine-man uses a rattle, eagle feathers, cigarettes of native tobacco, and medicine songs. The songs and the smoke enable him to detect the seat of the disease, which he at once begins to remove by sucking. Singing, smoking, and waving of the eagle feathers continue throughout the night, and in the morning he asserts that a certain animal has caused the sickness, advising that some man who knows the songs of that animal be brought in to sing them. The medicine-man is known by the name of the animal which instructed him, as, Medicine-man of the Eagle, Medicine-man of the Bear. In case of war the medicine-man of some animal possessing keen sight was selected to accompany the war party. After the usual jugglery he sent his spirit animal away to determine the strength of the enemy, and quickly reached up his hand to receive it on its return, showing the people the medicine stone. So implicit was their faith in these sorcerers that the movements of the war party depended absolutely upon their predictions of success or failure. The same custom prevailed when preparing for important games between rival divisions of the tribe. The medicine-man who mistakenly prophesied success, and thereby caused the loss of much property to those who relied on his predictions, was usually in danger of being killed by the angry losers. A peculiar belief of the Papago is one called aak. If a bird, or almost any animal, especially the coyote, is encountered in one's path acting at all peculiarly, as fluttering the wings in the case of the bird, or sitting up and whining in the case of the coyote, it is regarded as an infallible sign of the approaching death of whomsoever one happens to be thinking of at that moment. An educated young Papago related the following story: "One day I was ploughing my field, when a road-runner got in front of the plough. It seemed to be frightened, but instead of getting out of the way it simply ran along ahead of me. After a while I {view image of page 36} 36 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN grew tired of seeing that bird always running in front of me, and threw a clod of earth at it. It fell over, kicked a few times, and before I came up to it, had died. That night when I went home I said, 'A strange thing happened to me to-day.' 'What was it?' asked my father. I began to tell, but had only mentioned the bird when he said, 'That is enough; stop right there!' The next day he asked whom I was thinking about when I saw the bird. I told him of my sister's little boy. His face became very sad. 'Father, what makes you so sad?' I asked. 'Why do you feel so bad?' Then he told me about aak. >From that time the family began to treat the little boy with the greatest kindness; he wanted nothing that he did not get. Nobody told him of what had happened, but from that day he began to grow thin and pale, and in less than three months he died." Not a few of the religious observances of the Papago still persist even among those supposedly civilized, though they are kept from the knowledge of the whites. The maturity ceremony for girls is yet in favor, its whole purpose being to make the girl a strong, healthy, industrious, and virtuous woman. It consists of a four-nights' dance, beginning soon after darkness and lasting until daybreak, with a brief intermission at midnight. Two lines of dancers, men and women alternating, face each other, opposite dancers being of opposite sex, with a singer standing at the head of one line and the girl beside him. The dancing consists of a few steps, forward and back. The songs used are intended only for this occasion, and during the four nights none may be repeated. On the morning following the fourth night the girl bathes, and in the afternoon goes with her parents to see the medicineman. Her parents stand on either side of her, while the medicine-man waves his eagle feathers over her to invoke divine blessing. Then he mixes a little clay with water and she drinks, thus ending the ceremony. To sleep during the four days would cause the girl to develop into a lazy woman; to eat food containing salt, or to touch meat or fire, would bring sickness upon the family. {view image of facing page 36} Papago matron [photogravure plate] {view image of page 37} THE PAPAGO 37 One of the most striking of the old dances was the War Dance, culminating on the fourth night in the ceremony known as Tatwohl', "We Tie." The Ghost Medicine-man held up a deerskin bag to catch the spirits of enemies killed in battle. The spirit of a man who had killed an Apache came rushing through the air, pursued by that of the slain Apache. The former was allowed to pass, while the latter was caught in the bag, which was quickly tied and passed over the Ghost Medicine-man's shoulders to four old men sitting behind. Thus the souls of many enemies were kept from entering the good land of the hereafter. If an inexperienced medicine-man were allowed to lead in this ceremony, he might become frightened and entrap the spirit of a tribesman, causing him to lose his reason in a few months. Hence men of high repute were always selected to conduct the War Dance. {view image of page 38} {view image of facing page 38} The Papago potter [photogravure plate] {view image of page 38a} {view image of facing page 38a} Papago primitive home [photogravure plate] {view image of page 39} The Qahatika {view image of page 40} I {view image of facing page 40} Hasen harvest - Qahatika [photogravure plate] {view image of page 41} THE QAHATIKA A BOUT forty miles due south of the Pima reservation, in five small villages, one sees a type of the true desert Indian -the Qahftika. When or why they separated from their Pima kindred on the Gila and wandered into this inhospitable desert is a question on which even Indian tradition is vague. Many years ago, they say, the Pima were living at Akkchfnh, near the Picacho, when a large party of Apache made war on them and drove them away. The greater part went to the Gila and established the settlement at Sacaton; others, the ancestors of the Qahatika, went into the desert and made their homes there. One traversing this region would have cause to wonder how a human being could wrest from so barren a land the necessities of life. It is only the life of meagre requirement that could exist here; fortunately it is a land of warmth and sunshine, requiring little clothing. In primitive days, when the struggle was hardest, the men wore merely a loin-cloth, and the women a short skirt of yucca fibre. By gleaning the whole desert of its plant and animal products they managed to eke out an existence, becoming in time not only satisfied, but quite attached to their desolate, inhospitable surroundings. When asked why they do not go to the river valleys, where they might have good farms and live in plenty, their answer is that their home is the best; that they do not have sickness as do the River Indians. Their never-ending struggle with the hostile desert seems to have left its mark on the Qahatika and has made them as repellent as the thorny vegetation itself. No vestige of the courtesy of the Pima or the Papago is seen among them, and mentally they are decidedly {view image of page 42} 42 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN inferior. Not only is this noticeable to the visitor, but it is recognized by the kindred tribes and accounted for by the Papago in their creation myth. They still depend mainly upon the natural food supply, such as mesquite pods and cactus fruits. In locating their villages they selected spots where the natural drainage of a large area concentrates, hence they depend wholly on storm water for their crops. Theirs might well be termed "dry farming." If there is no natural rise of ground about their little fields, a low embankment is thrown up to retain the flood water of the winter rains. The soft, loose soil absorbs moisture to a great depth, and a few heavy winter rains assure the Qahatika of a fair crop. They plant wheat in December, and harvest in May or June. It is cut with the sickle, and threshed in the Southwestern mode, by driving horses over the loose grain spread on the ground. In appearance and habits the Qahatika are almost identical with their immediate congeners the Pima and the Papago. Though different materials are used in the making of their houses, the form is the same. Mesquite, cottonwood, and willow provide an abundance of building material for the river tribes, but these mid-desert lovers depend solely on the woody ribs of the giant cactus. When the cactus tree dies, the pulpy tissue desiccates, leaving what looks like a bundle of weather-bleached poles. One cannot help wondering how these Indians would have managed if Nature had made the giant cactus with a solid trunk. Here at the rock-strewn foot of the desert mountain, where scarcely any other form of vegetal life seems able to exist, provident Nature permits this variety of cactus to flourish, and to furnish unlimited quantities of food as well as material for the building of habitable houses. Qahatika handicraft shows considerable skill, particularly in pottery, many forms of which are made. All household utensils are of their own manufacture, besides which many small pieces are made {view image of facing page 42} Qahatika village scene [photogravure plate] {view image of page 43} THE QAHATIKA 43 for barter. Some examples are evidently copies of commercial ware, but many show true primitive feeling in form as well as in decoration. These Indians model, polish the ware, burn it to its rich red color, then decorate and reburn it. The paint for decorating is obtained by boiling chips of mesquite wood to a syrup, which is applied with a brush made by chewing a strip of yucca leaf. In the burning, the painted designs turn a brilliant black, making a very pleasing contrast with the bright red color of the ware. The Qahatika also make many excellent baskets of the usual Pima form and designs. {view image of page 44} I {view image of facing page 44} Qahatika man [photogravure plate] {view image of page 44a} {view image of facing page 44a} Qahatika home [photogravure plate] {view image of page 45} The Mohave {view image of page 46} {view image of facing page 46} Mohave child [photogravure plate] {view image of page 47} THE MOHAVE Habitat, Home Life and Social Customs A BARREN earth and a sunless sky came together, begetting gods and people. Such, according to the myth, is the genesis of the Mohave,' one of the principal branches of the Yuman family, possibly the parent people of the stock. Study of their myths and cult soon tells us that, compared with such other groups as the Navaho, the Pueblos, and the Plains tribes, their life is quite barren of ceremony and ritualism. Their home is now, and was in traditional times, on the banks of the Colorado river, an environment into which they have so fitted themselves that they seem to have been always a vital part of it. To describe the Mohave without first speaking of their river would be like telling of the Makah of wind-swept Cape Flattery without alluding to the sea that beats the sands at their very feet. The Colorado is a river like unto no other. Even the murmur of its waters in their never-ceasing flow to the Southern sea is unlike the sound of other streams. Others tell of clear brooks, grass-grown, pebble-strewn. One reverts to the waters of the Mississippi and the Falls of Saint Anthony; the green, translucent flow of the Hudson; the beautiful Columbia, fed from snowy mountains, and a hundred others; but the Colorado is one unto itself. To look upon its yellow 1 The name Mohave, after the Spanish manner spelled Mojave, is a contraction of the name by which they are known to themselves and other Yuman tribes, Hllmmahaba, which means "I Going Wrong," from hzim, wrong, and mahaba, going. Among the Mohave and their kindred the explanation is made that when the creator brought them forth and sent them all to different quarters, the Mohave started "I the wrong way " -hence the name. Father Garces called them "Jamajabs," and after hearing the Indians speak the word one sees that the v in Mohave should be pronounced as b, in accordance with this old Spanish form. {view image of page 48} 48 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN surface and hear its low, sullen lap as its silt-laden waters flow by, is to think of a river of paint. For five hundred miles, gathering tribute from the rock-walled gorge, it winds its deep and mighty course through the desert. In watching its forceful flow one forgets that it was born as other rivers; forgets the countless meadow and mountain brooks that contribute to its making; forgets the song of birds, and sees only its relentless, devouring strength. Stand on the last precipice overlooking the chasm of the Colorado Can-on, watch the waters beat and lash themselves about in their mad rush to be through and out of this grewsome rift in the earth, and to one comes the thought that though this may have been born as other rivers, in passing through these awful depths its very life and soul have been transformed: it has emerged broken in spirit and laden with a wearying burden. The hour is the end of day; its spell is over the earth. The sun in a sea of gold and crimson is sinking behind mountain crests of copper hue; the shadows are creeping stealthily across sierra, valley, and plain; motionless our giant bronze Mohave is watching the scene as his forefathers for generation after generation watched the same sunsets and the same river flow. Does the gorgeous coloring of yonder clouds, the current of the stream, and the spell of the hour mean anything to him? Perhaps far more than we dream. Ask him, he could not tell; but take him from it and he would die of longing. Physically the Mohave are probably superior to any other tribe in the United States. Men and women alike are big-boned, wellknitted, clear-skinned. Mentally they are dull and slow - brothers to the ox. The warm climate and the comparative ease with which they obtain their livelihood seem to have developed a people physically superb; but the climate and the conditions that developed such magnificent bodies did not demand or assist in the building up of an equivalent mentality. So far as can be gleaned from their {view image of facing page 48} The Mohave [photogravure plate] {view image of page 49} THE MOHAVE 49 mythology, legends, and tradition, their home has always been in the valley of the Colorado; careful study reveals no hint of a time when they and their Yuma brothers, who are so like them in general characteristics, were one tribe. The creation story of each places their origin at the same spot, Avikom6, a mountain above Needles and opposite Fort Mohave. In fact, none of the Yuman tribes has any tradition of a common habitat, which certainly argues that the segregation of these tribes occurred at a very early period. The early tribal range of the Mohave was on both sides of the Colorado from Black Ca-non down to The Needles. Within historic time the tribe became divided into two factions. One was headed by Yfratewa, Shakes Himself as he Flies, and the other by Hamosekwahota, Good Star; one advocated peace, the other war. The latter had the larger following and was really the head-chief, and he determined to oppose the whites and to make war upon neighboring tribes. This opposition to the whites was less from a desire to preserve their homeland from invasion than to find an excuse for fighting. In spite of the protests of YIratewa and his followers, the news that a train of ox-wagons was approaching set the war party aflame, and Hamosekwahota with a large following of braves went forth to annihilate the whites. Their arrows proved ineffective, and the execution of the enemy's muskets caused a speedy retreat. Their thirst for warfare, however, remaining unquenched, the leader of the peace party, after exhausting argument and eloquence on the hostile band, told of a good land farther down the river and announced his intention of leading thither whomsoever would go. His arguments against war were simple but well-founded: "Wake up in the night, hear the owl hoot, run to the mesquite. No good. In morning look out, far off see a cloud of dust, run to the mesquite. No good. All tribes same color, all tribes brothers. Live in peace, have farms, plenty to eat. That good." So he instructed his nephew, the present chief of the southern division of the tribe. With about two VOL. II-4 {view image of page 50} 5o THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN hundred and fifty people he left on tule rafts for the new home. Landing near La Paz, they informed the agent of their peaceable intentions and sent word to Washington that they desired a school. At the present time there are the three settlements: Fort Mohave in Arizona, Needles in California, and the one formed by this progressive division at Parker, Arizona. The Mohave live in rancherias, their houses scattered about wherever the conditions are favorable for small farms. In prehistoric times their food consisted largely of mesquite and mescrew beanpods and fish, the latter being caught in weirs, as well as by hooks made of cactus thorns heated and bent to shape. Rabbits, rats, ducks, and quail were also captured and eaten, but large game they never hunted, preferring to take such of the smaller animals as came to hand with a minimum of effort. The Colorado, like the Nile, is subject to annual overflow; after the water subsides, usually in July, the Mohave plant their small crops of corn, beans, squashes, pumpkins, and melons. Great quantities of melons are grown, and for months of each year are a principal article of food. The water leaves the soil in a soft, mellow state, and the crop is often planted by merely putting the seed into the ground, tillage being unnecessary. The dress of the Mohave was extremely simple. The men used only the breech-cloth, and the women a short skirt made of the fibrous inner layer of willow bark softened in water and woven into a coarse cloth. Moccasins were unknown to either sex. Sandals were made of badger skin, and in cold weather a blanket woven from strips of rabbit or rat skins was worn. Many such blankets are still in existence. At present the men wear fanciful combinations of white men's clothing, usually a pair of overalls and a tight-fitting undershirt, which is always painted, sometimes black, sometimes in stripes of several colors. A bright handkerchief adorns the neck; the hair hangs loose, or in numerous small twists held together with mesquite gum. Both men and women have their faces tattooed, generally {view image of facing page 50} Primitive Mohave [photogravure plate] {view image of page 51} THE MOHAVE 51 in streaks across the forehead or down the chin. Face painting is also practised to a limited extent. The primitive Mohave dwelling was built by excavating a shallow, circular space in the sand, and erecting four interior posts to support the roof timbers, on which rested brush-thatched poles that sloped to the edges of the pit. The slightly sloping roof was constructed of small willow poles, covered with arrow-brush thatching and a thick layer of mud, which was also spread over the walls. The interior height was about five feet, nearly half under ground. The entrance, which also provided the only means of escape for smoke from the fire, was a low door in the eastern side. The Mohave house of today is rectangular and flat-roofed. To upright posts small horizontal poles are fastened closely together on each side, and the space between them is filled with mud, making very durable walls. Window openings are sometimes left in the sides. The roof is constructed of poles, brush thatching, and mud. The weaving of skirts from the inner bark of the willow, the making of stone-pointed arrows and stone axes, rough willow burden baskets, pottery with rude conventional designs but of good form, and beadwork, constitute all the Mohave ever knew about the crafts or arts, and what little they once knew about basketry is now forgotten. Work with glass beads is extensively practised by the women, and the results show great skill and oftentimes considerable taste. Before the white man brought beads the material for this work was obtained from the necks of certain black insects, probably beetles. Nothing could illustrate the lack of ingenuity and thrift of this people better than the fact that, notwithstanding their home has always been on the banks of a navigable stream, they have never fashioned a boat or canoe for the purpose of navigation, although their neighbors, the Chemehuevi and the Serranos of Mohave river, according to Father Garces, floated corn and other provender across streams in large water-tight baskets, or coritas. The nearest approach {view image of page 52} 52 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN to water-craft was a very rude balsa made of bundles of tules or small logs tied together. Log rafts are still occasionally seen on the river, but modern skiffs are universally used by these Indians now. Chieftainship is hereditary, understanding this term in the loose sense usually applicable to Indian customs. The nearest male relative of a deceased chief is the logical candidate, though if there be no one of sufficiently strong personality in the family, the voice of the tribe would ignore the succession and select a man satisfactory to the majority. In the old days there were war-chiefs, who, however, were always subordinate to the head-chiefs. Marriage among the Mohave may be said to be without ceremony. A youth exhibits his fancy by bearing frequent presents to the maid of his choice, continued acceptance of which is regarded as betrothal. The young man then goes to live with her at the home of her parents until he can build a home of his own. A clearly defined clan or gentile organization does not exist. All female descendants of a given male line bear the same name, which may possibly indicate a decadent clanship system. These names, totemic in origin, are said to have been given by the god Matevilye, who said, for instance, to the originator of the Nyolch, or Deer, group, "You shall have a deer and shall name your daughters Nyolch." Seventeen such totemic names have been determined, and there are probably others. If this clan system, so to term it, ever prohibited intermarriage within the clan, its laws have passed into disuse; yet it is certain that among the Yuma, kindred people with the same system of totemic names, marriage within the clan was once tabooed. Matevilye, before dying, instructed his people as to the disposition of his body. They were to dig a hole in the ground, put quantities of fuel over it, and when he was dead place his body on the top of all, kindle the pyre, and gather about to mourn and watch his departure to the after-world. And so they do with their dead to this day. Their god taught them what disposal to make of the body, and no mission {view image of facing page 52} Sholya - Mohave girl [photogravure plate] {view image of page 53} THE MOHAVE 53 ary can divert them from this so-termed pagan practice. When it is certain that death is to come, the funeral pyre is prepared. As soon as life is extinct the body is wrapped in a blanket, carried out, and placed on the pyre. Relatives and friends follow the remains, all seeming equally grief-stricken. In the language of the Indian, "Why not? We are all brothers. When my brother is happy, I am happy with him. When he weeps, I weep with him." So, gathered around the blazing pile, the tribe wails until corpse and fuel have been consumed, and the ashes have dropped into the pit below. Four days after the cremation the spirit goes to Nevthi Chuiva~chui, Spirit House, in Se lydita, the Sand Hills, along the Colorado south of Topock. This place of spirits they believe to be prolific in melons, beans, pumpkins, and game. When one melon is plucked from the vine, another immediately takes its place; when an ear of corn is picked, another shoots forth. Every Mohave who dies goes to this place, no matter how he has lived, whether bravely or cravenly. Even those who in life have wrought evil through sorcery are not debarred. No Mohave can be induced to tarry in that region -that world of departed spirits. If one were to sleep in Selydita, the spirits of his relatives who have gone before would take his own spirit from him. The names of the dead are never uttered. If a Mohave dies before his child has learned to speak, that child will never know what name its father bore. In this may be seen a potent reason for the weakness of this people in hunting and fighting. The custom of the Sioux, for example, of singing their babes to sleep with songs recounting the mighty deeds of great ancestors and of encouraging the boys to emulate their exploits, furnished notable incentive for attaining prowess in war and the chase. The medicine-man's power is derived through dreams, which are sent before birth or in early childhood by Tinyam, The Night, who, * This portrait of a Mohave child illustrates the tribal method of covering the hair after heavily coating it with a mixture of mesquite gum and clay for the purpose of killing vermin. {view image of page 54} 54 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN in the form of a man, stands beside the chosen one as he sleeps, telling him how to cure. Medicine-men, therefore, are conceived of as foreordained. They are both good and evil; that is, they both cure and cause illness. Every physical or mental ill is attributed to some medicine-man whose identity is usually revealed to the sufferer in a dream; and tradition relates that in former times the relatives of a dead person would take summary vengeance upon the medicineman who caused the illness. This evil power is supposed to emanate from a poison in the breast, transmitted through the breath, which is healing or blighting as the medicine-man's thoughts are good or evil. As most sickness is accompanied by a feverish condition of the body, the usual method of cure is by blowing the breath and by spraying saliva. Sometimes, especially when the seat of the disease is indicated by a swelling, the doctor sucks the affected part to extract the evil. In no case is medicine of any kind administered. The medicine-men believe that the white man's remedies are decoctions of the skins of lizards, frogs, and snakes, and regard them with the greatest distrust. They explain their inability to inflict disease on a white man by saying that the breath, when it strikes white skin, divides and passes by on either side. But the influence of the Mohave medicine-men is now waning, owing chiefly to the hostile attitude of the Government authorities. Not only in the foreordination of the medicine-men, but in every phase of Mohave life, dreams play a most important role. Whatever is dreamed will inevitably happen. To dream of illness is to become ill; to dream of death is to die within a short time. Related to this belief is the passive submission of the Mohave to what he believes is fated to occur. If a child becomes ill, though the illness be of the most trivial character, let the parents form the idea that the child is going to die, and die it will from determination and utter neglect. It is going to die, so why trouble? And this does not {view image of facing page 54} Stone maze [photogravure plate] {view image of page 55} THE MOHAVE 55 arise from any lack of affection for the child, for after its death the grief of the parents is poignant indeed. In relating some of his dreams, Ahweyama, an old medicineman, said: "Honyavre, the bug who causes the mirage, came to me one night when I was a small child, and said to me: 'I will give you my breath; my breath is cold, my breath is warm, my breath is hot. I will give you my breath, that you may be able to cure sickness.' "A female bug came to me and said: 'I am the one who made the sun, the moon, the stars. I will give you something. My breath is blue, my breath is green, my breath is red. I give you my breath to cure sickness.' This was Mastamho, the creator, speaking through the bug, for Mastamho never speaks to men himself. "A buzzard came; but his color was not the color of a buzzard, for he was brown. He sang this song to me: 'I blow my breath at the darkness, and it disappears like a mist before the sun, and day comes. When you sing this song and blow your breath at the darkness of disease, it will disappear.' "In a dream I went to the mountains and built a house. There came a tarantula with a great long beard. It pulled some of the hair from its body and laid it on the ground to represent a sick man. Then it sang: 'Come and stand beside me, Boy, and I will teach you how to cure sickness. I blow my breath over the sick one, and he is well."' * In southeastern California along the Colorado river south of The Needles are many mesas, the loose surface stones on the summits of which, covering hundreds of acres, have been gathered by a prehistoric people into long parallel rows, about six inches high and four feet apart, broken here and there with rectangular open spaces. The Mohave Indians near by have utilized the area so marked, in recent years, as a maze into which to lure and escape evil spirits, for it is believed that by running in and out through one of these immense labyrinths one haunted with a dread may bewilder the spirits occasioning it, and thus elude them. {view image of page 56} 56 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Creation Myth In the beginning the Earth was here, and the Sky; but all was dark and the Earth was barren. Earth and Sky came together, and from this union were born Matevilye and Mastamho. People, too, were born, but they were nearly inanimate, speechless, moving with difficulty. This was at the sacred mountain Avikom6. The god Matevilye conceived a plan for making the sun and the moon, for giving speech to the people and naming them, and for supplying the earth with streams, mountains, and fields, and all things good for food. At the middle of the earth he built the Dark House, with its four doors, its posts, walls, and roof, which none could see because of the utter darkness. This house he made without effort, simply willing "Here is a house," and there it was. From its great central post the place was called Hawolpo. Without speaking, Matevilye caused all people to assemble in the Dark House; and he named its parts, still without speaking. The people crawled about in the darkness, feeling of the parts of the house, learning how it was built. About the southern door sat the people, and at the north were Matevilye and Mastamho, with the two medicine-men, Matochipa and Kokomat, who were to speak for the god in his instruction of the people. Then Matevilye went forth from the Dark House, followed by his daughter, Hanyiko, Big Frog, who, practising witchcraft, afflicted him with fatal sickness. Hanyiko fled, and Matevilye crept back into the house to die. He called about him the great men: Maskotai, Bird that Builds a Hanging Nest; Maschimqamecha, Bug that Throws Dirt Far; Tukseqinyora, Badger; Tinyamqihnana, Mole; Soqiliktai, Hawk; Talpo, Road-runner. These he made to understand what they were to do with his body. {view image of facing page 56} Mohave still life [photogravure plate] {view image of page 57} THE MOHAVE 57 Maschimqamecha took four steps and there dug a hole in the sand. Tukseqinyora was sent to bring wood, which he piled up near the hole. Then they laid the body of Matevilye on the wood, covering it with other sticks. Fire was made with fire-sticks and the pyre lighted. All the people stood about it in a circle, but they could not speak, nor even cry. Before the body was quite consumed, Hokthara, Coyote, leaped over the heads of the people, seized the heart of Matevilye, and dashed away. Mastamho then created a strong wind, which blew the sand and filled up the grave of the god. After this came rain for four days, and the water rose higher and higher until there seemed no place of safety. But Mastamho led the people back to Avikome, where they were out of danger. Then he blew hard upon the water four times, until it was all gone, and in its place remained a vast stretch of mud covering all the earth. Over this Mastamho walked far and wide with great strides, everywhere planting seeds of trees and other vegetation in order to make the earth a good place in which to live. Afterward he made the sun, the moon, and the stars. Then, because the people were in need of more space, he made the earth larger by walking successively in the four directions: wherever he stepped the earth extended. One day, desiring fresh water, Mastamho struck the ground with his stick, and as he withdrew it water gushed forth. He led the stream to the south, through Hawolpo and the grave of Matevilye, and on to the ocean. This is the Colorado river. The great central post of the Dark House became a pinnacle of rock in the midst of the stream. Mastamho separated the people into tribes, and gave to each a language and a home. For this he is also called Pahochach, The One who Placed the People. {view image of page 58} 58 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Ceremonies There is very little in the life of the Mohave that can strictly be called ceremonial. The Scalp Dance and the celebration of the maturity of girls, - both now obsolete - the cremation, Tomanpa, or Mourning Chant following the death of a prominent person, and many songs, constitute all they have ever had of a ceremonial character. The songs are not necessarily of a religious nature, but may be given for entertainment. In fact, even the Tomanpa, always the one sung during the mourning rites, may also be sung on social occasions. The songs are in every case the narration of a dream supposed to have been experienced by the singer personally, regardless of the fact that they have been given in identically the same words for generations, and that there may be several singers of the same songs. Twenty-two of these songs were noted, and undoubtedly there are many others. They are all extremely long, most of them requiring two full nights in their rendition. A brief description of the Tomanpa will give a good idea of the other songs. This is sung when a prominent person is about to die, or at a considerable time after cremation, in honor of the dead. Several men, who both sing and dance, take part. The complete chant consists of more than three hundred and fifty short songs, each a repetition of a few words, oftentimes obsolete, which do not make connected sense but serve as an index to the story upon which the group of songs is built. For example, one of the component songs consists of the following two lines repeated many times: v J. Eme kaiyovak kanga Tziyam ongo kanga EmU is leg; vak, step; tiyam, go. The other words are obsolete terms, or mere vocables. To the singer, however, they convey a meaning, for a story is connected with the lines, and the three significant words {view image of facing page 58} Mohave potter [photogravure plate] {view image of page 59} THE MOHAVE 59 suffice to recall it to mind. In this instance the story tells how, after the burning of the body of Matevilye, the people returned to the mountain Avikom6. But there were two, Tomanpa and his sister, Qakoisavap6na, whose sorrow could not be assuaged. These left the others and journeyed to the south, singing of their grief. Therefore, after the two lines have been sung, a pause is made, and this part of the story is related to the younger assisting singers, and to the listeners. Tomanpa and his sister, so the story runs, travel slowly down the bank of the Colorado, now and then meeting strangers, usually animals or insects, whom they never fail to mock in song; now deluded by a mirage, or wondering at the curious trail of the beaver; and always filled with sorrow when anything occurs to remind them of their dead god, Matevilye. Their journey takes them almost to the ocean, where they sink into the ground and become locusts. {view image of page 60} I {view image of facing page 60} Primitive transportation - Mohave [photogravure plate] {view image of page 60a} {view image of facing page 60a} Chacha - Mohave [photogravure plate] {view image of page 61} The Yuma {view image of page 62} a {view image of facing page 62} Yuma maiden [photogravure plate] {view image of page 63} THE YUMA Homeland, Arts and Customs Y UMA mythology points to the vicinity opposite Fort Mohave, on the California side of the Colorado river, as having been the place of origin of the various Yuman tribes now found along the river from the Grand Cainon to the Gulf. The tribe bearing the family name of Yuma at one time doubtless lived three hundred miles north of their present location, which is along both sides of the lower Colorado, near Yuma, Arizona. Mythology indicates that the Mohave are the parent stock, and that the Yuma offshoot migrated to the south. This migration took place long before the earliest Spanish explorers penetrated the desert wilds of the Southwest, for when first met the Yuma occupied the locality they now inhabit. So far as United States history is concerned, these people first became known in the days of the California gold rush. Prior to I 849 the Yuma lived in their primitive way unmolested. Then came the emigrant trains with their mule teams and creeping ox-carts, which traversed the very heart of the Yuma country, ferrying the Colorado at the Indian ferry, and the ill-clad natives were not slow in availing themselves of the opportunity to replenish their larders in a way they had never known. The looting of emigrant wagons soon became so exasperating that it was found necessary to establish a military camp on the Colorado river, at the seat of Yuma activities. This was done in November, i850, under Brevet Major Samuel P. Heintzelman, at the junction of the Gila with the Colorado, and the depredations of the Indians were soon checked. A year later Camp Yuma, {view image of page 64} 64 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN as the post was called, was abandoned, but renewed depredations on the part of the Indians called for its reoccupancy three months afterward. In February, i852, Fort Yuma was established as a permanent garrison, and maintained until i883, when it was abandoned by the War Department and transferred to the Department of the Interior. The Yuma reservation, lying wholly within the state of California and comprising 45,889 acres, was established by Executive order of January 9, I884. Prior to contact with the whites, which began materially to affect them about i850, the Yuma did not have an elective chief, and they had never a very stable tribal organization. Chieftainship became elective in form mainly through the recent influence of Catholic missionaries. All tribal matters, as well as personal disputes, were adjusted by a council of leading men, whose decision was final. The man who could afford to give feasts to the people at large or was successful in war would maintain the leadership for a time, only to lose it when exceeded in his liberality or his prowess as a warrior by some other tribesman. There was one man, however, who held the tribe completely under his control for forty years. This was Pascual. He was yet a young man, and had come into successful leadership through wars with the Cocopa, when camp Yuma was established. Though never formidable fighters, the Yuma under Pascual did some very clever manceuvring and made some valiant stands against the United States troops sent in i85i to stop their raiding. For two years Pascual held out against discouraging odds, for the inhospitable desert into which he had been driven was practically destitute of everything necessary to horse or man; but in i853 he came in and signed a treaty of peace and friendship, which was faithfully kept until his death in May, I 887. Chief Miguel, his successor, who now holds only nominal control, was elected by the tribe through its council. A faction of the Yuma {view image of facing page 64} A Yuma house [photogravure plate] {view image of page 65} THE YUMA 65 was radically opposed to the election of Miguel, and has since refused to recognize him as chief. Warfare against neighboring tribes was carried on more for the purpose of establishing prestige and cultivating prowess than for direct gain, yet the Yuma never let pass an opportunity to capture children and hold them for ransom. The standard price was two ponies and a blanket. These operations were conducted mainly against the Cocopa, Mohave, and Maricopa, tribes of their own blood, and if captives were not ransomed they were adopted into the tribe. These warring tribes, often at bitter enmity, would forget their hostile attitude toward one another when a formidable band of Apache made a foray into their river camps, and join against the common enemy. They dreaded the Apache as they dread death, and the old Yuma warriors to-day, after years of peace and forgetfulness, assert that they would have been driven by the Apache from the Colorado river far into California had not the valiant Pima intervened. When victorious, the Yuma scalped their slain foes, taking the entire hair-covered portion of the skin from their heads. These scalps were cared for by the women, who fastened them upon poles and kept them thoroughly cleaned and brushed for use in scalp dances, which were held to celebrate subsequent victories. The Mexicans and the Yuma had but little trouble, although an extensive trade was carried on between the two peoples for a great many years. The Indians bartered corn, melons, pumpkins, and other products of their agriculture for beads and blankets. Horses were first obtained by them through the Mexicans. The Yuma are excellent horsemen, riding in early Indian fashion without saddle or bridle. With only a rope around its lower jaw the most vicious bronco is mounted and broken. The primitive Yuma domicile, like that of the Mohave, was a low, dome-shaped structure, as much under ground as above. This form of house has now practically disappeared, and in its stead are built VOL. II-5 {view image of page 66} 66 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN rectangular huts of upright posts, horizontal poles, and mud filling. These jacales, as they are called by the Mexicans, are scattered at intervals along the river, their settlements being of the nature of rancherias rather than villages. Their environment being practically identical in character, the Yuma naturally made use of the same native foods as the Mohave. Prehistorically their foodstuff consisted principally of mesquite and mescrew pods, grass seeds, quantities of fish, and the small animals and birds native to the valleys. In the soft, mellow soil of the bottom lands they raised corn, squashes, pumpkins, and beans, and later added melons and small grains. Though a river people, the Yuma, like the Mohave, never made canoes. Cottonwood logs were sometimes roughly hollowed out for ferrying camp equipage across the river. This rude contrivance was called quilho. For a like purpose very large clay bowls, katellhakam, as much as three feet in diameter and equally deep, were made. Clothing, bedding, and children were placed in these curious craft and ferried across the Colorado by the adults who swam beside and pushed them along. The usual water conveyance when travelling up or down stream was a raft. Father Salpointe, in "Soldiers of the Cross," says: "For a Yuma to ride a stick on the river, and to carry on it his little luggage, is of common occurrence, and it seems to the bystander the easiest thing to be done. In fact, what is required for a voyage of that kind is to pick up a convenient stick or pole from among the many that generally lie on the shore, and to tie at one end of it the bundle of garments and some food, if necessary, for they consider it easier to return by land than by water, up the river. After the tying of the baggage, the man sitting on the other end sets out breast deep in the water, rowing with his hands, while the package, which, of course, must be lighter than the man, goes ahead of him, protruding above the surface of the river, high enough to be protected against moisture. In case it be necessary to carry heavy loads, then a raft {view image of facing page 66} A Yuma type [photogravure plate] {view image of page 67} TH E YUMA 67 is built by tying or coupling logs together with ropes or strips of rawhide, until the desired space for the cargo is obtained. In regard to the Yuma Indian women, who can cross the river swimming as well as the men, they use another kind of embarkation for their young children, when they want to pass them from one side to the other of the river. The process is very simple; the pappoose is placed in a rather flat earthen 'olla' (jug), which is put afloat, and then pushed ahead in the desired direction by the swimming mother." The " dress " of the men in prehistoric times consisted of a pelican plume in the hair, a necklace of beads, and a loin-cloth woven of grass or bark fibre. Before the introduction of Mexican or American fabrics, the Yuma traded with the Mohave for black loin-cloths woven of cotton by the Hopi. The Havasupai traded for them first, passed them on to the Walapai, the Walapai to the Mohave, and these in turn to the Yuma. Havasupai deerskin garments were obtained in like manner, and a few Apache deerskin articles also reached them. Moccasins they never wore. Their first footwear was sandals made of leather purchased from the early California settlers and Spanish missions. The first pretence of dress for the women was a small willowbark apron as wide as the hips and dropping midway down the thighs. Later they wore a full short skirt of bark, superseded long since by cloth. It is only within the last twenty-five years that the upper part of the body has been covered. Now close-fitting waists and long skirts are worn. If it be possible, the Yuma are more deficient in handiwork than the Mohave. In the past they made considerable pottery, but crude in form and without decoration. With the coming of the white man they were able to obtain tin cooking utensils, which sounded the doom of their ceramic art, so that now but few potters are found in the tribe. Their knowledge of basketry is very limited, only a few ordinary {view image of page 68} 68 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN specimens being made as a part of the paraphernalia for the mourning rite, and burned with the other ceremonial articles on the pyre. Yuma mythology alludes to the use of baskets by mythic characters, suggesting knowledge of basket weaving in ancient times. The burden-carrier of the women was the hale~po, a square willowbark blanket, the corners of which were tied together around pumpkins, corn, or other objects to be transported, and the baggy weight suspended at the back by means of a forehead band, or carrying strap, of braided grass, bark, or yucca. Dip-nets for catching fish in the river were made of willow bark. Fish were caught also with hooks of cactus spines bent to the desired shape by heating over hot coals, and in weirs. Fire was produced in two ways: by the common Indian custom of twirling a dry, hard spindle-stick in a small sanded socket in a flat piece of wood; and by striking a stone containing iron pyrites against a piece of flint, with a tuft of wild cotton held on the flint as tinder. The metate, or milling stone, was used for grinding corn and grass seeds; and a mortar and pestle, hamokf, fashioned respectively from a cottonwood block and a mesquite branch, were employed to pound mesquite beans into pulp. A social system giving rise to tribal laws prohibiting marriage within certain groups unquestionably existed among the Yuma at no very remote period, but it is decadent now. The generic term for such a group or gens is simul, "different people," and a man was supposed to look to "different people" for his wife. The totemic name of the gens is borne by all the female children of a family, in which descent is through the father. Although it has long since fallen into disuse, there once prevailed a custom that sealed the marriage contract by having the couple eat a bowl of gruel made of mesquite beans. Marriage is by consent of the woman, the custom of bartering daughters never having been in vogue among the Yuma. After marriage the girl lives with her {view image of facing page 68} Hapchach - Yuma [photogravure plate] {view image of page 69} THE YUMA 69 husband's family until the couple have built a home of their own. Polygamy was common. Either the husband or the wife might declare divorce at will, but the woman usually took the initiative, retaining possession of the domestic property if she were the only wife or the only one living in a particular house; otherwise she simply departed. Medicine-men are born, not made, among the Yuma, and power and knowledge are supposed to come from divine sources through revelations in dreams. The dreams which destine a man to become a healer in his tribe he is said to experience often before birth, but generally in infancy. Many of such foreordained medicine-men are regarded as possessing superhuman strength before they can talk, and this reputation clings to them through life. They are called Pipaetsmfits, " he dreamed," and Mut'sth6, " wizard." Every medicine-man claims to learn the secret of potent cures through dreams, but the modes of treatment are very similar, the principal difference being in the story of the dream. An eagle or a beetle might have talked to one while he slept, telling him how to cure, and an ant or a buzzard to another. Yet the practice differs but little, consisting in the main of sucking, blowing upon, and spraying spittle over the body of the patient. Some do nothing more than to lay their hands upon the sick one's chest. Songs are sometimes sung, but medicines are tabooed. So ardent are the Yuma in the belief that their medicine-men are possessed of superhuman power that most of them expect relief in time of illness from the mere presence of one of these sacred healers. Their faith is unbounded in the belief that his godly breath, at his bidding, can dispel all mental and physical evil. On the other hand, medicine-men are feared for their power also to inflict evil. Belief in witchcraft and its malevolent effects is deep-rooted in the tribe. Disease is invariably attributed to sorcery, and the medicine-men are usually accused of employing their power {view image of page 70} 70 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN in this direction. A deformed person is certain to be marked as a witch or a wizard, and many normal individuals of previous good standing in the tribe have met death at the hands of their merciless tribesmen owing to a public accusation of sorcery; for a mere charge of having caused sudden or mysterious death is all-sufficient, under tribal custom, for the accused to forfeit his own life. The relatives of the one who dies from alleged witchcraft are the executioners always. Such killing was formerly very common, and is still practised. Seldom do medicine-men die a natural death. Since they are believed to possess superhuman powers, all are regarded with suspicion when abnormal conditions arise. Faith in their power never wanes, but faith in their will often does, and this leads to the death of many healers whenever the tribe is afflicted by an epidemic. If a medicineman loses several patients, his own life pays the penalty, for he could have saved them if he would. As has been seen, the Yuma exhibit slight tendency toward ingenuity or inventiveness. Their creations in handicraft, in mythological conceptions, and in religious observances or ceremonies, are few and of inferior order in comparison with those of other Indians of the Southwest. Ceremony has been in its decadence for more than half a century. Ceremonies Two ceremonies, the one of mourning for the dead, known as Nimits, "crying time," and the Harvest Dance - Tsimetoqazlk, " melons ripen " - are yet observed, though not annually as of old. In the former a large ramada, or shed, is built of brush on the first of the four days devoted to the performance. It consists of little more than a roof, under which the mourners assemble on the last day about a large quantity of wood stacked up like a funeral pyre. All who have lost relatives by death during the year make effigies of them - long sticks dressed in the best quality of bright-colored {view image of facing page 70} A Yuma home [photogravure plate] {view image of page 71} THE YUMA 7I cloth the mourner can afford to purchase. The mourners with their effigies gather under the shelter and wail and chant throughout an entire day and night, with occasional intervals of rest. Seven men crowned with wreaths of pelican down stand inside the circle formed by the mourners and sing. All keep time with their feet, but cannot be said to dance. During one of the intervals in the singing and mourning a drama representing a successful raiding party is given. Several men take the part of Yuma, while others impersonate the enemy, each side having two almost naked horsemen with bows and arrows. Two women follow each party, scattering white cornmeal in their tracks. The sham fight creates much merriment, the Yuma, of course; always being victorious. Just before dawn of the fifth day the effigies are placed upon the funeral pyre and burned. Food and gifts of all sorts, as well as all ceremonial paraphernalia - feather crowns, bows and arrows, drums, and baskets - are thrown into the flames, which consume the shelter and all, when the mourners disperse. The mourning ceremony is always held in harvest time, when the Indians are well provided with food and clothing. Four days later the Harvest Dance is given. No ramada is built, but in a convenient place for dancing the members of the tribe deposit quantities of food in a common hoard. Singing and dancing continue for four days, during which time anyone may eat, and all he chooses. Their happiness testifies to their thankfulness for bounteous crops, and the songs contain invocations vaguely addressed to objects and elements for future beneficence. Many of the songs used in the ceremonies consist of words that convey no meaning whatsoever to the Yuma of to-day. Some declare them to be vocables created by medicine-men long since dead, and others that the songs and words are of foreign origin. Judging from the formation of the sounds, it would seem that the former belief is the correct one. {view image of page 72} 72 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Arrival at the age of puberty in girls is celebrated among the Yuma, in accordance with the universal custom among Indians, by an appropriate ceremony. The girl's mother prepares a plaster of mesquite gum and clay, which the girl puts on the heads of any men who come to her home on the evening of the day that word is sent forth that the Muitarrek ceremony is being observed there. The men leave the mud in their hair overnight, washing it out the next morning. The girl remains indoors for four days, refraining from scratching her head except with a small stick. On the night of the fourth day the mother plasters the girl's hair with clay and gum, which is allowed to remain until morning, when she bathes and is free to move about again. These ablutions are said to symbolize a pledge that all persons taking part, particularly the girl, will remain pure and chaste. The Yuma always cremate their dead in accordance with ancient custom. A hole or trench the length of the body and about three feet deep is dug, and covered with poles and fine; dry brush. Upon this the corpse is laid, face downward, with head toward the east, and dry wood is then piled high over the whole. To this pyre are added the personal effects of the deceased and any offerings the mourners may wish to make to his spirit. The actual burning takes place before daylight, the fire being started first on the southern side, then on the eastern, northern, and western sides in order. After the pile has burned down, all the ashes that have not fallen into the trench beneath are raked into it and covered with earth to obscure the grave. The custom of speaking over the remains of the dead at the funeral pyre still prevails, but it is insignificant now. In earlier days shrewd old leaders made the most of such opportunities to win the good will of the tribe. The occasion being a solemn one, the assemblage always gave heed, so that the time was propitious for formulating tribal policies and for disseminating philosophic lore. {view image of facing page 72} A Yuma [photogravure plate] {view image of page 73} THE YUMA 73 It is believed that the spirit of the dead remains near the place where the funeral pyre was erected, hiding in bushes and behind trees and rocks, for four days after cremation of the body, when it ascends to the eternal home. Overhead, a little beyond reach, extend two roads, one to the north, the other to the south. One or the other of these the spirit must take. If he has murdered, stolen, aroused dissension among his people by falsehood or trickery, or bewitched his fellows, he will be sent northward. The good go south. Friends and relatives may or may not meet in the hereafter. The portals to the roads are guarded by two aged keepers, Umpotko-kek, Against Storm, and Inyfasarr, Road of Light. These know the career of all on earth, and when a spirit arrives to pass through, designate the way it is to go. The personal belongings of the deceased that are burned upon his funeral pyre are for use in his spirit home. If all his property were not sent with him, he might return in spirit form for what remained and take some one away with him. Food, in the form of grain, fruits, and game animals, is obtained by the spirits from the earth, being taken at will unseen; and, regardless of what is taken, its counterpart grows again instantly. Creation Myth At the beginning the world was but a vast ocean of water supported by the earth, upon which no life existed. The sky and the water met four times, when forth from the depths of the water emerged two beings, Kokomuit and Qarra Akutar. K0 -komuit came first as a god to create all things upon the earth. The water through which the two passed in coming up from below was very salty. Kokomuit closed his eyes and called to Qarra Akutar to do likewise; but the latter gave no heed, for he wished to gaze about him and know all that might happen. For this folly he later became blind. The two stood upon the waters. Kokomuit blew upon them with his breath, and they began to subside, soon revealing a spot which {view image of page 74} 74 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN later proved to be a mountain top, Aviqam6,' whence sprang the Indian race. The waters continued to subside, leaving bare great expanses of sandy mud, with here and there a range of mountains past which flowed Havil, the great Colorado river. Descending from the mountain top to the river bank, Kokomut at once began to create people. First he made clay images, in perfect form, -a man and a woman of different mould for each tribe. When the various pairs of images were completed, Kokomut looked them over to decide upon names for the several tribes which should spring from them. The first made were the first to be named, and he called them Qichun, "The People."2 These, when they were given the breath of life, became the progenitors of the Yuma; the others, of the Apache, the Mohave, the Pima, and the Papago. With his own hand Kokomut faced each pair toward the east and moved them forward four times, whereat they became endowed with life and walked on. While Kokomut was thus engaged, Qarra Akutar also busied himself endeavoring to keep pace with the master in his creative work; but the forms he made were ugly to look upon. With his fast failing eyesight and inferior conception he had neglected to provide his beings with fingers and toes, and their limbs were misshapen and disproportionate. When Kokomut saw them, he was filled with anger, and swept them into the river; but they did not sink, for his touch gave them life, and they became ducks, geese, pelicans, beaver, muskrats, and other aquatic birds and beasts. Qarra Akutar resented this treatment, but being powerless to prevent it, departed beneath the surface of the earth whence he had come, where he yet lives in blindness. 1 A mountain near the Colorado river, on the California side, opposite Fort Mohave, bears this name, and is reverenced by the Yuman Indians as the sacred place of their origin. 2 This is the name by which the Yuma designate themselves as a tribe. The term ruma is apparently derived from rahmayo, signifying "I son of the captain," according to Hardy (Travels in Mexico, 372, 1829), and was seemingly the title of the son of the hereditary chief, contracted and applied to the tribe through misunderstanding by the early Spaniards. {view image of facing page 74} Mohave home construction [photogravure plate] {view image of page 75} THE YUMA 75 Kokomuit next made Hatelwf, Coyote, whom he placed in charge of all people as adviser and instructor in their life and work, to teach them how to hunt, fish, till the soil, and reap harvests. As yet there was but little light; still, shadows could be discerned. Desiring a son to help him complete the universe, Kokomu't looked upon his own shadow and bade it arise, and lo! there appeared a man, powerful in form and handsome to look upon. Thus was born Komuistamho, son of the god Kokomuit, who took the master' s place, as his name signifies, for it means "taking his place." Komuistamho at once assumed control of all, and began the work of finishing and beautifying the world. There was neither bright light nor darkness; all was twilight, yet there were neither stars nor moon nor sun. Walking to the eastern horizon, Komuistamho dampened his first and middle fingers on his tongue and painted a lambent disk on the blue sky. This he made to traverse the sky and to pass beneath the earth, radiating light and warmth. In like manner he made the new moon, which was charged with the duty of lighting the night, but not brightly, except at intervals, permitting darkness also - for all eyes sometimes need rest from light. The stars, the moon's assistants, he made by snapping saliva from his thumb and finger to the sky. Then Komuistamho turned his attention to grasses, trees, shrubs, and seeds, causing them to spring from the earth in myriad forms, and to thrive in the warmth and light of the sun. Countless kinds of animals he next brought forth to live upon the abundance of the earth and to supply food for the people. Now Kokomuit had been sitting in thought while his son was completing the creation, and it occurred to him that life everlasting would permit the different tribes of people and birds and animals to become so numerous that in time there would be no room for them upon the earth, so he decided to contrive death, which he would do by dying himself. He first gave his people advice as to how a crema {view image of page 76} 76 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN tion pyre should be built, and directed that his body be burned when he died. The people knew not the reason for these directions, but heeded them fearingly. Soon thereafter Kokomuit went to sleep to wake no more. In accordance with his injunction a hole was dug and covered with timbers, seven pieces in all, upon which his body was placed and heaped with dry wood. The people and the animals all gathered in a close circle about the body of their father at the funeral pyre, and wailed mournfully, shedding copious tears. In their grief many of the animals cut off their tails, so that now the deer, antelope, bear, rabbit, and others have very short tails, and the people clip the ends of their hair when mourning for their dead, whom they also cremate because Kokomuit established the custom. >From the beginning Coyote was deeply opposed to having K6 -komuit cremated. He wished to see him buried, that he might later dig down and get his heart, which, when he ate it, would transform him into a god with divine power. Though he knew not Coyote's secret purpose, Komuistamho was suspicious of him, so he sent him to the east to bring fire from the sun when it first appeared above the horizon. Coyote departed on his errand, but as soon as he had started fire was made with fire-sticks, and the pyre ignited. By the time he returned with his tail ablaze, Kokomuit's body was almost consumed, and the circle of mourners was closed against him. Springing over Badger's back, Coyote dashed into the fire and caught up the yet unburned heart of the father, ran away with it to a mountain, and ate it. For this evil deed Komuistamho made him an outcast, despised of men, which he has ever since been; and the black streaks in his tail bear testimony to the charring it received in bringing fire from the sun.' Life having been created and death devised, Komuistamho announced his intention of leaving the earth and ascending to the sky. Calling his people about him, he said, "I wish to give you farewell 1 Compare the Jicarilla myth of the origin of fire, in which Coyote assumes a somewhat similar role, in Volume I, page 69. {view image of facing page 76} An old Mohave [photogravure plate] {view image of page 77} THE YUMA 77 directions for your guidance before departing; turn now, all of you, and face the east; march seven paces toward the sun." They followed his instructions, facing about at the command which came as they halted. To their surprise there stood before them, where but a moment before was nothing, a stoutly made, dome-shaped house. To all appearances it was made of poles, brush, and mud, but in truth it was Ava Qatinyam, House of Darkness. "This," said Komuistamho, "is a model after which to pattern the homes you will build in the future, no matter whither you go." Standing before the doorway, which faced the east, Komuistamho then instructed many men - the truest and ablest - in medicine practices, religious rites, and social customs, advising all to live in peace. The members of the different tribes were then sent in various directions to seek homes. The several Yuman tribes he established on the Colorado river, but sent the Apache, Pima, and others farther back, and as they dispersed he called to Whirlwind, which bore him into the sky. Among the many bands that wandered about in search of suitable homes were the Yaqilui.' Nothing pleased them. The earth was not bounteous enough, it was too dry and barren; their language, though much like the Yuma, was not satisfactory, and for all this they blamed Komuistamho and reviled him, whereupon he became angry and caused it to rain. For days and months the rain fell ceaselessly, until all the land was flooded. The people found safety on Aviqam6, the sacred mountain, drifting thither from all directions on cottonwood logs -all save the Yaqil u, the most of whom, for their wickedness, were drowned. That is why they are few in number now, as they have been since the flood, though before they were numerous and strong. 1 These are a few wandering Yuman Indians, numbering fewer than a score, in Lower California, northeast of the Cocopa. They are not in favor with their Yuman kindred, being, in fact, through long affiliation, more Mexican than Indian in blood and habits. {view image of page 78} I {view image of facing page 78} Hipah - Mohave [photogravure plate] {view image of page 78a} {view image of facing page 78a} Mohave mother [photogravure plate] {view image of page 79} The Maricopa {view image of page 80} {view image of facing page 80} Fruit gatherer - Maricopa [photogravure plate] {view image of page 81} THE MARICOPA Customs, Arts and Beliefs HE Maricopa are a small tribe of Yuman stock living as T neighbors of the Pima, chiefly in the valley of the Gila in southern Arizona, though a few make their home on the Salt River reservation east of Phoenix. Maricopa, Yuma, and Mohave tradition, while vague on the subject, relates that the Maricopa once lived on the Colorado river between the Mohave and the Yuma. Possibly they were a part of the latter, rather than a separate tribe. Enemies of both the Yuma and the Mohave, they were gradually forced from their home country to the Gila and up that stream. Their removal from the Colorado to their present home was not accomplished at one time, but represented a series of movements up the Gila, until eventually an alliance was made with their old-time enemies, the Pima -an alliance of great benefit to both tribes, for it enabled them more successfully to resist the marauding Apache. The Maricopa separation was much more recent than that of the Havasupai and Walapai from the parent body, for the Maricopa still bear close physical resemblance to their Yuma and Mohave kindred. Furthermore, the mythology of the Maricopa also indicates comparatively recent association with these two tribes. When noted by Father Garces, in I775, they had not progressed farther eastward than Gila Bend. The mythological, ceremonial, and religious concepts of the Maricopa, although primarily Yuman, show some effect of their close contact with the Pima. In mode of living they are much like their neighbors, and show few traces of their Yuman ancestry. VOL. ii-6 {view image of page 82} 82 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Morally, too, they differ widely from the Yuma, being exceedingly strict, while the latter are notoriously lax. The Pima type of dwelling was adopted by them, and their knowledge of basketry evidently came from the same source, for this art, although exhibiting somewhat greater skill in execution, shows identity in form, design, and material with that of the Pima. They make a great deal of pottery: large jars for storing water in the houses, smaller ones for carrying water on the head, and cooking pots of many sizes. >From the Pima they also learned to weave cloth from native cotton. The dress of the women formerly consisted of a piece of this cloth wound around the body under the arms and reaching to the knees, with an outer shawl for cold weather. The men wore only the breech-cloth, but painted their bodies elaborately. The Maricopa, of course, possessed the same wealth of native vegetal and animal foods as the Pima, and employed the same methods of gathering and treating them. The fruit of the giant cactus, found in unlimited quantities, is still one of their important staples. This strange creation of the plant world blooms in early spring and ripens its fruit in June and July. Using a long pole with a wooden blade at the end, the women cut the fruit from the plant and carry it to the settlements in large baskets. The fruit is eaten fresh, dried, made into jelly, or preserved. They also make quantities of wine from it, first boiling the fruit, then draining the juice into large jars, which are kept in a heated house for a week to ferment. A number of women, sometimes twenty-five or more, formerly joined in making wine, and when it was ready their neighbors were invited to a great feast, which always ended in a debauch. This deplorable custom, along with many of a commendable nature, was derived from the Pima. The Maricopa are a sedentary, agricultural people. The principal crop of their small irrigated farms is wheat, which they grind into coarse flour on the metate, or hand mealing stone. {view image of facing page 82} Maricopa woman mealing [photogravure plate] {view image of page 83} THE MARICOPA 83 The little that remains of their former social organization indicates that it was identical with that of the Mohave. Nothing could be learned tending to show that under this system marriage within recognized groups of kindred was prohibited. The union was without ceremony, and formal consent of the parents was not necessary; if they did not send the young man away, it was assumed that they were willing to accept him as a son-in-law. As among other Yuman tribes, the dead are burned. Within a few days after the cremation of the body of an important man a mourning ceremony, called Nylmfch, is observed. Fuel is heaped up to form a pyre, on which are placed pieces of clothing of each of the near relatives of the deceased. The men march around the pyre shouting and crying, followed by the women carrying baskets of grain on their heads. In passing around the third time, the women throw the grain upon the pyre. The fire is then kindled, and everyone wails as long as it continues to burn. The medicine-men, like those of other Yuman tribes, claim, and fully believe, that through dreams they have acquired the divine gift of healing disease. In their treatment of a patient two eagle feathers are held in the right hand and a gourd rattle in the left. The feathers are waved over the body to drive the evil from the head to the feet, for sickness is believed to pervade the whole body, not merely a portion of it. Alternating with the feathers the rattle is used to accompany the singing. While waving the feathers the medicineman blows across the patient's body, to drive away the evil spirits. At intervals he recounts in a falsetto chant the story of the dreams through which he received his power. The songs last all night, and the treatment usually continues for four nights, but may be shortened if the patient recovers, or extended if the case demands it. The Maricopa attach much the same importance to dreams as do the Mohave. So great is their faith in the revelations derived from them that to wish a friend "good luck" in the Maricopa language one must say {view image of page 84} THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN "good dreams" - sr~mashnh't. An exemplification of the nature of the supernatural instruction claimed by the doctors is given in the following narration of the head medicine-man of the Maricopa: "One night when I was a boy about five years of age, Tinyam, the Darkness, came to me in the form of a man, and said, 'Go see!' I went to the north and there saw a great many people. Darkness showed me the whole earth and the names of the different mountains. Then Buzzard came for me. He took me straight down to where the animal people were, and called to them, 'Look at this boy and have a good feeling for him; give him dreams, that he may cure the sick and make his people well.' So every kind of bird gave me a dream and strength. Kapit, the Turtle, sat down beside a sick man and breathed upon him. Soon the sick man began to breathe regularly. Then Kapit told me to try this, and I did as he had done. When the animal people saw this, they wept for joy; and Buzzard said, 'That will be enough here; I shall take you to another place.' "So he took me a little way and told me to look at a distant house in which lived Little Cricket. When we came to the house, Hayfin, the Cricket, was in bed. Buzzard awakened him, saying, 'Cricket, look at this little boy; give him some dreams and show him how to heal sick people.' 'Good!' exclaimed Hayuin; 'bring him in and I shall show him how I cure.' We entered, and Cricket said, 'Now, Boy, it is night, but you see that my house is light. You are the only person who has come to my home, and I am glad to welcome you. I shall show you how to heal the sick.' As he sat there it was light as day, because of his eagle feathers. He stroked his own body and then mine with the feathers, thus imparting his power to me. And Buzzard said it was well. 'Now,' said Cricket, 'I have given you my strength, which you are to use. When a sick man is lying down, use these feathers as I have shown you, and there will be light on the sick man and not the darkness of disease. You will see the sickness and drive it away.' {view image of facing page 84} Hipah - Maricopa [photogravure plate] {view image of page 85} THE MARICOPA 85 "Buzzard then took me to a mountain, saying, 'Qastamhaikuis, the Little Lizard, lives here, and he also will give you power. You cannot see him now, but when we enter his house you will see a famous man of great power.' He led me in, and I saw Lizard. 'Look at this boy,' said Buzzard, 'and give him medicine power. Give him no evil power, only good, as many others have done.' 'Very well,' said Lizard, 'he is a fine boy and I shall do as you ask.' So saying, he made an image of a sick man and laid it down. There we three sat, I beside Lizard, looking at the image while Lizard was using his power. Then he said, 'You try to do this.' So I sat down and did the same as he had done, and when I had finished, he put the feathers on my hand, giving it the power of the feathers. "Next we went down to the ocean, where we found Hailkotat, a sea monster. I looked at the creature, but I did not know him. Hailkotat said, 'You are a good boy. This is the first time anyone has come here, and for your bravery I shall reward you with my power.' 'You must give him only good power,' said Buzzard. Then Hailkotat took his feathers, blew upon my body and gave me his strength. When he had finished, he said, 'Now, Boy, you must never do evil things; use this power well.' 'What can he do with a sick person?' asked Buzzard. 'He will heal various diseases, for I shall give him strength of two kinds.' He blew upon my body from the middle to the head and from the middle to the feet, thus giving both kinds of power for curing all illness. Buzzard then took me to my home, and my parents knew not of my absence. They thought I had been sleeping in my bed. But my body only was in bed while my spirit was making these journeys. I kept these things to myself, and when I grew older and saw a man dying of sickness with no one to help him, I thought it time to use my medicine power. Everybody knew then that I was a medicine-man." * The wife of Bluebird, a prominent Maricopa medicine-man. {view image of page 86} 86 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Creation Myth The Earth was the mother and the Sky the father. Two children, yet unborn, moved westward under the earth, seeking the place whence they were to issue, but they did not find it. Then they moved east, south, and north, and at last found the place. The first to be born was Thoshipa. Kokomat soon followed, first having called to the other to know if he had come out with his eyes open or shut. "With my eyes open," answered Thoshipa falsely. So Kokomat came forth with his eyes open, and the salt water running into them made him blind; for the earth was then covered with water. As soon as they were born, they began to sing of what they were to do. Thoshipa cut the hair from his temples and twisted a little rope, which he laid before him; immediately the water dried up, leaving a vast expanse of mud, so the creator made ants, which bored holes and brought up dry earth. Then the two brothers decided it was time to make human beings. Said Kokomat, "We will stand back to back, I to the west and you to the east, and make men." So they did. After a while Thoshipa asked, "In what form are you creating men?" When Kokomat exhibited his creatures, Thoshipa discovered that they had webbed hands and other deformities, and he objected. "Men must not have webbed hands," said he, "for they will need fingers to point with and to pick up things." "They will need webbed hands to dip up water to drink," was Kokomat's answer. The other insisted also that they be given minds, to know how to use their hands, and Kokomat, becoming angry, threw his clay images into the water and they became ducks and other web-footed creatures. Then Kokomat sank down into the ground; but first, in his anger, he struck the sky and broke it, so that Thoshipa, to keep it from crushing his people, had to support it with his hand at the north, where we still see the marks of his fingers in one of the groups of stars. {view image of facing page 86} Maricopa still life [photogravure plate] {view image of page 87} THE MARICOPA 87 Kokomat lay under the ground and became very ill and thin. He rubbed himself, and the sickness flew into the air, turning into birds of many kinds. Then he moved toward the ocean, and said, "Here I lie forever; but whenever I turn over there will be a shaking of the earth and the people will know that Kokomat is moving." Thoshipa proceeded to make people, placing them in rows, one row for each tribe that was to be, and when all the rows were finished he blew on them from the feet to the head, twice, and life came into their bodies. He gave them languages, each different from the other's, and the last one was the Chemehuevi. By the time he reached their row it was night, and he could not work so well as in the light, so that now no one can understand a Chemehuevi. The people were left romping about like children. They played games and swam in the water. One of them said, "Thoshipa has a snake; let us send for it and play with it." So a man was sent to bring back the snake, and they played with it, throwing it about and treating it very roughly. At the end of the day they took the snake back. Thoshipa was angry because they had treated it so badly, so digging into the earth, he took gravel, chewed it, and made fangs for the snake. Next day the man returned for the snake, and, taking it up, was bitten. He cried out to Thoshipa that the snake had bitten him, but the creator gave no heed, and the man started back, dying before he could reach his people. When they saw this man dead, they asked each other how he happened to be without life, and learned that the snake had poisoned him. Thoshipa told the people to wrestle and kick each other, and they did so. Then he told them to fight with poles and sticks, and finally to make bows and arrows, and with several men on each side to fight and shoot one another. That night many men were lying wounded and dying, for Thoshipa was angry with them on account of their mistreatment of his snake. Hanye, the Frog, was a powerful witch, and the people told her to give poison to Thoshipa. The Frog asked them what Thoshipa {view image of page 88} 88 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN did in the night, and they answered that he had a long pole near the ocean, up which he climbed every night. So she went under the ocean, and one night, when Thoshipa was on the top of the pole and vomiting, Hany6 swallowed the discharge and blew it back into his mouth, thus poisoning him. When he became sick, Thoshipa directed the people to make a house. After three attempts that resulted in imperfect structures, they succeeded in building a round, earthcovered house, in which they laid the god. Before leaving his children he instructed them how they were to burn his body, telling them they should always observe the same custom when one of their number died. When the people saw that Thoshipa was dying, they cried bitterly. The creator told his people about the moons, and what time of the year was proper for the planting of various crops, giving to each new moon a name. As he began to name the second six, he died. Then the men made a pile of wood for burning the god, and after it was finished carried the body toward the place of the pyre, laying it down twice on the way, and the third time on the pyre itself. Thus arose the custom of burning the dead. When pyre and body had been consumed, they buried the ashes in the sand and left the place, migrating to the south of the Mohave, where they made their home on the bank of the river Havil, the Colorado. {view image of facing page 88} Harvesting cactus fruit - Maricopa [photogravure plate] {view image of page 88a} {view image of facing page 88a} Havachach Weaving - Maricopa [photogravure plate] {view image of page 89} The Walapai {view image of page 90} {view image of facing page 90} Walapai winter camp [photogravure plate] {view image of page 91} THE WALAPAI IN Arizona there live, in whole or in part, six tribes of the Yuman family, whose physiographic surroundings divide them into two groups which can well be termed mountain tribes and river tribes: the Walapai, Havasupai, and Yavapai, or Apache-Mohave, comprising the one, the Mohave, Yuma, and Maricopa the other. Four of these live well within Arizona territory; the other two make their home on opposite banks of the Colorado, thus being in part within California. This division, too, is more than geographic, for the mountain tribes differ widely in physique, in many customs, and in manner of living, from their brothers in the lower altitudes, being small in stature, sinewy, and energetic. Of the three the Walapai tribe is the most numerous, having a population of about five hundred. So far as is known, they have always occupied the pine-clad mountains for about a hundred miles along the southern side of the Grand Canion in northwestern Arizona. It is from the pines they take their name, " Pinery People," for hwal is the Yuman word for pine, which, combined with their word for people, produces WYalapai, or, as the Spaniards spelled it, Hualapai. The Walapai have no definite tradition of a migration into their present haunts, but maintain the belief, shared by all the Yuman tribes, that they had their origin near the sacred mountain Avikom6, about one hundred and fifty miles below them on the Colorado river. Their native habitat is not adapted to agriculture of any sort, and a more wretched, poverty-stricken tribe of Indians cannot be found within the borders of the United States. There is fair grazing for cattle and horses, but these people have no stock, and the natural {view image of page 92} 927 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN supply of game and of edible grass seeds is gradually becoming exhausted. During much of the year they gather in small colonies near the villages along the railroad south of their pine-clad hills and seek to earn enough by rough labor to tide them over the time when game is scarcest. Their dwellings are the rudest sort of shelters, built in both conical and single-slant forms, of cedar boughs and other brush, evincing an almost utter lack of the home-building instinct. Jack-rabbits and deer are their principal game animals; these are trapped mostly in winter among the snow-topped mountains. When the snow is deep the rabbits seek shelter under it in the sagebrush, where they are caught with the hands and killed with sticks. One man sometimes catches a dozen or more in a half-day's hunt from his camp. A species of lizard, which they call chlkawala, was highly prized for food half a century ago, and a few veterans who remember the time when the whims of the white man had not been introduced to their wilds enjoy them still. Very scanty crops of corn, squashes, and beans were formerly raised, and these, eked out with pi-non nuts and mescal, formed their only vegetal diet. In all that pertains to religion and ceremony the Walapai bear strong similarity to the larger Yuman tribes. The little mythology still traceable among them is identical with that of the Mohave and Yuma. Their old annual mourning ceremony, which they call Newmitawak, meaning "meet to cry," has not been held for years, and when last given had degenerated into a part of Fourth of July celebrations held in the small towns in their vicinity, the food and clothing that were burned having been furnished by the whites. The girls' puberty ceremony is still observed in almost complete detail. Cremation of the dead, attended with wailing and the sacrifice of much personal property by relatives, is practically a custom of the past. Spirits of the dead are believed to ascend a few feet from the ground and to go northwestward to a beautiful land where boun {view image of facing page 92} Tathamiche - Walapai [photogravure plate] {view image of page 93} THE WALAPAI 93 teous harvests grow unseen by mortals. The medicine-men, who are presumed to receive knowledge of the occult through dreams, employ only incantation and sleight of hand in their practices. Both men and women in early times dressed in full suits of deerskin, elaborately fringed, and rabbit-skin robes. The men wore their hair long, often in two heavy braids, one from each side of the head, but generally loose, with a band of braided yucca leaves about the head to keep the hair from the eyes. Very few of them have long hair now. The women always wore their hair loosely over the shoulders. The Walapai women in ancient times had knowledge of the ceramic art, but none of the present generation attempt to work in clay. They make a few rather coarse baskets of varying shapes: conical burden baskets, gum-coated water bottles, flat trays for gathering and parching grass seeds, and straight-sided storage baskets. War-clubs, stone knives and axes, bows and arrows, and friction fire-sticks, besides neatly made moccasins and clothing, complete the handicraft of this people. The old form of social organization of the Walapai, traditionally similar to that of the Yuma, has been supplanted by a new one, by which related families, settled together as bands, take names from their localities, as Plateau people, Mountain people, Eastern people, and Southern people. Under this system there is not an inexorable law, but a closely followed social custom, that the young man procure his bride by capture from a distant band and take her home. A form of marriage is evidenced in the former custom which allowed a man to claim a woman as his wife if she permitted him without protest to roll up in his blanket and sleep beside her for four nights. Polygamy was once common. Intertribal warfare was carried on with Apache, Apache-Mohave, and Mohave, with no discredit to the Walapai. They were not aggressive people inherently, but were alive to every exigency when marauders threatened their homes and hunting grounds. Walapai {view image of page 94} 94 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN scouts rendered valued service to the United States army in the early campaigns against the Apache, and save for a single outbreak, in i868, precipitated by the unwarranted killing of their head-chief, Waba Yuma, by settlers, have given no trouble to the whites. A close organization, headed by a chief in full command, made their fighting force effective, and as enemies they were never to be despised. In i873 an attempt was made to settle the Walapai on the Colorado River reservation near the Mohave, but they sickened in these lowlands and voluntarily returned to their native hills in a peaceful body, where a reservation of 730,880 acres, immediately adjacent to the Grand Canion, was assigned to them by Executive order of January 4, I883. They have always maintained friendly relations with the Havasupai, their kindred to the northeast, and with the Hopi, from whom they obtained deerskin and woven cotton garments, which they traded in turn with the lower river tribes. {view image of facing page 94} Walapai hunter [photogravure plate] {view image of page 94a} {view image of facing page 94a} Nerije - Walapai [photogravure plate] {view image of page 95} The Havasupai {view image of page 96} {view image of facing page 96} The Canon walls - Havasupai [photogravure plate] {view image of page 97} THE HAVASUPAI T HE home of the Havasupai is in Cataract Ca-non, a branch of the Grand Ca-non of the Colorado. Without question it is the strangest dwelling place of any tribe in America. In all the long leagues of the canion's windings there is but one small spot where the gorge widens. Here is an amphitheatre. Its bottom has filled with earth, the weatherings of untold ages, and at the spot where the narrow rift begins to widen the blue water springs from the earth. The clean, clear cut, perpendicular walls of red sandstone tower four hundred feet toward the heavens, and back of these sheer walls are others, but broken, ragged, cut, canoned, and tumbled into a wilderness of rock, ever mounting higher, until at the canion's rim one is three thousand feet above the bottom of the chasm in which these people have their home. Standing on the edge and looking down into this bewildering gorge one sees many fanciful forms, fashioned through eons from the world of rock: castles, citadels, pyramids, pinnacles, and sphinx-like sculptures, tinted and mystified with the incomparable atmospheric coloring of the desert, and ever wrapped in death-like stillness. As he gazes there is nothing to suggest that half a mile below and twenty miles away, at the bottom of this awful gash, is a garden spot, and a village of humans. To reach this little oasis there are but two trails, and he who selects one will wish he had taken the other; both follow routes chosen by prehistoric man. The sandalled feet of unknown generations toiled up and down these tortuous ways ages before there was need of making them accessible for beasts of burden. After hours of winding about sheer cliffs, down narrow gorges, patiently picking a VOL. II-7 {view image of page 98} 98 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN way back and forth across crumbling rocky slopes, one reaches at last the home of the Havasupai. The floor is half a mile wide, scarcely two miles long, and contains an area of less than five hundred acres. The never-ending stream from which this small but picturesque tribe derives its name,' and which makes life possible in the depths of the gorge, flows through the length of the little garden spot, then in a cataract leaps from the floor of the canion to be caught in a pool below. While the brink of the canion lies in the high plateau region, the land of the pifion, cedar, and pine, the home of the Havasupai is in almost a subtropical spot that produces luxuriant vegetation with fruits of several kinds. Ask a Havasupai whence came these fruits and vegetables, and he will tell you, "God brought them, all but the figs." This frank expression as to the origin of his garden products reflects a Havasupai peculiarity. Ordinarily Indians will not mention their gods by name, but the Havasupai discuss them with the same familiarity that they would their neighbors. With them, as indeed with all Indians, everything animate and inanimate is of divine origin. Havasupai mythology differs but slightly from that of the parent stock, and the difference in language is dialectic only. Notwithstanding the similarity in myth and language, the separation must have occurred at a very early date, for in their features the Havasupai bear little resemblance to the Yuma or the Mohave. They are below the average Indian in stature, while the Mohave and the Yuma are far above. 1 The name Havasupai, "cBlue Water People," is of Yuman origin, from aha, water; vas4, blue; and apa, man; and was first applied to them by the Walapai and other Yuman tribes, who had been impressed by the peculiarly transparent blue of the stream flowing through Cataract Cafnon. By several neighboring tribes and by early writers the Havasupai were called Coconinos, or Cohoninos. This is undoubtedly a Hopi word, for the Hopi still call them Kohtlnina, which, they say, is from kdhri, wood, and nina, kill, hence " Wood-killers," referring to the former Havasupai custom of breaking off limbs of trees for firewood with clubs. The name survives in that of Coconino county, Arizona. {view image of facing page 98} Havasupai basket maker [photogravure plate] {view image of page 99} A rLrr w asterl UnIversity' Library THE HAVASUPAI 99 In 1903 the Havasupai numbered about 250, but in three years disease has diminished their population to i66. The inaccessibility of their canion home has tended to keep them immune from outside influences, so that in many ways their life is still delightfully primitive. Their typical dwelling consists of a framework covered with brush or tule and sometimes with an outer covering of earth. In summer a four-post brush shelter is erected, which affords protection from the sun and allows free circulation of air. The agave plant, cut and prepared in much the same way as by the Apache, has always been an important article of food among these people. Other native vegetal foods are grass seeds and pifion nuts. >From time immemorial the Havasupai have been hunters. On the approach of winter they left the canion for the upper levels, built wickiups of boughs and bark, and spent the cold season in hunting. Deer were the principal game, although they killed some mountain sheep and an occasional black bear. Much of the venison was cut in thin strips and dried for summer use. Deerskin dressed by the Havasupai was considered the best by all neighboring tribes; consequently, it not only furnished clothing, but was an important medium of barter. But the life of the Havasupai has changed. Game is scarce, and the Government does not willingly grant them permission to hunt on the surrounding mesas, hence there is little wonder that the wrinkled veterans long for the old days when game was plentiful and they hunted where they would. "Now all is changed," they say. "We cannot go out of the canion without asking the white man. We dare not hunt deer, as the game must be saved for the Haiko. We are no longer men; we are like little children; we must always ask Washington!" Corn is now their chief staple, besides which they raise beans, squashes, melons, pumpkins, sunflowers, peaches, apricots, and figs. They prepare corn in countless ways, corresponding largely to those of the Hopi. In fact, the modes of preparing corn by all tribes of {view image of page 100} 100 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN the Southwest are much the same. Much of the crop is allowed to ripen on the stalk; this is later ground into meal on the metate. Quantities of green corn are harvested, roasted in large pits with the husks on, and hung to dry. This may be ground or simply shelled and cooked, either alone or with beans, meat, and dried squash. Like the figs, their peaches and apricots were derived from the whites, but so long ago that they are now regarded as native. The aboriginal dress of the Havasupai was simple and rather distinctive. The one arbitrary garment for the men was, of course, the breech-cloth, all additions to which were an evidence of wealth and position. For the Havasupai shirt the foundation was a large deerskin with a hole cut in the middle, like a poncho. This was loosely fastened together at the sides and held close to the body with a belt. Stitched to it were loose, baggy sleeves, open under the arms as far as the elbows. Shoulder, sleeve, and side seams were freely decorated with deerskin fringe. The leggings, close fitting and fringed at the sides, reached to the hips and were met below with high-topped moccasins. A full suit required five good-sized deerskins. The men tied their long hair in a knot at the back of the head and cut the fore part in a low bang over the eyes. The principal garment of the women, which reached a little below the knees, consisted of two deerskins sewn together at the top and sides and with openings left for head and arms. It was liberally ornamented with fringe, worn sleeveless, and belted at the waist. Their boot-legged moccasins reached to the knees. The hair, cut in a bang over the eyes, hung loose and unkempt. The arts of the Havasupai are seen at their best in the basketry. Many of their tray-shaped baskets are used for barter with neighboring tribes, who know them as " Coconino." The same form, coated with earth, is used as a cooking utensil, water being boiled in them by the use of heated stones; the water bottle also is of basket-work, coated with pi-non gum. A coarsely woven, cone-shaped burden {view image of facing page 100} Havasupai matron [photogravure plate] {view image of page 101} THE HAVASUPAI 101 basket is carried on the back, supported by a strap passing across the forehead. Spoons and small utensils were formerly made from mountain-sheep horn. Chieftainship is hereditary, the voice of the tribe determining which of the male relatives of the last incumbent is best fitted to rule. The present chief is Wimai, who succeeded Kohat, familiarly known as "Navaho." Kohat was considered by all who knew him to be a man of unusual strength of character, broad and fair-minded; he ruled his people with unquestioned firmness, yet with fairness. Children belong to and inherit property through the father. No trace of a clan system has been found, even in the naming of children, the means by which totemic names are perpetuated among the Yuman tribes of the Colorado river. In these tribes all the female descendants in the male line bear the gentile name, if such it may be called, but the Havasupai name their girls from some incident in their lives or from individual peculiarity, as, for instance, Tasawiche, "Sunlight through the Leaves," Matekaliwa, "Flapping Ears," and Chekuichkui, "Dancing between Two Men." In so small a tribe a complete clan organization, even if such existed, could hardly be perpetuated, since marriages between blood relations, though comparatively remote, are inevitable, and in the case of the Havasupai they are so common that no one can fathom the intricacies of his various relationships to other members of the tribe. Marriage is by consent of the girl's parents and is without ceremony. Polygamy being common, property is held in severalty by man and wife, and in case of separation each takes his own. Until very recently the dead, as in all Yuman tribes, were cremated; the present form of burial is in shallow graves in the rocks at the foot of the cliff. After death the family and friends assemble to mourn and tell the departed one that they are troubled, for they do not know where he has gone. Formerly horses were killed at the grave, and all earthly possessions of the deceased, even {view image of page 102} I02 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN his peach trees, were burned. Food was burned with the body, and the dwelling was razed and taken away to be rebuilt. The medicine-men in their practices use no herbs, but resort wholly to incantation, believing that power to heal comes to them in childhood through dream-songs. Besides singing, the medicineman sucks the seat of pain and pretends to extract therefrom either evil blood or foreign objects that cause the illness. In case of successful treatment the medicine-man is remunerated. He must keep the average of failures at a minimum, for if several deaths should follow his ministrations his avenging tribesmen would be sure to start his spirit on its journey to the after-world. Women at childbirth are attended by four women, not necessarily medicine-women, although they use medicine songs. Except for differences due to local coloring, the Havasupai have the same creation legend and other mythic lore as the Yuma and the Mohave. {view image of facing page 102} Havasupai cliff dwelling [photogravure plate] {view image of page 102a} {view image of facing page 102a} Walathoma - Havasupai [photogravure plate] {view image of page 103} The Apache-Mohave, or Yavapai {view image of page 104} 9 {view image of facing page 104} Apache-Mohave homes [photogravure plate] {view image of page 105} THE APACHE-MOHAVE, OR YAVAPAI1 T HIS sullen, warlike tribe of the Yuman family, once numbering a thousand or more, but now reduced to about half that number, since first encountered by the Spaniards, more than two hundred years ago, has ranged the western portion of the mountainous district in central Arizona west of the Tonto basin, along the entire length of the Rio Verde, and the head-waters of' Bill Williams fork of the Colorado river. Within historic times they have always been closely allied with the Apache, who adjoined them on the east, and at the present time show the effect of Apache contact to a remarkable degree. Their brush houses, their basketry and deerskin work, and their intonation in speech are typically Apache. However, similarity in physical features, and in the pronunciation and syllabification of their words, indicates that more or less remotely the Apache-Mohave and the Walapai were probably a single tribe; but comparatively recent tradition shows the two to have been the bitterest of enemies. Indeed, General Crook received valuable aid from the Walapai in i872 in subduing the Apache-Mohave when beginning his memorable campaign against the Apache and their foraging confederates. Many atrocities committed during the early settlement of Arizona and laid at the door of the Apache were the acts of these roving savages. Their favorite weapon was the club, which fell upon the hapless and innocent for the love of taking life as often as upon organized militia searching them out of their canion homes. Their Yuman blood ' Properly these people should be called ravapai, the name given them by other Yuman tribes of the Colorado river, signifying "I Eastern People," from rnyh'k, east, and apd, man. Since the word for east is a modification of that for sun, Ynya, the name Yavapai has been erroneously translated "Sun People." {view image of page 106} io6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN endowed them with strong physiques and an utter lack of feeling, while Apache contact taught them alertness and activity. An intractable disposition is still manifest in the older children attending the Government industrial schools. At the present time the Apache-Mohave are widely scattered. A splendid reservation, consisting of the old Camp McDowell military site on the Rio Verde, was set aside for them in I903, and nearly two hundred make their homes on it, tilling the soil somewhat fitfully. Others are camped at various points along the Rio Verde as far north as old Camp Verde, and some still live among the Apache on the San Carlos reservation, where all were taken in i 875 to be kept indefinitely as Apache. But gradually and in small numbers they left their old allies and wandered to their native haunts, where a reservation was finally allotted to them. Their present total population is 520. It is a noteworthy fact that this tribe, having but little industry and practically no native arts, should have come almost to surpass their Apache teachers in basketry. A similar condition exists with respect to the Maricopa, who learned both the textile and the ceramic arts from their friends the Pima, whose workmanship they ultimately excelled. Only slight traces of Yuman customs, ceremonials, and mythology survive among the Apache-Mohave. Cremation of the dead is occasionally practised, but the mourning ceremonies, harvest dances, and girls' maturity observances characteristic of the other Yuman tribes have not been held within thirty years, according to old men who remember the nature of these rites. Dances are common, but they are designed for pleasure, not for religious purposes. Though all are familiar with the Apache religion, none have become adherents of it, yet missionaries find occasion for gratification in the not insignificant results of their efforts to instil belief in the Christian faith. {view image of facing page 106} An Apache-Mohave woman [photogravure plate] {view image of page 107} Appendix {view image of page 108} I {view image of facing page 108} Gathering hasen - Qahatika [photogravure plate] {view image of page 109} APPENDIX Tribal Summary The Pima LANGUAGE- Piman. POPULATION- In Arizona, 3,936; in Sonora, 29i; in Chihuahua, 237. Total, 4,464. DRESS-The primitive dress of the men consisted of a loin-cloth in summer, and during cold weather the addition of a blanket or robe. The women wore a short cotton skirt of their own weaving, and in winter a shawl of the same material. Sandals were sometimes worn when travelling. The hair of both sexes was worn loose and flowing. This primitive dress has been almost entirely supplanted by American and Mexican clothing. DWELLINGS- The typical Pima house is a dome-shaped structure about seven feet high and fifteen feet in diameter, built over a circular excavation twelve to eighteen inches deep, in the centre of which are erected four crotch posts, about five feet apart. Two heavy roof timbers on these posts supported stout cross-beams. Ribs of mesquite, lashed to horizontal poles which run around the outside like hoops, extend from roof timbers to the base of the excavation. The whole is thatched with arrow-brush and covered with clay, leaving only one small opening on the eastern side at the base as a doorway. PRIMITIVE FOODS- Primitive foods were largely vegetable; in fact there were few plants of the region that did not contribute to the Pima food supply. They used mesquite beans, ironwood beans, fruit from numerous varieties of cactus, many kinds of berries, grass seeds, and roots; deer, rabbits, birds, and fish were also eaten. (See also foods in the Vocabulary.) ARTS AND INDUSTRIES- The Pima are particularly skilful in the manufacture of baskets, the bodies of which are in the natural colors of the cottonwood or willow, and the designs usually in black obtained from the catsclaw pod. The basket derives its name from its design, one of the most noteworthy being the swastika in many forms. The basket most commonly made and used is tray-shaped, varying in size from three feet in diameter to less than a foot. A large urn-shaped household storage basket, made of wheat straw and bark, with a capacity varying from about a bushel to many bushels, is in very common use for holding the grain, of which a small portion is taken daily for family use. For the outdoor storage of grain a large granary basket of arrow-brush is used. This is built so large and is so coarse that it can hardly be classed as a work of art. The small baskets of varying forms are in great part an innovation, made to supply the commercial demand. Pottery of many shapes is made, the body color being terra cotta; when decorated the design is in black. The ware is built up with a rope of clay rolled out with the hands, and as the walls are thus formed the clay is patted into shape with a small wooden paddle, aided by a rounded object held inside the jar. After the clay-work is finished, dried, and smoothed with a polishing stone, it is coated with a clay paste and polished with a soft bit of soapstone, which from time to time is dipped into a jar of fat. This process finished, the ware is carefully placed in little piles out in the open and covered with fuel, packed in and about the pieces, and then fired. When the fire is out, the ware is considered "r cooked," {view image of page 110} H O THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN as it is termed. If the earthenware is to be decorated, the woman then paints the designs on the fired pieces and refires them. The coloring matter is obtained by boiling mesquite chips, which make a black syrup. The color is applied with a small brush made by chewing a strip of yucca stalk. The design is invariably laid on freehand, and the only pattern is in the mind of the potter. After the second firing the lines of the decoration are glossy black. Formerly clothing was woven from native cotton. Large house mats are made from yucca leaves and reeds. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION- At the head of the whole tribe is an hereditary chief, and each village has a sub-chief. All matters pertaining to the entire tribe were formerly decided by a council of leading men, but Federal authority has since superseded it. The tribe consists of five divisions, or phratries, each having a totemic name; but these divisions apparently never had any bearing upon marriage. Descent is reckoned through the father, and all male parents in any one of the five divisions are called by the totemic name of that division, a name used in the sense of " father." MARRIAGE- Marriages were not solemnized by public ceremony, nor were daughters sold. Mutual consent and living together were all that tribal custom demanded. ORIGIN -Mythical; creation effected in a miraculous way by Chiwfdtilmaika, Earth Maker, who with his people emerged from an aperture in the earth, toward the east, and came to the present Pima country in the watershed of the Gila in Arizona. PERSON OF MIRACULOUs BIRTH- The Earth and the Sky met, and from the union Suihtl, Elder Brother, was born. Rather than being a saviour of the people, as are most culture heroes in Indian mythology, he spread evil, banishing it later, thus displaying a dual character. CEREMONIES- Besides the Rain Ceremony and the Harvest Dance described in the text (pages I 2-I 3), the Pima have several other ceremonies: ( I ) The War Dance, called Kitahemtalt, "Warpath," or Wolata, "To Tie," the latter name referring to the ceremonial tying of enemies' scalp-locks used in the dance. (z) A ceremony called Aata, "To Weaken." This name applies to three performances: one to weaken enemies, and thus assure success in war; another to weaken animals of the chase, insuring successful hunting; and a third to weaken the strength of whomsoever has spread disease-evil through sorcery, thus avoiding harm. In this phase Aata is the only ceremony of a healing nature that has been noted. (3) A ceremony performed by racing or gambling parties, called Vaplchf, ",Hiding." Feathers and emblems of sacred birds and animals are buried in the race-course or the gambling circle in the hope of weakening adversaries. Small stone shrines are erected in mountain passes, in which are deposited small offerings of beads, arrow-heads, stone jewels, and other objects by hunters and gamblers who would seek favors of the unseen. BURIAL- The ancient mode of interment was to place the body in a sitting posture, facing the east, in a niche in the side of a large grave. This custom is loosely observed now. AFTER-WORLD -Valleys to the east, where, in a land of peace and plenty, freed from earthly ills, the Pima live again in human form. NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES - Apache Ap Enemy Cocopa Koapa Maricopa Aapap Mohave Naksait (A Mohave word, the name of a small lizard.) Papago Tohono Aatam Desert People Pima Akimillt Aatam River People (referring to the Gila) Pueblos Koksaw6palxm Tie their Hair Back Yuma Yum {view image of facing page 110} A Papago [photogravure plate] {view image of page 111} APPENDIX III The Papago LANGUAGE - PIMAN. POPULATION- In Arizona under agency supervision, 2,756; not under an agent, 2,225; in Sonora, 859. Total, 5,840. DRESS- Older men wore only a loin-cloth, and sandals made from a double thickness of skin taken from the neck of the deer. For cold weather a long deerskin coat was thrown over the shoulders and tied down the front with thongs of the same material. Young men wore the kathean, a cotton poncho, reaching a little below the waist. Women wore either a full dress of deerskin or a deerskin waist and a skirt of native cotton reaching to the middle of the calf. The waist was tight and sleeveless. An underskirt reached nearly to the knees. Older women usually wore only the skirt in hot weather, but young women were not permitted to do so. Both sexes wore the hair uncut in front and back. The hair of the men was usually tied up in a knot behind, while that of the women was always worn loose and parted in the middle. Since the advent of Spanish missionaries the men cut the hair level with the neck, giving rise to the erroneous signification of the name Papago as "s cut hair." No head-band was used. DWELLINGS- The framework of the primitive house consisted of three forked posts set in the ground in a line, supporting a ridge-pole; smaller wall posts in a circle, entirely spanned at the tops with poles; and roof-poles running from wall to ridge. Roof and walls were thatched with zacate, or wild hay, grass, or arrow-brush, and plastered with mud. A round, four-post house was also made, as by the Pima, but usually with grass substituted for arrow-brush. PRIMITIVE FOOD -The Papago consumed the same native foods as the Pima: mesquite and screw-bean pods, cactus fruits, grass seeds, small game, and sometimes deer. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES- The basketry of the Papago is the same in shape and design as that of the Pima. Materials are the same, except that the Papago, being away from the river, use willow or mulberry, and not tule or rushes, for the coil. Much pottery of the same form and appearance as that of the Pima is made. In primitive times clothing was woven from cotton of their own raising. The loom consisted of four sticks set in the ground, forming a rectangle, and two parallel poles fastened to them. POLITICAL ORGANIZATION- Chieftainship was hereditary, the succession being confirmed by vote of the council, which met for the discussion of all tribal questions. The new chief selected a crier, or herald, whose duties were to summon the council, and in general to act as the spokesman of the chief. The functions of the chief were to preserve peace within the tribe, to settle quarrels, and to punish the guilty. Each village or band had its sub-chief. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION- There are traces of five gentes: Apapakam, Apkikam, Maimakam, Vafakam, and Akulikam, no doubt originally totemic, but the names of only two are identifiable: with the word hpap is associated the coyote, with mam the buzzard. Members of these groups respectively address their fathers as dpap, apk, mam, vaf, akuli, in each case prefixing nyt!-, 'my." Children belong to the father's gens, but otherwise these groups are of little consequence. Marriage within the gens is not prohibited. MARRIAGE -Marriage was arranged by the parents, the girl's father taking the initiative, whilst acceptance or refusal lay with the father of the young man. The youth went to the girl's house and remained during the night, returning to his home early the following morning. This was done four times. Then the girl's father took her to the family of the young man and formally transferred her to their care. ORIGIN- The earth was made by Chuwltimafka, who, with the aid of SilThil, created people from clay. Several creations and universal destructions followed one another before the present race had its origin. The myth is identical with that of the Pima. {view image of page 112} I I2 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN PERSON OF MIRACULOUS BIRTH - Siidhu, son of the Earth and the Sky, in some respects similar to the miracle performers of other tribes, differs from them in that he is not a beneficent personage. He creates monsters, and kills them only because of the importunities of the people. CEREMONIES - Their principal ceremonies are: the Maturity Observance for girls; Aata, to counteract the workings of evil medicine-men; the War Dance, culminating with the ceremony Tatwohll, "We Tie"; Uvipik or Skukam, the Harvest Dance; Chochkita, the Rain-making Ceremony, and Toachita, the Healing Ceremony. These are identical with the corresponding Pima ceremonies. The Harvest Dance is still performed at irregular intervals at the Papago village of Santa Rosa. BURIAL- The primitive grave was of two kinds: a square hole, five or six feet deep, with a niche at one side for receiving the body, which was wrapped in a cotton blanket and wound with ropes; and a stone cist on a mountain-side, about four feet high and covered with logs and brush. Death was followed by the destruction of the house and other property,and by the killing of some of the best horses of the deceased. Food was not placed on the grave, but was scattered about the dwelling site. AFTER-WORLD-The Papago believe in a re-creation in a land of plenty, and have no conception of future punishment or of oblivion for the evil doer. NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBESApache Aap Enemy Maricopa Aapap Papago Papahwi Aatam Bean People Pima AkImil Aatam River People Qahatika Kohatk Yaqui lakim Yuma Yump The Mohave LANGUAGE - Yuman. POPULATION - On Colorado River reservation, Arizona, 494; near Fort Mohave, Arizona, 829; at Needles, California, about 200. DRESS - Primitively the dress was entirely of willow-bark cloth. Men wore only a breech-cloth, and women a skirt reaching from waist to knees. Moccasins were unknown; sandals were made of badger skin. Rabbit-skin and rat-skin robes were sometimes worn. The hair of the men was uncut and hung loosely down the back; frequently it was twisted into thin strands. Both styles are yet common. The women have always worn the hair hanging loosely, but cut a trifle shorter than that of the men. DWELLINGS - The primitive house, called ava, was built over a shallow circular excavation, nearly three feet deep, in which four posts were planted to support the roof timbers, which in turn supported the sloping wall poles. The whole was thatched with brush and covered with mud. About three feet of the structure was above the surrounding surface, the measurement inside from floor to roof being somewhat less than six feet. A low opening was left at the eastern side as a doorway. PRIMITIVE FOODS - The Mohave were not a hunting tribe, although they caught some small game, such as rabbits, badgers, rats, beaver, birds, and fish. Their principal diet was vegetal, including mesquite and screw-bean pods, various grass seeds, certain bulbous roots, squashes, and beans, and in later times watermelons and muskmelons. {view image of facing page 112} Mohave man [photogravure plate] {view image of page 113} APPENDIX II3 ARTS AND INDUSTRIES- The women do a great deal of skilful beadwork, learned since the coming of the whites, and make considerable inferior pottery decorated in rude, conventional patterns. In former times they made a rough willow burden-carrier. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION-There was an hereditary head-chief, to whom the specially selected war-chiefs were subordinate. The tribal organization was loose, the sub-chiefs not yielding implicit obedience to their head. Clans or gentes do not exist. That there was once some sort of gentile system would seem to be indicated by the fact that all female descendants of a given man through the male line bear the same name. There are about twenty such gentile names, and with each is associated some animal, plant, or other object. Thus: Och (becomes Ocha after maternity) White Cloud Chach Corn Musha Mesquite Nyolch Deer Maha A kind of bird Kata Tobacco Qfnitha Prickly-pear cactus (Opuntia) Kumathi Okatilla cactus Hwalya Moon Hipa Coyote Tiilya Mescal Shula Beaver Millka Wood-rat Matachwa Wind Qitkilye Owl MARRIAGE -Marriage is without ceremony. The man bore presents to the chosen woman, then went to her house at night. If she were willing to accept him, he remained as her husband. Later they built their own house. Polygamy was common, and separation was likely to follow a quarrel. ORIGIN-The creation legend is vague and lacking in detail. People always existed in a dark, barren world; before the god MatevilyF can carry out his plans for the betterment of the world he is killed through the exercise of witchcraft by his daughter, The Frog, and his younger brother, Mastamho, assumes the task. PERSON OF MIRACULOUS BIRTH-Strictly speaking the Mohave have no culture hero, though Mastamho, son of Earth and Sky, resembles in some degree the miracle performer of other tribes. To him is ascribed the creation of the Colorado river and all the food products known to the Mohave. There is a trace of his appearance as the destroyer of monsters, when he kills a huge sea-serpent. CEREMONIES- Both the Maturity Ceremony and the War Dance are obsolete. Cremation of the dead partakes of the nature of a ceremony, as do the numerous chants that are given, sometimes in honor of the dead, often for mere entertainment. The following list, though not complete, gives the names of most of the chants: Athi Salt Song Akaka Crow Song Halowa Rabbit Song Yalagti Wild Goose Song Aqaka Deer Song Amo Elk Song Kiupeta Turtle Song VOL. 11-8 {view image of page 114} II4 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Atamailae Avathflpo Saqila Qarisha Hatathila Qatola Tomanpa fchiyera NyohaivF Ohwhara Avinimola Avinimola pacha Hacha Tsotaha Chuhoecha Ashe Cane Song Old House Song Mockingbird Song Lizard Song Lizard Song Lizard Song Mourning Song, named from the principal personage mentioned therein Named from an unidentified bird Meaning unknown Meaning unknown Meaning unknown Meaning unknown Meaning unknown Meaning unknown Meaning unknown Meaning unknown MORTUARY-The dead are cremated almost immediately after death, and the cremation is attended by a large gathering of people, who express their grief by loud wailing. AFTER-WORLD- For four days after cremation of the dead the spirit is believed to hover about the place of the last rites and then to go to Nevthi Chilvachi, Home of Spirits, among the sand hills on the eastern bank of the Colorado. This spirit-land is prolific in melons, beans, pumpkins, and game. The Mohave says: "You pick one melon; another one replaces it. You do not see it come, but it appears just the same." Should the living unwittingly visit this spot, they would be caught by the spirits dwelling there and not allowed to return. NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBES - Apache Apache-Mohave Cahuilla Chemehuevi Cocopa Havasupai Maricopa Mohave Navaho Paiute Papago Pima Walapai Yuma Yavapaiy6 (sometimes Yavapai Ahwache, (" Fighting Yavapai ") Yavapaiye Haqich Chfimowev Kokapa Hilvasuipai Hitpanya Htlmmahaba Astila Kohwailch6 Hatpa Amai Htntpa Hawalapai Qlchan Eastern People Eastern Echinocactus (people) Going Wrong High Echinocactus (people) Echinocactus (people) Pinery People People (Yuma term) The Yuma LANGUAGE- Yuman. POPULATION- Near Fort Yuma, in California, 807; " Yuma Apache" at Camp McDowell, Arizona, 27; at San Carlos agency, Arizona, z. Total, 836. {view image of facing page 114} Yaqui girl [photogravure plate] {view image of page 115} APPENDIX I I 5 DRESS- The climate of the Yuma country being extremely mild, little clothing was needed; for the men a skin loin-cloth, and, as a protection from the rare cold weather, a robe, such as is common to many southern tribes, made of rabbit or rat skins. Moccasins were not worn, and the old Indians insist that sandals, which they now sometimes wear, were probably unknown until the coming of the Spaniards. It is, however, more than likely that they had sandals woven of yucca fibre previous to the rawhide sandals worn after the coming of the horse. The primitive dress of the women was a very short double apron of bark. Later this became a short skirt reaching to the knee. The change from a practically nude state to the present one of extreme modesty in dress has been one of almost a single bound. They now wear a loose skirt, reaching to the ground, and a waist fitting fairly close to their ample form. The material of the dress is of such cloth as appeals to the primitive eye; it is cut after a pattern of their own and is quite distinctive. They wear the hair loose and flowing, keeping it clean and glossy by occasionally plastering the head with a mixture of mesquite gum and clay, which is left on for a few days and then washed off, leaving it black and lustrous. The men wear their hair in plaits or rope-like strings, the latter held together with mesquite gum. DWELLINGS -The present house is rectangular, with a flat roof of brush and mud supported by heavy posts and cross-beams. The walls are formed by fastening poles horizontally both inside and outside of the upright posts and filling the intervening space with mud. The original Mohave house was conical, and consisted of an excavation three or four feet deep, walled and roofed with saplings, brush, and mud. PRIMITIVE FOODS -Mesquite and screw-bean pods, corn, pumpkins, squashes, beans, rabbits, deer, fish, and aquatic birds. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES- The Yuma make a little crude pottery, and a few rough baskets for ceremonial use. Though a river tribe, they never fashioned a boat, but made small rafts of logs or of bundles of tule instead. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION- No systematic organization, not even elective chieftainship, survives. The man who could afford to give feasts to the people or who proved successful in war held leadership only so long as he was favored by public opinion, which was never stable. Matters of importance were settled in council. The tribe was once organized into a sort of gentile system, within which marriage was prohibited. These groups are called simxn, "different people." The totemic name of the gens is borne by all the female children of the family, with descent in the male line. MARRIAGE -In the old days a couple contemplating marriage ate together from a bowl of gruel made of mesquite pods. Now marriage is practically without ceremony. ORIGIN-The people had their origin at Aviqamt, a sacred mountain on the California side of the Colorado, opposite old Camp Mohave. The Yuma creation myth, like that of the Mohave, is vague. The creator of people was Kokomilt, who, having begun the work of making the world habitable, died, in order to establish death and the custom of cremation. His son, Kombnstamho, finished the creation. PERSON OF MIRACULOUS BIRTH-Komistamho, created from the shadow of Kokomllt, affords the only trace of a miracle performer in Yuma mythology, yet he was not a destroyer of monsters, as were the heroes of other Indian legends. CEREMONIES- The Yuma are not rich in ceremonial. The Maturity, Cremation, and Mourning observances and the Harvest Dance comprise all they have, or had, of a religious nature. These are not observed so strictly as of old. AFTER-WORLD- The spirits of the good go to the south, to a land where all is happiness. They obtain food from the earth, plucking what they will unseen. Souls of the wicked go to the north. {view image of page 116} II6 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBESApache Yavapai Eastern People Cahuilla Haqits Chemehuevi ChimilevX Cocopa Qokapa Dieguefios Kamya Maricopa Hdltpanya Eastern Echinocactus (people) Mohave Hamakav Papago Hltpa Mai High Echinocactus (people) Pima Hatpa Echinocactus (people) Walapai Hwalapai Pinery People Yuma Qlchun People The Maricopa LANGUAGE- Yuman. POPULATION- 344. DRESS- The men wore only the breech-cloth, which was woven of native cotton; face and body were painted white, black, and red. The women wore a piece of cloth wrapped about the body from the breast to the knees; they also painted face and body. Rawhide sandals were worn by both sexes. Men wore the hair long, usually twisted into strands, and uncut in front. Boys did not twist the hair. Women have always let the hair hang long and loose at the back and cut square in front. Both sexes now dress in factory garments. DWELLINGS- The primitive circular house with four central crotch posts, sloping pole walls, and brush thatching covered with mud, identical with the Pima dwelling, was, and in many cases still is, used by the Maricopa. PRIMITIVE FOODS- The Maricopa, since they have been near neighbors of the Pima, have employed the same native foods as the latter: mesquite and screw-bean pods, cactus fruits, grass seeds, small game, and fish. ARTS AND INDUSTRIES- Baskets of the same shape and design as those of the Pima, but of better quality, are made. Considerable pottery, also resembling that of the Pima, is manufactured. In former times cotton was raised, spun, and woven - an art likewise derived from their Pima neighbors. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL ORGANIZATION- The political organization of the Maricopa was similar to that of other Yuman tribes, but perhaps a little stronger, owing to their small population and their numerous enemies. Practically the same social system exists as among the Mohave. Eight gentile names are known, besides which at least eight others have come into the tribe through accretion from other members of the Yuman group, notably the Cocopa. Marriage between members of the same gens is not prohibited. In many cases more than one object is associated with the gentile name, as will be seen by the following list: Hipa Coyote; Cholla Cactus Llach Sun; Fire; Buzzard Pakft Buzzard Qaka Deer Namituch Mesquite Beans {view image of facing page 116} Gathering arrow-brush - Maricopa [photogravure plate] {view image of page 117} APPENDIX I I 7 Kimithi Okatilla Cactus; Forward half of the Wild Pigeon Ksila Sand Havchach White Corn Sikama Wild Pigeon; Giant Cactus (Cocopa name) Halpot An unidentified bush called tusil (Cocopa name) Salil Mesquite Beans (Cocopa name) Qlnfs White-tailed Deer (Cocopa name) Mave Rattlesnake (Cocopa name) Siniquis Red Ants (Cocopa name) Htltpas Sedge Grass (Cocopa name) Qiltkil Anything yellow, as a bird with a yellow breast, or a lizard with a yellow belly (Cocopa name) MARRIAGE - There was no marriage ceremony. The young man entered the girl's home at night, and if her parents did not send him away, he remained, and the two were regarded as man and wife. Formal consent of the parents or of the girl was never sought. ORIGIN -Thoshipa, son of Earth and Sky, creates the people at the sacred mountain Avikome. He is killed by Frog, as is Mat~vily6 in the Mohave myth, after having instituted the custom of cremation. The myth is basically the same as that of the Yuma and Mohave, but shows the effect of Pima contact. PERSON OF MIRACULOUS BIRTH - There is no trace of a mythical character corresponding to the usual Indian culture hero. CEREMONIES - Like the other Yuman tribes the Maricopa have few ceremonies. The maturity of girls is observed with a ceremony designed to make the young woman strong, beautiful, and intelligent. The mourning ceremony, called Nylmich, Crying Time, is held within a few days after the death of a prominent person, and in the main is a repetition of the various acts performed during the cremation. There are also numerous chants, corresponding in kind and use to those of the Mohave. Some of the songs are named as follows: Taris A bird (unidentified) SF Buzzard Song Hasiqa Blackbird Song Shpa Eagle Song Qaka Deer Song Quaila Mockingbird Song S'i Salt Song MORTUARY -The dead were always cremated. AFTER-WORLD - Souls of the dead are believed to be escorted by those of deceased relatives to Chlnyo6m Nlvaich, Home of Spirits, west of Yuma, where they enjoy forever good crops, wine, and dancing. Mamthi, the Owl, informs the relatives gone before of the approaching death. NAMES FOR INDIAN TRIBESApache Yavepai Eastern People Cahuilla Haqfts Chemehuevi Chmtlwev Havasupai Havasupai, or Havasu Pipas Blue Water People Maricopa Pipas People {view image of page 118} II8 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Mohave Hamakav Going Wrong Navaho Navaho Papago Hfltpa Mai High Echinocactus (people) Pima Httpa Echinocactus (people) Walapai Hawalpai Pinery People Yaqui Yaki Yuma Qlchan People (Yuma term) Piman Comparative Vocabulary English ankle-joint arm blood bone chest chin ear elbow-joint eye face finger finger-nail foot hair hand head heart knee leg lip lungs mouth neck nose nostril toe toe-nail tongue tooth Pima chu-qtl u-ntlm-ksk na-fl u-uid a-a ptl-rsa urs nak sirs u-nflm-ksk woi woi-hyi- -rsa mil-o-rsfid-klk mil-o-rsild-kik-h6ch tad ma-a naf-fl ma-a hod tan ka-hyi-a chfn-yi u-lu-tak htf-hff-ku-ka chtn-yi k6s-wo-il tak tatk-chu-chuk tad mfl-o-rsud-klk tad mil-o-rsfld-kIk-h6ch nyu-nyi ta-tam Papago chu-qtl u-nilm-ksk na-fi u-ud 9-a pil-rsa urs nak sirs u-nilm-ksk woi woi-hyi-af-rsil nt-fi mach-pod na-fi mach-pod-hoch tad ma-a na-fi ma-a hod tan ka-hyi-a chin-yi u-lu-tak ha-htlf-ku-kd chin-yi k6-sva tak tatk-chu-chuk tad mach-pod tad mach-pod-hoch nyu-nyi ta-tam antelope badger bat ANIMALS (See also FOODS) k6-vlt ka-fu na-na ku.-mul k6-vlt ka-fu na-na ku-mul * o {view image of facing page 118} Maricopa group [photogravure plate] {view image of page 119} APPENDIX lig English bear beaver buzzard chipmunk coyote crane crow deer duck eagle fox gopher hawk mountain lion mountain sheep owl pelican rabbit (cottontail) raccoon rat (wood) skunk spider squirrel turkey wolf Pima ch6-dom ka'-vi k6-si-chilm ch6-cho-pi pan vl-qtln ha-van-yi sihk vip-kaik pa-ak ka- sI-a& chii-wha h6-pal ma-vlt chii-son ch6-kot ka-kat sto-ii chu va-vok ka-san O-Pl-a' tl-ki-dat chui-kill t6-wa rs6-u Pap ago ch6-dom ka-vi k6-si-chtlm ch6-cho-pl pan kf-ma-ki 6-o-fk ha-van-yi si-ki vnp-kmi-kl pa-ak kA-sA chiu-fa wa-kof ma-vIt chul-rsa'n-y! ch6-kod kg-kad ch6-fu va-vok ka-rsan 6-p!-o ti-ki-tot chii-kal t6-va rsu-u ch6-pinh tak-l-o wa-ko-lif tik-I-o si-alh tak-l-o h6-to-nilk tak-I-o tam-ka-chim ka-ho ai-ka north south east west zenith nadir CARDINAL POINTS ch6-o-pin tak-l-il vl-kol-di-6f ta'k-l-d si-a'l-dik ta'k-i-ift ho-tin-ik tak-m-tl tam-ka-chim ka-ho w6i-chud black blue brown gray green red white yellow COLORS schok si-tat-ku sch6-kmil svu-ki ska'-ma-ki schii-tia-ki sv6-ki sto-i so-wam schok schil-tilk sch6-kmtl svii-kl ski-mi-ki schu'l-til-k swflk sto6-a so-am antelope asparagus (wild) beans (native) FOODS (PRIMITIVE) k6-vit mg-a'-ta'-t-ky p6f ko6-vit mp-a -tfxid-ki PA-fl {view image of page 120} I20 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English beaver black-birds candle cactus fruit cholla cactus fruit corn deer duck fish giant cactus fruit iron-tree bean pods lizard (rock) mesquite-bean pods mountain sheep prickly-pear cactus fruit prickly-pear cactus liquor pumpkin rabbit (cottontail) rabbit (jack) raccoon rat (field) rat (wood) screw-bean pods squash Pima ka-vl o-o-ti-pe-wdl chi-a-lIm ha-namh h6-n6 sihk vip-kaik vl-tapk ha-sen ha-lt-kom chi-a-stltrk vi-a-hak chu-son i-pii na-va-It halt sto-u chu schok chu va-vok va-sa ka-san k6-chult nyfik-pl Papago ka-vi rsu-rsan-yi chi-a-lYm ha-namh h6n-yl si-ki vap-kai-ki vA-ta-pl ha-sen ha-It-kam chui-a-rsadk vi-a-hak chu-rsan-yi i-pai na-va-It hi-lu ch6-fu schok ch6-fy vi-vok vi-rsa ka-rsan k6-chult rsu-tlrs-katk HANDICRAFT arrow-point arrow-shaft ax (stone) basket basket (arrow-brush storage) basket (house storage) basket (olla-shaped) basket (parching-tray) bow burden-carrier fire-sticks head-band house loin-cloth mats mats (reed) mats (yucca) pottery pottery (water jar) pottery (cooking jar) pottery (food bowl) quiver ors ha-pot-o-o ha-ha-t6-b6 ho-a ha-ml-tu vI-sam ho-a ha-a ma-telk ho-a gat ki-ho na-ta si-sl-a-na-kod ki-ko-a ki u-nyu-ka main vip-ku main 6-mok main ha-ha-u ha-u hi-to-ta-kud ho-a sa-u v6k-su ors rsi-lu-nif vi-vi-spad ha-ha-su ho-a ha-ml-tu vl-shu h6-a ha-a mo-tu kat ki-ho tai si-si-d-na-kod ki-ka ki u-nyu-ka main vap-ku main 6-mok main ha-ha-u ha-u hi-ta-da-kod h6-as ha-u vik-su {view image of facing page 120} Maricopa water girl [photogravure plate] {view image of page 121} APPENDIX 12I English sandals shirt (native cotton) skirt (native cotton) Pima ka-kg-ki-am-sos chi-o-k6h-tan I-pot Papago ka-k-ki-am-sosk ti-ki-Iks kgtin-yp tii-kw-ks 'I-pod January February March April May June July August September October November December MONTHS (MOONS)1 0-im Ma-s&tr Kt-mtl-ki Ma-s&tr Koi I-vi-kI-tilk Ma-sftr Koi Hi-a-sik Ma-sdtr Koi Ch6-ko-lIk Ma-sftr Pilt-kain-yl Pd-hi-tilk Ma-s~tr Ch6-ki-it-pik Ma-sftr Rsl-pal J-stl-pik Ma-s&tr Hu-Ca-ki-ipk Ma-s&tr Va-sl-i-kaksk Ma-sttr Al-hl-scho S'h6-pr-chlk Ma-s~tr Ku-ch6 S'h6-pI-chlk Ma-s~tr d-va-lik Ma-sit K*I-ma-ki Ma-sit Chd'-tt-ki Ma-sit 0-am Ma-sit Hi-ko-ki-Apk Ma-sait Pilt-kin-yi Pil-hi-tilk Ma-sit Ch6-ki-il-pik Ma-sit Rsa-pal U-sia-pik Ma-sit Vi-i-hii-nyik Ma-sit Vi-sai-kil-ki-tlk Ma-sait A-li-cho S'hii-pl-chlk Ma-sit Ku-ch6 S'hu'-pI-chlk Ma-sit NATURAL PHENOMENA ashes mtl-ti6-I charcoal ch6-kes cho-dl-kI cloud chi-o-wilk darkness s' ch6-ho-kam day tas earth chii-w dt fire ni-ta ice kd-fu lake si-kal light ti-ni-lik lightning wii-pt-ki Milky Way t-maik mist v6-sik moon ma-s~tr mountain t6-ak night ch6-hok Pleiades O-6i-pkod rain ch6-kI rainbow ki-i-hat river ik-i-mal rock hg~a shooting-star (meteor) vap-g-tam h6-ho-o sky tam-ki-chim smoke kops snow kii-fu The moons, of course, only approximate our months. mia-tai ch6-kls cho-di-ki chd-wak s'ch6-ho-kam tas chii-wilt tai kti-fu rs6-ta-kam ta-nlik wdh-pil-ki ti-mak v6-slk ma-sit to6-ak ch6-huk O-6i-pkod ch6-kI ki-l-hid ik-y-mal vip-l-tam h6-ho-o tam-ki-chim kops kii-fu {view image of page 122} I22 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English star sun thunder water wind Pima h6 -o tas ta-ta-nIk sr6-wo-tilk hui'-wolt Papago h6-o tas ta-t6-nIk s6-tak h6-vul NUMERALS one two three four five six seven eight nine ten eleven twelve thirteen fourteen fifteen sixteen seventeen eighteen nineteen twenty twenty-one thirty forty fifty one hundred htir-ma-ko kak vai-1-ka ki-i-ka hi'r-tilsp chotp wii-kaLm ki-kik htir-moch-ka w us-ttl~-ma'm ka-ml hu'r-ma-ko ka-mi kak ka-mi vai-l-ka ka-ml ki-Y-ka ka'-m hu'r-ttisp ka'-ml chotp ka'-my w6-kim ka'-my ki-kik ka-ml hir-moch-ka k~k-ha wus-til-ma'm kak-ha wus-tl-ma.m hudr-ma-ko ki-yk-ha wus-tid-mam hiir-tiasp-hk wus-til-mshur-ma-ko si-ant hui-ma-ko kak vaihk ki-Ihk lii-tllsp ch6-otp wti- wi'ik ki-kik 6-much WUS- tid- ma'm ka-ml hd'-ma-ko ka-my kak ka-mi vaihk ka-mI ki-lhk kai-ml hu-tilsp ka-ml ch6-otp ka'-ml wii-wiak ka-mi ki-kik ka-mI 6-much kak-ha wus-tll-mam kak-ha wus-ti1-mam hud-ma-ko vaiihk-ha wus-td-mam ki-ihk-ha wus-til-mam hu'-ti-sp-ha wus-ti-ma hu. ma-ko si-ant PERSONAL TERMS aunt baby boy brother (elder) brother (younger) child clan or gens enemy father girl man v A-va-It vI-e-poi sii-pich a-lI wii-ma-killt ap (see the clans) chii-hyd chi-ach VI-ViA-It vI-e poi si-Il-hil si-pich i-mi-kilm ap (see the clans) chi bhyil ku'-11 14 tarn {view image of facing page 122} Qahatika matron [photogravure plate] {view image of page 123} APPENDIX 123 English medicine-man mother people (tribesmen) people (strangers) person sister (elder) sister (younger) uncle woman Pima ma-ka a-a-tam h6-mikch-ktim I-a-tam si-hu-ki si-k61 ta-ta of Papago ma-kai ch6-u 9-i-tam h6-mach-kam 9-i-tam si-hu-k! si-k61 ta-ta 6f-i TREES arrow-brush cedar cottonwood greasewood ironwood mesquite palo verde willow os-kg-kmaik ka'-Al 6-pa shii-koi ha'-It-kam koi kok-chu-hii-td-ki chbi-ol 6-os kl-ka-mi1-kI 6-pa rsi-koi koi kok-chu-hui-tdlkl chi-olht MISCELLANEOUS food forest god large small spirits spirit-land tobacco hai-ch6-ho-ki s'6-o-sik chi-a'lrs kuir-A al-tg-a-s6 ka'-koi ki-koi chu-wud-dl-ki vi-fu hai-ch6-ho-ki s'6-o-sik chi4'crs kii-uch al-ch'milch k"a-koi kg-koi chu-wu-dlk vi-fu Yuman Comparative Vocabulary English ankle-joint arm blood bone chest chin ear Mohave i-ma-chi-kai-ra-wt-sa i-sal In-ya-hwit nd-sak i-wanch i-ya-to-qiktha i-smalk ruma Em-a-ji-ra-wis 1-sal ni-hwit ni-cha-sak ya-ti-ha-ker ya-ti-qi-sa i-smillk {view image of page 124} 124 English elbow-joint eye face finger finger-nail foot hair hand head heart leg lip lungs mouth neck nose nostril shoulder toe toe-nail tongue tooth THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Mohave i-sil ch6-na-uk ih-tho e-th6 i-sal qa-tha-rapk i-sal kdl-ho i-me i~ain-is i-sal chi-sa-nach sol-y6ch i-wa i-ya-qa-ma i-wa i-ya& mal-i-ke i-hd'nch i-ho-qa-ko-p~n i-vi i-me qa-tha-rapk i-me-qa-thrap kil-ho hi-pp6lk 6-th6 ruma i-sail chi-na-uk 1-chi-y6i e-tho6 i-sail ki-sar-raip i-sil qfl-o-ho 6-me' ql-lop-la'p ne-f i-sil chi-hpi-y In chi-ql-su i-wai i-ya-ql-cha-ker ni-chI-la-pa i-yih m6-pi'k yi-hw6 yi-hwo-qa-kup mi-vi 6-me ki-sar-rip yi-mep qil-ho yi-pa'l 1-tho-n6-ha-pt ANIMALS (See also FooDs) antelope badger bat bear beaver buzzard chipmunk coyote crane crow deer eagle fox gopher hawk mountain lion mountain sheep owl skunk spider squirrel turkey ma-til-ya m6-hwa klm-p~nk milh-hwa't a-pen-a a-se a-lis hok-thir-a 6n-yi-qa a-k~k a-qak kil-ko-ma-ra-ho tin-yam-ql-hna-na so-qil ha-til-kd'l-ya a-MO tho-k6-pi-ta il-hwe hil-to-ta hilm-6-ra or-r6t ma-ill mi-hwa ko-ma-pin-Ik ma-hwit e-pfn e-se tak-se ha-t6-wf nil-qf a-k~k a-qik spa ha-tWl-wg ho-mir its-o6r hdlt-a-ku'lla a-m6 mam-a-thi 6l-hwe' hdl-to-t6 a-t~s or-rit {view image of facing page 124} Stone maze [photogravure plate] {view image of page 125} APPENDIX 125 English north south east west zenith nadir CARDINAL POINTS Mohave ma-tak ka-vgk nyak ny6-ha-v&k -ma-m COLORS nyai-ilk hil-va-su'k a-qfs ni-ma-th6r hil-va-sui a-hwu-tim nya-ma-shba-vim a-qa-thim ruma m6-tik ka-vgk In-yavk Jn-ya-hapk mai-sI-ker si-ke& black blue brown gray green red white yellow nilk hil-va-suik a-qfsk pi-a-qfsk hal-va-sui a-hwftk ha-milk a-qfsk antelope beans (native) corn deer mesquite beans mountain sheep pumpkins rabbit (jack) rabbit (cottontail) squash FOODS (PRIMITIVE) ma-uil-ya am-a-rik ta-thich a-quk i-yu a-mo ith-miit ha-kdl-ya hMl-y6 dh -mdtt ma-t'l am-a-rik ta-thits a-qik i-yi a-m6 alh-milt-hifl a-kiil ha-ar-a-chol tlh-mit HANDICRAFT arrow-point arrow-shaft basket bow deerskin fire-sticks head-band house loin-cloth pottery * Foot-note, page 55. hi-puh chil-chu-hw~k hi-puh k~r o-t~s-d'-l6ma a-qak-chus-qil a-6-a-koi 11-p6-ha a-va i-we-mdk-hov-w6 ql-tits-ka-y6 i-pih cha-til i-pah qiln-h6 O-tfs a-qak-n6-cha-qil a-6-kI-am ka-puir-ma-wa-qin a-va m&t-ma-wa-qln qI-6h {view image of page 126} I26 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English pottery (food bowl) pottery (olla) skirt (willow bark) Mo have qath-ki ho-pa-ru-ya av-hf ruma qias-kil-a-milt qil-o-a-hi-mI-yai na-va-hi ashes charcoal cloud darkness day earth fire ice lake light lightning Milky Way mist moon mountain night Pleiades rain rainbow river rock shooting-star (meteor) sky smoke snow star sun thunder water wind NATURAL PHENOMENA ha-mdl 6-cha i-qI thin-yamk In-yi ii-mat-u a-6 a-hi-no-pl-cha hon-yd' Jn-yf-ki 6-ra-ba Ha-chil-ql-yam-ni-a mo-h6i, hal-ya a-vi thin-yam Hits-cha ko-b6 wil-li-sd ha-vil a-vi ha-mo-se t-nal-ya a-ma a-hwak ho-pak ha-mo-se nya 6-ka-ga a-ha ma-ta huim-ul 6-cha a-qi y~lqf-tin-yam in-yi u-mdt ar-rik hudn-o-plts hi1n-yd' In-yi-ki 6-rab Ha-chil-q1-yim-no-ni I-pan-dh-b6k hdl-i a-vi tin-yam Hits-chi u-v6 ku-li-sd ha-vil a-vi ha-ma-se va-tii-8-th8k a-ma a-hwe& a-sa ha-ma-se In-yi u-kis a-hi m6-ta one two three four five six seven eight nine NUMERALS ar-stn-tik ha-vik ha-m6k chiim-p6pk tha-ripk maik ar-stn-tik miik-a ha-vik-a miik-a ha-m61k-a ha-la-thu' y, ar-stn-tIk ha-vik ha-mo'k chiim-p6p sar-rap hom-h6k pa-kytk si-p6k hom-ha-m 'k {view image of facing page 126} Stone maze [photogravure plate] {view image of page 127} APPENDIX I27 English ten eleven twelve thirteen fourteen fifteen sixteen seventeen eighteen nineteen twenty twenty-one thirty forty fifty one hundred Mohave tha-ripk ha-vik tha-ripk ha-vik ar-stn-tik tha-ripk ha-vik ha-vik ni-th6k tha-rapk ha-vtk ha-m6k ni-th6k tha-rapk ha-vik chiim-p6pk ni-th6k tha-ripk ha-vik tha-ripk ni-th6k tha-rapk ha-vik maik ar-sfn-tik tha-ripk ha-vik maik-a ha-vik-a tha-ripk ha-vik maik ha-m6k-a tha-rapk ha-vik ha-la-th'-y~ t6-kti-th6-cha ha-vik t~-ktl-th6-cha ha-vik ar-stn-tIk t~-kil-th6-cha ha-m6k t6-kid-th6-cha chiim-pbpk t6-kt-th6-cha tha-rapk t6-ki~-th6-cha tha-rapk ha-vik ruma sa-ho'k sa-h'k maik ar-shn-tik sa-h6k maik ha-vik sa-h'k maik ha-mok sa-h6k maik chiim-pop sa-h'k maik sar-rap sa-ho'k maik bom-hok sa-h'k maik pa-ky~k sa-ho'k maik si-pok sa-ho'k maik hom-ha-mok sa-ho'k a ha-vik sa-h6k a ha-vik ar-sfn-tik sa-h'k a ha-xn6k sa-h'k a chiim-p6p sa-h'k a sar-rap sa-h'k a sa-hok PERSONAL TERMS aunt baby boy brother (elder) brother (younger) child clanship group enemy father girl man medicine-man mother people (tribesmen) people (strangers) person sister (elder) sister (younger) uncle woman un-al-m6-ya ho-mar ho-mir i-kin-ya en-chfn hi-su,'-ch hd'ch-kul si-mu' a-hwd iln-a-k6-ta ho-mir hi-chin-ya a-pa qath-i-the An-tai-ya a-pa's pi-pa-kan-yu-ma pi-pi en-chfn ~n-yik tln-a-qi-a thiln-ya-aik na-mu-i ho-mar ho-mar i-kin a-ha-vi-ko-b6 su-eltz ho-mar a-nolk sx-m'il a-hwi min-y&ko ho-mar hit-sin a-pa qi-se-tha midn-tii pi-pl-In-u-ats si-ta-mill pi-pI in-chin In-yik na-qi sin-ya-ik TREES arrow-brush cottonwood mesquite i-tbaiv-a Ah-Ah i-yi i-sav i-ya * Foot-note, page 55. {view image of page 128} I28 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN English pine pifon willow Mohave ha-wal fk-ho 6-tho ruma ha-wal hwi-o e-tho food forest god large small spirits spirit-land tobacco turquoise MISCELLANEOUS Ich-a-mui-a ih-i mat-6-vil-y6 vtll-tai-a hl-sh6k nfv-thi sfl-yai-ta a-u-va qor-a s6-hlch its-a-mits a-pets qi-qi-mots va-taik e-nok a-u a-vi ht-va-su {view image of facing page 128} Tokopala - Walapai [photogravure plate] {view image of page 129} Index {view image of page 130} {view image of facing page 130} Maricopa house [photogravure plate] {view image of page 131} INDEX aa, a Papago belief, 35-36 Aata, a Pima ceremony, Io Adoption of captives by Yuma, 65 After-world of the Maricopa, I 17 of the Mohave, 53, I 14 of the Papago, I 12 of the Pima, o, I I of the Yuma, I 5 Agriculture, bearing of myth on, 88 of the Havasupai, 98, 99 of the Maricopa, 82 of the Mohave, 50 of the Papago, 31 of the Pima, 5 of the Qahatika, 42 of the Walapai, 92 of the Yuma, 66 See IRRIGATION Ahweydma, a Mohave medicine-man, 55 AkYchlnh, a former Pima village, 41 Jkultkam group of the Papago, 32, I I I Alphabet for Indian terms, vi Anatomical terms, Piman, I 18 Yuman, 123 Animals, creation of, 16, 74, 75, 87 effigies of, used in Harvest Dance, 12, 13 medicine-men instructed by, 35, 55, 84 omens respecting, 11, 35-36 Piman names for, II8- 19 tails of, in Yuma myth, 76 Yuman names for, 24 Ants in Maricopa myth, 86 in Pima myth, 15 Apache and Apache-Mohave alliance, Io5 and Pima warfare, 8 and Walapai warfare, 93, 94 creation of, in Pima myth, 18 genesis of the, 74 hostility toward Pima, 81 how regarded by Yuman tribes, 65 Apache in Yuma creation myth, 77 Maricopa name for, 17 Mohave name for, 14 Papago name for, I 12 Pima name for, I Io war customs of the, 33, 34 Yavapai taught basketry by, 1o6 Yuma name for, I 16 Apache-Mohave, account of the, o05-1o6 and Walapai warfare, 93 Mohave name for, I 14 tribal relations of, 9I Ap6pakam group of the Papago, 9, 32, I I I JpkYkam group of the Papago, 9, 32, I I Arrow-brush in Pima myth, 20 used by Pima, 5, 7, 9 used in basketry, 109 used in house-building, 5I, I09, I I I Arrow-heads deposited in shrines, I I o Arrows in mourning ceremony, 71 in Pima myth, 2I of the Mohave, 5I See Bows; WEAPONS Arts of the Havasupai, Ioo of the Papago, I I I of the Pima, 109 of the Yuma, 67-68 See BASKETRY; BEADWORK; HANDICRAFTS; POTTERY Ava Qatinyam. See DARK HOUSE; HOUSE OF DARKNESS Avikomg, Aviqami, the Yuman sacred mountain, 49, 57, 59, 74, 77, 9I, I15, 117 Axes of the Mohave, 5 I Azul, Antonio, Pima chief, 7 Bac, a Papago settlement, 27 Badger in Mohave myth, 56 Bag, deerskin, in Papago ceremony, 37 {view image of page 132} 132 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Ball, wooden, in Pima myth, 18-19 Balsas. See RAFTS Bark. See WILLOW BARK Basket drum of the Pima, I z Basketry in Pima mythology, 22 of the Havasupai, I00 of the Maricopa, 82, I 6 of the Mohave, 51 of the Papago, 32, III of the Pima, 5, 6, 109 ofthe Qahatika, 43 of the Walapai, 93 of the Yavapai, I o6 of the Yuma, 67, 115 See also BURDEN BASKET; WATER BOTTLE Baskets used for fording streams, 5 used in Harvest Dance, 12, I 3 Bathing of maturity initiate, 36, 72 Bead necklaces of the Yuma, 67 Beads deposited in shrines, I Io obtained by Yuma through trade, 65 Beadwork of the Mohave, 51, 113 Beans. See AGRICULTURE; FOOD Bear, ominous in Pima belief, I tabooed by Papago, 32 Beetles used for beadwork, 5 I Big Frog in Mohave myth, 56 Bird that Builds a Hanging Nest, 56 Birds, creation of, in Maricopa myth, 86, 87 Black mountain in Pima myth, 17 Blankets, cotton, as wrapping for dead, 34 obtained by Yuma through trade, 65 of the Pima, 6 skin, of the Mohave, 50 Blowing, disease treated by, 54, 69, 83 in Maricopa myth, 87 in Mohave myth, 57 in Yuma myth, 73 power imparted by, 85 Bluebird, a Maricopa medicine-man, 85 Boats not used by Mohave, 5 not used by Yuma, I 5 See RAFTS; WATER TRANSPORTATION Bones, human, ornaments of, in Pima myth, 19 made alive in Pima myth, 21 Bowl in Pima cosmology, I 5 used in ferrying streams, 66 Bows and arrows in mourning ceremony, 71 See ARROWS Bracelets of human bones in Pima myth, 19 Breech-cloth. See CLOTHING Brushes for pottery decoration, 43, I 10 Bug that Throws Dirt Far, 56 Burden basket of Piman tribes, 6, 33 of the Havasupai, oo00-oI of the Mohave, 5, 113 of the Walapai, 93 Burden bearer of the Yuma, 68 Burial. See MORTUARY CUSTOMS Buzzard in medicine-man's dream, 84, 85 Buzzard People of the Papago, 32, I I I of the Pima, 9 Cactus, effigies of, in Harvest Dance, 12, 13 fruit, used as food, 4-5, 32, 42, 82, 109 giant, character of, 42 ribs used in burden basket, 6, 33 ribs used in house-building, 42 spines used as fish-hooks, 68 See FOOD Cahuilla, Maricopa name for, I I 7 Mohave name for, 114 Yuma name for, I 16 Camp McDowell reservation, Io6 Camp Verde reservation, Io6 Camp ruma, establishment of, 63 Captives, how treated by the Yuma, 65 Cardinalpoints in Pima cosmology, 15, 16, 18 Piman names for, I 19 Yuman names for, 125 See ORIENTATION Casa Blanca villagers of the Pima, 9 Casa Grande compared with Pima houses, 4 in Pima mythology, 22 villagers of the Pima, 9 Cataract Canon occupied by Havasupai, 97 -98 Catsclaw pods used as dye, o09 See DEVIL'S CLAW Cavillo, Balthasar, missionary, 28 Ceremonies of the Maricopa, I 17 of the Mohave, 47, 58-59, I 13 of the Papago, 36, 12 of the Pima, I11-14, I I of the Walapai, 92 of the Yavapai, I o6 of the Yuma, 70-73, 115 See DANCE; MOURNING; PUBERTY Chastity, pledge of, during puberty rite, 72 Chemehuevi, creation of, in Maricopa myth, 87 {view image of page 133} INDEX I33 Chemehuevi, Maricopa name for, I17 method of fording streams, 51 Mohave name for, I 14 Yuma name for, I6 Chiefs among the Havasupai, I I among the Mohave, 52, I 13 among the Papago, 33, I II among the Pima, 7, I Io among the Yuma, 64, 74, I 15 See POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Childbirth among the Havasupai, o02 Children of the Havasupai, o I Papago, how reared, 33 ChYnyolm Nivach, the home of spirits, I 17 ChochkYta, Papago Harvest Dance, I 2 Pima Rain-making ceremony, I 2 Christianity, how regarded by Indians, xii, 27, 31 Church of San Xavier del Bac, 28-31 Chutaikimosaim. See AZUL Chuwa, a Pima puberty rite, 13 Chuwiit. See EARTH Chuiwitimaka, the Pima and Papago creator, 3, I4-23, 32, 34, Io, I I Cigarettes, ghosts dispelled with, Io in Pima myth, I9 used by medicine-men, 35 used in Rain ceremony, 12 Clans, absence of, among Mohave, 52, 113 See also GENTES; PHRATRIES; SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Clay in Pima mythology, 15, 18 Clothing of the Havasupai, 99, 0oo of the Maricopa, 82, I 16 of the Mohave, 50, I 12 of the Papago, I Il of the Pima, 6, IO9, I I of the Qahatika, 41 of the Walapai, 93 of the Yuma, 67, I 15 Cloud in Pima myth, 21, 22 Clouds, effigies of, in Harvest Dance, 12, 13 Clowns of the Pima, I2-I 3 Clubs in Pima myth, 22 of the Yavapai, I 5 use of, by Havasupai, 98 Coconino, application of term, 98 See HAVASUPAI Coconino baskets defined, 0oo Cocopa captives among Yuma, 65 creation of, in Pima myth, I8 Cocopa, incorporated by the Maricopa, 116 Mohave name for, 14 Pima name for, lI o Yuma name for, I 16 Cohonino, application of term, 98 See HAVASUPAI Colorado Canon, account of the, 48 Colorado river described, 47-48 mythic origin of, 57, 74 once occupied by Maricopa, xi, 81, 88 the Yuma earliest habitat, 77 Colors, Piman names for, I 19 Yuman names for, 125 Communal system in Pima work, 7 Cooking of cactus fruit by Pima, 5 See FOOD Corn, how ground by the Yuma, 68 how prepared by the Havasupai, 99-1oo raised by the Pima, 5 See FOOD Corn ears, effigies of, in Harvest Dance, 12 Corn-husks, cigarettes wrapped with, I 2 Corn-meal in Harvest Dance, 13 in mourning ceremony, 71 Corn-stalks, ceremonial house of, 12 Cosmology. See CREATION MYTH Cotton blankets as wrapping for dead, 34 fabrics of the Maricopa, 82 garments traded with Yuma, 67 Hopi, traded with Walapai, 94 raised by the Pima, 5, 6, I Io shroud for Papago dead, I 2 use of, by Maricopa, I 16 used by Papago, I I I See WEAVING Cottonwood used in house-building, 42 used in Pima basketry, 6 Courtesy, lack of, among Qahatika, 4I of the Pima, 4 Coyote in Mohave myth, 57 in Pima myth, 16, 17, 18, 22 in Yuma myth, 75, 76 ominous in Pima belief, I I Coyote People of the Papago, 32, I I I of the Pima, 9 Creation myth of the Havasupai, o02 of the Maricopa, I 17 of the Mohave, 47, 56-57, 113 of the Papago, I I I of the Pima, 3, 14-23, I I of the Yuma, 63, 73-77, I 5 {view image of page 134} I34 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Creation myth. See GENESIS Cremation by Havasupai, IoI by Maricopa, 83, I 7 by Mohave, 52-53, 114 by Walapai, 92 by Yavapai, Io6 by Yuma, 72 in Maricopa myth, I 17 in Mohave myth, 57, 59 in Yuma myth, 15 of warriors by Pima, I origin of, among Yuma, 76 origin of, in Maricopa myth, 88 Cremation ceremony of the Mohave, 58 of the Yuma, 70, I 15 Cricket in medicine-man's dream, 85 Crook, Gen. George, aided by Walapai, IO0 Crops. See AGRICULTURE Cuticle, use of, in Pima creation, 14 Dance in Pima myth, 19 of the Yavapai, Io6 puberty, of the Pima, 13-14 See CEREMONIES; HARVEST DANCE Dark House of Mohave myth, 56, 57 See also HOUSE OF DARKNESS Darkness personified by Maricopa, 84 Death, how contrived, in Yuma myth, 75 Deerskin bag in Papago ceremony, 37 garments traded by Havasupai, 67 use of, by Havasupai, 99, o00 use of, by Papago, I I I use of, by Walapai, 93, 94 Depredations by the Yuma, 63-64 Descent among the Havasupai, I01 among the Mohave, 52, I13 among the Papago, I I I among the Pima, I o among the Yuma, 68, I 15 Designs on Pima basketry, IO9 Devil's claw pods used as dye, 6 See CATSCLAW Dieguenos, Yuma name for, 116 Disease, Mohave beliefs concerning, 54 origin of, II, 16, 34 See MEDICINE-MEN Divorce among the Yuma, 69 Dog in Pima myth, 8 Dreams, Mohave belief concerning, 53-55 narrated in songs, 58 Dreams, power derived from, II, 34, 69, 83-85, 93, I02 Dress. See CLOTHING Drums used by Pima shamans, I I See BASKET DRUM Drunkenness among Pima and Maricopa, 8 2 Dwellings, creation of, in Maricopa myth, 88 destroyed on death of owner, 9, Io, 102, I I 2 of the Havasupai, 99 of the Maricopa, 82, I I6 of the Mohave, 51, 112 of the Papago, 31-32, I I of the Pima, 6-7, 109 of the Qahatika, 42 of the Walapai, 92 of the Yuma, 65, I I 5 See HOUSES Dye, basket, of the Pima, 6, I09 See PAINT Eagle down used in Harvest Dance, I 2 feathers of medicine-men, 35, 36, 83 in Pima myth, 20-22 See FEATHERS Earth, creation of, in Pima myth, 15 the mother of mankind, 86 united with Sky in Pima myth, 16 Earth-Doctor. See CHUWiJTUMAKKA Earthquakes in Maricopa myth, 87 in Piman myth, 3, I5, 17 Eigies in Maricopa creation myth, 86 used in Harvest Dance, I, 13 used in mourning ceremony, 70-71 See IMAGES Emigrants, white, in Pima country, 7, 8 Enemies, spirits of, caught by Papago, 37 Ervaiatka. See AZUL Face-painting by the Maricopa, I 16 by the Mohave, 5 I of Papago dead, 34 See PAINTING Fatalism, Mohave belief in, 54 Father, application of term by Pima and Papago, 9, 32, I, I I I Feast at Harvest Dance, 7 1 in Pima myth, 19 Feather wands used by Pima shamans, I I Feathers in medicine-man's dream, 85 {view image of page 135} INDEX I35 Feathers in Pima myth, 20, zi, 22 masked personages dressed in, 12 used in Pima ceremony, I o See EAGLE Fetishes used by Pima shamans, I Fire created in Yuma myth, 76 how made by the Yuma, 68 tabooed during puberty rite, 36 Fire-sticks in Mohave myth, 57 in Yuma myth, 76 of the Walapai, 93 Firewood deposited with Papago dead, 34 how gathered by Havasupai, 98 Fish eaten by the Pima, o09 eaten by the Yuma, 66 how caught by the Mohave, 50 See FOOD Fishing by the Yuma, 68 Flint knife in Pima myth, 21 Flood in Maricopa myth, 86 in Mohave myth, 57 in Piman myth, 3, 17-18 in Yuma myth, 77 Fly in Pima myth, 21 Food deposited with Pima dead, 9 gathering of, for Harvest Dance, 12 of puberty initiates, I 3 of the Havasupai, 99 of the Maricopa, 82, I 16 of the Mohave, 50, I I of the Papago, I I of the Pima, 4-5, I09 of the Qahatika, 42 of the Walapai, 92 ofthe Yuma, 66, 115 Piman names for, 119-1 20 products created by Mastamh, I 13 sacrificed at death, 34, o02 scattered about dwelling of dead, I 2 Yuman names for, I25 Fort Mohave, Mohave at, 50, I I 2 Fort ruma, establishment of, 64 Fresnal valley, Arizona, 31 Frog in Maricopa creation myth, 87, 117 in Mohave myth, 113 See BIG FROG Gambling in Pima myth, 20 Game. See FOOD; HUNTING Games, Papago custom respecting, 35 Garces, Fr. Francisco, cited, 51 Garces, missionary at Bac, 28 on the Mohave, 47 visits the Maricopa, 81 Genesis myth of Piman tribes, 3 of the Mohave, 47 of Yuman tribes, 63 See CREATION MYTH Gentile groups of the Maricopa, I 6-I 17 of the Mohave, 1I 3 of the Papago, 32, I I I of the Pima, 9, I Io See SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Gestation, periods of, in Pima cosmology, 16 -I 7 Ghost canon of Pima belief, I o Ghost Medicine-man of the Papago, 37 Ghosts, disease caused by, I I how dispelled by Pima, o Gila monster, ominous in Pima belief, I I Gila valley, Pima settled in, 3, 4, 22, IIo Girls. See PUBERTY Gods of the Havasupai, 98 See also CEREMONIES; CREATION MYTH Gourd used in Rain ceremony, I 2 Gourd rattle used by medicine-men, I, 83 Government of the Pima, 6 See CHIEFS; POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Grass seeds used as food, 66, 68, 93, 99, 109 used in Papago houses, I I I Graves of the Papago, 34, I 2 of the Pima, 9, I I See CREMATION; MORTUARY CUSTOMS Greasewood in Pima cosmology, 15, 17 Gum. See MESQUITE GUM; PINON GUM Gutierres, Narciso, missionary, 28 Hdak, a Pima mythic monster, 19-20 Habitat of the Apache-Mohave, I05, Io6 of the Havasupai, xi, 97-98 of the Maricopa, xi, 81 of the Mohave, xi, 47 of the Pima, xi, 3-4 of the Qahatika, xii, 4I of the Walapai, 9 I of the Yuma, xi, 63 Hailkotht, a Maricopa monster, 85 Hair, human, used in burden carrier, 6, 33 use of, in Maricopa myth, 86 used by Pima shamans, I I Hair-cutting as sign of mourning, 76 Hair-dressing in puberty ceremony, 72 {view image of page 136} I36 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Hair-dressing of the Havasupai, I 00 of the Maricopa, I16 of the Mohave, 50, 53, lI2 of the Papago, I I I of the Pima, I09 of the Walapai, 93 of the Yuma, I 15 Hamosekwahota, a Mohave leader, 49 Handicrafts, Piman names for, I20-I 21 Yuman names for, 25-I 26 See ARTS; BASKETRY; BEADWORK; INDUSTRIES; POTTERY; WEAVING Hany~, Frog, in Maricopa myth, 87, 117 Hanyfko, Big Frog, in Mohave myth, 56 Hardy, R. W. H., cited, 74 Harvest Dance of the Papago, I 12 of the Pima, 11-12, IIO of the Yavapai, 0o6 of the Yuma, 70, 7I Harvesting by the Pima, 5 by the Qahatika, 42 See AGRICULTURE; FOOD Hasn. See CACTUS Hatelwf, Coyote, in Yuma myth, 75 Havasupai, account of the, 97-102 and Walapai relations, 94 and Walapai trade, 67 character of the, xi Maricopa name for, I 17 Mohave name for, I 14 tribal relations of, 9I Hawk, a Pima monster, 20 in Mohave myth, 56 Hawolpo in Mohave myth, 56, 57 Healing ceremony of the Papago, I I 2 See MEDICINE-MEN Heintzelman, Maj. S. P., establishes Camp Yuma, 63 Heralds among the Papago, 33, I I I Hokthara in Mohave myth, 57 Honyavrg, mirage caused by, 55 Hopi and Walapai relations, 94 name of the Havasupai, 98 trade in cotton by, 67 Horn implements of the Havasupai, o I Horse-hide used for sandals, 6, 115 Horsemanship of the Yuma, 65 Horses killed on death of owner, I o, I o0 I I 2 Hostilities, early, of the Mohave, 49 internal, among the Pima, 8-9 of the Yuma, 64-65 Hostilities. See WARFARE House, ceremonial, used in Harvest Dance, 2 House of Darkness in Yuma myth, 77 See also DARK HOUSE Houses, form of, in Yuma myth, 77 traditional, of the Pima, 3, 4 See DWELLINGS Hualapai, Spanish form of Walapai, 91 Human bones, ornaments of, in Pima myth, 19 Human hair used in burden basket, 33 Hiammahhba, the Mohave tribal name, 47 Hunting by the Havasupai, 99 by the Mohave, 50, I 2 by the Walapai, 92 Ice in Pima cosmology, I 5 Images in medicine-man's dream, 85 in Yuma creation myth, 74 See EFFIGIES Implements of war sacrificed at death, IO Incantation employed by medicine-men, I I, 93 Industries, how learned, in Yuma myth, 75 of the Papago, I I I of the Pima, 6, I09 of the Qahatika, 42 See ARTS; HANDICRAFTS Infidelity, how treated by Papago, 33 Inheritance among the Havasupai, I o See DESCENT Inyfasarr, a Yuma personage, 73 Ironwood, beans of, used as food, log clubs of, in Pima myth, 22 Irrigation by the Pima, 3, 5, 7, 8 in Pima mythology, 22 Jamajabs, the Mohave of Garces, 47 Jicarillas, origin of fire among, 76 Kiho. See BURDEN BASKET Kino, Fr. Eusebio, missionary, 27 Kitahimult, the Pima War Dance, I I Knife in Pima myth, 21 Kohat, a Havasupai chief, IOI Kohanina, application of term, 98 See HAVASUPAI Kokomat, Kokomfit, a Yuman deity, 56, 73 -77, 86-87, I I5 Komastamho, a Yuma creator, 75-77, II5 See MASTAMHO Ko6q Saklk, Ghost canon, of Pima belief, o1 {view image of page 137} INDEX I37 Kotat. See WOODPECKER Kuehne. See KINO Land, how held by Pima, 7 Language. See ALPHABET; VOCABULARY La Paz, Mohave settle at, 50 Legging.. See CLOTHING Lizard in medicine-man's dream, 85 Lizards eaten by Walapai, 92 Locusts in Mohave myth, 59 Loin-cloth. See CLOTHING Loom of the Papago, I II of the Pima, 6 See WEAVING Mam group of the Pima, 9 Mamakam group of the Papago, 32, I I I Mamthi, the Owl of Maricopa myth, I 17 Maricopa, account of the, 81-88 basketry of the, I o06 captives among Yuma, 65 character of the, xi creation of, in Pima myth, 18 Mohave name for, 114 Papago name for, I 12 Pima name for, 110 tribal relations of, 91 tribal summary of the, I I 6-I I 8 Yuma name for, I 16 Marriage among the Havasupai, 0 I among the Maricopa, 83, I 16, 117 among the Mohave, 52, 83, 113 among the Papago, 32-33, I I among the Pima, 9, 14, 1 o among the Walapai, 93 among the Yuma, 68-69, 115 See also PUBERTY CEREMONY Maschrmqamicha, a Mohave mythic character, 56, 57 Maskotai, a Mohave mythic character, 56 Mastamho, a Mohave deity, 55-57, I13 See KOMUSTAMH6 Mattvilyn, the Mohave creator, 52, 56, 57, 59, 113, I17 Mat making in Pima mythology, 22 Matochipa, a mythic medicine-man, 56 Mats of the Pima, 1 Io Maturity ceremony. See PUBERTY CEREMONY Meat, taboo of, during puberty rite, 13, 36 Medicine not used by Yuma, 69 See also HEALING Medicine-men, ghosts dispelled by, o1 how treated, if unsuccessful, 9, I I, o02 in puberty ceremony, 36 in War Dance, 37 of the Havasupai, I 02 of the Maricopa, 83-85 of the Mohave, 53-54 ofthe Papago, 34 of the Pima, 9, I I of the Walapai, 93 of the Yuma, 69-70 Mescal eaten by the Havasupai, 99 eaten by the Papago, 32 See FOOD Mescrew pods used as food, 50, 66, 1I 2, I 15 See FOOD Mesquite, bean-pods of, used as food, 5, 32, 42, 50, 66, 68, 0o9, I 2, I I 5, i16 chips of, used for paint, 43, I I clubs of, in Pima myth, 22 gum of, used in hair-dressing, 50, 72, 115 used in house building, 7, 9, 42, 109 See FOOD Metates used by the Yuma, 68 Mexican and Yuma trade, 65 Miguel, a Yuma chief, 64-65 Mirage in Mohave belief, 55, 59 Missionaries, Spanish, among Pima, xii, 4 See CHRISTIANITY Moccasins, how obtained by Pima, 6 not worn by Mohave, 50, I 12 not worn by Yuma, 67, 11 5 See CLOTHING; SANDALS Mohatk, a mountain in Pima myth, 18, 22 Mohave, account of the, 47-59 and Maricopa social organization, 83 and Walapai warfare, 93 and Yuma trade, 67 captives among Yuma, 65 character of the, xi creation of, in Pima myth, 18 genesis of the, 74 importance attached by, to dreams, 83 Maricopa name for, I 18 Pima name for, I o tribal relations of, 9I tribal summary of the, I I 2-I 14 vocabulary of the, 123-128 Yuma name for, 116 Mole in Mohave myth, 56 {view image of page 138} I38 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Monster. See SEA MONSTER Monstrosities in Maricopa myth, 86 in Pima myth, 16, 19-2 I in Yuma myth, 74 Moon, creation of, in Mohave myth, 57 creation of, in Pima myth, 15 creation of, in Yuma myth, 75 effigy of, in Harvest Dance, I 2, 3 mother of Coyote, 16 Moons or months in Maricopa myth, 88 Piman names for, I 2 I Morals of the Maricopa and the Yuma, 82 of the Pima, 9 Mortars of the Pima, 5 of the Yuma, 68 Mortuary customs of the Havasupai, oI of the Papago, 34, I 12 of the Pima, 9-Io, I I See CREMATION Mountain, sacred, of the Maricopa, I 17 sacred, of the Walapai, 91 sacred, of the Yuma, I I See AVIKOM; M6HATK Mourning by the Havasupai, o I by the Mohave, I I4 ceremony of the Maricopa, 83, I 17 ceremony of the Walapai, 92 ceremony of the Yavapai, Io6 ceremony of the Yuma, 70, 115 chant of the Mohave, 58 Muhr, A. F., acknowledgments to, xii Musical instruments of the Pima, 12 See DRUM; RATTLE Mitarrfk, the Yuma puberty rite, 72 Mitrsth6, a class of medicine-men, 69 Myers, W. E., acknowledgments to, xii Mythology of the Havasupai, 98, IO2 See CREATION MYTH; RELIGION Names among the Havasupai, Io1 among Yuman tribes, I o gentile, of the Maricopa, I16 of dead tabooed, IO, 53 totemic, among the Pima, I IO Natural phenomena, Piman names for, 121 -122 Yuman names for, 126 Navaho, a Havasupai chief, o10 Maricopa name for, I I 8 Mohave name for, I 14 NawYcho, Pima masked personages, 12 'Necklaces of human bones in Pima myth, 19 Needles, California, Mohave at, 50, 112 Nfmitlawak, a Walapai ceremony, 92 Nhvthi ChSavachi, the Mohave Spirit House, 53, I 4 Night in Mohave myth, 53 Nimits, a Yuma mourning rite, 70 See NYiMICH Notched sticks of the Pima, 12 Numerals, Piman, 122 Yuman, 126-127 NyYmfch, a Maricopa ceremony, 83, 117 See NIMITS Nyolch, a Mohave consanguineal group, 52 Offerings on Pima shrines, 13 See SACRIFICE dkalt People of the Pima, 9, 22 Omens of the Pima, I I Papago, respecting animals, 35 Orators of the Pima, 8 Orientation in Yuma genesis, 74 of bodies of dead, 9, 72 See CARDINAL POINTS Origin. See CREATION MYTH; GENESIS Overland trail, Arizona, 7 Owl in Maricopa myth, 117 ominous in Pima belief, I I Pahochach, a name of Mastamh6, 57 Paint for decoration of Qahatika pottery, 43 made from mesquite chips, 43, I 10 See DYE Painting of body by Maricopa, 82, 116 of shirts by the Mohave, 50 See FACE-PAINTING Paintings in San Xavier church, 29-31 Paiute, Mohave name for, I 14 Pan. See COYOTE Papago, account of the, 27-37 character of the, xii genesis myth of the, 3, 74 Maricopa name for, I18 Mohave name for, I 14 Pima name for, I Io reference to Qahatika in myth of, 42 tribal summary of the, I I II-1 2 vocabulary of the, I I 8-I 23 Yuma name for, I 16 Parker, Arizona, Mohave at, 50 Pascual, a Yuma chief, 64 {view image of page 139} INDEX I39 Pelican down, wreaths of, 71 Personal terms, Piman, I 2-I23 Yuman, 127 Phillips, W. W., acknowledgments to, xii Phratries of the Pima, 9, I Io See SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Physical characters of the Apache-Mohave, IO5, Io6 of the Havasupai, 91, 98 of the Maricopa, 8 I, 9 of the Mohave, 48, 8i, 9I, 98 of the Pima, 4 of the Walapai, 9 I of the Yuma, 81, 91, 98 of Yuman tribes, xi Picacho, an Arizona peak, 4I Pigments of the Pima, 6 See DYE; PAINT Pima, account of the, 3-23 and Maricopa alliance, 8I character of the, xii effect of, on Maricopa, 81-82 genesis of the, 18, 74 influence on Maricopa mythology, I 17 in Yuma creation myth, 77 Maricopa basketry derived from, io6 Maricopa name for, I 18 Mohave name for, 1 4 Papago name for, I 12 tribal summary of the, o09-I o warfare against Apache, 65 Yuma name for, I 16 Piman comparative vocabulary, I 18-1 23 Pimeria, application of name, 27 Pinery People, application of name, 91 Pinon gum used in coating basketry, Ioo Pinon nuts eaten by the Havasupai, 99 PipaPtsmits, a class of medicine-men, 69 PipchYlk, a Pima village, 8 Poison used by mythic witches, 87, 88 Poisonous plants in Pima myth, 19 Political organization of the Maricopa, I 16 of the Mohave, 1 I3 of the Papago, 1 of the Pima, I I of the Yuma, I I 5 See CHIEFS Polygamy among the Havasupai, 0oI among the Mohave, 113 among the Pima, 9 among the Walapai, 93 Polygamy among the Yuma, 69 See MARRIAGE Population of the Apache-Mohave, o05 of the Havasupai, 99 of the Maricopa, I 16 of the Mohave, I I 2 of the Papago, I I I of the Pima, 109 of the Walapai, 9 I of the Yuma, 1 14 Pottery making in Pima mythology, 22 of the Havasupai, 0oo of the Maricopa, 82, I6 of the Mohave, 5I, I 3 of the Papago, 32, I I I of the Pima, 6, 0og of the Qahatika, 42-43 of the Walapai, 93 of the Yuma, 67, 115 See BowLS Prayer songs of the Pima, 13 Property deposited with Pima dead, 9 sacrificed at death, 34, 101-I02, II2 See INHERITANCE; SACRIFICE Puberty ceremony of the Maricopa, I 17 of the Mohave, 58, I13 of the Papago, 36, I I z of the Pima, 13 of the Walapai, 92 of the Yavapai, I o6 of the Yuma, 72, 115 Pueblos, Pima name for, I I Qahatika, account of the, 41-43 genesis myth of the, 3 habitat of the, xii, 41 Papago name for, 112 Qakoisavap6na, a Mohave character, 59 Qarra Akutar, a Yuma deity, 73-77 Qtchin, the Yuma tribal name, 74, 116 Rabbit-skin robes of the Mohave, 50, I I 2 of the Walapai, 93 of the Yuma, I 15 Rabbits, how captured by Walapai, 92 Rafts of the Yuma, 1 I 5 of the Mohave, 50, 52 Rain-making ceremony of the Papago, 112 of the Pima, I I-I2, I I Rat-skin robes of the Mohave, 50, I I 2 of the Yuma, 15 {view image of page 140} I40 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Rattle, gourd, used by medicine-men, I, 83 Reed in Pima cosmology, 17 Reeds, Pima mats made of, Io See TULES Religion of the Mohave, 53 of the Pima, I o of the Walapai, 92 See AFTER-WORLD; CEREMONIES; MYTHOLOGY; SPIRIT-LAND Reptiles, creation of, in Pima myth, 16, 17 Rivers created in Pima myth, 17 See COLORADO RIVER Road-runner in Mohave myth, 56 Roots eaten by the Pima, o09 See FOOD Ruins in southern Arizona, origin of, 3-4 Sacaton, Pima settle at, 41 Sacrifice of objects in mourning ceremony, 71-73 of property at death, 34, 83, 92, IOI Saliva used in treating disease, 54, 69 See also SPITTLE Salpointe, Archbishop, quoted, 28, 66 Salt, taboo of, during puberty rite, 13, 36 Salt River valley, Pima settled in, 3, 4 San Carlos reservation, Yavapai on, Io6 Sandals of the Maricopa, I 16 of the Mohave, 50, I12 of the Papago, I I of the Pima, 6 of the Yuma, 67, 11 5 See CLOTHING Santa Cruz river, valley of, 31 Santa Rosa, a Papago village, I 12 San Xavier del Bac, mission of, 27-31 Scalp Dance of the Mohave, 58 Scalping by the Yuma, 65 Scalps used in Pima dance, I o Scratching, taboo of, in puberty rite, 13, 72 Screw-beans. See MESCREW PODS Screw-worms in Pima cosmology, 15 Sea Monster in medicine-man's dream, 85 killed by Mastamh6, I 13 Seeds. See FOOD; GRASS SEEDS; MESCREW; MESQUITE Slyhita, a Mohave locality, 53 Serranos, method of fording streams by, 51 Shadow, miraculous creations from, 75, 115 Shields in Pima mythology, 22 Shrines of the Pima, 13, Io Siildtkwoscho, Pima spirit-land, 0o Sieves of the Pima, 5 Sioux, child customs of the, 53 Sihha, a Papago creator, I I I, I I 2 See SiiJUH SivanyYvaiiki, Pima name of Casa Grande, 22 Skukam, the Papago Harvest Dance, I 12 Sky in Pima myth, 15, 16 in Yuma myth, 73 the father of mankind, 86 Sleep tabooed during puberty rite, 36 Sleight-of-hand used by medicine-men, 93 Smoke, ghosts dispelled with, o1 Smoking. See CIGARETTES Snake in Maricopa creation myth, 87 Social organization of the Havasupai, l o I of the Maricopa, 83, I o of the Mohave, 52, 1 13 of the Papago, 32, I II of the Pima, 9, I I of the Walapai, 93 of the Yuma, 68, I 5 Songs during Harvest Dance, 71 employed by medicine-men, II, 12, 35, 69, I02 in medicine rites, 83, I02 in mourning ceremony, 71 in puberty rite, 14 of the Maricopa, I 17 of the Mohave, 58-59, 113 Pima, function of, 13 Soqiliktai, a Mohave mythic character, 56 Sorcery. See WITCHCRAFT Spanish effect on Pima irrigation, 5 missionaries in the Southwest, xii, 4, 27 Speeches over remains of dead, 72 Spider in Pima cosmology, 15 Spinning by the Pima, 6 See COTTON Spirit House of the Mohave, 53, I14 Spirit-land of the Pima, I o Spirits, evil, expelled by blowing, 83 how evaded by Mohave, 55 Maricopa belief regarding, 117 Mohave belief regarding, I 14 of enemies in Papago ceremony, 37 Pima belief regarding, Io Walapai belief regarding, 92 Yuma belief regarding, 73, I 15 Spittle, heavenly bodies created from, 75 See also SALIVA {view image of page 141} INDEX I4I Springs created in Pima myth, 17 Squashes. See FOOD Stars, creation of, in Maricopa myth, 86 creation of, in Mohave myth, 57 creation of, in Pima myth, 15 creation of, in Yuma myth, 75 Stone-boiling by the Havasupai, Ioo Stone implements of the Mohave, I Stone rows in Mohave country, 55 Storage baskets of the Pima, 5, I09 of the Walapai, 93 Storage jars of the Maricopa, 82 Sucking employed by medicine-men, 69, 102 Sun, creation of, in Mohave myth, 57 creation of, in Pima myth, 15 creation of, in Yuma myth, 75 effigy of, in Harvest Dance, 12, 13 father of Coyote, 16 Supis, a Pima orator, 8 Suiaha in Pima mythology, 3, 16-23, I IO See SiOHO Swastika in Pima basket designs, 109 Taboo during Pima puberty rite, 3, 36 of bears by Papago, 32 of marriage within clan, 5 2 of names of dead, I0, 53 of scratching during puberty rite, 72 Tails of animals, myth concerning, 76 Talismans used by Pima shamans, I I Thlpo, a Mohave mythic character, 56 Tamkachtm. See SKY Tattooing by the Mohave, 50 Tatw6hl, a Papago ceremony, 37, I l2 Thoshipa, a Maricopa deity, 86-88, 117 Tinyaim, Night, in Mohave myth, 53 TinyamqYhnana, a mythic character, 56 Toachtta, a Papago ceremony, 1 12 Toad, ominous in Pima belief, I I Tobacco used in Rain ceremony, I 2 See CIGARETTES Tomhnpa, Mohave mourning chant, 58-59 Totemic names among the Mohave, 52 among the Papago, I I1 among the Pima, 9, I I among the Yuma, I 15 Trade of the Yuma, 65, 67 Trees, Piman names for, I 23 Yuman names for, I 27-I28 Tsrlmtoqazrk, the Yuma Harvest Dance, 70 Tukseqinyora, a mythic character, 56, 57 Tules, balsas made of, 52, 115 used in Pima basketry, 6 Tumacacori, mission of, 28 Turtle in medicine-man's dream, 84 UmpAtkoikek, a Yuma personage, 73 Underworld home of Qarra Akutar, 74 Utensils. See BASKETRY; POTTERY Uvipik, the Papago Harvest Dance, I z Vafakam group of the Papago, 32, I I I Vah phratry of the Pima, 9 Vhvstayuf, a mountain in Pima myth, 21 Vegetation, creation of, in Mohave myth, 57 creation of, in Pima myth, 15 creation of, in Yuma myth, 75 See FooD Verde valley occupied by Apache-Mohave, lo5 Viklta. See HARVEST DANCE Viprnyam, Pima ceremonial personages, 13 VIshak. See HAWK Visions, power derived from, I See DREAMS Vocabulary, Piman, 118-123 Yuman, I 23-128 Waba ruma, killing of, 94 Walapai, account of the, 91-94 and Mohave trade, 67 and Yavapai relations, 105 character of the, xi Crook aided by, 105 Maricopa name for, I 18 Mohave name for, I 14 name for Havasupai, 98 Yuma name for, 16 War-chiefs of the Mohave, 52 War customs of the Papago, 35 of the Pima, 8, o1 War Dance of the Mohave, I 13 of the Papago, 37 of the Pima, Io Warfare of the Walapai, 93-94 origin of, in Maricopa myth, 87 represented in ceremony, 71 See HOSTILITIES War paraphernalia of Pima myth, 22 Water in Yuma creation myth, 73 miraculous creation of, 57 Water bottles of the Havasupai, Ioo {view image of page 142} I42 THE NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN Water bottles of the Walapai, 93 Water jar in Pima myth, 17 Water transportation of the Yuma, 66 See RAFTS Weakening of adversaries by Pima, I Io Weapons of the Walapai, 93 Weaving by the Maricopa, 82 by the Pima, 6 in Pima mythology, 22 See CLOTHING; COTTON Wheat. See AGRICULTURE; FOOD Whirlwind in Yuma creation myth, 77 Willow, clothing made of bark of, 50, 51, 67, II2, II5 used in house-building, 42, 5 I used in Pima basketry, 6 uses of bark of, by the Yuma, 67, 68 Wimhi, a Havasupai chief, IoI Wine, cactus, prepared by Pima, 5 made from cactus fruit, 82 Witchcraft among the Pima, I 1 among the Yuma, 69 in Maricopa myth, 87 in Mohave myth, 56, 113 Wolata, a Pima ceremony, I I Women attend at childbirth, o02 Havasupai, clothing and hair-dress of, oo Maricopa, dress of, 82, 16 Maricopa, hair-dressing of, 16 Maricopa, painting of, I 16 Mohave, beadwork of, 51 Papago, clothing of, I I Papago, hair-dressing of, I I Pima, as burden bearers, 6 Pima, dress of, 6 Women, Yuma, as swimmers, 67 Yuma, dress of, 67, I 15 Yuma, scalps cared for by, 65 See MARRIAGE; MATURITY; PUBERTY Woodpecker in Pima myth, I8-19 Worms. See SCREW-WORMS raqlui, origin of the, 77 raqui, creation of, in Pima myth, 18 Maricopa name for, I 18 Papago name for, I12 ravapai. See APACHE-MOHAVE 2lratewa, a Mohave leader, 49 Yucca, brushes made of, 43, I 1o head-bands made of, 93 mats made of, I Io sandals made of, 15 skirts made of, 41 used in burden basket, 33 ruma, account of the, 63-77 and Pima hostility, 8 character of the, xi creation myth of the, 73 creation of, in Pima myth, I8 Maricopa name for the, 18 marriage among the, 52 Mohave name for the, I 14 origin of term, 74 Papago name for the, I 12 Pima name for the, I o1 reservation, area of, 64 tribal relations of the, 9I tribal summary of the, 114-116 ruman comparative vocabulary, 123-128 tribes of Arizona, xi, 91 THE END OF VOLUME II The University Press, Cambridge, U.S.A. {view image of page List of Large Plates} The North American Indian List of Large Plates Supplementing Volume Two 40 Saguaro harvest - Pima The fruit of the saguaro, or giant cactus, called "hasen" by the Pima, forms a very important source of the food supply of the tribes of southern Arizona. This fruit is of about the size of a small pear, and is very sweet. It is eaten fresh, dried, or in the form of syrup, and a sort of wine is made from its juice. In gathering it the natives use a long pole with a wooden blade at the end. 41 Pima baskets The baskets made by the Pima, Papago, and Qahatika, as well as by their Maricopa neighbors, are practically identical in form and design, but the Maricopa basketry is of somewhat superior workmanship. The four-armed cross, a form of the swastika, appears as the central feature in the decoration of a majority of the Piman and Maricopa baskets of to-day, and while the true signification here is not known with certainty, it is not impossible that it was designed originally to represent the winds of the four cardinal directions. Less than a generation ago the swastika was employed by the Pima to decorate their shields, and as a brand for their horses. 42 Kaviu – Pima The Pima are bright, active, progressive Indians, as the portrait of the typical man of the tribe attests. 43 The Burden bearer – Pima This illustration shows the typical burden basket of the several Piman tribes of southern Arizona, called kiho in the Piman language. Their mythology relates that once the kiho was an animate being, but owing to disobedience of divine laws when the people emerged from the under-world, it became inanimate, and has since been carried on the backs of women. 44 The Pima woman This pictures gives also an idea of the size attained by the giant cactus, or saguaro. 45 Pima ki The old-time round dwelling of the Pima tribes. In construction it was much the same as the earth lodge of the tribes of the northern plains, the chief difference lying in the fact that its top is practically flat and it is not provided with an opening for the escape of the smoke, as well as in the lack of an extended or built-out entrance way. The ki was usually about 15 feet in diameter. As the winter climate of southern Arizona is very mild, only a small fire was needed to keep the ki warm in even the coldest weather, the smoke from which became absorbed in part by the earthen roof, or escaped through the doorway. 46 Pima matron A representative Pima woman of middle age. 47 Chijako – Pima A representative Pima man of middle age. 48 Papago girl A particularly fine-looking Papago girl of as nearly pure blood as can be found in the region. The northern Piman tribes have been in direct contact with Spanish people for more than two centuries. Much of the early foreign blood, however, has become so blended that its physical influence is no longer apparent. Indeed there are many instances in which the Indians insist that their blood is entirely aboriginal, whereas in fact an infusion of alien blood is traceable several generations back. 49 Gathering hanamh – Papago Hanamh is the Piman name for the cholla cactus and its fruit. The natives gather the fruit of this spiny plant in large quantities, and it forms a food of material importance to the several tribes living within its habitat. In gathering it they use rude tongs made from a split stick. After a basket is filled, the fruit is spread on the ground and bushed about with a small, stiff besom until the spines are worn off, or the spines are burned of in an open fire. 50 Carlos Rios - Papago chief 51 Facade - San Xavier del Bac Mission 52 Portal - San Xavier del Bac Mission San Xavier del Bac is one of the most beautiful of the old Southwestern mission churches. The mission was founded in 1692; the construction of the present church was commenced in 1783 and finished fourteen years later. It has recently been repaired, and is in a good state of preservation. 53 Luzi – Papago The Papago women always carry their burdens on, or supported from, their heads. When the burden - be it a basket, pottery, or a box - has a flat or a rounded bottom, the ring of the woven yucca is placed on the head in order to give the load a firm position for carrying, and to relieve the bearer of pressure. 54 Qahatika water girl 55 Resting in the harvest field – Qahatika 56 Qahatika girl 57 Mohave chief A representative type of the Mohave men. 58 Mohave water carrier A Mohave mother on the bank of the Colorado river. The Mohave carry practically all burdens on their heads. Being unusually large and strongly built, the women thus bear immense loads with apparent ease. A woman has been seen to balance on her head a railroad tie of such weight that a strong man could do no more than pick it up, and addition a heavy load in each hand. 59 Judith – Mohave A young Mohave woman about eighteen years of age. 60 Quniaika – Mohave Although this pictures one of the best of his tribe, it serves as well to illustrate a man of the Age of Stone. 61 Mosa – Mohave It would be difficult to conceive of a more aboriginal than this Mohave girl. Her eyes are those of the fawn of the forest, questioning the strange things of civilization upon which it gazes for the first time. She is such a type as Father Garces may have viewed on his journey through the Mohave country in 1776. 62 The Yuma 63 Hwalya – Yuma A Yuma girl, characteristic of southern Yuman maidenhood. 64 Havachachi – Maricopa 65 Maricopa girl The young Maricopa women affect the Mexican more than the Indian dress; but they are by no means unpicturesque in their garb of many colors as they gracefully bear their burden on their heads. 66 Mat Stams – Maricopa This individual exhibits strongly the characteristics of the Yuman stock to which he belongs. 67 Hipah with arrow-brush – Maricopa Arrow-brush is extensively used by the tribes of this region as a covering for their houses. In earlier rime they lived in circular houses constructed of a framework of heavy poles covered with arrow-brush and coated with mud. In many of the modern rectangular houses, also, the arrow-brush is used, bound together closely with withes, and plastered on the outside with adobe. 68 By the canal – Maricopa Earthen utensils of native manufacture are in general use among the Maricopa. Large jars are kept in the houses to be filled with a day's supply of water; smaller ones are used for conveying water, and as cooking utensils. 69 Saguaro fruit-gatherers – Maricopa Like their Piman neighbors, the Maricopa gather large quantities of the fruit of the saguaro, or giant cactus, which they relish in its natural state as well as in the form of wine or preserve. 70 Pakit – Maricopa 71 Captain Charley – Maricopa This portrait shows clearly the strongly Yuman cast of features retained by this branch of the stock. 72 Home of the Havasupai The Havasupai dwelling is dome-shaped framework of poles, sometimes covered with brush and reeds only, in other cases banked well toward the top with earth. The cañon walls shown in the background are of red sandstone, and rise perpendicularly four hundred feet. Back of these walls extend vast stretches of rough, broken country, intersected by many ravines and capped by sharp pinnacles. This picture was taken in early spring, when the peach orchards of the Havasupai were in full blossom. 73 Pachilawa - Walapai chief 74 Tonovige – Havasupai This portrait was made in winter while a party of Havasupai were encamped in the high country above their cañon home. As a snowstorm was raging at the time, the woman's hair became dotted with flakes, as the picture reveals. {view image of plate no. 40} Saguaro harvest - Pima [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 41} Pima baskets [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 42} Kaviu - Pima [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 43} Burden-bearer - Pima [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 44} The Pima woman [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 45} Pima ki [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 46} Pima matron [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 47} Chijako - Pima [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 48} Papago girl [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 49} Gathering hanamh - Papago [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 50} Carlos Rios - Papago chief [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 51} Facade - San Xavier del Bac Mission [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 52} Portal - San Xavier del Bac Mission [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 53} Luzi - Papago [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 54} Qahatika water girl [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 55} Resting in the harvest field - Qahatika [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 56} Qahatika girl [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 57} Mohave chief [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 58} Mohave water carrier [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 59} Judith - Mohave [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 60} Quniaika - Mohave [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 61} Mosa - Mohave [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 62} Yuma [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 63} Hwalya - Yuma [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 64} Havachachi - Maricopa [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 65} Maricopa girl [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 66} Mat Stams - Maricopa [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 67} Hipah with arrow-brush - Maricopa [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 68} By the canal - Maricopa [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 69} Saguaro fruit-gatherers - Maricopa [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 70} Pakit - Maricopa [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 71} Captain Charley - Maricopa [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 72} Captain Charley - Maricopa [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 73} Pachilawa - Walapai chief [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 74} Tonovige - Havasupai [photogravure plate] {view image of plate no. 75} Getting water - Havasupai [photogravure plate] |
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